Star. — London, England, 1817-02-27 00:00:00

i titters with adertional power ; and to those who requited evidence, he should reply, that if it were disclosed, all clue to detectirm would be desttiiy ed. S else Honourable Members had ref•rred to periods of our histoi y, when no suspension of the Habeas Cor p:a Act was t h ought necessary ; but at those tunes no such general disaffection and discontent existed as nt the preseil moment. If it wzre allowed to cosi -o'me unchecked, the consequences might be dread ful ; the lawle•s scenes of 17Sts might be restored ; and .t h en once the slnqid . lig of human blood had commenced, the ~opular Jury was uncontroullatde, the Noble Lord ss ho.spolce last had adverted to the mutiny at tie iliac as a ca,e in point, forgetting that the nor isie..is had_not only no correspondence at home, but none abroad ; and that a cordon of troops h d heed stationed on the banks of the river to in tercept any communication, should it be attempted. The instance of Vat Tyler was equally wifortunate; for the Rebellion had not. been termin ited without the greatest personal danger to the Sovereign. nor 30.000 had taken up arms against him. l'hose who ridiculed the recent disturbances and the preme ditated attack upon the Tower, would do well to recollect Mat not niany years had . passed since a stronger fortress in another country had yielded to the ti: , set of an infuriated rabbit. The suspension was necessary to stop the progress of the evil, and he believed that no man would wish to delay until it was necessary to meet the organized rebels in the field of battle. In the present times many dengers threatened that had not existed at any former period; f- and he conscientiously gave Isis support to the bill, because he felt convinced that it would prevent an lICtUAI Rebellion. • Sir SAMUEL ROMILLY said, all parties were agreed upon the inestimable value of that part of the Constitution which it was proposed for a time to an nul ; sand there were few that denied that at present great evils existed, and that those evils required a speedy remedy. The question was therefore reduced to a very narrow compass, viz Is this a casein which it is necessary to have recourse to such a remedy, and is the remedy adapted to the nature of the evils? (Heat, hear.) The first point must depend upon a preliminary question, whether other means had been duly resorted to, and had this** means failed of suc cess? The Noble Lord (Castlereagh) had repeatedly declared; that the utmost vigilance of Ministers had been exerted;' but it was now quite clear, from subse qinet intelligence, that that utmost vigilance, in truth, amounted to nothing ! .It was admitted by the Noble Lord, that these traitorous designs had been pro. carding for a cont;derable time before the aid o f par liament was required ; yet. although Ministers bad been fully apprised of the attempts upon the loyalty, the morals, tend the religion of the people; though they - had been in possession of the libellous and blas phemous publications so industriously circulated ; yet, its to the present moment, not a single prosecution had been instituted against the authors —(Load cheers.) - The excuse of the Attorney-General for this procras tination was most emu adrdinary and curious: in truth, he said, the libels laid before him were so numerous, that he could not see where prosecutions were to end. Where they were to end, he (Sir Samuel Romilly) did not pretend to decide; but it was not very diffi. cult to determine where they ought to have begun— (Cieterfreieel/ sides.) A Learned Lord, to the sur prise and dismay of his friends, had produced anoath taken by man* deluded inhabitants of the kingdom, with which Ministers had been some time acquainted. Were they not aware, that the most severe punish. ingot known' to the law might be inflicted on mdivi duals subscribing that oath ? Lid they not know that it was felony without benefit of clergy, unless the person taking• the oath .within fourteen days after . wards. abandoned his associates and betrayed their purposes. As to the question, whether this suspen 'non were adapted to the existing evils, the only indi. vidual whet had &intended chit it was so was the Ho nourable Member who spoke last: he contended, that as sufficient evidence could out be procured' to con vict, it was therefore proper to give Ministers unlimited power to imerison. As the delinquent could not be it/ought to trial, he was to be punished without it I On the contrary. he (Sir Samuel Romilly) conten ded, that thin measure was in• no way calculated to • ' meet the evil.. Government could fix upon no indi vidual of leading influence or talent,, whose arrest would check the progress of disaffection. and defeat the operations of the wisest agents : all were alike insigeificant, and the extent to which the infection had spread, and was spreading, .was the real evil. Would the imprisonment of tem or three poor wretches prevent the diffusion of the poison through all theist.' tricate ramifications I If, indeed, they were pub. licly tried. regularly convicted, and exemplarily pea ousted, something would be gained—others would be deteared, for the fact would be known 4 but the mere unheaid-of 'confinement of two or three mechanics would effect nothing in stopping the active mischief of particular individuals. Where could Ministers find one firm of influence or conseqeence among the disaffected of our day ? Where could they .find even a man of 'the middle rank of life, emotes the vulgar, ignorent,' . and deluded wretches,' against whom Mi- Slivers were about to launch their venge a n ce ? How then could this suspension be useful. unties indeed this Government followed the example of a State it bad recently supported, against the avowed wish of the people, in which not merely obnoxious indivi duals, but the inhabitants of whole villages and towns had been thrown into dungeons:-(Load chars) —Was not this,. be confidently demanded, a most powerful reason for refusing what was now required? Would the House entrust Ministers with a power by which persons of low rank. in shoals, would be placed at the mercy of every truckling informer ? He (Sir S. Romilly) was not fond of snaking perso- nal allusions, and he was the more unwilling now, because the Noble Lord bad this night sliewn a re. markable soreness upon some points; but he could Nat help just observing. that there was a period, even . of the Noble Lord's life, when he might have bad the misfortune to tall under his own denunciations, and to have been included in a list of a Committee of gafesp. The liberality of the Noble Lord's opinions ne one time, and the pledges of championthip in the CAMPS or Parliamentary Reform. given by hi m at an emly period of his political lite, belete he had en _ memento ace. or had been planted in any of the Let-beds or nurseries for young Statesmen, might Lime rendered urea hiss responsible in the eyes of , O and Mules the cansoqutaces of disaffection and 1 rebellion—(Lea twinned cheers and laughter ) Re verting more immediately to the question, he called upan the House not to . withdrawn protection from the lower'clasves, to which they were as much entitled as the most exalted individual he was then addressing. In every point of view, he thought the suspension ob• jectionables the dangers might be great, but the ex isting laws had not yet been tried ; and if tried, they would be found sufficient for every purpose of na tional protection. • ' The SOLICITOR-GENERAL, in reply to the last Speaker, agreed that those who voted for the measure must conscientiously believe that it was the only one suited to the exigencies of the times. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman then insisted, that the existence of strong repressive laws was no argument against the introduction of the present measure, for it had teen introduced when all these Taws were in full force. He also defended the Law Officers of the Crown from the imputation of not having resorted to those laws now in force against certain offenders. It became them first, seriously to weigh the nature of the charge, and the character-of the proof, and though they may have a moral cer iainCy of the !goat, to wait until they could wain legal. proof. 10 fact was, however, that several prosecutions were now impending. Be the parties , concertwil high or low, their plane were marked by ingenuity, contrivance, continuity, and design (I/eery—and however visionary some of their prin ciples were, the experience of the French Revolution spewed, that that character did not make them the less formidable, Toe question was really a choice of• evils, and onahis round he must support the measure. Lord J. RUSSELL had heard with great ago:. nishment and considerable regret, the arguments of an Honourable Friend (Mr. C. Wynn,. His He nourab!e. Friend had measured ta r e dangers of the country by the distresses of the country ; he had said there was a ‘veat deal of distress, theretore there must be a great deal of danger ; and thus he condemned the whole people of Eugland—(Hear). But was it because the people were starving that they must be daageroua? Was it because they had Wink their sufferings with unexampled patience that they must be accused of treason e and deprived of the only con 'elation which remained to them—that of being a bee and independent people ?—(Near). He was anxious that the House should preserve its character in the country at all times, but more particularly in these times of general distress: and he was well per suaded, teat it they could secure the attachment of the people, and induce them to bear their burdens still longer with fortitude and patience, it should be by manifesting a spirit of conciliation, by listening to their complaints, and redressing their grievances: land nut by depriving. them of what they valueJ even ' dearer than their properties and lives—their personal security and liberty—( Hear). Mr. COUR lENAY supported the measure. Sir FKANCIS BURDETT was inclined to agree with the Learned Gentleman who had recently spoken, that the measure that night proposed for the adop. tsars rat the House, was not brought forward for the purpose of strengthening the power of the Crown.— The measure, he was convinced, was not intended either for the benefit of the Crown or of the People, but for the benefit of Ministers, who find the trade of profitable expenditure in danger of being lost. It was for the overthrow of that system their fears were excited, and not for any dread of the subversion of the Constitution. What both that House and the Country had the greatest reason to dread was, not the Sisentean, but the es Asenuan system; that system, the profligacy and profusion of which had entailed unheard-of burdens on the people, and which had created a debt, the very interest of which equalled, he believed, the 'whole rental of the kingdome— The Learned Gentleman had laid down a doctrine of , tile artist unconstitutional nature, and wbichhad struck hint with the greater abhorrence, on account of • legal authority from which it came. The principle on which the Learned Gentleman wishes to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act, and to clothe Ministers with so dangerous a power, is not because there are per• sons against whom any offence can be proved, but because they are suspected. Men are, according to hint, to be cruelly punished, not because they are guilty, but because there are no means of proving them guilty. A measure of greater tyranny than this, he believed, never was entertained by any assembly in the world. The Learned Gentleman, like all who aimed at the introduction of arbitrary Measures into this country, had referred to the French Revolu tioo. With that the question had no connection.— What they had to consider was the British Coostitu don, for the full enjoyment of which the people asked. The impiety of the French revolution formed a prominent topic its the Learned Gentleman's speech, but, notwithstanding all that had been said on that subject, it did not appear to him, that there could be any greater piece of impiety than a prayer which had lately been read in ail our chinches. By that a prayer was offered to guard the Regent against a pestilence. Now he knew of no pestilence at present in this coun try, except the Pestilence of Government, which cer tainly never committed greater ravages than it did at this mornent—which penetrates every man's dwell: ins, is found constantly at his fire-side, .attompanies him whsiever he moves, visits him at all his meals-- in ahem that penitence which contaminates only thing, the great pestilence of Taxation-411nm, bee.) Did the great sufferings of the nation demand nothing but i measure of this kind proposed by the Nebje Lord ? Was this the only Trudy that could be found for the public distress ? Wits it possible that that House could resolve rather to coerce complaints than' to seek to remove the evils from which they arose? That this would be the case was evident, if they believed the high law authority by which they had been told, that a reason for passing this measure was, that these could be found no offences capable of being punished; and this was asked, though, the powers of Ministers were already enormous. Could the Attorney-General want to add any thing to the monstrous power he possessed over the press-in filing ex #i• intormations for libel, and in having the se lection' of the Jury which was to try the defendant ? The Learned Gentleman thinks the riots of 1780, when London was set on fire and the streets ran with blood, nothing compared to the present danger. This danger was constantly in the mouths of the Hon. and Learned Gentlemen on the other side ; but they would Dever coudeseend to tell the House in what it consisted. There were societies and clubs. ira diff e r e n t parts of -the country. ' He knew there were, and be hoped there always would be. It was from these' societies the petitions before the House for Reform had come, and it was this petitioning that constituted the offence which the Noble Lord and the Learn edGentkman wished to punish (Hear): but having no law for this purpose, they Dow asked the House to allow them to punish it without law. This was the whole secret of 'the plot, and the Report before the House—(Near, hear.) The alarm was raised for the purpose of diverting the House from the due consideration of the claims of the people; and it his Majesty's Ministers succeeded in effecrieg this diversion, they would gain their object—(Hoer, hear.) If the Noble Lord thought that his measures would silence the complaints of the people, be would find himself grievously disappointed. lie might erect his gibbets even in Palace-yard, that would not prevent the public voice from being heard ; and still his mea sures would be discussed, for it was not in the power of all the Gagging Bills he could invent, to prevent the people of this country from speaking their minds—( Near, hear.) Could the Noble Lord shut up all the population in prisons ? Though the Report states that there are few, it any persons of consequence liable to the charge of treasonable practices, it seems to regard the whole population of the country as fit to be placed under restraint. But the only persons arrested in the metropolis for the treasonable pi evicts of wbteli they had heard so much, were poor Dr. Watson, Preston, and Hooper. This, to be sure, was rather derogatory to the dignity of the treason with which the Noble Lord wished to impress the House. What apprehension could Ministers entertain e f such persons ? In fact they had no apprehension but that of losing their places. Among the statements in the Report, there was one of a very singular nature ; it was said that the conspirators entertained the design. of destroying the bridges. What object they could have in view by this destruition was not easy to divine ; but he wondered that the Report had not gone farther; and charged them with wishing to id she Thames afire ! The Learned Gentleman, to whose observations he had already alluded,. had talked as if a sort of re proach had been made against the Crown Lawyers, because they had instituted no prosecutions. It would have been a singular charge indeed to have accused any Attorney• General, not excepting the present, of disioclination to prosecute: and it was A proof of no little modesty in the Learned Gentlemen to take such a reproach to themselves. The remark that there bad been no profile/titian:, was not made with the view of wishing the Learned Gentlemen to resort to the exercise of their professional duties ; it was made to skew, that as they had not prosecuted they had no proof of any offence. They allege, that the persons who write the publications so much. complained of are so cunning that they cannot be caught in a libel. What was this but saying. that there was no libel to prosecute ?—( Heal !)--- He deprecated that alarm which led to an implicit confidence in Ministers. There was, in fact, little differepce as to the hands in which arbitrary power was placed. Its tendency was to corrupt the good. There were many instances of the best-natured nven becoming inexorable tyrants. He well recollected what had been done by former Ministers who had been invested -with the undue power propolltd to be bestowed on the Noble Lord and his colleagues. Under their authority innocent men had been con fined for years in dismal and unhealthy dungeons. A young man, a viatchmaker, aged only 17, had been arrested. when thd Habeas Corpus Act was suspended is 1795, and he was confined during seven years. When the time came for •indeutoilicatioo—if such case, Which tut off seven years of youthful life, and was. destruction of every prospect, was capable of indemnificatinn-..the Noble Viscount (Sidmouth), who would be entrusted with the enforcement of this Bill, procured a law to be passed to protect his pre decessors against all actions that might be brought against them ; thus shutting out the unhappy victims qt their tyranny from all means of redress. The power which the Noble Lord sought, was not a power to apprehend guilty persons in order to try them, but a power to commit the innocent, without being obliged to bring them to trial at all—(fieer, Why all this fear of the Smarm? The Report was not brought out, and no alarm was given, until atter the plot, as it WAS called, had exploded in Spafields.' The Noble Lord's measures reminded him of the story of the General, who, on joining the army the day after a battle, said, he bad bees employed on a service of great danger One hand-bill, it appeared, hail been cOmmissioned by a Police Office; and the alarming hand bill, he doubted not, came from the same quarter. This hand-bill commences—" &Men to arms, the whole country waits the signal from London—Break opts the gunarnitbs—Arm yourselves with a:l sorts of instru ruents—NO rise in the price of bread—No Regent—No Castle reogh—Olf with his head!"—Se etwifer Berrieshase —( Hear). This was a most absurd foundation to builds plot on. No man In England, be was cenain, would thus elms the Pnitee Regret and Lord Castlereagh. It was very natural, indeed, that a Mi. sister should wish to make his master believe in such an allude. non. In that there was an intelligible object, and it was thificult to assign any other object to so ridiculous a fabrication. It was col the same sort of matinfactere as another NU which had been i exhibited in the City, undertbe *le of " Spa field* Row--4.110 it my Boys." and the orwin of which was well known. In all this Ise saw no plot but a plot against the Liberties of the People.— He was sensible that be most now speak tuider the contruul of the suspension of the Habeas Corpse Ate a but !swamped be would be permitted to state, that he paid just as little respect to the lemer'controut as, be was courinced, the Right Hon. Gentleman dial tut ebbe opinion. If the Bill passed the second read:Lig, cud went into the Comontter., he should propose some cLimes co mo derate the tyranny of its operation. In panicular, it would be his object to guard soon, the hal:atoned torture—( Hear, dear.) Did Geutlemen not cesisidet emir imprisonnient in damp and dismal dungetuts torture ? It' should be his endeavour to take care that men agaii.it whom there was no charge sufficient to form the touuda ton of h trial should not hall victims to this cruel laws-(Neer, . Lord CASTLiREAGH, with great respect to the rank and talents at the. Houourable Boren* and to the urbanity of his. =inners, (which be was wrp. ised had not been atected by the eompatiy be bid Vallee into,) could not help thinking that the biouourable Baronet's spembes were not addressed for the pur pose of convinclug Parliament, but persona in another plice— (Lewd Crikt OldiP)• Lord ST ANLk.I room ter order. No persoh, whatever his soughs,,, was privileged to impute to Members the intention of addressing the:llBo , es In the Huse* to any bit Pam/intuit. Loyd CAb FLEREAOH was not coo,uous of having imputed to the Hon. Baronet a design of addressing himself to others ; he only said, sod still cuottrusitd, that the Hon. Baronet did nut in tend to ptpdsee conviction in that Home, b ut e l sewher e—(L eif aria 'Otero- aid dair) The be4AKER said,that all speeches delivered in that House must be toiltidered as addressed to the Howie only. Lord CASTLEREAGH replied, that the Chaiesbould always regulate his conduct • but certain b e was , that it the country had hasped to the theories of the Honeinuutable Baronet, be (Lord Ca4lereagb) instead oh being there to receive correction- from the Chair, should lout since have stood prostrate /ite,4) with the rest tit the Constitution—(Jifren hear.) Mr. PUt4SONISY thiaigli be did not agree with the Honour- shie lionloet a, she solipsist neismi„ yet be thought the speech with which the Noble Lord had found so math noth'ng unconstitutional—that it was moderate of great ability—and tl.at the Noble Lord %soul if he bad not quarrelled with I.—(lbar, ker. proposed, he hoped it would not supersede a which he thought should take its course , and pt Crime. His reverence for tLr lave pr(tOpierl to bc amounted almost to ativet itr.V.PI; it SCR. Vs. M.' liberty, and rendered the pour man srcute in rich in hoe pgact.-..a st corny that the proodeo else. H. trusted that the reverence fur rhea tat diminished, mid it never should by his c0t....1%. the con-piracy of famine acted on by mischlei ; being confined to the lows r orders, was the vei Ac , should not he supended. Lord COCHRANt roe amidst reitera•ed t tire!" to state, that he bad quite made up his course Ministers were running, which would lr to ruin—(Qutetion !)—lie would give his hum! it was the dory of that House and et the emintel the removal of the present Ministers—(Hear,late Lion lay betwe,u military desionism aid lie datt sea of the country. The Repot t is it stood was must be a change of measures, it we whited tt degradation, and ruin— (Hear, hear). ihe Question was then very generally call were excluded for a contiderable time, and the Ayes, e73—Noes, 911—Majority, 176 —lt w Bill should be read a second time this day. Mr. LAMBTON postponed his motion. Sir R. HERON put off his motion till after Various papers were presented. 1 he Committees of supply and of Ways and poised silt Friday, and the House adjourned at • 'i lii; AV IiNING ST 1 .0 IN DOA . e r The FIFTEIN TtOUSAND Puumns, and vital., must be drawn N'ti r SATUKDAY, Fire Price of Stocks 'Ms day at twelea o'clock Cons. ino. 67 t—acc 67 ; 4 per Ct. ; 5 Excliequer lila 7 4 pr.—lndia Bonds :7 no pr. THURSDAY, FEBRUARY As might be expected at a moment posed to suspend that Act which cons: protection of personal libeny, the moos was yery fully attended last night cussions were long, animated, and wart Lord CASTLEREAGH, without offer argument to shew the necessity of moved the first reading of the Bill, vat fret the Lords, suspending the Halms Corpt Act —Mr. BENNwrr was iodignant that a measure cal: : _ laced to deprive Englishmen of the Tr i 11 by July al of their best Rights, should thus be brought iniawl as a mere matter of course ; and was very free in Is condemnation of the conduct of Goverment tines. former suspensions, which had been urged as prec, dents for this measure. He ridiculed the idea of sit men in a waggon, with a stocking full of ammut. tion, proceeding—to do what ?—.To attack the Toit , ! of London—to seize the Bank, guarded as it wa ! !, soldiery—to blow up the bridges—to occupy e! barracks ! A Report of such trash, and recomm.n:. ing such measures as were now attempted, deserve: (he said) contempt, and he would trample it unde his feet !—Lord CASTLEREAGH conceived the attack of the Honourable Member to be personal, aad was some time beio,e the House could prnce:d regularity. Mr. SMYTH (of Cambridge) remarked the licy of stating the horrors of the Frenoh Rev°la , as a reason for•depriving Etlglishmen of their r' Had the French had 1 Habeas Corpus Act, would have had no Revolution; nor could means devised more effectually calculated to infuse the principles into Englishmen which had produr horrors, than placing them in the same tuation which the French people then occupied. Sir S. RostiLLY took a very simple view of question. Evils and dangers existed Were the sures proposed !sr remedy such as sl ould be purse He thought that legal prosecutions against the of der, should be n preferred. The legal convictini one offender w, uld have more influence than ail 'Ministers could effect by the power they :Akita The punishments of law instilled wholesome rt. tions--but when men were confined without nial reflections would be of a different kind. The LORD ADVOCATE of SCOTLAND stated that , revolutionary sprit had made alarming pi•lgress the North, and, read an Oath of the CotistAratt4E , . which they bind themselves to usephyrien/firee to g their object : he also informed the !louse that eighti of these dangerous Conspirators had beet' atrtlt.' and were now in custoJY.—The following paragrvA rd sting to toese Art ests, appears in the Glass , ,ca ' raid of Mondarlast : " Saturday, about eleven oklock at night, eighteenmo ve taken up upon a Sheriff's warrant, in a 'mad liUbllC.h(.llSe x :! 1 farad of the Old Wyarl. Glasgow, and lodgel to ‘ier Slk• lc is understood that they are ch.irstil t•oh tali; met ter treasonable purposes. On being que,tioind at to object of their meeting, they declared it Was wilely with the ti , r of concerting nWasures for ascertaining the ipit-•o.:1, flow they were entitled by Law to Parochial Relief ? A t•le , " master and a lawyer's clerk were in tht company : tett apparently very poor people. 5:5 nom ut tat latterd.. 'tor I of persons were apprehended by warrants in the coitr•e of night. Nothing has transpired as fo tlt katticulars irr the char ' upon which they have been taken up, nor ii it know!: whet/. there are to be any more arrests at present. We have ravel the names of the pi rsons apprehended, but abstain front papi:4' lag them, uutil we shall see if they.ate.laffy consanittrd.'! We have received the French Papers to instant, but their collie its are Unit:tures:tug. A Dutch Mail arrived this morning, aii,l'brMgs Pape: 21st incant.—No intelligence of illy import:acct. The Ora orio and Sacred Music at Drurydane Thaw. last night fully ittended, and the performance mach appituitA Yesterday morning, anslar • the matt who turned deuce aia - nst the persons charged with High 1 taa-oi,, taan: went a long ecannuation at the Secrttary Accounts, we are sorry to say, I:ave been receive: f r om hilly of the death of Mr. Hons,En, M P. The lieffast N.-unletter of the . 21A last:lnt conteim the fullowiog Letter : " PLOT DE TLC f Sj.—A letter front Garva, dated the I stant, received in tans town yesterthy, says, "Front some formatlen, last 1411 r, about to o'clock, Mr. Sampson, stdoill by some other getalenten in this p l ace, tank le ur 14 rer'' l - ismer, on accuuut of the Standard Association. Mr. i411140' also found 4 huff of papers in the House of aye of them. hare this day been sent front undtr 41 strong military oz . * fur ibe gala' ut Derry. It Is thought that, it Mr. l'" nut taken such prompt measures, this town wunld I,sve !..,. in ruins before zaturday night." —• LONDON Prtutvi by Lava'. tit w !ticket-t' , 4 Pubbebtdtbuta, nig at UK bgis•Ulirc• r 1 amps.-Sc tteb ate In fa i u t lt . c c u c r t . t . a ., told hxi, ' , rem : r..) A lair tn u• pun thu• t -3 ‘..kratk te.c n hh (uni t a, t etttyt4t to. v. h. aw *anti new. r Thepresen ; and the diaut.t. Ley r.,a,on why ••••• d CFiri of " hie ai to I I bring t 1,.. cow * mble - dry, to petinors • ,14ter).— I he qu. Lugrrs and dia•rr. WOrthirt s. 11.. eight to atuidda,Jr •ri ailed fur, rrntp, !h ilt kr Hawk.,r ., ; t- 1411 vas agreed that! IhrW r the troltdaye. the I r o Tbree k. A?: R. -ce co bet id all the othte et t of March. (.71 S per Cent. Y 6;. Ir. 27, 1 4 17. 1 t when it is sw stitutes the cher roe House of Cvn ;ht, and the do t.ii arm. Fering a sine sf the measurr. 1 iroce:d wiia d the imp% 40 Revolwilt their righ. r Act, th ild means luse the sa liduced degraded :copied. view of de. rere the wo-i• be pursuedi list the offa conviction:4 dill; ail V r solicited.- esome loot tt i4l ated that r'ri pi•lgress IstAratt4s, , rfcrce to g t 04; eightt- !eh arrct,t.: 1 paragrap', Glass , ,ca 11. , • iteen nue D•• lie.hoise at . .!s o jai 'tie vik• v..oh havilc • mrd as to 'lt: with the vel : tr.:: tt , T I • co ., iro , of en: ut tIK di.!!: vow:: wheih: have reeved from otibl:4 nitted.7 to the 2',!' lg. Papers t: 1 ! : Thee•re Ira applavii n d it ~ Wien: 4 e lightv• ,en receive: l, M P. NIA c owls: tel the tath i rant same vion, ut 14 vette.' ?.Ir. 4. 0 them. Pv:, military oz . . h , th! I , :ac !..e • Let- t ;