Star. — London, England, 1831-03-03 00:00:00

were either morally or intellectually their inferiors. (Hear, hear.) — But America was a new country, where land, and employment, and foo d, were always abundant; but this country was differently circum stanced ; the labourer was often distressed, and discontent was the na .031 offspring of that distress. It causes men to attribute their suffer ers without due consideration, to those in authority, and on that ground he ob jected to universal suffrage in this country; but he supported the p r esent measure because he was an enemy to universal suffrage and to revolution, which it must be the effect of the present measure to pre , m r, (Hear, hear.) The noble lord who introduced the measure had said, he thought most truly, that must be the effect of its adoption, but that revolution might be the consequence of its rejection; and for so saying he had been accused of having threatened the house. When Lord Casdereivgh asked for the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and stated the necessity of the measure, he was not accused of hay .ag threatened the house, and when the right honourable baronet (Sir Robert Peel) brought in the Catholic Relief Bill, and stated the danger to the country from longer delaying the measure, he was not sccused of having threatened the house. (Loud and continued cheering.) He thought niii.isters would be guilty of a great neglect of duty to •heir sovereign and their country if they did not state in that house the delver to the institutions of the country that they considered would arise from the rejection of the measure.--(Hear.) He would fearlessly Auto that he did feel alarm for the institutions of the country If this measure, or some other for admitting the people to a share in the repte sentation was not speedily passed.—(Hear, hear.) He supported the measure as a measitre of Reform ; but still more as a measure of con servation.—(llesr.) If the support of property and intelligence added to the security of government, then he would ask why were large masses of the property and intelligence of the country compelled to unite with the multitude in opposition to the government ? Was this a time when government could spare such allies ?—(Hear, hear.) If he had the imaginary foteigner that had been mentioned under his care, he would take him to that great portion of the metropolis north of Oxford-street, and when he had shown him the streets of shop. full of wealth— the squares, and the circle of palaces round the Rm.:eat'. Park—the whole producing a rental greater than the rental of all Scotland pre vious to the Union ' • what would the stranger say when he beard that all that wealth was unrepresented in the National Council?— (Hear, hear.) The same was the case with other great towns abounding with wealth and intelligence : Edinburgh and Glasgow had but a shadow of representation.—(Hear, hear.).—The present state of the re.l presentation was called a representation of property : it was not. The Honourable Member fur the University of Oxford said—" Show the the time when the representation was better." They were legislators, and not antiquarians.—(Hear, hear.) It was their duty to make the representation better now, because its improvement was necessary to the preservation of the institutions of the country.—(Hear, hear.) A Noble Lord said the borough he represented was of the same size now as when it first returned members ; but suppose that borough had not decayed, did the Noble Lord consider how many towns had since come into existence and grown into greatness? (Hear, hear.) Our ancestors legislated wisely for themselves, according to the eircum. stances of the times in which t h e y li ve d ; an d we exist imitated their wisdom when we legislated according to the altered circumstances of the times in which we live.--(Hear, hear, hear.) The natural scale of representation was, no doubt, often disturbed by prerogative. The grad charter was often violated, was liberty therefore to be disregarded ? A great change had taken place in the circumstances of the commu nity since the elective franchise was first exercised. Society had taken a different form : towns have sunk Into villages—villages have grown into towns greater than what Lqndon then was. The forms of the sys tem remained, but the spirit was changed—it was new wine in old bottles—it was a new spirit with old forms. We should now chew res pect for our ancestors, not by doing what they did under different cir cumstances, but by doing as they did, under present circumstances.— (Hear.) All history shewed that if changes were made when necessary and required by the people, institutions were preserved ; but if not, a struggle between the people and their rulers was the consequence.-- That struggle had taken place in ancient Rome ; in modern tunes, be tween the American States and this country ; and more recently, be tween the Government and the Catholics of Ireland • it was taking place in Jamaica, against the aristo crac y o f s ki n ; an d in ;his country etween the middle classes and the aristocracy of mere locality.—(Hear, hear.) The present system was called virtual representation. He was at a loos to understand it. Was it a virtual representation of Manchester that the representative of a close borough said no, when the people of Man chester said aye?—(Hear.) Who wanted to abridge the prerogative of the Crown, or the just privileges of the Peers ? No one, except per haps a crazy radical ; but who was it called for a reform of the House of Commons ?—The whole people of England.—( Great cheering.) The people regarded the state of that house in a manner very different from that in which they regarded the prerogative of the Crown or the privil eges of the Peers, while they kept within theft proper sphere.—( Hear.) It was said this cry for reform, and discontent at the present state of the representation, sprang from the late revolution In Prance. He would say it had long been growing in England, and every means had been used to lay it. All the arguments of Burke and the subtlety of Wyndham, the coercion of I'itt and Londonderry, had been tried, and what was the result ?—the present state of public opinion and feeling.— The measure now proposed was associated with th e ri g h ts o f t h e peop l e of England ; it called into alliance with good order and Government, all the property and intelligence of the country, and he congratulated the Gevernment that was to stand or fall with such a reform. He would ruler ten thousand times fall in the effort to procure such a Reform, than attain the highest success by its opposition. ( Hear, hear.)— The Honourable Member for Oxford said the House could not stand ten years if the measure was agreed to, without pulling down the mo rarely and the aristocracy. If the honourable member could imbue the minds of the people with that opinion, it would cause them to be lieve that monarchy and aristocracy were inconsistent with their good. It he were of that opinion be would call for revolution; but he was not of that opinion, and therefore wished for the present measure to prevent revolution. (Hear.) The hon. member said great men had entered Parliament by close boroughs, but that was no reason for their continu ance; if they preserved good institutions they would always have great men in Parliament. Almost every hon. gentleman on the other side alluded to the circumstance that some of the present ministers were formerly opposed to reform. He firmly believed the country would not place the less confidence in their measures because they showed they could learn from experience. He wished that some of those by whom the present measure was opposed had given proof of equal wisdom ; that they had nut forgotten the humiliation they had en dured by obstinately opposing a great and necessary change till it could he opposed no longer. He remembered having been an auditor of the proceedings of that house in May, 11127„ which the right 'nerouraole baronet, who had just quitted office, because the Go vernmest was supposed too favo ura bl e to Catholic mancipation, asked tile Government whether they intended to repeal the Test and Corporation Acts, and to grant Catholic Emancipation, he hound them al: up together, and declared his determined opposition to the whole. What was the result ? They were all since supported by the right hon. baronet himself. Reform was now the question, and for what were we to endanger the m o n a r c hy an d i nst i tut i ons o f the country ? Was it to till the time was come when it could neither be refused with safety r.a granted with grace ? Were we to wait till a new ministry had sac e..edett to office on a cry of no reform, as a former ministry had suc ceeded on a cry of no popery ? Had they forgotten what followed ? How they were obliged to concede to the Catholics when almost rebels. what they had refused to their prayers when obedient sub. nets ?—(llcar, hear.) If this worst of infatuation was on them, that they could not hear with their ears, nor see with their eyes, n or , 1 tralerstatal with their hearts, the consequences might be dreadful.-1 He trusted they would hear the voice that cried, " Reform, that you may preserve . (Great cheering.) Now, while our palaces were affording a refuge to fugitive Royalty—now while the heart of England was sound—in this accepted time—this day of salvation—let us take couneel (dream:in, and save t::e multitut:e w hu ate endangered by their passions, arid save the aristocracy, who lure ottlangereil by the abuse of mete power. if it were said there was evil in change. let it not he for there was evil in discontent. it was said the system worked • iii. Ile denied it worked well when it was regarded by the people as cause of an theft sufferings. It Reform was not now conceded, those whom it was resisted might repent amidst scenes of spoliation and :..assacre, and In time dissolution of all the institutions that had been r:a.ed and cherished by the most virtuous community of men the world err Lard NIAIION said he must oppose the measure, which was one of _volution. The feeling fur Reform that was abroad was of a tempo ,ary character, and would pass away if not excited. Mr. HUNT said he did not hesitate to declare that the measure pro . oil by the noble lord went far beyond his expectations. The eloquent who had spoken last, had declared himself the enemy of suffrage. He had fearlessly contended for the right of .vary titan who paid taxes to have a vote for a representative. Should cc told that the people who fought toe battles of the country and taxes, should have no part in the representation. He would fear. rely say that lie spoke the voice of ntillions, and that such a Reform t veld not give satisfaction. How were many members returned to that ;.ouse ? A: Ilchester, where he had been sent to gaol for two years .nd six months, the electors were the very lowest of the people, but ,tot credit f r om the shopkeepers to the amount of the price of their vote, which teas 41. The House of Commons should represent the whole .onmons of England ; for that he had always contended. In Man. ::ester, ia 1819, when the people were assembled is meacably as they -acre in that house, to petition for Reform, a drunken infuriated yeo manry charged the people., slaughtered to death fourteen, and badly nouratid 618. He was advocating Reform then • and he was asto. to hear time noble lord say that the house had refused to take up question of reform because the people had not come forward. Why : 418 17-18.19, the people knew as much of the manner in which that house was constituted as they do now ; the only difference was, that !hey then petitioned more mildly. He did not condemn the mini. tiers ht.cause they did not go the full length of his plan of reform ; Goth in the house and out of the house, the measure they brought for ward should have his support. Some hon. gent. said the ballot would wake. men hypocrites ; but would they say that to the members of the 'ashio:ialle clubs who all voted by ballot ?—they would not, because they would be afraid their hearts would be made cullenders. (A laugh.) lit hatl heard nothing in favour of *Reform in that house which he had not heard from the wavers of Lancaster twenty years ago. He ' denied that the Reformers desired revolution-4hey sought to prevent revolution. Lord MORPF.TH said, he should not enter into the details of the bill. He believed the interest of his country to be deeply involved in the issue of the question, and all who dearly loved that country were called upon to rais e th e ir voice in support of the measure brought for ward by minister". it was a measure to satisfy the friends of freedom, and not to alarm the supporters of existing institutions. It was a wise, honest, generous, and manly measure. (Hear, hear.) We had beard of the danger of proceeding further, but who would say it was safe to stay where we are ? The measure deserved, and should have, his best support. Sir C. WETHRRELL rose, having been repeatedly called for. He had frequently observed that members the most distinguished for talent had been in the habit of commencing their addresses to the House by some remark of a propitiatory character. There existed on the present occasion a reason why he should throw himself on their kind indul gence, he was about to add the religious feeling of the House, because the Noble Paymaster of the Forces had made it known to him that he was for the last time to have the honour of addressing the Honourable members then present. (Hear.) He stood in the unhappy predicament of a man rising to make his last dying speech. (Laughter.) if ever there was a desire on the part of a man in extremis to speak the last will it was his case. (Laughter.) He might never again, according to the noble Paymaster's logic, have the opportunity of addressing the house, and hon. members on that account would doubtless concede the last request of the dying member for Boroughbridge (Cheering.) To animate his drooping mind,and resuscitate his distressed feelings although the noble Paymaster had held outs list of proscription, he still entertained a hope that with the good wishes of his constituents he should again repre. sent the borough from which the noble Paymaster's list had prestunp. tuously cashiered him. (Cheering.) The Noble Lord, for whose talents he entertained the greatest respect, would no doubt do hint the favour to receive to the fullest extent the dying compliment of an expiring Member of Parliament. (Laughter.) The Hon. and Learned Mem. her could not help thinking, that in the language of chemistry there was an electric attraction between office and the duties of office. (Hear.) The Noble Lord had not been six weeks in office when he issued ! an edict against 120 Members of that House who were to be ca. sidered from their boroughs. This was something like the applies. don of military power united against Parliament, for the purpose of prostrating the rights of the Legislature. An honourable member had c,onn.lained that his arguments were in danger of being improperly used. That honourable member (Huut) had declared that the men. sure proposed by his Majesty's Government, fur producing a change in the representation, instead of attracting universal admiration, would produce great agitation throughout the country. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman did himself injustice if he supposed an argument of so much weight would be improperly handled. It would be fairly I weighed. The speech of the hon. member for Caine should induce the house to pause before they agreed to disfranchise boroughs. No gentleman could state why Caine should not be disfranchised with the other boroughs. The cabinet ministers were certainly shy in coming forward on this occasion. No man among them rose to sup. port the proposed measure with the zeal which others had displayed. The hon. and learned Gentleman then called the attention of the house to the subject more immediately before them. He was anxious to do so, because eloquence too often ran away with accuracy, and long speeches made a man forget what he had to do. (Cry of hear, hear.)-- Hon. Members who never said a word except hear, hear, and who afforded no one the opportunity to reciprocate hear, hear, might call for question ; but surely they would allow him a few minutes for the state ment of his opinions. The question was whether the bill of the Noble Paymaster of the Forces, by which he cashiered Gil boroughs, and in all 168 Members, would he endured ? Whether this proceeding, which required a name, could be received in that house? Mr. Locke said things should he called by proper names, and therefore he should give it the name of Corporation Robbery —one hundred and sixty-eight Members were to be cashiered, and no longer admitted to that house. The First Loral of the Admiralty, in support of the proposition, had Intimated that parliament was to be dissolved, with robbery on one side and spoliation on the other; there was to be an amputation of a most extraordinary character. It was the more extraordinary, because the reformers taken under the protection of the honourable member for ?reaton had never thought of cutting off the boroughs, which the noble lord had condemned. This was not a new attempt. The present Cabinet of .11thorp and Co. bad been preceded by the Cabinet of Crom well, Liiburne, and Co. That firm certainly reduced the members of the house upon their plan. It wait the reforming plan of a radical government, which, after the days of the Regicides, proceeded to establish the Commonwealth of England. Such was the model of the present plan, yet the advocates of the plan said it was to preserve ancient institutions. It was founded on conser. vative principles ! It was consistent with the prerogatives of the Crown and the dignity of the House of Lords ! At the sante time it did so happen that this conservative plan was originally adopted by those who had voted the destruction of the monarchy and of the aristo cracy. If that was not the fact, let some Cabinet Minister get up and declare whether the principles subversive of the monarchy in 1613, were no the principles upon which the noble lord's bill was to be founded, and whether those principles would not be equally destructive in 1831 ? He was not one who said no improvement could be made in the legislative system of the country. He had not said they might not amend the Election Laws—therefore gentlemen could not predicate that himself and others thought it impossible to Improve the Representative system. Gentleman, by the logic of Downing-street, made it appear that all who differed from the views of Cabinet ministers were enemies to proper reform in the defec tive pans of the representation. If such logic was offered at a baker's shop, the man would call fur a Nutmeg and nail it down like bad coin. (Loud laughter.) All that could be said was, that those on his side the house opposed the plan, because it was no plan at all. The question was, whether they should have an experimental Govern ment, radically new? Did gentlemen reflect how many experimental Governments were aloat ? Did they recollect that the political smithy for mew Constitutions was to be found all over Europe ? Did they recollect that they had to make a Government for Greece, one for Portugal, and one for Belgium ? Did gentlemen recollect what had been doing in France, anti more especially the unsuccessful attempts in South America. After all the efforts made in the New World to esta blish governments, not ore constitution had been made for any of those States. Great Britain should not follow me example of fcreign States, but avoid innovation and the projects of his Majesty's government. He appealed to gentlemen whether a change in the British Constitution would not be attended by danger to all Europe. in the tine of dis turbance abroad, his Majesty's Government had commenced new ex periments. They endeavoured to sketch out it new Constitution, asl if the British Constitution had not been amended from time to time by the wisdom of Parliament, and made as perfect as circumstances would permit. (Hear, hear, hear.) At the present time when all the S WCA of Europe evere demoralised, it was unwise, too much to see the Government of the country trying new experiments. He had formerly acted with Honourable 'Members on the other aide of the litatse ; he expected his Hon. Friend, the Member for Bletchingley, to offer a few obeervations in defence of that Borough, especially as the Ministers had formerly opposed a motion for reform, which was mo derate, compared with the present measure. tlis Majesty's present Cabinet last y ear negatived the mieor plan of reform the Lord High Atimital on that occasion e °WO not let the ship Reform go out of port ; but since that time the opposers of reform had become the premoters of reform. having alluded to other topics he proceeded to the main subject. He had said the plan of the Noble Lord was Corporation wheezy. Members of Corporations were for ever to be prevented front returning 108 Members to Parliament. A t.peclal Comeasaion mad been appointed to punish torn for frame breaking. and he asked whether there might hut be a Special Commission to try the King's Cabinet for Corporativo robberies t— (Laughter.) Certainly his Majesty's Ministers had given them a good specimen of political machine breaking.—(Laughter.) He admitted that the pawn of Parliament was omnipotent, but it had been held that certain acts done by Parliament would be as unjust as if done by the Crown. The history of Parliament proved that the preservation of chartered rights had always been held as sacred in Parliament as in Courts of Law. He should take the liberty of stating on this occasion, that Ministers did not openly support their Bill, but lei it to their nations. The Noble Paymaster was the representative of the Cabinet. There was no instance an which Parliament had committed the sacrilegious out rage contemplated on that occasion. Parliament had 'fleece dared to I dishanchise Corporations without delinquency on the part of those Corporations. The only Instance of the sort was to be found in the reign of Richard the Second. There was a tumult at Cambridge, and the Vice-Chancellor was put in prison. The Charter was taken away on that occasion, but aftetwards restored. That was the only Instance of suck a pmending, and he called on the corsoli.lted cabinet of the present tray to call on the Attorney Generti t..r new grains of law, which they much wanted—(a laugh)—be'.. e care eked their plan into execution. He supposed that the pr. retie:). of the suppression of the chartered monasteries by Henry Vi li. would not be advanced as a justification. although it was the only measure in the history of the country winch bore any analogy to this proposed act of universal robbery of corporate charters; but he supposed they should not hear that advanced as its justification. Henry the Eighth, indeed, worked welt a united cabinet, as the present cabinet was united, a cabinet united in spoliation. The abbots were summoned to sur render their charters, and some of them refusing, they were transferred to prisons, and the charters were surrendered. But the corpnra , dens of the present day, it seemed, were not even to he called upon to surre:Aer their charters, but were some day to find that they had Opp. d through their fingers without their knowing any thing at all about :be matter. He did not suppose that it was intended by the united Cabinet that the parties thus to be violently defrauded of their right sentill 1 .1 through the mockery of a hearing at the bar, in order to chew in def.:lice of those rights that they were held by all the sanctions which had hi therto made rights secure and property sacred in this country. The noble member f or Yorkshire had alluded to the opinions of Mr. Fox. Now although he did not generally coincide with the opi nions or principles of Mr. Fox, never having been a Whig, yet Mr. Fox had expressed an opinion upon this subject, nut of spoliating and destroying corporate charters, but of infringing upon the least of their exclusive rights even under the emergency of an interruption of the public peace. In the year 1803 the people of the town of Nottingham took a fancy tohave a procession, at the head of which was a lady called the " goddess of reason." This lady was taken from a class not boasting the purest of characters. and she was bevmeared with paint in the proper tricolour proportions. (hear) Now the Tories of Nottingham did not choose to follow in the train of this strumpct set up to personify the liberty and reason of which they entertained a somewhat different notion and idea. The Tories then re fused to join the procenion, and their coats were all spencered to a man. The town Magistrates being members of the Corporation, and of the goddess of reason's party, refused to interfere to quell the riot ; yet even these gentlemen were now on the Paymaster's List of cashiered Cor porations. ( Hear, hear, hear.) This being the case, the County Alagistrates were empowered to assist theta in preserving the peace of the town, and that act Mr. Fox strenuously opposed, and described it as a precedent which, if followed up, would lead to the destruction of all the Corporations in the country. He knew cot, indeed, whether or not Mr. Fox was looking whit a telescopic eye to the efforts of such a united Cabinet as the present, but very sure he was that Mr. Fos treated the matter as a most serious and unjustifiable interference with popular rights. Well, then—until he found himself set right by the Attorney-General—not by any deputy of the united Cabinet, civil or military—but by some one competent to set him right—he would stake his small reputation as a lawyer upon the assertion, that no case existed on record of any act bearing the least shadow of assimilation to the whole sale act of spoliation now proposed to be perpetrated upon the arbitrary theory of the noble paymaster,or of that cabinet which he wasmade to re present, and which had within the last 2 or 3 months found mason to be. come united upon a subject on which they could never before agree. In all the past history of the country, Parliament had been looked to as the power whose natural office it was to protect and to conserve the rights and properties of the public ; but now, if this measure were carried, they would have changed their character of conservator for that of spoliator. (Cheers.) He would call the attention of an Hon. Alderman, member for the city of London, to the destruction of charters in the reign of Charles 11. (Cheers.) He referred to that, because he wished him and all those who were interested in corporate rights to remember that what was the case of the Member for Boroughbridge to-day, might also one day be their own. He was sure, therefore, that the Hon. Alderman would have no hand in any corporation robbery. He trusted that by this allusion he had nailed down the vote of the Hon. Alderman as completely as he had nailed down some of'the spurious, counterfeit, Downing-street arguments, by which the measure had been supported. He would ask any man to say, if the rights of these corporations were des,royed, what future security there would be for any chartered rights of any other de. scription ? The Peer held his right by a piece of parchment, with the great seal attached to it. All corporations held their chart ers by the same security, and no other. The Corporation of the Bank of England existed by charter; the East India Company, and all the other great associated bodies, had no other protection, and they were all equally struck at by this bill. He need not trouble the house by going into the other objections which he could superadd, and accumulate against the measure ; this was a point which he could not get over, and upon that ground he rested his opposition. There were some topics, however, upon which he would address to the house a few words. He agreed with what had been ably stated by the hon. member for Preston, that the measure' , would not give satisfaction to the country, or produce that harmony of opinion which its framers seemed to anticipate from it. Oa the con.' trary, its effect would he to drive the poor man from the privileges which in some eases henow enjoyed—to divide the country into two dis tinct parties, the represented and the unrepresented the middling and the poorer classes—and to place those two parties i n conflict and col. lision. Then, again, as he understood the privileges of existing voters were not to be taken from them where any member remained to be voted for, but that they were only to end with the end of their lives. Thus you would have the new-fangletl machinery at work at the sante time with the old—aud this the noble Paymaster called simplifying the representa tion ! (Laughter.) Not denying that there might be a few sores upon some parts of the system, he could not admire the surgery of the Cabinet, how -1 ever he might be delighted with their union, in the system of treatment which they had adopted. Their practice appeared to him very much to I resemble that of a celebrated practitioner, of whom much had been heard of late, Mr. St. John Long. (Cheers and laughter.) They found their patients with a few sores, and they proposed to " rub in," until he should be covered with sores all over ; and, as he feared, if they were permitted to continue the operation, to the great danger of his expiring in their hands. (Loud and 101 l continued cheers, and bursts of laughter.) In his opinion, a threat had been very impro perly and unconstitutionally resorted to by a minister of the crown, to Induce the house to pass the measure. The First Lord of the Admiralty had threatened them with a dissolution, if the measure were not carried. Now he would say, that any man who would suffer himself to be influenced in the vote he should give by that threat, would be unworthy the character of a British senator. Buthe did not believe that a dissolution would be the effect of not carry ing the Bill, but rather the contrary; for if it were carried, after they had been induced to stigmatize themselves as usurper, how was It pos sible they could sit lad make laws for a country before whom they had made such a confession ? Why, then, he would venture to predict that if the measure were rejected, Parliament would not be dissolved, but that the converse of that would take place, and that the dissolution would only ensue if it were carried. The present united Cabinet had come into office upon _the strength of large promises of retrenchment and, if they were short ly returned to their constituents, it would be no thee curious to fancy what would pass between them and their consti tuents with regard to these promises of such vast retrenchment. He would suppose, for example, the right hon. baronet, the First Lord of the Admiralty, appearing refore the Cumberland freeholders at Cock ermouth. lie would suppose him upon the hustings—if indeed the hustings were not to be retrencited—(a laugh)—addressing those free holders with an elegance of language which it would be in vain for him to attempt to imitate. And he would also suppose one of the right hon. baronet's constituents, a farnter;to address him thus : " Well, Sir James, what have you done for us ? you know you promised us a deal of rettenchmens Have you taken off the malt tax ?" "No," must he Sir James's reply, "we haven't done that." " Well, Sir James." would say the farmer, " have you taken off the assessed taxes?" Again Sir James would be obliged to say, " We haven't beat able to do that either," Upon which the farmer would very naturally rejoin, " Why. then, Sir James, will you tell us what you have done ?" And then Sir James would be compelled to conclude with something to this effect: " Why, my good friend, we have not re. pealtd, the Malt Tax, nor have we taken off ;he Assessed Taxes ; hut I'll t.. 11 you what we have done for you—we have taken ye off sixty-two Members of Parliament."—[lt is impossible to describe the force of this part of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman's speech, or its effect upon the House, which was for some moments convulsed with langliter.l—Now this would, no doubt, be a very merry conceit at Cockermouth (Renewed laughter) and the Right Honourable Baronet, wlth his ingenuity, would find not much difficulty in getting out of it at the hustings. (Laughter.) But it behoved him, or the Cabinet in the person of some of its Members, to stand up there and to satisfy that House of the sufficiency of the grounds, as well as of the soundness of the principles, upon which a large portion of its members was thus to be arbitrarily taken away. He hat! now, he trusted ' done his (ha! to his country, to that house, and to himself ; and he hat: only a few mire words to add. In the time of Cromwell there took place what was called a 1 urge of the House of Commons. That purge was called C, 1. Pride's Purge." (Laughter.) Within the last three days they had !wen threats. ed with another purge, and which, as no name hall beer. given to it, he should take the liberty of calling " Russell's Purge." (Roars of laughter.) This measure, he contended, was teueded upon a rep& basis, and partook of the smite violence which Itelottgeel to the Act which formerly expelled the Members front that house. And now, after more than a century--at least since the revolution--fornting the most happy period in the his ' tory of the country, they were to be exposed again to the nauseous ty. nanny ef a repetition of " Colonel Pride's Purge." The hon. and learned gentleman then sat down amidst the loudest cheering. which continued for some minutes. The A TTOR NE Y- G E HER A L rose, hut was for a length of time• unable to proceed. (The cries of Adjourn, adjourn, and Off, off; re sounded from all parts of the house.) Several members attempted to speak, when— The SPEAKER said that it was out of order for any gentleman to speak when an hon. member was in possession of the house. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL again attempted to speak, but the loud cries of Adjourn, adjourn, completely prevented it. The SPEAKER called oder, and, after some time, order was sons what obtained. The ATTORNIIT-GILNER AL then proceeded essay, that he was extremely sorry, seeing the feeling of the house, to trespass on he Wad gence. (Loud cries of adjourn, adjourn, order, order, go on, go on.) He would not for a moment object to an adjournment, had be not felt personally called upon by the honourable member for Boroughbridge, (go on, go on, go on.) He, therefore, felt quite sure that an meteor binge of English gentlemen would give him a patient hearing. (Heal.) He could assure bonoutable members he would not have troubled &cur had It not been for the very extraordinary call that was made use 'him. The honourable member for Boroughbridge had stated thrt the present Attorney-General ought to be drove from the lieuse in the part he had taken in forming the present measure. He had tak no part only as an humble servant of the crown,but the measure had hie inost cordial support. One would have thought, from the hon. m.m. bet's tone, that he was delivering his lest dying spetch.—(loud laughter) —and regretting that he left so detestable an officer as the present At. torney-General behind,.-{Hen, hear, and loud cries of adjourn.) The Attorney-General continued.—Really he would wish to ask if it we intended to adjourn every night at half-past 12 o'clock? if such a etas: urination was persisted in he should like to know how many nights ium members wished to sit on the debate. Ihe hon. and learned member lia.l good-humouredly called this measure "Russell's Purge" and no doubt it was a purge that so excited his feelings as to warrant him ie. making the remark. lie also :aid that it bore a resemblance to Pride's purge in the time of Cromwell. Now on the authority of Lord Clarendon. hr would state that Pride's purge had nothing to do with a reform in the House of Commons. (Hear, hear.) It was most disgraceml that a duke er lord should send members into that house for rotten buroagae, a n d that .hose members should be called the representatiees of the people. A sacrifice of parliamentary influence must be made—the country de manded it, and had a right to capes t it. (Hear and ch. ere.) lie item) ask those who opposed the present measure, if they .secant to that no reform was required? He had not heard a single ergumen against it; but the torment appeared to be, tl at tau reform e... necessary. (Cries of No, no.) Then he did not uelltritand tact,-., they eeetainly tended to that. No other plan had beet, proposed, tire only arguments were in objection to the plan proposed be his nohie friend. lie had listened attentively, but no suttgesdon et any refire; bad been made by the opponents of the present mess:tea In a few I;,. stances enquiries had been made at the bar into corrupt practices at elections, but it had always been a needless expense and great hypo crisy. (hear, hear, hear.) It was true a noble duke had declared that no Iltform was necessary, as the present system of representatioe was the best that could be devised. Yet he was able to make a miserable sacrifice in one or two boroughs, vet these were sacrific that would not satisfy the country. [Hear, hear.] It was as 1101J r:ous as the sun at noon. day that seats were regularly sold. [ Hear.] Then why should the poor man who had a vote, be deprived of selling it. (hear.) What justice was there in disfranchising Retford and Beet-hem, it was a paltry stile of legislation (hear.) He remembered when Mr. Canning argued the question of reform, in 1822, he stated that public. minds might be satisfied with the present state of the representation from the benefits that were derived from it. But nothing in his (the At. tomey-General's) opinion could be more disgusting and demoralizing 'than the present state of the representation (hear.) The people had found it out, and the House of Commons, as English gentlemen, he hoped were prepared to do their duty (hear.) He would ask, whether any scheme more likely to do good, and give more universal satisfaction, than the one now on the table could be proposed. Never was a scheme prepared with a more sincere desire for the public good. It had beet said :hat Pitt, Fox, and other great names, found their way into tile house by the defects of the present system ; bu• he would contend that they came in by the voice of the people. In 1818 it had been arranged for lehn to COW! into Parliament for a rotten borough, but he heard that a vacancy was about to take place in the town he then represented, but such vacancy not having taken place, he must own he had not the courage to refuse the offer of a borough—he should have been much more satisfied with himself if be had—for it was not a situation to be desired by an independent spirit. (Hear. hear.) There was no comparison to be made between a rotten borough and the represen tation of a flourishing town. Ile had the authority of Fox, Pitt, and Burke, and Lord Chatham, of former times, on the necessity of a Reform in Parliament. It was not to support the splendour of the peerage that they were allowed to send their nominees to Patliaineet ; but it arose from the mere accident of their having purchased borough:. —during the time of Mr. Pitt forty boroughs were got rid of. He (the Attorney-General) was of opinion, that every purchaser of a bootlg:1 might be punished at common law, under the Bribery Acts; thereene. let no more be said about vested rights. The present measure was an ..ct of justice, which the people were entitled to. The House would see wile: titer the Common Council of the City of London and the Coteau,' Hell which meets to-morrow, would lament over the spoliation of those s ae almost defunct boroughs. (Hear.) An hon. member had said, let tat bill be brought in, and then it would be seen what the people thougi.: of it. lie wished chose who opposed it would abide by that crtterio:, (Hear, hem.) The people of England had for the lass one I.untleet: years been a buffering people, and they had a right to expect re dress. The revolution in France was not any thing for this coumry to dread ; that was brought about by an act of the King on th..- throne, who committed an act that made it impossible to presets.: that dynasty. The Revolution in Fiance was of a very differtut nature to time one in Belgium. It was asked why Knareeeoreu,tei, Comae, and Tavistock, were not to be disfranchised, the answ‘r was plain, some line must be drawn, and although time franchise was to remain in these boroughs, the spa.m would be completely ale rt tl. It would no longer remain in the hands of a patron, or a select corpora tion, but in the householders at large. His hon. and learned friend would, according to his views on the subject, leave the heuse as the victim of a tyrannical measure, and he was to leave the leease kee a de graded Attorney-Omni' ; but still he hoped, that whatever change itt the representation might take place, they both should be ..gain ;urea', to fight the battles of the people. (Hear.) At a quarter past one o clock, 31r. J. Banks moved an adjournincia of the debate until five o'clock this day, which motion was seconded by Mr. Perceval, and agreed to. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Half-past One u'Clocia semmemos=ressma THE DISFRANCHISED BOROUGHS. The following is a list of the present sitting members tut the 60 boroughs proposed to be disfranchised by Lord John Russell: Aldborough (York).—Viscount Stormont and J. F. Clinton. Aldborough (Suffolk).—Marquis of Douro and Right Hon. .1. W. Ctoka. I • Appleby.—Visconnt Maitland and Hon. H. Tufton. iledwin.—Right Hon. Sir J. Nicholl and J. F. Buxton. Beeralston.--Lord Loraine and C. Blacken. Bishop's-Castle.—E. Rogers and F. H. CornwalL Bletchingley.—Sir Wm. Horne and C. Tennyson. Boroughbridge.—Sir C. Wetherell and M. Attwood. Boasiney.—E. R. Tunno and Hon. J. S. Wortley. Braekley.—R. H Bradshaw and Captain J. Bradshaw. Bramber.—Hon. F. 0. Calthorpe and J. Irving. Buckingham.—Sir G. Nugent and Sir T. Freemantle. Callington.—A. Baring and W. B. Baring. Camelford.--M. Millbank and S. Cradock. Castle.Rising.—Lord H. Cholmondelev and Hon. F. G. Howard. Cuefe-Castle.-0. Banta and P. J. }tills. Dunwich.—A. Arcedeckne and F. Banic. Eye.—Sir E. Kennon and Sir P. C. Sydney Fowcy.—Lord Brudenell and J. C. Severn Oxtton.—J. S. Hope and J. V. Shelley Haslemere.--Iligkt Hon. Sir J. Beckett and W. Holmes liedon.—Sit T. Constable and R. Farrand Heytesbury.—E. H. A'Conrt and Sir G. T. Staunton Higham Farers.,-(One member) Viscount Howick Ilindon.—J. Wayland and Hon. 0. i%l. Fortescue Ilchester—J. J. H. Vere and M. Bruce East Lona—T. A. Kenimis and H. T. Hope West Looe —C. Buller, jun. and Sit C. Hulse. Lostwithici—How K Curt and Right Hon. W. V. Fitsgeridd. Ludgcrshali—R. T. Foley and Sir 8. I:ltalians. Blalmesbury—Sir C. Forbes and J. Forbes. Mitlhurst—J, A. Smith and G. Smith. hlilborne Pon—Right Hon. W. Sturges Bourne and G. S. Byng. IlineLeaa—J. F. Luttrell and W. E. Towline. Newport, Ctornwall—J. Raine and J. Doherty. Newton, Lancashire—T. Honldsworth and Colonel T. Legit. Newton, Isle of Wight—Hon. C. A. W. Pelham and H. (Sunny. Oakhampton......Hon. O. J. Ellis and Lord B. A. Seymour. Orford.-8. B. Kildabee and Colonel Cooke. PetersilehL-81r W. Jolliffe and O. E. Joliet Plympton.—Viseonnt Valletort and G. C. Antrobus. Quecnborciugh.—J. Ca' pel and Hon. P. C. H. Durham. Reigate.—J. Cocks and Sir J. Yorke. Romney.—W. Miles and Hon. A. "Over. St. Alawee.—Sir E. Llurit4ton and 0.0. W. Pigott. 3liehael's (Cornwall)—J. H. flawldas and Hon. L. Ktoyoh. Saltash.—J. Oregson and Earl of Darlington. Old Sarum—J.' Alexander and 3. Dupre Alexander. Seafoid—J. Fitagerald and Hon. A. F. Ellis. Steyning—E Blount and 0. R. Philips. Stockbridge-0. Wilbraham and W. S. Stanky. Tregony— J. Alackillop and J. A. Gordon. Wareham—Right Hon. J. Calcraft and J. Ewit.g. Wendorer-8. Smith and A. Smith. %Vcobly—Lord W. Thynne and Lord H. F. Thynne. Whin:hutch-48r S. Scott and Hon. J. R. Townshend. Winchelsea—HowlH. Dunstan and J. Williams. Woodotock—Lord C. 8. Chulithill and Morqui:. of Blioitl'out. Wootton Haoott....Visoonnt Mahon 'tn.. T. H. Villiers. Vannoath—lice. G. Anion abd W. Y. Peel. • 7 II I I t t~ I 0.. , . . .. li . ... ~ ...1. .. I. i