Star. — London, England, 1831-02-21 00:00:00

I , . • -•- 44\ .. • . . ) 1 1 4114 ,14 4 '0 • f‘t ••• ' ad and fifty l p nsd I,oas es not repress. eser.#- 7 re an aggregate of undyed members was obbornint,. abolition which was assigned to the counties, epresented. qualification to be required of voters, of inhabitant householders, in respect suul value, considerable difference of aced. Some will think thirty pounds rode too low ; and the scale of rated the same in towns and in the counties. 1 the amount of qualification maybe umsonces, and the necessity of a high KI by other expedients. that, in the Instrument of Government election generally is given to personA real or personal property to the amount is ~' .., 4111h ‘ : -. '"--....____- , , • , --.-. ( ) , 7 . . --- -.- ----- I,or sums 00"32 21- tii TA. to pis ? 4 4 0 1 ' ' ' ' 2* () 1788 . . TO THE PROPRIETORS OF EAST INDIA STOCK. LADIIe AND GENTLZWEN, ALLOW me to offer myself to your notice as a CANDI DATE for a SEAT in the EAST INDIA DIRECTION. A continued residence of 25 years ill India, and the active discharge of my duty in lesponaible nod important situations in the Civil Service of the Honorable Company, are the grounds on which I beg most respect. fully to solicit your support; and should I be so fortunate as to nttain the high honor to which I now aspire. I shall not tall to devote my time and hest attention to your interests. and to the zealous petfuemance of those duties which may devolve upon me. I have th honor to be, Ladies and Gentlemen, Your most obedient humble servant, Leyton, and JOHN corrow.” N 0.3, Croghy.square, Feb. IS, 1831. MONDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 21, 1831. N O . 13,714. PRICE 7D. On the nth was published, by B. Stall, Paternoster Row, Price Threepence, ALETTER to Earl CREY, on the necessity of fixing a PRINCIPLE of REPRESENTATION in the CON STITUTION. By THOMAS BAILEY, Esq. of Nottingham. " Mr. Wiley is hi every sense qualified to speak for the /Rectors of England."—Tns Sun. Feb. 14. Also, by the unie Author, A DISCOURSE ON TILE CAUSES OF REVOLUTIONS, Price Is. "This i, sound reasoning and politica discovery, which merits the respect of Governors, and the attention of People. Who can refuse their assent to Mr. Bailey's principles and conelutious, so eloquently, because so convincingly, displayed 7". Tue &a ft, Feb. 4. THE QUESTION OF REFORM. more part was of people of small substance and of no value," shows that the elective right must have been nearly uni versal, otherwise there could not have been any pretence for imputing the evil to the number of freeholders, according to any reasonable conjecture of the distribution of property in land in those days. personal property LABOURERS' FRIEND ?!.:OCIETY. FOR THE PURPOSE OF DISSEMINATING KNOWLEDGE BENEFICIAL TO TUE FAR !Mt, THE LANDOWNER, THE LABOURER, AND OUR COUNTRY. SINCE the cultivation of the soil is the resource to which we mug look for the cmpluyment of our unoccupied population, some Gentlemen, having associated with n vie* to obtain “il furnish information upon the best mode of Lccomplishing the object, and having raelved most interesting and important details, proving the great and signal advantages attending the prsetic, of letting small minions of land to labourers, Ism the occupation of theit leisure hours, by encou raging industry, and reducing Puors' Roes, desire to affind the public at this time the benefit of demonstrations rind documents so connected with the highest interests and well-being of the many. For this purpose, therefore, and to disseminate as widely as possible, at this crisis, the information possessed, a Society is established, en titled Tae LAROURRIIe FRIEND Sectary. _ _ That the design of this Society shall be, to print, in a cheap form, and distribute by means of its members, &c. communications of facts, on the advantages of small farms, and thr important benefits which have been, and may still be derived by labourers, from pussesslng small por tions of land. as well as to the country, and the land-owner, by the trifling amount of poor-rates in places where such holdings have been granted, or continued to the labouring population. Tbat an aussus.l subscription of Svc shillings, or upwards, con stitutes a member; and a donation of two guineas, or upwards, a member for life. _ _ . That the subscriptions be employA as a mean of enabling the society to distribute, and sell the facts they may publish, at a cheap rate. That members be entitled to receive the society's papers, to the amount of thar subscriptions ; and any further quantitics they may require, at a reduced price. That a Committee he annually appointed in London, to conduct the busineis of the Society. consisting of twelve psisuno ; eight of whom who have most frequently attended, shall be eligible for re-elec tion for the ensuing year. Five Members to constitute a quorum. That Ausiliary Committees be appointed in different parts of the United Kingdom, with a view to promote the objects of the Society, by encouraging the distribution of the Sociely's papers, by individuals, or by local SoLietie4, formed for that purpose, and to obtain subscrip tions or collections in aid of its funds. That ;he Committee be authorized to grant to persons who may make collections for the Sociay. a return t,f papers, to the amount of one-half of such Collections ; . n , i thzt when their remittances shall amount to Two Guineas or upwards, such persons be considered Mem bers for Life. That the Committee be authorised to nominate Honorary Members of this Society, trout among 6101 persons as may be active in the pro motion of objects similar to ;lose of this Society. That a Bookseller and Depositary be employed in Loudon for circu. lation of the papers. Tlut an Amami Alec tin? ul . the Society be :Oa in the n undo of July, when Reports shun be owl:, and a Treasurer, Committee, and Collec tors t1.11.110U91. Thi.t thz papme be pail fur on Celivery. That Messrs. Jones and Son, West Smithfield ;—Cocks and Bid duiphs, 43, Charing Cross;—Curtis, liobarts, stud Curtis, 15, Lom bard Street ;—F.sciaile and Co. 91, Lombard Street ;—llanburys, Taylor, anti Lloyds, 60, Lombard Street ;—llJukcy nod Co. 7, Fen. church S stet;—stud Martin, Stone, and Stnne, 66, Lombard Street; be the Bankers to receive subscriptions; and the Committee of Ma nagement be chosen from among the first One Hundred subscriber.. Persons desirous of forwarding the views of this society, are re quested to communicate in writing, to the secretary (pro tempore) of the Labourers Friend Society, 51, Threadneedk-street : or to the King's Head Tavern, Poultry. THE TRITE Da. STEERS'S OPODELDOC " FRO 1I its penetrating quality, is found decidedly supe rior to any other external application in promoting the natural circulation when in a torpid state, arising from cold, or other causes, and in giving vigour to the parts affected. When promptly and copi ously rubbed in, it cures Rheumatism, Chilblains, the Cramp, Sprains, and Bruises, &c. If dissolved, and applied un the first appearance of Chilblains, it prevents their breaking.—The general use of this valuable remedy has induced many persons to sell spurious imitations of it, which are without erect. That only is genuine which has the name " F. Newbery" engraved in the Government stamp on each bottle. Price 2.5. 9d. Sold by F. Newbery and Sous, at the Original Warehouse for Dr. James's Powder, St. Paul's Chinch Yard ; but as many persons mis take the [louse, observe that it is the Third from ebeapslde, the Num ber 45. Sold also by J. Sauger, 150, Oaford-street ; Hawkins, Bond street ; Harris, Ludgate.street ; and W. Pegg, 29, Dame-street, Dublin. APPROVED MEDICINES, SOLD SY Messrs. BUTLER, Chemists, At their respective Establishments—MlßA PSIDE, Corner of St. Paul's, London ; Sat:keine-street, Dublin ; and Princes-stteet, Edinburgh ; and may be bad of the most respectable Dealers in Patent Medicines in the Kingdom. . A.O UTLEIC:, VEC:ETABLE TOOTH POWDER.-- This Dentifrice (composed of Vegetables, without the admix ture of any Mineral, or pernicious ingredient whatever) has so long been in general use, and an appendage to the fashionable toilet, that ie is unnecessary to offer any ,urther recommendation in favour of it. In boxes, at 2s. 9d. DR. jA Al ES'S ANALEPTIC PlLLS—are an excellent Al. terative its Chronic Ihseades of the Stomach and Bowels, and are applicable to Bilious and Dispeptic Affection., Gout, &c. They are mild ht their operation, and require no restraint or confinement during the use of them. lit Boxes, at 44. W. and 241. HICKMAN'S PILLS FOR GRAVEL, STONE, &c.—'lbis Medicine has been long approved fur the relief of affections of the Kidneys and Bladder, which are attended with the formation of Gravel, C..lculus, and those pains of the Back and Loins which ac company these affection.; and are found to succeed when most re. medics of the kind have altogether failed. In boxes, :It 2s. 91 and 11s. BUTLER'S CAJEPUT OPODELDOC— Used with much success in cases of Rheumatism, Sprains, Bruises, Etc. Also an ex cellent application for Chilblains, by allaying the irritation. In Bot tles, at 1-. IN. and 21. 9d. TO WE] tS' STO MAC II IC ESSENCE.—Probably the safest and most certain Sedative and Antispasmodic ever presented to Public notice and mo s t effictual in Nervous Palpita t ion s , Difficulty of Breathing, and Hysteric %irections. In Bottles at 24. ¶M. 4s. 6d. and 11s. BUTLER'S COMPOUND ESS:'NCE OF CU BEBS.—This Preparation is recommended for those affections arising from diseases of the Kidney., Bladder, &c. and that cl a s s o f di seases genera ll y i n which the us e of the Cubebs bas been found so serviceable. In Bot tles, at 4s. Gd. Ss. 61 and 20s. EDT!! Ell GILL'S TONIC PlLLS—Applicable to the Female Constitution, and recommended as a safe and effectual remedy fur strengthening the system ; also for producing regularity of action in those functions which are impaired by Debility, &c. In Boxes, at le. ltd. and 2s. 9d. BUTLER'S PECTORA I. ELlXlR—strongly recommended in Colds, 11414i , u5l Coughs, Asthmatic Affections, &c. In Bottles, at Is, lid. and 2t. 9d. TOWERS" lONIC PlLLS—These Stomachic Aperient Pills have for mmy years received the most decisive marks of public ap proval. They are expressly designed to restore the tone and energy of the Digestive Organs ' and to remove and c orrect I n di gest i on , ' b a d and defecti ve Appetite, Depression of Spirits, Drowsiness, &c. In Boles, 2s. 91 4s. 6d. and 1I s. MARSHALL'S UNIVERSAL. CREATE., an excellent remedy for broken Chilblains, Scalds, Burns, Wounds, and Ulcers of every de nomination, especially sore and ulc erate d Leg ' s. In Boxes, Is. 101 sad 21. 9d. N.B. The above Preparations, when genuine, will have the Name and Address of Messrs. Boma attached w them. Particular attention to this caution is requested. C.►utdnsd in a Passphiet, pries 3s. 6d. Proposals for parliamentary reform have from from time to time been agitated. A motion was made in 1733, in the House of Commons, for the repeal of the septennial act, and for triennial parliaments; in 1745, a motion was made fur annual parliaments ; in 1758 another motion was made, fur shortening the duration of parliaments. During the American war, the public attention was much attracted to the discussion of Parliamentary Reform. The Earl of Chatham expressed a strong conviction of its ne cessity, and sanctioned by his authority, the general outline of a plan for carrying it into effect. In 1781, Dlr. Pitt made his first motion in Cor►mon4 on the subject, but without opening _ plan. In 1783, Mr. Pitt again moved certain resolutions, the heads of which were: First, That the most effectual and practicable means ought to be taken, for the better pre venting bribery and expenses in the election of members to servo in Parliament." Secondly, " That when boroughs should be convicted of gross and notorious corruption, before a select committee, to try the merits of any election, such borough should be disfranchised, and the minority of voters not so dis franchised, should be entitled to vote for the county." Thirdly, " That an addition of knights of the shire, and representatives of the metropolis, should be added to the state of representation." These resolutions were negatived by 293 to 149. In 1785, Mr. Pitt, then prime minister, introduced a di gested plan of reform. The leading objects of it were to abolish, on the footing of pecuniary compensation, a num ber of the small and proprietary boroughs, where the own ers or majority of the electors, were willing to sell; and he expected that the strong attraction of the accumulating fund he proposed to establish, would overcome any reluctance to barter existing rights in the abuses to be suppressed. By this means a disposable fund, of at least one hundred mem bers, was to be obtained, of which a dividend was to be distributed to the larger counties and the metropolis. It was proposed, also, to give representatives to some of the most populous towns; to which the claims of Leeds and Man chester seemed hardly to be disputed ; and to others, as the assets from the fund of extinguished corruption, became available. Part of the plan was, to extend the right of voting for counties to copyholders. The next attempt was made in 1790, by Mr. Flood. The plan of Mr. Flood was, to add one hundred new members to the house, to be elected by the resident householders in every county, introducing, as he computed, above 400,000 new electors, of the middling rank of the community, at present nearly altogether unrepresented, so far as depends on any right of voting enjoyed by themselves. Mr. Flood did not make it part of his proposal, but he was willing to concur in taking the 100 members trom the decayed small boroughs. Mr. Fox, it is well kuo n, considered Mr. Flood's plan the very best that had been produced : it certainly contains a general principle, worthy of being ap plied. But numerous as the House of Commons has be come, by the union with Ireland, the addition of one hun dred members of itself constitutes a sufficient objection to Mr. Flood's plan, without a corresponding reduction of the numbers of the House by the abolition of the proprietary and decayed boroughs. The next parliamentary discussion of Reform was upon Mr. Grey's motion, in 1793. At the time when the peti tion already mentioned was presented, Mr. Grey stated no specific plan of Reform, though his general views may be collected from his very able speech. The shortening the duration of Parliament to three years appears to have been contemplated as making part of any Reform. Indeed, whether the plan of triennial parliaments be at all desirable or not, it must be preceded by other substantial amendments in the system of our representation, and without them it would be the greatest of all absurdities. In April, 1821, Mr. Lambton brought forward a plan of Reform. The leading objects of it were, without touching the representation of the counties and universities, to abo lish altogether the right of returning members by cities, boroughs, cinque ports, &c. and to transfer the right of re turning the members obtained by the abolition of the boroughs to certain districts, into which the county was to be formed, in the rate of 25,000 inhabitants to each, giving an average of 2,500 electors, by whom one member was to be chosen. The elections were to be conducted at the head place of the district, by a poll, which might continue, not exceeding six days, with a provision for taking the votes by eh.ircliwardens, or other officers, in case of residence above five miles from the place of election. Mr. Lambton embodied his plan in a Bill, consisting ofl three parts ; the first as to the division of the county into districts, each returning one member ; the second, adding leaseholders of beneficial leases for certain terms, and copy holders, to the electors for counties ; the third, for repeal ing the Septennial Act, and limiting the duration of Parlia ment to three years. The plan contains many useful sug gestions, the principle of which might be advantageously applied in the machinery of arrangements different from those which the f; amer proposed. In 1822, in 1823, and 1826, Lord John Russell intro diiced the subject of Reform, and stated some general views. The principal changes he appears to have contemplated were, to add sixty members to the counties, and to ap, ro priate forty for the great towns unrepresented, and this hundred members were to be obtained by reducing a cor re-ponding number of small boroughs to one member each. Lord John Russell intimated his willingness to admit the iqinciple of pecuniary compensation to the boroughs, which! by his proposal, might be deprived of the right of returning members. The most important point in the consideration of Reform, is the mode of dealing with the nominal and decayed bo roughs, or close corporations. The middle course has been suggested, of reducing the representation of them to one member, without entirely taking away the right of election. 1 f there is any thing certain in the history of the repre sentative branch of the constitution, it is, that representation and burden had an intimate connection. It is manifest, from the 7th Henry IV. c. 15, that the election of counti►.s was by the inhabitants generally; the qualification of 41)s. re quired by Bth Henry VI. c. 7, is a proof that no qualification existed before. The complaint of " elections being made by very great outrages, and excessive numbers of people dwelling within the same counties of England, of which . • In the boroughs, there is not the smallest ground to sup- 1 pose that the choosing of members had any connection with corporate rights. The elective franchise is enjoyed by many towns wherein there never was any corporation, or where , incorporation is known to be modern. The researches of Prynne crave no doubt upon this subject. And Doctor Brady's laboured argument, that the word communities' (often applied to counties and to the kingdom at large) meant tit select body, has not convinced intelligent antiquarians... It appears, therefore, to be indispensable to the just ar rangement of the representation, that the portion of it usurped by the close corporations, and by nominal and de. cayed boroughs, should be withdrawn, or greatly contracted ; and distributed among the great towns unrepresented, or in some other mode of returning members, by districts, or by addition to the counties, as shall ultimately be deemed most advisable. The House of Commons, from its first establishment till almost the present day, has fluctuated prodigiously. The numbers called in the time of Edward I. are known. In the reign of Henry VI. Fortescue states the numbers of the House of Commons to be three hundred. From the care lessness, fraud, or corruption of sheriffs, the numbers of towns to which the parliamentary writ was sent varied in every county. Of this Brady gives numberless instances. The number of members for places restored or created, in cluding Wales, from Henry VIII. to Charles IL amounts to two hundred and fifteen. There are also above sixty places, which are known to have sent members at different timest but where the right has ceased. It is very probable tha many others might be discovered, if the parliamentary re turns wers completed. It has been stated, and never denied, and the fact, at all events, is capable of proof, that there are places— Where the election is purely nominal ... Where the electors are under fifty ... 46 Where the electors do not exceed one hundred ... 18 Where they do not exceed two hundred • • 26 -.... 123 That is, two hundred and fifty members of the House of Commons are brought in without any election at all, or by an election partaking as little of the true character of a po pular representation as direct nomination by a proprietor, and in many respects more pernicious. On what ground, then, ought we to hesitate to abolish the whole, or a large proportion of these boroughs, or elec tions by close corporation, in order to transfer the right to the people, in some new arrangement of real representation ? There can be none but the private interest of the proprietors of boroughs, and the select body of the close corporations, having a right to choose the members. Mr. Hume, in the idea of a perfect Commonwealth, ob serves, " The chief alterations that could be made on the British Government, in order to bring it to the most perfect model of a limited monarchy, seem to be the following ; First, the plan of Cromwell's Parliament ought to be re stored, by making the representation equal ; and by allow ing none to vote in the county elections who possess not a property of 2001. value. The constitution of Cromwell's Parliament ought to be judged on its merits, and it is worthy of being cited as an example. The temporary interests, or circumstances, that might have rendered its adoption unwise, in 1660, no longer operate. But we must expect to hear the hackneyed exclamation, What ! will you disturb vested interests! Will you deprive men of their elective franchises, not in solitary instances, but by divisions and districts, and universal sweeping de scriptions ? Will yon disfranchise, like Cromwell, one hun dred boroughs at once, without crime proved or alleged ? Where, then, would be the security for property? Where for liberty ? for chartered rights ? But on this occasion the lawyers, who seek to hinder the people from entering into the possession of their rights, will not succeed. The usurpation of the right of choosing mem bers which has prevailed in many nominal and decayed bo roughs, is fraudulent. That which claims to be respected as property is abuse ; the rights of election, which must not be invaded, are usurpations without a colour of title. It seems surprising, indeed, that those who set up the pretence of a virtual constructive representation, to recon cile men to the privation of a real representation, do not see that, if their argument is good for anything, it ought to si lence the complaints of a few petty electors who may lose the privilege of venality. If Leeds, and Manchester, and Birmingham, ought to be content with mere virtual repre sentation, what mighty injustice would be done to Bramber, or Steyning, or Weymouth and Melcombe Regis, in being turned over to the benefits of virtual representation ? But, at the worst, they will have a share in common with the rest of the community, and what pretence is there to allow them more ? It will be seen, from the composition of Cromwell's par liament, that be reduced a great number of boroughs or towns to the right of returning only one member. Of these there are eighty-three, all of which were revived, with other abuses, at the restoration. Cromwell also struck off about a hundred and four small boroughs. They are the very same which, to this day, con tinue the disgrace of our representation, and are what even Mr. Burke calls the " shameful parts of the Cons titution." These alterations would afford a very considerable number 'o( members to be distributed among the populous towns not now represented, and would enable the legislature to add two members, or, at least, one each, to the more populous counties. I must confess, that it appears to me a thing purely arbi trary, that each place, or county, should choose two mem bers. What sense or reason is there, that Rutland should have two, because Lancashire has two? or that St. Albans should send as many representatives as Bristol or Liver-1 pool ? The object of representation would be as effectually attained by one representative as by two, provided there were a fair distribution. It is not the absolute number, but the relative number and weight, that is important. The Welch counties and boroughs return only one mem ber. There are instances of English boroughs, as Abingdon and Higham Ferraro, that send only one each. By abolition and reduction, I calculate that from two hnedred to two hundred to , be returned by places presented. In 1654, an and ninety disposable and reduction, part of and towns not before represented. With respect to the qualification under the description of . of amount of rated annual opinion may be anticipated. too high, and ten pounds value ought not to be the It appears to me that governed by other circumstm qualification superseded - It will be observed, in 1654, the right of seised or possessed of real _ of twohuudred pounds. The Instrument of Government, so far as regard the composition of the House of Commons, is nearly the same with the scheme presented to the h ou s e by F a i r f tx , and th e I council of officers in 1648. In the latter, whic'a is under stood to have been drawn up by Ireton, who was a I twyer ; the qualification proposed for electors is as follows :—" That I the electors in every division (that is counties or towim, ; &c.) shall he natives or denizens of England ; not persons receiving alms, but such as are assessed ordinarily to the relief of the poor ; not servants to, or receiving wages from, any particular person." This seems preferable to Crom well's qualifications, because it affords a test and a practical dvidence of the right; while the Instrument of Government does not show how the vote., claiming in virtue of two hun dred pounds property, is to be mace, mined. The qualification in froth. when applied, would probably give nearly the same class of persons, inhabitant householders paying taxes. In all the measures of detail, which the proposed changes require, I am confident there will be no insuperable practical ditiiculty. iii America, contribution to the public taxes is the prevailing qualification to vote, and there can be no im i mssibility in bringing into use here, principles and contri vanes which have been found practically useful by the expe- rience of other countries. To many, I am aware, it might seem more eligible to abolish, not merely the various qualifications of electors, but to abolish all election by cities and towns, substituting a division of the country into districts, as nearly equal as pos sible, that should choose members in the way proposed. I do not know that there is, in theory, any objection to such a scheme. In fact, that mode of election is best which most peaceably and most faithfully obtains the result of the public choice, providing, always, that neither wealth nor po verty shall predominate. _ _ _ I ain aware, that the proposal to alter 'the mode of elec tion, particularly by introducing the ballot, is the subject of great difference of opinion, even among personsivell inclined to a parliamentary reform. I cannot help thinking that this aversion, to election by ballot, arises from prejudices which will yield to reflection. There seems to me no part of our positive insftutions more deficient than those which 'elate to machinery of eh c tions. It is not to be wondered that, in rude times, no at tempt should have been made to obtain the expression of the general will, by any contrivance fitted to combine per fect tranquillity with a faithful expression of that will by the greatest 'leathers. The simple chirotuniu is the expedient of the tnost rude times;and thttitarliest 4ge of society. It was soon discovered, 1'01:m4.1-abet such a mode of ascertain ing :he majority was !.iardls compatible with the public puttee. In the progn as of civilization, some specks of ballot was adopted by all the popular •,,euvernmenis of antiquity. The bean, or the pebble, ur the dhell, and other contrivances of the same kind, have given tames to the votes, decrees, and re solutions of populate assemblies. I am convinced, that the ballot is the most effectual con. trivance, to render extended and popular rights compatible with the peace of society. The apprt h.msion of what is called universal suffrage, appears to me to have arisen from the awkward and ill-combined arrangements which have hi therto been provided for the practical exercise of popular ekction. In America the election by ballot prevails, and in meet M . the States there is nu qualification for electors at all but the not being paupers, and residence, and payment for a fixed tel in—a year, or half A year—of the public taxes, where the party claims to vote. In those of the States which have retained, or established, a qualification of property, that qualification is little inure than nominal. In lassachusets, there is required e. qt alificatiod of a freehold of 31. a-year, or propel ty to the value of 601. and 'this appears to be the highest a all. The ballot would have the effect, ;n a considerable degree, to prevent gross briber)• and corruption, by rendeting the traffic hazardous and unproductive. But 1 anticipate nosmall advantage from the absence of melee ioflueuce, destroying all freedom or action and choice iu the voter, and which, wherever it is imposed, must excite in the mind the bitter consciousness of a degraded slavery. Better far to hare no vote at all, than to be compelled to use it at the pleasure of a master. Whet is it to be a slave, but to be compelled to use the powers, and gifts, and advantages which Gun has given us, at an • other's lhe general and public expense of the election, whatever it :s, ought to be paid out of the public purse. There is no more reason why the candidates should pay the public charges of the election, than that the particular suitors should pay th►e expenses of the judges on the circuit. 'file laws which have been passed, throwing the expense of bust ings and other charges un candidates, prove that all sense of the true principle of representation had perished out of the minds of our legislators. Indeed, it might admit of some discussion, whether the old law, of allowing suitable wages to members of the House of Commons, ought nut to be revived and enforced ; fur it has ❑ever been formally abrogated. Possibly, this may not seem agreeable to modern 'manners and prejudices—so much the worse. All experieuce shows, that there is a moral us scsiati►,u between service and remuneration. It is a prin ciple that pervades the whole law of England. The obliga tion to perform any thing for another, must be founded on some consideration, or equivalent. Parliamentary Reform, if postponed for a time; will ulti mately be carried. Let those, who think they defend the institutions of their country, by defending notorious, de tected, undeniable abuses, reflect before they commit them selves too far in irreconcilable hostility to reform. What has been the great and operating cause of the con vulsions of states and empires ? Has it not been the har dened obduracy, that would acknowledge no fault, the in difference that would provide no remedy, the blindness that could see no danger, till the decree of fate appeared in the hand-writing upon the wall ? EXTRACT FK(1111 CIIOIIWELL'I3 INSISUDIENT OF OOVERNMUNT, 1664. IX.—That as well the next as all other successive parlia ments, shall be summoned and elected in manner hereafter expressed ; that is to say, the persons to be chosen within England, Wales, the Isles of Jersey, Guernsey, and the town of Berwick-upon-Tweed, to sit and serve in Parlia ment, shall be, and not exceed, four hundred. The persons to be chosen within Scotland, to sit and serve in parliament, shall be, and not exceed, thirty ; and the persons to be chosen to sit in parliament fir Ireland shall be, and not exceed, thirty.