Star. — London, England, 1821-01-04 00:00:00

NAPLE& PRIVATE LETTRIL—Nareas, Dar.. it. is I told you, my dear Sir, the indignation of the People was ro used at the King's Message to Parlia mat of the Bth. 'You will perceive that the Minis try was changed by a Decree of the 10th. " The Parliament voted an Address to the King to-day, which is to be presented by a Deputation of eighteen of the Deputies, sanctioning his Majesty's departure for the Congress , at Laybach, since be swears to have no other motive than to maintain the present_ Constitution. The Duke of Calabria, the Vicar-General, is named Regent while his Majesty is absent; and with respect to his Majesty's desire to balm four Members of the Parliament to accompany him to the Congress, the Address assures the King of the implicit faith of the Parliament in the K in g' s oath to defend the Spanish Constitution here esta blished, and declines sending any persons with his Majesty as advisers. " The Committee appointed to investigate the charges preferred by the Parliament against the Mi nisters who advised so unconstitutional a measure as the Address of the Bth, made its Report to-day. The Duke of Campo Chiaro. and Count Zurlo are consi dered gulty, but the others are not so in the opinion of the Committee ; however, a further discussion is to take place on Friday. NEAPOLITAN PAPERS. In the Giormak Costeessionak of the 12th, is the following speech, delivered by Signor Poerio, in the 4 Sitting of the Bth December : " GENTLEKIN—Never was a People in its regene ration more innocent than ours. Never did a nation, by its noble self-restraint, acquire greater rights to the esteem of its contemporaries, and to the admi ration of posterity. Notwithstanding, ancient and modern history do not present, perhaps, an example of a situation more painful, and less deserved, than that in which we, the Representatives of that Nation, are to-day placed. Our venerated Monarch is sud denly invited to form a part of the august Congress which is about to open in the city of Laybach, com posed of the highest Potentates of Europe. He, re solved to consolidate the happiness of his People, braves the rigour of the season, does not regard his advanced age l and wishes to accede to the invitation. But the identical declaration which announces to us this news, contains, in form and substance, acts ab solutely incompatible with the Constitution which we have sworn to defend !—acts to which we could not consent without making ourselves culpable ! acts, in fine, which, if not censured, would eclipse the glory of the Nation, and that of the King ! What shall we do, Gentlemen, in circumstances so difficult? That which faithful Mandatories owe to themselves, to their constituents, and to the head of the generous nation which they represent. We shall discuss the contents of the Royal Message with calm ness ; we shall decide with courage ; we shall act with constancy; and we shall put into our conduct the greatest honesty and truth. Your Extraordinary Committee has understood the importance of the preliminary examination entrusted to them. They have been penetrated with the different duties of the Assembly, and they have consequently distinguished in the Message, the benevolent part, which is entirely the King's, from the anti-constitutional part, which cannot be his, and which must be attributed solely to erroneous and imprudent counsels. This distinc tion has guided the Committee to that wise, digni fied, and prudent decision, which the Honourable Deputy Reporter has made you acquainted with, and illustrated. Let us not now depart from that salu tary distinction; let us avoid pronouncing an abso lute negative; let us reflect that the destiny of seven millions of our fellow-citizens depends on it. Of what use is it to dissemble? Our political resurrec tion has had, from its first moments, detractors. It is true that exaggeration and the spectres created to our loss, by malignity and by envy, must have fielded to the strength of evidence ; it is true the general opinion in Europe respecting us is grown steady, and that no one any longer believes this hos !bitable land to be in anarchy and disorder; it is true, in fine, that the fatal scenes emphatically predicted by a few journalists, serve still only to delight false prophets. But, nevertheless, our enemies have not ceased to preach up an error, to which principally must be attributed the uncertainty of our diplomatic relations. Let us say it boldly, and without any veil, an injurious prejudice has been circulated ; they have dared to say that the Constitution of Spain was pro claimed amongst us by a faction, and that the King was not free in giving his consent to it. Gentlemen, as this most unjust accusation is intimately connected with the subject which we are discussing, it is useful, it is honourable, it is necessary to banish this error to combat such a prejudice. The result will be a triumphant argument in favour of the opinion of your Extraordinary Committee. But permit me to found my demonstration, not from political researches of a high order ;—suffer me to deduce my system from those facts only which have passed under our eyes, known to the whole universe, and already become the province of history ;—suffer also, that to render this system irresistible, 1, the Representative of a free and constituted People, borrow the lan guage of the partizans of absolute power, and con tute their accusations with their own principles.— Who does not. know that the ardent, and, I will say, feverish desire of the people of the Two Sicilies has always been for liberal institutions? Without losing ourselves in antiquity, on which ground we 'should combat with an useless superiority, let us confine ourselves to the period of the last twenty-five years. The ideas developed by the French Revolu tion, of which the remoteness heightened the gran deur, and. concealed the disorders, had here, until 1795, no consequences but simple inclinations. The Government took theories for conspiracies, and this fatal error produced its never-failing effects. Liberal' ideas spread their branches among the most en lightened and distinguished classes of society, and the incursion of the French, which happened in 1799, gave them a preponderating force, which rigour was never able to subdue. The invasion which Bona parte made in 1806, of the Kingdom of Naples, and the absolute Government which was the consequence of it, were not able to root out that desire of liberty which resection, experience, and the example of the errors of other nations, had converted into the want of a constitutional' regime. The People were not deluded by splendid appearances, and manifested in different tinnier the same In 1612 the Caz labrias, in 181 S the Abruzzos, moved 'without con cert for the same end, to obtain a Constitution. And in and after 1812, what efforts did not Sicily make to ameliorate its own ? The sea, as well as their Governments, divided the two people, but an ac cordant interest and desire united them. In 1814, the Nobility, the Magistracy, and the Army, solemnly demanded a Constitution from Joachim. It was pro mised with pomp, but it was not given, except in ithe last instants of his government, and m if it were the only plank in his shipwreck. But this concession was toe tardy, and was taken for an act of derision. But what need have I of arguments and conjectures? The Proclamation of the Ist of May, 1815, which his Majesty addressed from Palermo to the Inhabi- 1 tants of the Kingdom of Naples°, and in which, to excite them to shake off the foreign yoke, and to prepare them for liberty, the magnanimous King restored to his People their ancient names, that they might imitate ancient virtues; this solemn act, in which was announced the return of the legitimate King to his Throne, in the name of the Congress of the High Allies, who, after so many dangers, and with so much glory, had made the cause of legiti macy triumph ; this edict of consolation and peace contains the following memorable words:- " A Go vernment, stable, wise, religious, and for you. The People shall be the Sovereign, and the Prince the depository of the laws, which shall be given by the most energetic and desirable of Constitutions: — What homage more pure or more true could be ren dered to the impatience of the People for a political regeneration? The Head of the Government, who was just about to lose the reins of power, and his Majesty, who was ready to reassume them, spoke the same language—the only language which the People enjoyed and understood, became the only one which suited their wants, and could cure their evils and cicatrize their wounds. How could it be imagined that theT should afterwards forget it ? Na tions often suffer in silence ; but no nation has ever renounced hope, and much less the aspect of its feli city. In fact, in the month of June, 1815, his 'Ma- jesty returned to Naples, and his gentle and paternal l i administration created in the hearts of all the most lively gratitude, augmented the love of the People, but did not stifle in their breasts ancient desire— did not root from their minds the recent promise— did not erase from their understanding the truth, that men pass away and institutions remain.— If we regard truth, we cannot deny that, from 1815 to 1820, a Constitution was more than ever de sired among us, and that, at different intervals, the cries for it were loudly raised, in others prayers, in all hope. In such a state of things, some brave men met on the 2d of July, at Monteforte, and had the noble boldness first to utter the public wish for a con stitutional regime. They were few in number, but their sentiments were those of the whole kingdom.— The news of this event arrived at Naples, and the first steps of the Ministry seemed directed to make use of force ; but soon it perceived its true position, and revealed it altogether to the King. The vene rated Monarch shuddered at the . bare thought of civil bloodshed : he called to counsel his old Ministers, and in the midst of them, and only with them, he de termines to gratify the unanimous and already ante cedently known wishes of the nation, and to grant, at Last, that sighed-for gift promised by him in the fulness of his liberty, and when he was about to re turn amongst us, supported by the High Powers ; a precious gift, which renders the people more free, and the empire of the laws stronger, and the Throne more secure. Let us be just, Gentlemen. Between the morning of the 2d of July, in which the move ment commenced, and the night of the 6th, in which his Majesty wisely and boldly terminated it, by pro claiming the Constitution of Spain, what region of the kingdom was shaken ?—what region lost its traii'- quillity, or was exempted from the Royal authority ? On the contrary, all the twenty-two Provinces of the Monarchy lived in obedience to the King. The ,greater number of them not only were ignorant of what had happened, but there would not have been time to inform them of it, not even by telegraph; so that Sicilia, the Calabrias, the Apulias, the Abruzzos, the Basilicata Samnium, the Capital, and also the neighbouring Provinces, did not give themselves a Constitution, but received it from the hand of the King. They received it, it is true, with joy, and with applause, as the first of their wants—as the pledge of their prosperity—as the bond which bound them more closely to the reigning dynasty ; but, in fine, unless history be falsified, it must be agreed that the Spanish Statute was granted by the Monarch to his People, and published bythe Constituted Authorities. And yet they dare to attack the legitimateness and `the spontaneousness of that memorable act! And they dare to attribute it to fear ! Yes, certainly, it was by a noble fear, that his Majesty determined on this step ; that is, the fear that a Government with out guarantees could no longer sutlice for our well being and his repose. What wonder is there, that enlightened by experience, moved by fervent and unanimous wishes, mindful of his promises,and soli citous to see his People permanently happy, he should have put an end to the political tempests, and fixed the helm of the Government as it were in a secure port, on the basis of the social compact ? But be cause his resolution was the more founded on calcu lation, is it to be on that account less free? What political constitution, what diplomatic treaty, what political alliance, what peace has there been which was not determined by strong and impelling motives? Our detractors have not been weary of lavishing on the brave men of Monteforte, the title of rebels, and to attribute to them exclusively our political change. But what assertion was ever less true? No: The movement of Monteforte was not the cause, but the • This Proclamation is expressly aid solemnly Widened in the Edict which his Majesty published at Messina, the 90th of May, 1815, and which forms part of the Bulletin of the Laws. At any rate, two facta are undoubted :—the first, that the Pro.' clammiest of the Ist May, 1813, given at Palermo, was seat at that time from Sicily, as well into the Kingdom of Naples u elsewhere. It wee Fisted in many provinces, and produced on them a very walla den ; and abo, notwithstanding the severe vigilance el the then Police, pemktrated into the capital. It was oleo peibliessi in some foreign surnah. The second fact is,l that akhosh ifs Osessment dK m insert it in the official acts, cement with k is the Mserkent Edict of MAy 40,1 yet it never thought Its etimee, or disapproving of h. This mines mated public opinion, that the de cided will of his Majesty was to vast a Constitutional Regime, sad that wirouvliamy oirissuselosses, ousi_V a Ails order. had detected tin negation et Ms reslMltir•-1 4 hns at sits SnAllll6 oeradbn • of the concession made tb us. The cause' ' of it was the free will of the Monarch, conformable to that of the whole nation. No : ours was not a revolution, but a national festival, in which the first hymns were abounding in the praises of the King. No : as the men of the Zd of July never pretended ,to influence the operations of the Government, so, with the most delicate disinterestedness, they have refused th'e employments, the rewards, and honours, which the Government had offered to them. A severe and impartial posterity will judge whether there , was ever a constitutional regeneration more legitimate, more dignified, more immaculate, than our own.— We have arrived as far as the Edict of the 7th July. But deeds and acts of not less importance fol low. His Majesty and his august sons swear to the Constitution before the Provisional Junta; the Elec toral Councils assemble by Royal order; the De puties of the Nation are chosen; the people rally round the Throne, and bring it back under the obe dience of the King.. A foreign war is thought pos able : the Vicar-General of the kingdom, that illus trious Prince who has deserved so well of the country, calls back, in the name of the King, to the banners, the disbanded soldiers of the ancient army; and at this invitation they do not run but fly, all to the common defence. What other proofs can be given of the strength of the Government, of the full liberty of the Monarch, of the love and respect of the. People? But, Gentlemen, of all the acts of Govern ment, two merit our attention—the Royal Decree which regulated the meeting of the Electoral Col leges, and the Declaration relating to the mode of com posing the Council of State. These acts demonstrate two things—that the bases of the Spanish Constitu tion are unalterable, and that they are so by the com bined will of the Nation and of the King. It is in the first of these, it is the Government which, dic tating the terms of the powers (procure) of the De puties to the Parliament, declares the political statute of Spain intangible in its bases ;—an useful but bold step, which only a Government secure of the affection and the confidence of the People could take. The Elec toral Councils executed the Royal Decree, and our powers were limited to those modifications only which were necessary to adapt the Constitution to this King dom. In the second act, it is his Majesty who, in a con ciliatory but free way, resists the modifications made by the Parliament in the constitutional mode of pro posing the Councillors of State, and recommends the strictest observance of the Statute. Of that auto graph declaration, each of you, my honourable col leagues, retains in your memory and in your hearts the important sentences in which our religious Mo narch calls himself the giver of the Constitution, and the first founder of the Constitutional Monarchy.— What more can be desired ? This act alone suffices to render victorious the demonstration of the legiti macy of political resurrection : since it is the King himself who declares himself the author of it—de clares himself to be so, not requested, but in the ac tual exercise of his prerogative.—Under these cir cumstances, nothing could happen more fortunately for our country, than the invitation to his Majesty to join the Congress at Laybach. What unbounded confidence, in fact, should not be inspired by just k Monarchs, who protest that they wish zealously to guard the principle of the independence of nations ? Remark well, also, Gentlemen, that of whatever kind the prejudices of foreign nations against our political regeneration may be, his Majesty, the King, will not be called on to dissipate them in the quality of a me diator between his people and the Potentates. No; for mediation is always the act of a third party, and he is a concurrent in the act by which we have been constituted. The King, then, will go to the Congress of the other Princes, as their equal in rank, and as their senior io reigning and in age. He will go to defend, in a conciliatory way, and in a state of peace, the interests of the nation ; as he would defend it at the head of the arm f, if we were in a state of war. He will go to support the Constitutional Monarchy of which he is the founder ; he, in fine, will go to un deceive the deceived Monarchs. gi And certainly, Gentlemen, if the Royal Message only contained the demand for the Constitutional consent of the Parliament to the King's departure, who amongst us could dissent from it? Who would stop the road to a negotiation between the Head of our Nation and the greatest Monarchs of the earth. But the truly unconstitutional mode in which the Message is drawn up, has rendered complicated for us what would have been otherwise simple; im possible, what would have been practicable ; cri minal, what would have been innocent. In fact, how could we assent to a document which contains the notice of the departure of the King, and not the request provided by the Statute ; to an act in which are announced the bases of a new Constitution, as if the Nation had not one already sworn to by its Re presentatives, and by the King ; to an act, in fine, which prescribes the indefinite paralyses of the As sembly ? Errors so important could not pass unob served under the watchful eye of a faithful Parlia ment. No: it cannot compromise its own duties and its own oaths. We sit here not to form the so cial compact, but in virtue of a precedent compact. The Nation, seconding the desires of the King, has not delegated to us the faculty of exchanging the Statute of Spain, but that only of adapting it to our wants, forbidding us expressly to alter its bases. This prohibition shuts out every discussion, so that if it could be imagined that the King and the other Potentates would assume the initiation of a political change, the Nation alone could decide on it. But what could he do without a mandate, and even against the mandate ? Our duty is one—that of intrepidly defending the National rights, and the , Constitution which has legitimately created them.— But far be from us any disrespectful supposition which might offend the honour of our King and the magnanimity of the other Monarchs. Let us say with confidence—the anti-constitutional parts of the Message are not, and cannot have been, according to their will. Not according to the will of the King, who is the giver of the Statute, and who has always been the severest guardian of it, and with repeated oaths and open declarations has always shewn that he wished it to be most strictly obseribed. Not ac cording to the will of the High Allies, who respect the principles of the independence of nations; who have acknowledged. the political Constitutions of all people, and who have acknowledged precisely that of Spain on its native soil. Why should they com bat it on its adopted soil? I vote, Gentlemen, for the recommendation of the Committee." THE EVENING STAR. LONDON. THURSDAY, JANUARY 4, 1821. THE FUNDS. PRICE OR STOCKS ERIK DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK{ S per Cent. Reduced 70% % Si per Cent. 79% 4 per Cent. 87% 7 / B —Long Anns. 181-18 India Bonds 265. 275. pre. ' Exchequer Bills par, 2s, pre. Omn. Vys pr.—Cons. for Acct. 71% % 74. To-day we give, more in detail, some of the evente that have taken place atN a ples,th an our time and limit permitted yesterday. The Parliamentary discussion on the first Message of the Kinn, announcing his is. tention to meet the Allied Monarchs atLaybach, not only animated, but gave a display of great judg. ment and good sense on the part of the speakers. We have given, as a specimen of Neapolitan eloquence, the speech of the Deputy Posnio, in the sitting of the Bth ult. But, perhaps, one of the most remarkable occur. rences respecting the views and feelings of other Power. as to the Neapolitan Revolution, is what ha transpired respecting the offered mediation of France This Power offered its friendly interference to pre. vent a rupture between Naples and the Allied So. vereigns, if the Parliament would consent to a strieg of modifications in the frame of the new Monarchy, which amounted, in, fact, to a substitution of the French Constitutional Government for the Spanish. The refusal of the Neapolitan Parliament to acceit this mediation, if not, perhaps, practically the safest in the world, was at least consistent with its own principle, that the nation ought to reject all fir reign interference, from whatever quarter it might spring. The Address to the K tiG, communicating this resolution, is a manly, solemn, and affectingdocumez —lt breathes high feeling, and contempt of danger ; but it stoops not to disguise the magnitude of that danger, nor the uncertain issue of a conflict with sn. perior force, which it steadfastly contemplates asap proaching. It is impossible not to sympathize with such a People, nor to admire both the temper and the courage with which they have hitherto met the appalling difficulties of their fortune. If the con. duct of the Neapolitans in the field be of a spirit pro. portioned to that which they have already exhibited, their country may be overrun and occupied by the Germans, but the Nation can never be subdued. , The principal modifications proposed by the French Cabinet were—" to have a Chamber of Peers; to abolish the permanent deputation of Parliament; Cc have a Council of State nominated by the King; as unlimited veto to the Monarch ; the King's initiates; respecting the Budget and the proposing of Laws; and the power of dissolving Parliament to rest in the King." In one ward—to make the Neapolitan Con. stitution approximate that of France, rather than the Spanish. On the first blush:of such a proposal, it may appear to some to be reasonable, that France should dictate the terms on which she should lend her friendly offices; but, when examined, the proposition appears quite unreasonable. He who offers to become an umpire to heal differences between parties, is, in the very nature Of things, always supposed ignorant 's( the real grounds of the quarrel ; he into learn thee from hearing the parties,. and take pains to ahem to each, respectively, the unreasonableness or injustio of their individual claims. The French, on this occs sion, have :hewn the same disposition to dictate which marked every period of their Revolution ; bet forget• ing entirely, that throughout the whole, they their selves uniformly protested against all foreign dictation During the Republic nothing would serve, but con verting all Europe into Republics; during the Eu pire again, every State must be a Sovereignty; and now there is no salvation without a Chamber d Peers, Council of State, and Royal initiative. Wlin a Constitution is once established, though it be el. . ceedingly defective, there may be reasons for maw mining it; and hence we can excuse Frenchmen fa bearing with what to us would seem very great evils; as, for instance, the exclusive power of proposing see laws. But there is a material difference betwees putting up with one's own evils, and imposing tbes evils on others. But, even if the French Constituti.a were as perfect as it is defective, the making its at ceptance by the Neapolitans the condition of media tion, is, on the part of the French Government, an is suit to the People of Naples for which there can IN no justification. Their attempt to dictate to OW Neapolitans in a matter which concerns them's* alone, was received with deep indignation. The political contest to which the recent Revolt). tions have given rise, when freed from all disguise amounts simply to this—Shall the world continue tt be governed exclusively by Despots, or by lay formed by the will of the People, expressei throne Constitutional Representatives? How it is to termi nate, is as certain as that the morning succeeds tbs night; but how long the clouds may obscure tit horizon, is yet in the womb of time. The Despoo declare against all Revolutions, in the effecting which the Military have any part; but pray how co they prevent this, if the Military entertain views dif ferent from their own I—By employing the Mpitol to put down the will of the Military ! Indeed ; s this all they have 'They expect the Military own will!! Admirable of effecting Revolutions with the approbation fact, is not the means; that abridges the power , criminal by the members , If the old Monarchies should fall by the ageni be nothing more than causes which their own not obvious to the woi of Austria and Prussia, Germany, called upon effort for the restoratie Os the reward of exertion, through Representation - The Tarn -bond were they filled the ranks once the distinction of who overpowered N. own totally incompatib) potism. Accordingl: claim those rights, at constitute the Soverek are resisting, by every of their engagements. can they expect tray the army, composed get the duty they ow. the slaves of despotism Such is the change mental armies, that ti but organized bodies perhaps, than any other snunity, and if any most proceed from by the Holy Alliance change in the intern:, acknowledged, if prod s trongly indicates thei circumstances which • BRIG, Yesterday his M. rough-row into the teived his beloved who had previously the severe weather, Palace lawn, and seems breeze. NAVAL Zitract of a letter from layi dated Dec. 22 ' and for Liverpool, from encountering a severe pie boats and sustained a little the wind is fair." The libenezer, EDMONDS, jinn HuU on Sunday, with r DIAL, Jay. S.—Wind weather.—Came down from Cyrus, Roston, for the for Gibraltar; Mary, for for Gibraltar. FALIMITE, JAL I. and Venus, Wan, for Constitution, Arrwatc, tae BristoL POILIMMUTH SAL Jan Jaata); frost London. Ilsivrittn, Jan. 3.—. trim Gottenburgh. Atanzn--At - Corunna.. hod; Victory, Cunningham, !ins, from New Orleans. foundland ; and Habnab, Cusruw-Houes, JAY. 3.- from Leghorn; Margaret, and Jane, from Messina.- for Marseilles; Frederick, Goode Hoop, for Brussels Cork : Rosetta, for Ha•• Yesterday, the di , lndia House, and deli lowing ships, viz. Ins and Farquharson, ltonsbay and China Passzseasits ran um Assistant-Surgeon; Mr. IP. J. Lugrin, W. C. Ilintt, and Hale, Cadets. PASUNOILILS rsa F Pringle and Inglis, Assist. Mr. Fell ; Messrs. Spence The Duke of CLA r tinguished personages 4dence in the Stable", were the Earl and Countess The Misses FiTzer from the seat of Sir' 'and had an elegant in south Audley-street. The beautiful dessert tared at Vienna, and teror of AUSTRIA ESTERIIAZY, was a ?molt- to the Duke Monday removed House. The service 4onr dozen of dishes, • backs of three eagles, ' battles painted thereon, are four ice-pails, - -Side of three of the lied Sovereigns, flu Iwo are the portrait Marrzamtt, Count . bantam The whole enamelled, and richl• The only New-Y' either individuals pendent, is a Ticket tery, which begins' net obtain One of have, at least, double those great Sums Prize is £l9 Money, are to be had grate !Iserniji but it is . entireiy for their ad to-hope ht?— litary of Europe t able reasoners! ions be devised th a of Tyrants? s; but the end ; a wer of Despotism nbers of the Iloly archies of Conti ;ency of military ban the natural Iwn perfidy have ?odd that the deli issia, with the m on the people to 'don of their hid • :xertion, they pr. tion and liberal SI were formed in s of the army— of soldier and citi NAPOLEON had ; p l a y t , ibe wle find, the , that and that the poor reigns mid Cabin- ery possible mean ints. In such a ranquillity ? Can d of enlightened c owe to their noun ism ? ige in the constit they are no longer es of citizens; m Aber equal propo y Revolution sha them. If, then, ce to set up a p nal affairs of a c roduced by the ar their ignorance o .th they have prod rl'ON, JANUA ' ZAJZSTT remove. Palace, where h sister, the Pri arrived there. his MAJESTY dai :ems invigorated IN7'ELLIGE rem Lloyd's Agent a - 0 This morning the at Limerick, carne t :ale on the west coast, ttle damage. She w mas, from London rith loss of an anchor. nd E. blows a gale, from the River yeste e Cape of Good Ho for Rio Janeiro; an. -Wind N.E.—Sailed Waterford ; Silvia, , for Whitehaven; aad -Arrived the Emily p ma. the Dolphin, 'sham, from London ; is. At Gilboa, Love, Lb, Lefevre, from Gas 3.-.-Ships Entered In ret, from Genoa; F na.—(Geared Ontw ick, for Tenerife; W acs; Swallow, for GI avannah ; and Nelson dispatches were cl delivered to the P Inglis, Captain Captain W. CR a: Iracus.--For Born Ir. Wab.wright, free . Lugrin, and Woole is. FARQURARIIONFOT istant.Surgeons •' Mr. mice and Clark, Cad ,ARENCE entertain• iges at dinner, ye- ife-yard, St. Jame Countess of GLA ZCLARENCE have IT CHARLES POLE, it party last eveni meet. iessert service of and lately transm to his Serene Hi, a present from hi ike of WELLING from Chandos- ice consists of tw el fishes, each dish files, and the wh. hereon, in a mas , and five superb ie vases ate the .. finely executed; aits of Lord CAS cunt NESSELRODE, whole of the sery iehlygilt. Year's Gift that c or families happ ket or Share in th is 2fid IssvAlsr, f the NINE Prizes ;u6le the usual ch of £21,000, &c. ley. TWELFTH Na rails at the Contr necessary to scat old friends or nee ,