Star. — London, England, 1814-06-24 00:00:00

1 i • • 1". A1111• V • i • _r ~J~~ tine were selected, by whom Connell and his wife were massacred. Six of the nine were afterwards con. victed and hanged, on the testimony of one who turn ad evidence. How must the sensations of human na ture be blunted in these persons When they "could re solve on committing such an atrocious crime, for no other reason than because the poor man had come forward in behalf of justice, and had given evidence against two insurgents ? The Hen. Gentleman said, it was incontestible that the tranquillity of Ireland leas still in such a precarious state as to render this measure necessary: He had hoped that the overthrow of the late Government in France would have de stroyed the feelings which had led to many of the outrages; bet even as late as the 6th of the present Iflontho seven persons had been apprehended for dis turbing the public peace in the county of Kildare.— . In Queen's county there were similar violences com mitted. A km* which he held in his hand described the Caravats in those parts to be gettirsg worse than ever ; they were going about levying contributions of af.2o ar sea% upon every farmer, and committing various excesses. The letter recommended the esta blishing of a military force there, as the only probable •ifteans of preserving public tranquillity: The Right Hon. Gentleman said, he trusted he had succeeded in 'hewing that the ordinary powers and operations of :the law *ere inefficient to maintain the public peace ; but it would doubtlessly be deemed wise to give due authority to the civil power, rather than to call in the military on every casual broil. He was unwilling to •go beyond the actual necessity of the case ; and it surely wa , more eligible to adopt a salutary mediunt; rather than a law with strong provisions. On hearing the outlines of his Bill, he had only to hope that Gen tlemen would not judge of its necessity, by a compa rison of the happy tranquillity of England. Its title • would be g 4 A Bill for the more effectual execution in Ireland." Its means were, the appointment of super intending magistrates and special constables in the •diff tent counties : it would give to the Lord Lieu tenant the power of proclaiming the peace of a county to be disturbed; and to establish a police office in •the place; but it would not give the Magistrate any extraoruinary powers ; on the contrary it would,make him amenable to Government for his exertions. Due 'reward would be given to the Magistrate ; and the Lord Lieutenant would have the power of appoint ing•a number of constables who would be better paid than on ordinary Occasions. In short, the measure was like the establishment of a strict watch and ward bill. It was intended to enact that the expences of -these extraordinary peace establishments should be defrayed by the counties disturbed. On the whole, 'he was rather asking the House to sanction the mea sures which had already been established, than to •assent to any new laws; for at this moment many Magistrates were appointed, though they had not yet , any fixed salary. The Right Hon. Gentleman con -eluded with reading extracts from several more let ters, to skew the necessity of the measure, gild v.sith thanking the House for their attention_to his state trpr,t. On the question tieing put, Sit JOHN NEWPORT said, that •although it was too soon for him to pronounce upon the nature of ti.e measure, he was ready to give his cheerful ap. of oval of its lankiness, and to accord with its general principle.. He agreed with that part which invested Gover anent with the selection of Magistrates con nected • ith the local interests of the counties ; bee . 'cause all Magistrates so connected must carry with. them Weight and respectability. He also approved of the clauses which levied the expenses on the dis turbed districts. On the whole, be could see no ob jection to the measure, as no man was inclined to go er than himself to punish °Moder: who outrage the laws. Mr. IiANKES .was of opinion that Government deserved al/ possible credit for their fi'rbearance ; for in his mind,. the cases that had been stated would warrant a law of a very different description. It %would have been better to enact a law of a perma tent than a terrirrrary nature. When laws in cases Of this kind were too mild, it was a false humanity tint dittated Mr. FtTiGERALD explained, that the Special , Constables were intended to be formed of respectable faithless' sons. The law would go forth to the coun try, not us a dubious measure proposed by Adminis tration, but as one sanctioned by the unanimous ap iirobation of Parliament—a circumstance which would Contribute Much to its efficiency. It Government be in future compelled to come to Parliament fer some stronger measure, t!:ey could come with a good grace, seeing that they had not asked for More now than they believed in their consc.ence to be absrlutely nemiary. Tne Bill contained nothing that was ir keoncileable to law or the constitution ; but, on the contrary, svas consistent with its best ptinciples. Mr. ABERCROMBIE said, he must confess that he b . ad hiard at first with malt anxiety the proposi tipn foesuch a Bill ; but this anxiety had been en-. entirely removed by the statement he had heard. He expressed his entire concurrence in giving a prepon derance to the civil rather than the military power; and the fiziag the expense on the disturbed counties, be also thought highly judicious. • He hoped the Bill-would extend to persons of all religions and de:. acriptions, The manner in which the Bill was to be enforced constituted its chief merit ; but he hoped that Government would ultimately trace the causes of the evils to their source. Bit FREDERICX. FLOOD gave the fullest con- Sdence to the Right Hon. Gentleman's statement, as far as it Went ; but he was happy to - find that be had made no allusion to the part of the conntryieltieh he had the honour to represent. It appeared Anti -,ounties of Ireland,, only fatir the countiei were like - that _..tament, the Bill wohlelie un tottihotire, unhappy jealOst Wilda orders, might be ended do'astray ran#Men and all He highly agitated of the the ciTtrofiliera as few Men situationi hrgh or low, who witho‘it beinovell . 014, that 4 lint:l-AO A ., aftpeatsid to bp et fret-hell,' fad itseff . seeps N At it 4 POO d ••• • : ‘1 -nt ;rage. • • laid a iew rads it raw ot -4131, II ►v. , Ai34:4 10% • I jl~ii`e~.~ Minis W • Mr. LP TOLICHE supported the Bill, as a mea sure of humanity. Mr. PEELE entered into explanations of some length, in answer to the objections of different Gen tlemen. He defended the County Magistrates against the suspicion of supineness. The proposed taw might be presumed to he strong enough. All that was wanted was responsible persons to carry it into exe cution. In answer to a remark of Sir F. Flood, the ' Right Hon. Gentleman observed, that instead of there being only four counties in a state of disturb. ance, it was probable that twenty might be deemed in a state the reverse of tranquillity. Even Wexford, which sent the Hon. Baronet to Parliament, was' lately represented by the Grand Jury to be rather in 'an alarming state—( Laughter.) Leave was given to bring in the Bill. THE PRINCESS OF WALES. Mr. METHUEN said, sorry as he was to be un der the necessity of once more calling the attention of the House to that most painful and distressing subject, on which he had formerly addressed them,• he felt it to be his duty to persevere. He, however, intended, in deference to them, not to retrace his fer nier steps, but on the present occasion to confine him self to the subject of her Royal Highness's income; and with this object in view, he should call upon them to take the late correspondence into their consideration, as furnishing the only documents that could bring be fore them the separation which had taken place be tween the Prince Regent and his illustrious Consort. —ln the same spirit of deference to the wishes of that House, which he hoped he should never have the folly or presumption to disregard, he now, having never witnessed a stronger feeling than that on a for mer night manifested in favour of some melioration of the condition of the Princess of Wales, could not but express regret and surprise that nothing had yet been done in consequence of that memorable debate. He much lamented that no steps had been taken by Ministers to comply with the wish, then so generally expressed, for he had much rather see them extend their hand with a good grace to afford the relief ed for, than witness a common act of justice wrung from them by force. Since nothing had been done, if the agitation of this question was unpleasant to the feelings of persons within or without those doors, on whom ought the blame to fall, if not on those who had the means of putting an end to these unpleasant discussions, by giving the Prince temperate and con stitutional advice, and by telling him what were the feelings avowed by the Parliament and the country. No man could deprecate such discussions more than he did—at least the necessity for them, though, when necessary, he knew not how to avoid them. No man was more sorry than he was to throw a clmd over the general joy which prevailed throughout the land ; but was it when otlios tasted most of the felicity, that her Royal Highness the Princess of %Vales ought to be made more th.oi ever unhappy—or was the hour of triumph that in which she ought to be doomed to -see her degradation made more complete W ere the Royal Viitors now in this country to return from scenes Where all that magnificence and • taste could afford had been profusely lavished on them, to report that her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales was in such a situation that it bad not been in her power to receive them, or even to appear in their pre sence ? There was a something in this which was in no common degree galling to the spirit of a high minded country like this, whose attachment and-litre tslity to royalty bad been famed throughout Europe. Before he stated what were the means of his Royal Highness, he could not refrain from declaring, that which he was ashamed of stating, but which he be lieved to be true, that the Pt incess of Wales was de nied not only what was necessary to support the dig. r# nity, but what we requisite to supply the com mon comforts of a person in her elevated situation. —(Hear )—He desired that it might be constantly borne in mind, that it was the cause of a Princess which he was pleading, yet lie wished those who heard him to divest themselves of all prejudice, and ,to consider whet their feelings wetild be if a wife or a ch ld of theirs was placed in a situation I:ke that of her Royal Highness.—He should now proceed to state the amount of the sums rece;ved by the Princess. On • her marri.ige an income of Al 7,000. per annum, was settled on her, in addition to £5OOO of her own. In 1808 she was informed by a communication, that in stead of £17,000, from the situation of his atrairs, he could only give her annually rE12,000. regula tion was carried into effect. A deduction of 850001 was made from her income till the year 1809, whettl the Prince took upon himself to pay her debts, v.hieh l amounted to £19,000, and made her income again what it was in 1800. From this statement it would be seen, that for nine years she had been living sepas rate from the Prince on £ESOQO per annum less than she had had while residing in Carlton House, and while all her bills were paid by the Prince. Constrain ed by the narrowness of her income, her Royal High. ness, in order to avoid contracting new debts, had in last July reduced her establishment, and almost en timely given up seeing company. She .had reduced her domestics to seven, but even then her Royal High ,ness found her income insufficient, till Mr. St. Leger ; lied, very much to his credit, declined receiving any reward whatever for his services, and Lady Kinnaird and Lady Glenbervie had done the same. By this generous sacrifice on the part of the persons he had named, her Royal Highness had been enabled to avoid , contracting new debts, and at the present moment she did not owe a shilling. But he would put it to the House, was that a situsmori in which the Princess( of Wales ought to be seen ? Ought she to be reduced to depend upon others for the support of her household ? Assuredly not. The Prince had de clared that he would never again meet her Royal Highness either in public or private,.and this asser tion made on his part, he could see no impropriety in their making a separate provision for the Princess.— For this there was a precedent in the separate mainte nance allowed the Princess Ann in 1690, not in com pliance with, but in opposition to an Address of that Meuse. He could see no reasonable objection to Making a staficient allowance foe enabling her Royal Highness to live separate from the Prince in a Manner Suitable to her rank. At present she had but' 45900, per. annum independent-of the Prince Re , gent ; and her whole income was far from being ade quate to her wants in her Present situation. reeling, art l Ott sabject,ir was his anxious hOpe that - object he had' in 'view would be obtained, that '4 .. the'pitsene - debettieauld be fatotuables 7:o • • - . 14 •• • anzloW at he was iu offering to them that Motion with which he was about to conclude, to strip it of every thing that could mike it a party question. He trusted no man would oppose the claims of her Royal Highness, when they were thus urged without an at tempt being meek to bring any foreign matter into t h e discussion. Be the result what it might, he had endeavoured most conscientiously to discharge his duty. After bringing the correspondence before the House, he had made a pause, and had not called their attention to it a second time, till from the period that had elapsed without any thing being done by Ministers, it was plain lie had no alternative but to a per ny se s v e e v r e e rity H of e th h e a c cl on a d b u s c ta t ine of d th ak i n f g lie w h i a th d fromPr i n spe aking with any severity of the conduct of th e Princ P e e . used strong terms when speaking of the situation of the Princess, he had only uttered what his feelings had prompted, and for this he h o p ed to meet with the in dulgence of the House. He assu red the Honourable Lord (Lord Castlereagh) that he was much morti fied at finding himself obliged m bring this subject forward so immediately after his return, and after the applause he had received, and desetvedly received, for his exertions to procure for the country the bles sings of peace. He hoped lie would be content to agree with the motion, or give a satisfactory reason for resisting it. He concluded by moving- 4, That the House should on Tuesday take into its considera tion the correspondence communicated to it on the 3d of June by her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales." Lord CASTLEREAGH expressed his acknow ledgments for the kindness with which the Honour able Gentleman had been pleased to speak of him. Since the subject had been submitted to the consider ation of Parliament, he was happy that it had be:n I brought forward with as much delicacy as circum stances would permit; and he was glad that he bad put the question on that footing which it now had.— The Honourable Gentleman, however, would allow , him to say, that the course he had taken this night was not quite consistent with that which lie had tor merly taken, and was very different from the line of conduct which he had expected him to pursue this day.' If the Hon. Member who had early brought on debates in that House on the subject, had taken the same course which the Hon. Gentleman now took, it was probable many of the discussions which bad taken place might have been avoided. • He ap proved of the conduct of the Hon. Gentleman ; but he wished it to be remembered, this was the first time it had been announced to the House, that an extended provision for the Princess of Wales was the object her friends had in view, was that which might properly set at rest for ever that question which had -been for the honour and happiness of this country most unfortunately agitated. Wishing to confine himself to the topic of discussion introduced by the Hon. Gentleman, he should only depart from the dry details of it, to separate from it that which had been most injudiciously brought forward on former occasions, and which he would deliberately declare, could never be brought forward with effectual ser vice to the party concerned in that House. ( Hear.) So convinced was he of this, that lie had almost re- solved not to suffer himself, in any case, to be pro yoked to become a party in a debate on the affairs of the Royal Family, while he was satisfied that Par-1 liament could not remedy those divisions which every man must see and lament. (Hear, hear.) Feeling this, he sincerely deplored the situation in which, Parliament was placed, to be obliged to listen tts'• questions as to the affairs of the Royal FaMily, which it would be thought a breach of deccrum and a, gross impropriety to ask respecting the meanest family in the kingdom. ( Hear, hear.) If any one thing more than another could deprive the Royal Family o; those comforts which they had a right to hope to enjoy, it was the circumstance of the iet terior concerns of the Family (hear, hear,) being liable to be dragged before the public by questions asked in that House under a pretence of regard for. their welfare, which would not be tolerated if asked of any prime family in the kingdom. He knew it had been insinuated that Ministers had not been for ward to give information to the nation on a subject in which they were deeply interested, and which it had been attempted to connect with this ; but what ever might be inferred from intelligence gained from various sources, or even by communications made public by foreign powers, it never had been the prac tice of the English Government, nor indeed could,. with any regard to common sense, to communicate *to Parliament what had taken place in such a case, till the proceedings had taken that course and shape, that some formal instrument could be submitted to their con,licieration. While on this subject, he must rebut the insinuation which oa a former night had been thrown out, as to the treaty of marriage under- stood to be going on having been impeded in its pro gress by any thing connected with the question now before the House.—( Hear, hear). —lf it were at. tempted to connect the two transactions, if it were insinuated that the supposed difficulties in the way elf the projected marriage had any thing to do with the exclusion of the Princess of Wales from the Queen's Drawing-room, he distinctly denied the fact, and wish ed it to be known, that the treaty of marriage was in active progress after the exclusion of her Royal High .isess was made known. He had no hesitation in say ing, that up to the 10th of June. after the Drawing room had been held, to the exclusion of the Princess, and after the debate on the subject which had taken piece in that House, the treaty bad been going on, aad this was sufficient to disprove all the statements Iwhich had gone abroad as to the connection between `these transactions.—( Hear, hear).—With respect to : mo o expectm i ght td fiint dp i wouldt rionv e proved, approaching. e r cwi t g t t ev : which dthi ffiehreceuwisayss thernoe the motion before the House, he certainly had had no i re lle H r u ed se n reason to suppose,• whatever were the reasons of the Prince for resolving never to connect himself with the Princess again, that in their separation, he was at all disposed to create, or to cootinue any embarrassment of a pecuniary nature, of which she might have to complain, and which could be properly removed.— Instead of a motion like that before them, he bad con. ceived that the Hos. Gentleman meant to submit the late correspondence to the House, with a view to found on that a claim of right on behalf of the Prin. fess of Wales tq be admitted to her Majesty's Draw. a . ng.room ; for certainly if he wished the House to consider her situation in a pecuniary point-of-niew, her letter could only serve to lead them from it.— Aness's letter s as is the speech Of the Hon. Gentleman The 'last subject treated upon in het: Royal High. when he last brought this question roma, lea the pecuniary wants of her Royal Highness. OnWGen tleman, indeed, just below the pillar (Mr. Tierney). he was apprized, had taken that view of the business, but no one else had . done this ; so that he (Lord Cas ,deteagh) had expected this debate would take every possible range, rather than it would be directed to that point which now appeared to be its only object. He could wish to know if the Hon. Gentleman, as on the former debate, thought that the Princess might claim to be admitted to her Majesty's drawing-room. not as matter of favour. but as a matter of right.— , (Hear, hear, hear.) It he did, he was ready to meet him on that question. Every Minister of the S reign was responsible to that House for his conduct, for not doing his duty, or fur overstepping its limits. From their decision there was ne appeal, for ether. they lost the confidence of that House, that iestec Y as the Hon. Gentleman well knew, their fnuctior were entirely at an end. Ha was of opinion would best do their duty by that country which they were anxious to serve, endeavouring to keep wi,liia the limits of those functions which they were cuerele tutionally called upon to exercise ; and Parliament. never did better than when it abstained hems teuc! , • ing on measures which it could not practically eke. cute, without the risk of falling into misconceptions. as to the nature of their duty, and the extent of their privileges. It was not for Parliament to deteennUte who should appear at Court. Noth i ng could ',e more preposterous than to say the Princess had a right to be there. Little had he expected to find this asserted on her part, in any letter which might be wrote by her authority, more especially in one of so grave a nature as that addressee to the Speaker. Her Majesty's drawing.roorn was certainly the place where they went to pay their addresses to :Le Q leen, but still , be would contend it wa:: the Coto t of the Sovereign. It was called by his Officers, and net by the Officers of her Mdjesty, who attended, and had her right hand, to introduce those who were presented. Was it for the House to say whether this or that pence should appear at Court, and take upon themselves -w determine whether lie should receive them graciously or otherwise ? Unquestionably nos. This was a ju risdiction over the Sovereign which no Minister. which no Parliament 'could exerciseee(Hear, hear.) It was not requited by the Constitution that the So vereign should hold a Court at all. It depen ded u p on his pleasure to hold one or not as he thought best.-- If holding one, he was to be called to an account as to whom he might be pleased to receive, and the man ner in which he should think propel to receive them, it would be most degrading to him, that holding a Court, he might not use that discretion which the meanest individual in the land . was free to exercise in his own habitation—(Hear, hear.) It the Sovereign were held to be the most responsible minister in she nation, it would be improper to act thus by him, un less it were thought fitting that be should be the Most miserable and abject being in the realm. He knew it was attempted to connect the qoestion now ag i fAiwi t with respect to the Princess with au intspeation for merly made on the mind of the King; and to chew that the course pursued towards her Royal Highness was very different from what would have been pursued con formably to his Majesty's wishes.e-be denied the infer ence. Whatever the feelings of the Prince had bides ow the matter of their separation (which no man could lament more than he (Lord Castlereagh) did). be hitt kept down those feelings, and * repeatedly met the Princess in the Drawing-rococo, after that enquiry which bad terminated in her favour, while the ques tion rested ea the grounds on which that had Lek it, But without going into the subject, he would wry ig was impossible for any man who had observed the course of public events, to deny that either design or misconduct had caused the transactions in which the Princess was concerned, to assume an appearance quite distinct from that which they formerly wore. Her former letter had been made the vehicle of direct insult on the Sovereign, and it was impossible to dis guise the fact, that persons had been permitted to approach her Royal Highness. who were detected in forming a cabal in the country --(Neer, keen) through the medium of the ptess, for the purpose of aspersing the Royal Family, and especially the illustrious per sonage now at its head. By these persons an attempt had been made to vilify and degrade the Prince, not only in the eyes of his future subjects, but even u in the eyes of his children."—( Hear, hear.) He could understand that true dignity would view with calm contempt these malignant efforts to lower it. in the eyes of the world: but looking to the osdinary course of human nature, he knew of no instance where the party conceiving himself injured had been reconciled to those who wanted firmness to guard against being made the instruments of others, to vilify and calum niate. Having made this statement he flattered him self that if they were still to be afflicted with these die. cussions, things would not be attempted to be con nected, which had nothing to do with each other ; and he particularly hoped that the last exclusion of the Princess of Wales from the Drawing-room would not be considered as resting on the same grounds on which the former measures of his Majesty were founded, when he thought proper to admit her at Court, otter a result of a different nature. He put it to the can dour and manliness of the House, if the undisguised*/ calamity avowed, when the separatioa between Royal Personages was in point of fact, as complete, as fi nal, and as hopeless as, in the ordinary state art so ciety it could be. whethe r there was any probability that they, by agitating the question, could do any good ? When be spoke of the separation thus, he did that which he should not have the psestanption to do, if any probability existed that the case was other than hadhopelessconsidering o reththmeeedieyp.proof, that the Kin° , circumstances i n th nu e .s r o m n e use lig , ht ;iri a li t u, id ar i a t was in tion it was vain to endeavour to put an end to, the only question with his Majesty b had een hit arrangement would be most likely to m ake Cie state of things least painful to both • • ; parties . The House was, perhaps, not aware (as circumstances of this nature were never • unnecessarily brought be fore Parliament) that a solemn instrument had been signed by the Prince and the Princess of Wales, In the year 1809, to which was also added the ad signa tures of the King and mos t his Cabinet Minibteru This instrument was a deed as formal as any deed 0 separation, or any instrument executed caston known to the law. His Majesty.upon any all the circumstances of the case, did Conceives o h e m i ng o; of lending his high authority this t toact of eepara. It was signe4 by the u • nce, and accepted by Out of the thirty-four tot *ere disttn6ed. If all thicli sent him to Parliai necessary: 'He thought prevailed amidst the lovi by i law which would d ioer rattf dlstinctionl ! provlston for keyrarclias I could tie Ihund in - any tilu)d exert themielies I Mr,:. GRATTAN sal endeman's stxtemen; and as the 'mainly tviijuclius, he shoul d Al?ri to h in its present t ' IMt. ROCIIFO.R.D I; *eillt.ll • • the Princess, who tified with the pros no means disposed niary arrangement 'actor'', ought now on account of the from other consider a disposition in Parl of her Royal High did Dot hesitate to be found no obstacle of his Royal Highn below perfectly su lion to visit them tt I situation. 1 Chile never was a money a question be had allowed him on her a still larger prr be pleasing to his fei not preparedto expo Gentleman now 21 pg be was not authorise of the Crown ; but I apprehended no obs any farther provision proper to make for bounds of proper that by the arrargei Princess was 417, however, finding tt and not wishing at pressure on the con lore the consideratit those debts, amour and also give to het of his own income. contracting any m an assurance that b future debts of her' more which she wa brought before the this arrangement w fisting separation. I income of his Roya anent had settled on WAS subject to the 4108.000. From creditors. he had.d income to discharg of an income less agreed to make i 417.000 per annul 'Prince of Wales to wards took upon b he gave up £lO,l for this purpose. but 5t43.00U year 4113,06 u from t 1 —He believed tha in these circumstat for the Princess w larger one than a country would ha all the calumnion rusty spread, he . Royal Highness h lanwe. and had n her social feelings then made for her enhost any other hu certainly assigned. would be *wane( other Court, in th band and wile. I to ßo l y na al e H ate ig, h ne er ss a . l went for the purl promise his bons . .raised against his the friends of the .tbe greatest pleas' complaints oi way that the Princess per annum that payment of thos When those deb his Royal Highs' Lis own creditors, applied m aid of viands. He did c his Royal Hight given her a largi If be bad dope at was artificially n the friends and a racter would hay his Ministers wot supposed that chi to have advised attack was made . always felt .convi of truth and jut TAM" would trit would now say, 'be believed there -the part of the C Royal Highness 'its discretion she the House, by a family which hi country, and bj that Governasea sings, not to be the royal autheu Ilustrious famil before the How ruentiin and wi precise motion a f)bjeCt to it, as! oderation that tame and signs net see any thin ►ssioh, except , iess. It aaS it ca the object dawn with suffi sent of the crov that it it was tl tion of the Fri to a pecuniary receive author that the tulip liberal— and this. than clus ,J i pated the