Star. — London, England, 1831-09-05 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TUTS DATS.VOURNALS. 'i'i NI! , S.—The Refort77l3:rnade some progress on Sa turday, though we are afraid that its speed was scarcely rapid enough to warrant the belief entertained by Lord Althorp, that it would be able to leap the bar of the committee ar.d spring into the house with all its amendments onWednesday. We can scarcely say whether it carries less or more weight than when it passed its tecond heat, but we are quite sure, that, backed as it was by its friends in the country. it might' ier.g ago have fin'-:!ed its course under a holder and less scrupulous jock , .yship. To change the figure, we shall let happy to see it a i nin in presence of the Speaker and the Mace, instead of toiling through that " Slough of Despond," the C.,mmittee. resisted as it was at every ucp Lt a l.ost of itreretted enemies, and perpetually obliged : o slake dr the fresh burdens imposed upon it by its pre. fritods. Its parliamentary supporters will he equally .1- ligitted to be relieved from their nightly task, and to recover the enjoyment of their Saturday holyday. A long contest ut wools, or what the late I.ord Castlereazhe ould have calla' " a field-d.ry," is threatened on the bringing up of the Report hut as the tenancy at will, the ~ivision of county clauses, ar.d some others, which we are desirous of seeing altered, have been already amply diseased. we are not aware of any grounds for a lengthened tleta.e. The greater part of Saturday's sitting—the last' Saturday, we hope. on which the committee will be required to sit.—was most uselessly employed in discussing the 31st, clause. already sufficiently discussed. The 324 clause was avted to without a division ; and the remainder of the ciatetes, though numerous, being of a regulamcntary, or exe ratter. rather than of an essential kind, need ..not occasion any protracted deliberation. Before the discussion on the reform bill commenced on Saturday, a conversation took place on some proposed changes in the law far regulating steam-boats. In making some observations on this subject on a former occasion, we called for the enforcement of the existing laws, and the establishment by trial of their instil ticiency, before we resorted to any new legislation. We see I in any of the debates to which the subject has given rise to alter our former views. . _ . CHRONICLE.—There can he no doubt that, while the demand for food in this country exceeds the native supply, and foreign corn is excluded under heavy duties, till the price in the home market attains a great height, the Land loots would pocket all that is now paid to the Parsons. But the demand does not always exceed the native supply, and hence we have glu!ted markets and bankrupt farmers. No matter what the number of farmers or !mintier of farms; the farmer's payments must be regulated by his receipts. The profits of capital embarked in farming cannot differ materially from the profits of capital employed in other trades, for there is a tendency in capital always to find its level. Now, in such a state of things, with tithes abolished, the landlord could not pocket the burden in addition to his rent. The whole question of tithes and rent is very much romplicated by the restrictions on the trade in feed. Sup ra% ng, however, the empire to be dependent entirely on its own resources, it is clear that the tithe must add to the price of food, for the price must not only repay the ex pellee of labour, but a tenth of the produce given to the 'semen, before the cultivator can venture on fresh land.— The poorest land taken into cultivation, if it pay only a halfpenny an acre of rent, must pay the tenth of the produce, end the tenth of the produce is added to the price of all food. With respect to the min of our farmers by the importation of corn, we wonder our contemporary did not also observe, that it would take the potatoes front the Irish farmers, and leave theta nothing. The Irish farmer lives tar more meanly than the farmer of any country in the world without exception, and yet we do not find that the heavy iatiporta tintiA from Ireland have reduced the English farmer to the Irish level. \Fe repeat, however, that with a free trade in food the tat - Aloft! caimot pocket the tithe, and that tithe-free Lou' must conic dawn to the level of the others. POST.—Nothing can be more revolting to one who has watched the course of policy adopted by France than the boast that is mede of the 41 admirable disinterestedness" evinced by the Government of that !eountry for the last thirteen months, and the assertion that "it is but fair that cur armies should march when treaties arc to be carried Seto effect, and our fleets sail when insolence is to be chastised." Such language as this can only deceive the un %eery ; it may serve as a temporary disguise, hut it must ter minate in disgrace. The King of the French can scarcely be said to have a will of his own, consequently all engagtments with him are precarious. His Minister and the "movement party" have for some time been playing at cross purposes, and it is yet difficult to calculate the chances of victory.— The latter urge the waging of war, no matter whether against Holland, Ru sia, or Spain, because from war they anticipate results which they have at heart; whilst the former flatten and cajoles theist, under the hope of adding to his Royal Mu ter's popularity, and enabling him to consolidate his throne. The war-hounds call for vengeance, not because it is due in the quarter to which they wish to direct it, but because Europe zeust be disturbed in order to ensure their own sus cess, and the earlier hostilities commence the better.— War is pronounced the moat promising expedient for the extension of Republican principles, and Revolutionary manifestations, wherever they may appear, must be backed by the presence of a French naval or military force. Any thing, every thing, that could create disorder and promote Democratic or French ascendancy is welcomed at Paris ; and hence was it that the Italian Carbonari were hugged and carressed, the Spanish Refugees equipped and escorted to the Pyrenees. and fleets at two several times sent into the waters of the Tame. Two leading points of foreign po licy have in tact all along been observable in the con den of the French, viz. the annexation of lielgium and the destruction of British common and influence in the Peeineula, where besides they had humiliations to avenge. The motives which took the last French fleet to Lisbon arc now apparent ; - and it will greatly tend to elucidate the further views of the projectors of tint expedition if it should turn out, as our 111adeid correspondent insinuates is the case, that the French diplomatists are endeavouring to wove that the old family compact between Spain and France is in existence, and, consequently, that the latter is entitled to all its advantages. This new fan is transmitted to us in a straight-forward manner; it is the topic of conversation in the political circles in Madrid ; and its origin, we think, ought to he enquired into. LI ERA LD.—The governments of the principal states on the continent have, by their criminal obsequiousness to the las:dent and ferocious spirit of Russian ambition, incurred heavy responsibily to their subjects, who are visited by the dreadful pestilence which has tracked the barbarians al the mirth in their desolating progres s, *IA which now lays ! waste so many parts of Europe, and threatens so many more. We du trot wonder that this scourge is considered by the wordo of various ccuntries to be, like the plagues of Egypt a frolicia/ visitation from Heaven for the attempted extorted. nation of a whole people, whose only crime is the defence of there rights which they had from God and nature, but which imperial robbery had lung fixed upon as its prey. —lt is likely that the disease called cholera naorbue— because it resembles the Indian disease of that name in some respecepssawould have worn itself out in Russia, ( where, after ell that has been said, there is reason to believe it was gene rated), if it had not been for the atrocious invasion cat Poland —A country whets: independence all the great powers of Eu rope had guaranteed by treaty, and then abandoned it to tire wanton and unprincipled violence of that despot also, having received the crown of this unhappy country as a constitu tional king,endetivoured to plunder it of every national right, and to reduce it to the meet degrading subjection to his arbi trary will. Uet the barbarian power, which the nations that pretend to be in love with the principles of order, and to pay a great regard to the faith of treaties, allowed to direct ite whole collected force against the existence of Poland, has let loose a fury in Europe that seems arnica indeed with a commiasion to destroy. If the rulers and their witliens who have brought this calamity upon the !whine we're only to suffer, it would be well ; but, alas ! tire peeple who are not partakers of their crime are involved in their punishment. In this world the innocent frequently suffer for the misdeeds of the guilty. The infatuation of rulers is the destruction of their people— " Quicquid delirant reges plectuntur Achivi." It is not very honourably characteristic of our present House of Commons that, while the malted chastisement which the cruel and dastardly usurper of the throne of Portugal has provoked at the hands of France excites sym pathy in the breasts of many of our Representatives, and is made the subject of' frequent wailing, remonstrance, and complaint in Parliament, not a voice is raised to express the language of honest indignation at the nefarious conduct of the Autocrat of Russia and Iris Allies to. wards the roles. With the exception of the motion of Colonel de Lacy Evans--which did hint great credit, bas' which met with no support or sympathy—there has human nothing said in Parliament, that we recollect, on the ?most iieenrious and inhuman violation of the rights of an thaepetalent nation of which modern littrope, since the pre. virus panition of Poland, affords any example. Yet n is not a generous respect for the rights of humanity alone which snould have prompted England and France rather to have coerced the destructive ambition of Russia than to have mischievously meddled in the quarrels of Delgium and Holland ; it would have been for the interest of both nations to have protected the independence of that kingdom of Po land to whose establishment they were contracting parties Poland free, and detached altogether from the sovereignty of the individual who occupies the throne of Russia, would be a strong protection to France against invasion from that quarter; and to England she would afford those facilities of disposing of her merchandise which a great agricultural and warlike country presents to a manufacturing one. Left within the grasp of Russia, the resources of Poland would facilitate the invasion of the former, while her territory would, with jealous care, he interdicted to the mercantile industry of the other. Thus both countries, in abandoning great principles, bave abandoned their own particular interests. IMPERIAL PARLIAM ENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, SEPT. 3. The House tnet this day at eleven o'clock, when the tespondent's Counsel were heard in the appeal—Sir Michael Shaw Stewart v. Potterfield. Further hearing on Tuesday. The LORD CHANCELLOR intimated, that he ex p.eteil to be able to get through the whole list of the ap peals that were, or might be brought before them, in the course of the present Scssion. He was, therefore, in hopes that in the next Session he would be enabled to dispense with the attendance of their Lorships at tut o'clock in the morning, and that the legal business might be well got through by commencing about two o'clock, when a more numerous attendance e Peers might be expected. and the causes heard in a manner the moat satsifactory to all parties. —Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS. STEAM BOATS. Mr. DENISON presented a petition from Lightermen owning craft to the amount of 20,000 tons, praying that the bill now in the house for the regulation of Steam-boats in the River Thames, might pass into a law. Mr. R WART wished to ask whether it was the inten tion of government to introduce any WARM respecting the regulation or other weanb.hoats, so as to prevent the recur rence of such a melancholy catastrophe as had lately hap pened in the case of the Hearsay Castle? Mr. LA MB said, that with respect to the intentions of the government as to introducing any measure for the general regulation of steam-boats, he was not at present prepared to give any definite answer. He certainly thought, as an indi vidual, that it was de•irable some regulations should be in troduced such as the late unhappy event had shewn to be necessary. The fact. however, was, that there was an act upon the subject ptssed in the 4th year of the late king, but he did not know enough of it to say whether its provisions were sufficient for the object now required. He should cer tainly direct his earnest attention to the subject, and though he could not fledge himself that any measure would be in troduced, lie had again no hesitation in saying that he thought some regulations would be beneficial. TIRES IN THR COUNTRY. Mr. BLAMIRE presented a petition trom Workington, against the duty on insurances. Sir E. B. SUGDEN took occasion to advert to the fires in the country, and especially to some in the county of Cam. bridge, that must be attributed to the worst motives. He hoptd that before the nights became long, some measure would be devised for the detection of offenders, and fur the prevention of the crime. He did not mean to charge minis. tens with any supineness, but their attention ought to be strongly called to the subject. Lord ALT HORP said that government bad devoted much attention to the question, and that a measure was under con sideration for the more effectual protection of property (hear.) Mr. CIWKER observed, that no stronger protection could he given than for it to be known that the government would be unanimously and strenuously supported by parlia ment, and that men of all parties lost their shades of differ. ence in the desire to abolish a diabolical and unnational practice, which had already disgraced, afflicted, and even endangered the whole frame of society. DEZAY OF THE REFCHIK The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that he had been entrusted with a petition (we believe from Nottingham) against the delay the reform bill had experienced. but ne should refrain from laying it before the house at present. IRISH GRAND JURY LAWS. Mr. STANLEY gave notice that on the 20th of Sept. he would move for leave to bring in a bill to amend the grand jury laws of Ireland. REFOU( BILL. Lord A LTHORP (after two hours had been consumed in the presentation of petitions, &c.) moved that the house tesolve itself into a Committee on the Reform bilL The Marquis of CHANDOS asked whether the Noble Lord was aware that a delegate was on his way from Grenada to claim for that colony the right of sending Members to Parliament ? Lord ALTIfORP said he was not acquainted with the fact. ADJOURNMENT. Mr. CHOKER tru;teatiiiiti;ifouse and his Majesty's Ministers would excuse him if he took that opportunity of asking the Noble Lord opposite, (the Chancellor of the Ex chequer,) whether it had been yet determined upon what day the Reform bill should be recommitted, supposing that the discussion on the bill in Committee should have been con cluded before the day of the Coronation. For his part, if the Noble Lord would allow him to make a suggestion, he should recommend that the Report be brought up on the next Tuesday after the Coronation. Lord ALTIIORP replied most willingly to the question of the right hon. gentleman. It was intended that, should' the committee have concluded its labours, as he hoped and trusted it would, before the coronation, the report should be immediately brpught up pro formu, and the bill be recom mitted on the following Monday, but he saw no objection to Tuesday. Mr. CHOKER thought that it would be more convenient to the public business to have the bill recommitted on Tues day than on Monday, as the latter was the only day of the seven which the house could spare from the reform bill. But he would further ask the noble lord, whether the house should not be adjourned from Wednesday, over Friday, to Monday ? Lord ALTHU H P thought that it would not be justifiable, in the present state of the business of the house, to omit I taking advantage of Friday. REFORM BILL. The house having gone into committee upon the Reform Bill; and the CHAIRMAN having put the question upon that part of Clause 31 which gives the Judges of Maize the power of nominating barristers to revise the lists of voters, Sir C. WETHERELL expressed his satisfaction that the public bad at length begun to perceive the usefulness of the sifting and investigation to which he and lion. gentlemen upon his side of the house had from the beginning subjected the bill. The public journals, which were most zealous in their advocacy of that measure, were complaining now, not of the opposition fur provoking discussion, but of the minis ters for not replying to objections, and for not giving guise factory explanations when appealed to. The clause now be. tore the committee was, in its amended form, very different from the oue originally printed. Tile same extent of change had been found necessary in every part of the bill. For his part, he could not conceive how those gentlemen who had pledged themselves some months ago to vote for the whole bill, and mulling but the bill, of coat day—which neither they nor their constituents, nor his Majesty's minister*, nor the house understood—he could not conceive how those bill men could reconcile it to their pledges to vote for the bill which would he brought up froau the committee. (Cheers.) It had received already five additions, and he knew not how many alterations ; anti here was another alteration upon the table—a new clause, just come Isom the printer's, and the paper still wet. He owned that such was his desire to go on speedily with the bill, and at the same time not to go on without knowing what he was about, that he began to read the clause when it was still so wet that a man afraid of cho lera would shudder to touch it. (A laugh.) lie was as anxious to obtain early information about the bill as the members of a certain club in the city used to be about foreign news, when they got the name of the Wet-paper Club, because they read the newspapers without waiting to dry them. (Much laughten) As to the clause before the committee, he considered it in every respect objec tionable. Nothing could be more inconsistent with the Constitution, than the court which it proposed to erect. In deed, there was nothing but inconsistency in the clause, as in the whole Bill. For instance, the Banisters, who could have no influence over the electors, were declared ineligible to serve in Parliament tin any place in which they super. intended the registration of the voters, until at least one year and a half after such registra ion ; whereas the Commission ers, who would have vety great influence, were to be Imme diately eligible. Now, he thought that what was good for the goose was good for the gander ; and if it was good for the Commissioners to be eligible, there could be no harm in making the Banisters eligible also.—(llear, and a laugh.) He thought the introduction of the new Court, whatever it was to be caned, altogether a dangerous novelly.—( Hear.) The Judges would be appointed, not by the House, but by the Lord Chancellor. The House might be told, indeed. that they would be appointed by the Law Judges, but that was all mummery.—(Laughter.) For he denied that the King's Judges would allow their characters to be desecrated by their taking part in politics—(cheers)—for party politics would inevitably have part in the appointment of the Judges, under the clause before the Committee. The appointment would be made by the Lord Chancellor, therefore, and was it to be supposed that he would not be influenced in his se lection by political considerations ?—(Cheers.) Amongst a variety of objections to which the clause was open, he thought this objection had peculiar force—namely, that the appoint ment of Barristers under the Act would be especially open to the influence of partisanship ; and he further thought a pay ment of five guineas& day was very much too small for per sons possessing those high attributes which had been im puted to the individuals thus to be appointed to the impor tant and delicate judicial duties to which the present measure gave rise. By the proposed arrangement, the country would have as many as sixty-five new Judges, exclusive of those who might be appointed for the regulation of boroughs. Thus the Ministry for the time being would :have a large amount of patronage--he was the furthest in the world from supposing that the present Administration could have any such object in view; he knew that the creation of new places would be most abhorrent to their feelings ; but every suc ceeding Administration would have the full benefit of those appointments. He (Sir C. Wetherell) would venture to say, that the expense would run very close upon the heels of 2 0 .0001. a-year. Finally, he objected to the present clause as unconstitutional, novel, expensive, and calculated to ope rate the greatest injustice, and produce the utmost confusion. The ATTORNEY• GENERAL said, that though his hon. and learned friend who had just sat down had introduced much variety of illustration, yet he had added nothing to the arguments used bt• him last night upon the subject ; a subject that, in fact, had already been discussed and decided by the house. Lookin4 merely at the character of the amendment, no one would for a moment suppose that it involved any great legal or political right ; but the speech of his honourable and learned friend—at least in its manner and language•—would convey an impression that the dearest rights of Englishmen were at issue. He should now come to the argument founded upon the assumption that the amount of five pounds per diem would not procure competent persons to discharge the judi. &al functions created under the bill ; it would, he rather thought, be quite time enough to complain of that when the difficulty anticipated was proved by experiment to exist.— There were. in Westminster-hall, abundance of qualified persons, eminently accomplished in all that such a situation could require, but yet not affected by such heavy proles sional engagements as to shut them out from the acceptance of those offices which the clause created—a clause which, on that, as on other accounts, had been designated as the most unjust—the most cruel—the must unconstitutional clause that ever found its way into any statute. Now, if his recollection served him rightly, there was scarcely a clause of that bill which had not been so described. Now they could not be all the most unjust, &c. &e. He trusted that the committee would be of opinion that the clause had not been ill-consi dered, but that it was adapted to do that which the committee had already agreed to. Mr. J. WILLIAMS said that the objection as to the partisanship of the barrister was just as forcible against the Sheriff or the Sheriff's Assessor, under the present election laws. Air. NORTH complained of the insufficiency of the means which these Barristers would have for the purpose of deciding on each person's right to vote. A Judge in a Court of Law had records, charters, and a number of other things to assist him in his decisions; but the Barrister would be without all these, and the necessary consequence must br, that even with the best intentions he would fie. quently decide wrong for want of proper information. Lord ALTHORP admitted that there was a similarity between the Court of the Assistant Barrister in Ireland and the Court of the Barrister in question. He, however, did not think that it was necessary to enable the Barrister to sunitnon witnesses, as the parties interested would always come before them. It had been ruled at law that eve!) , per son appointed to hold a Court was armed with authority to preserve order in that Court. The noble lord concluded by defending that part of the clause which provided for the pu nishment of tbe,Barristers, should they be guilty of corrup tion. The motion was then agreed to. Several blanks in the clause were filled up, and the whole clause wu agreed to, and ordered to stand part of the bill. Upon the motion that the 32d clause, directing the mode in which the returns of the parties entitled to vote should be made out for the decision of the Commissioners appointed to enquire into their eligibility, should stand part of the bill, Colonel SIBTHORPE stated, that, in consequence of the lateness of the hour, the House ought to adjourn till Mon day ; but that he would frankly tell the Chancellor of the Exchequer that he would endeavour, by every exertion in his power, to delay the further progress of the bin in every stage. _ _ The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER in reply, observed, that he should expedite the violist of the mea sure with a corresponding exertion on the part of himself and his Majesty's Government. The clause was then agreed to, and the House adjourned till Monday. IRISH LORD LIEUTENANTS. The following appointments of Lord Lieutenants of counties in Ireland, under the new act, have already taken place : Antrim ... Earl O'NeiU Armagh ... Earl of Gosford Cavan . Marquis of Westmeath Cork Earl of Shannon Donegal .. ... Marquis of Donegal Dublin ... Earl of Meath Fermanagh .. Earl of Enniskillen Galway Marquis of Clanricarde Kerry ... Earl of Kenmore Kildare .. Duke of Leinster Kilkenny .. Marquis of Ormonde Mayo Marquis of Sligo Meath ... Earl of Darnley Queen's County .. Viscount De Vesci Roscommon Viscount Lorton King's County .. Lord Oxmantown Wicklow ... Earl of IVicklow Carlow .. Lord Duncannon Leitrim ... ... Earl of Leitrim Sligo Lord Hartland Tipperary .. ... Earl of Donomore Wexford R. S. Carew, Esq There are now undisposed of, but nine counties. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. MANIFESTO THE POLISH GOVERNMENT AGAINST PRUSSIA. There are extreme circumstances which will not permit men to observe the conduct which otherwise they would willingly pursue. Can it be a reproach to the weak, that, when on the point of perishing, they expose the false pretences of those who, under the cloak of lekal conduct, would effectually ensure their destruction by aiding their adversary ? The Poles have a right to say that the faith of nations is but an empty name, and that treaties and conventions have been invented only to cover the crimes of the powerful with the mask of justice. The principle of non-intervention, for what does it serve, but as pewit in the selfish policy adoptd by the Cabinets of the present day ? How Austria has ap plied it in the disarming of Dwernicki's corps is known to Europe, and Europe remains silent. Prussia has vio lived, in a manneratill more striking, a principle which, once adopted, ought to be adopted by all, or applied impartially. Often have we addressed to the Cabinets, the guarantees of our right, the moot pressing representations, and all have been deaf to our voice. We cannot, indeed, demonstrate, by judicial process, the wrongs which we have suffered on the Prussian territory. They are, however, sufficiently proved by the most circumstantial details ; of all proofs, the most convincing is that furnished by the present position of the Russian army. Prussia, confident in our weakness, has done well to give evasive answers to all the Governments who would seek to maintain, bona fide, the principle of non-intervention; she could not better disguise her conduct from incredulous Ca binets, that they might be required to see the French at Warsaw, before they would believe in the concert subsisting between the Cabinets of St. Petersburg and Berlin. The National Government has received a report from the General-in-Chief, announcing that the army of Paskewitsch is concentrated on the Lower Vistula, and extended hi eche. lon, on the right side of the river, and resting upon the Prussian frontier. (Hers follows a minute description of the then position of the army, since changed.) It results from the plan of operation adopted by Oen. Paakewttseb, that, hi case of a check, more or less severe, he could with difficulty regain the right bank, and, by consequence, must have the certainty of a secure retreat in Prussia, into which the qua rantine will not hinder him long from penetrating, and where no Russian corps will experience the fate of Gen. Dwer. nicki. This conduct of Prussia destroys all the advantages which we have acquired by so much devotion, and so much blood spilled all over the soil of Poland. It renders useless, we are bold to say, all the miracles of our courage. Our struggle has been an appeal to GOD; why attempt to influence his decrees, and lend to the strong more terrible arms for the purpose of crushing the weak. Let it be known that it is not with Russia only we are engaged in a combat. There was a time when the spectators of a conflict would have thought themselves guilty of a crime if they did not assist the weaker party—the world calls that time barbarous. At present two powers are seen conspiring against an un happy nation, and the contest is looked upon with sang frail'. The attacked nation has not even arms to defend itself, for Prussia, not content with having surrounded our frontiers for a long time with a factitious quaran tine, checks the transport of every thing necessary for our defence. Such are the means resorted to in order to reduce us; this is the fair battle offered us by Russia, assisted by the Prussians. Their Princes invoke the name of Gon in their proclamations— Gon is justice and equity, and invoking him to testify falsehood I; committing perjury. Who can foresee the future? The Princes who wish tor oar destruction may, perhaps, hereafter be pursued by misfortunes, and placed in situations of difficulty. Let them then recollect their conduct in Poland. How can we be silent while we experience such Injustice? Our com plaints must be published, that they may be a solemn mani festo against the conduct of Prussia. Tae world must know what we have complained of—what are the difficulties we have to conquer ; and perhaps then the Governments which are deaf to the voice of justice and humanity, will bC forced to admit that a people which has had the courage to support itself single-handed against such powerful enemies combined to annihilate it, is worthy of a free and indepen dent existence. PRUSSIAN TREATMENT OF TRAVELLERS. A Danish Paper, the Post of Copenhagen (" Kiobenhavnsposten"), communicates the fol lowing authentic narrative concerning the adven tures of a Danish subject on his journey to Poland : —" About four months ago I went with a Flens burgh ship to Konigsberg, well provided with passports, with letters of recommendation, as well to Konigsberg as to Warsaw, and with money, in order to enter into the Polish army, having pre viously received a written promise that my services would be accepted. My passports were signed at Pillau and at Konigsberg, and when, according to the advice of some persons, I inquired particularly of the public authorities, if I should be permitted to pass undisturbed to Poland, I was posi tively assured that I should, and that no inter ruption would be offered me. I then went, accom panied by three Swedes (Messrs. Stille, Stenkula, and Berg, candidates in medicine•), with the mail to Risenburgh. There we separated,— they going by Thorn to Warsaw, and I by Stras burg to the same place. In a small country cart (a vehicle which is commonly used in that district) I came towards evening within an English mile of the frontiers, when I was suddenly surrounded by four gendarmes, and transported back to Strasburg. There I was sent from the military magistracy to the civil, and again back to the former; and in the end I was the very same night transported by gendarmes back to Marienwerder, the seat of the western Prussian Government ; though I appealed to my legal Danish passports, which proved me to be only a private person travelling to Poland. Previously to this I had been deprived of both money, baggage, and papers ; all were ransacked by common gendarmes, who retained my money to defray their own and my expenses on the journey to Marienwerder. We jour neyed the whole night, during which time I was in no want of relaxation, as we met 300 waggons, each with four horses, and loaded with provisions for the Russian army. At Marienwer der, accompanied by gendarmes with fixed bayonets, I was brought from the police to the government, and from thence to the Oberlandsrecht (Supreme Provincial Court), and then, without receiving an lower to my questions, and without any reason be ing assigned for my committal, I was pent up in company with murderers and thieves, in what is called the Danziger, a tower which was built in the times of the Marian or German Knights. Here I was confined for two days, at the expiration of which period I was brought to trial by an assessor of the Government, who recorded my answers in a protocol. It happened that I found him to be an acquaintance from the University of Gottingen. His name is Mac Lean, and he is of Scotch extraction, and I mention him publicly, because he behaved generously to wards me, and I owe him the heartiest gratitude. I undoubtedly am indebted partly to him and partly to an Oberlandrath von Rosenfeld for my speedy delivery. lam probably obliged to none other than this Mr. von Rosenfeld for being at length set at liberty, after the expiration of six days, when I appealed in writing to my legal papers ; and I owe it to him also that I was not again imprisoned, as I was immediately threatened I should be when I demanded compensation for the expenses of my journey and imprisonment after my arrest ; and this threat would undoubtedly have been carried into effect had not Mr. Rosenfeld effectually inter fered in my behalf. A copy of the trial to which I was submitted was denied me, and no other reason was assigned for my imprison ment, but that " they stood in relations to Russia, which did not permit them to let any assistance be brought to the Poles." I give these expres sions literally, as they were addressed to me ; and, by the by, I was also given to understand, that " my Danish passport did not afford a legal pro tection to me." During my stay at Marienwerder, two Russian regiments that had been routed,!passed through it, in order to join the Russian army. I received a passport, in which I was characterized as a vagabond, in spite of my Danish passport, in which I was denominated correctly. Then I went to Konigsberg; here it was promised that I should be put in possession of those papers which had been taken from me. 1 also made application from one authority to the other, but they pretended not to have heard any thing concerning them ; and I was informed that I might expect to be imprisoned again if I did not immediately go on board ship and proceed homewards,—a hint that I did not fail to make use of. The charges of my imprisonment and journey were defrayed with my own money.— In Konigsberg I learned that the orders concerning my arrest were sent to the frontiers before I left that town,—a curious cootradictio in adjecto when you remember that my passports were signed on my journey through Prussia. • It appears teem the Swedish paper Attest,!Met, that the Prussian attdsoritim sad then young eons of Asada phis vied with each ether in lowatty and pffelllferabee the former in their smisavoms So %state, sad the latter in striving to disk bramarmand noble undertaking. The young II areesnsa all the hardship, sad ob structions which were append to ism t they ester Poland by swimming, during the night, over the river Domain, and ultimately arrived at their place of destination. FLANDERS AND HAMBURGH MAIL., THIS DAY. WARSAW, AUG 1:1 (By way of Cracow.) ORDER OF TIIE DAY. HIAD.QUARTERS OF BOLTWOW. SOLDIERS !—Called by the choice of the nation, and your confidence, to exercise the office of Commander.in4 iii„ over you, In the sacred cause of our country, I shared at your head, in all the glorious privations and dangers to which you were exposed. Far from all feeling of self love, I nev,r sought the favour which was confided to nit ; I accepted it, and have hitherto exercised it, though I was sensible that it was accompanied with many and great difficulties ; it stag not my intention to yield to ►hose difficulties ; but I resolved from the first, to give the example of that per severance of which we have so much need in our present situation. A Deputation, which was named by the Diet, found it advantageous for the good of the country, to confide the chief command of the army to other bands. While I submit with resignation to this supreme will, I address you for the last time, to testify to you the entire esteem with which I am filled for your bravery, your devotedness, and your zeal. Your country judges. by what you have hitherto done, what it may cx. pest from you in future. The commander whom the re. presentative' of the nation have placed over you, is already known to you by his bravery and his resolution ; and by overcoming the greatest difficulties, he saved your corn. rade, from that destruction, which for a less resolute man would have been inevitable. Let us then sur round him with the confidence and affection his me rits deserve. Implicit obedience, the first virtue of a soldier of every rank, will be a powerful support on our side, to the new commander; and I, who bad the honour to be at your head, may now be allowed to aspire to another, that of lighting in your ranks, and giving you an example of that discipline, which I have hitherto required from you, and to which I will with you willingly submit. Soldiers ! Let as always unite unanimity and obedience, with courage end seal; and, with GOD'S help, Poland will still rise from its ruins. Poland for ewer ! The Commandema-Cnief of armed natural force, SKRZYNECKE. ORDER THE DAT. Head-Quarters, Bolimow, Aug. 12. SOLDISIS ! Called, by the will of the Diet, from your ranks to your head, I take on me this post, full of confi dence and hope. The exercise of the chief command is not difficult, whtre all are animated by one feeling—that of sa crificing themselves for the deliverance of the country. Yes ! it will certainly find it in your courage, and in the perseverance which is able to conquer every thing. CITIZENS and SOLDIERS! I have served among you during this national war. I therefore know the spirit that animates you, and will not exhort you to obedience and order. So much only I will say, that extraordinary ef. forts are required—only one thought shall direct all our move ments, that of renouncing every thing that men prize most highly in order to recover our independence. Whatever movements inspire you in battle your zeal must not cool dur. Ing the preparations for it. If my military life hitherto, and bringing back to their families some thousands of your brethren, whom you perhaps already gave up u lost, can give me any title to your confidence, I claim it of you, in the name of Goo and our country. I know that I can only be strong through your strength; I know also the demands of the nation and the army, and will not disappoint your expectations. You shall see me every where partake in your hardships and dangers ; but I must also be allowed to hope, that when we go altogether to battle, you will depend on me, as Ido on the country and on you. Its deliverance alone guides your steps as well u mine. Let us keep away every thing that might weaken the moral strength of the army, and free ourselves. We shall leave to our posterity a free country ! Commander in Chief, ad interim, of the armed national force, HENRY DEMBINSKI. With respect to the choice of a future Com mander-in-Chief, the votes are divided between four persons : Pradzinski, Uminski, Lubienski, and Wlodislaus Zamoiski. The Deputation of the Diet sent to the head quarters is returned. Very important papers were received yesterday by the General-in-Chief through the Austrian Consul at Warsaw. Excusamt ou LONDOX.—Hamburg 30 August, 1341 —2m 13-61. Petersburg 19 August, 10 25-32. Berlin 27 August, 3m. 6 231. Stockholm 23 August, 90 days, 13. Bremen 26 August, 3m. 602.—Hamburg Papers, Alto. 30. CRACOW, AUG. 20.—Private letters from War saw say, that the Russians crossed the Bzum on the 15th, and after incessant fighting, forced their way on the 18th to within three or four English miles of Warsaw. Cracow swarms with fugi tives. Gen. Rudiger, after having been rather roughly handled by Gen. Rozycki, is said to have made a retrograde movement by way of Przynicba and Radom. 1 ST. PETERSBURG, Aug. 20.—A new levy of troops has been ordered to the extent of four men for every 500 souls. In some of our military colo nies, very serious riots are said to have taken place. The foreign officers attached to these establish ments, have been exposed to the most atrocious outrages. CHOLERA MORBIIS.—In Seelow, a small place about two German miles from Kustrin, on the road to Berlin, a woman died of cholera on the 19th. On the following day her daughter was taken ill, and died almost immediately. On the 24th, three fresh CUM occurred, of which two proved fatal. lu Gam and Kustrin no fresh cases have occurred : the latter place has been declared healthy, and the free communication has been re-established. Letters from Stettin state, that the cholera had made its appearance there ; that several deaths had already occurred, and that a cordon would be drawn round the place on the following day. HAMAURG, Aoo. 10.—Basm-Halle, four o'clock— Llule business doing. Discount 31 per Cett. Anglo-Danish Loan, 3 per Cent. Anglo-Russian Bomb. Ditto Polish Bonds Austrian Bank Sh. Austrian Metal. End of August. .. 58i ... 881 ... 80 .. 942 ... 76i ... 634 New Austrian Four per Cents. —Ressburgk Reporter. BRUSSELS, SEPT. 2.—The installation of the Chambers will be made with great solemnity. ArtTw &RP, SEPT. I.—The government by a de cree of 27th July, granted a farther sum of 19,854 forint to the victims of the bombardment. Vessels which have performed quarantine at Flushing are received without difficulty at Ostend : here, on the contrary,vessels coming from the north, are not on ly . subjected to a new quarantine, d u e nd re:l rtand from the cort alo g into a the roads , b ut are e ven hin dered measures. Application was since made to the government by our mer chants to remove these new obstacles to commerce. —Brussels Papers, Sept. 3. We cannot. r