Star. — London, England, 1810-12-21 00:00:00

present occasicn will be conducted more wisely and mare successfully than in 1788. Hitherto our discus. &ions have not been marked with great intemperance —with that violation of Parliamentary usage which attended the proceedings to which I allude. There has not yet appeared any symptom of such a dispo and we may therefore hope, that in consequence, the decision of the two Houses of Parliament may recommend itself to the country by the temperance and deliberation by which it has been preceded. We ha' paused, Sir, as long as the nature of the case would admit. No further delay can with propriety be allowed. It is our immediate duty, to look at our situation, and to provide the best remedy for the dis tresses which arise from it. Those distresses, Sir, I pointed out to the notice of the House, when I gave notice of my present motion. I then declared that I would submit to the House three preliminary resolu lutions, similar to those agreed to in 1788 ; and I added that I would state the general outline of the plan that I would recommend for adoption at the pre sent period. The question, which undoubtedly must precede all others, is the judgment of the House upon the fact. The House must first record on the Journals their opinion of the unfortunate state of his Majesty's health, and of his inefficiency to execute the regal functions. The second question will be in the form of another resolution, expressive of those obligations on both Houses of Parliament which arise out of the peculiar situation of the country. The remaining question relates to the form of proceeding by which those obligations are to be discharged. But, Sir, be. fore I enter into a consideration of this third 'resolu tion, on which I conceive, from what I collected the other night, that the principal part of the debate will binge, I feel it necessary, or rather I feel it expedient, to submit to this Committee my view of the measures which I shall hereafter have to propose to the House in the shape of a Bill. As to the question of fact, the Resolution which I shall move i 5.... " That it is the opinion of the Committee, that Lis Itajesty is ,prevented by his present indisposition from coming to his ?arils nevi, and from attending to the public business; and that the present exercise of the Royal Authority is thereby suspended." Ott this question, Sir, i apprehend that no doubt sail be entertained. If I could suppose that any doubt existed on the subject, I would refer to the testimony of his Majesty's Physicians before both the Privy Council and. our own Committee. Those who have attended to these Reports must have found sufficient evidence of the melancholy fact. In referring to that evidence at the present time, I shall go no fur ther than to state, that the fact there appears estab lished 'beyond the power of contradiction. Unques tionably, the Report from our own Committee affords as good ground for the probable expectation of his Majesty's ultimate recovery as that which we deriv ed ti um the examination before the Privy Council ; and certainly the impression on my mind is, that that recovery, although' the period of it cannot be exactly anticipated, may with reason be looked for at no very distant time. I will not at present enter into a mi nute examination of the details of the Report which bear me out in this presumption,—The second Reso lution, Sir, which, in compliance with the precedent that I recommended, is is my intention to submit to the Committee, is as follows : " That it is the opinion of the Committee, that it is the right sod duty of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons of Great Britain and Ireland, new assembled and lawfully, fully, Ind freely representlng all the waterer the people of this realm, to preside the means of supplying the defect in the personal ex ercise of the Roysi Authority arising from his Majesty's said in • diposition, in such manner as the exigency of the ease may ap \pear to ' , quire." On this second Resolution, Sir, it has certainly been intimated to me, and to the House, that possibly ' 4 66Me difference of opinion might exist with respect to 'the words in which it is couched; bat neither I nor . the House have heard that there is any disposition'to controvert the principle which it contains, a principle so clearly established by precedent, so distinctly de rived from the history and principles of the Constitu tion, so supported by every thing to which we can re fer for cqnviction, and so impeached by nothing, that I shall rather leave to those who may oppose it to state the nature of their opposition, and reserve to myself the right of makfng any future observations on their arguments, than attempt to originate the dis •*eission myself. I shall conceive the principle to be •namitted until I find it denied. Having thus, Sir, disposed of the two first Resolutions, I now come to the Resblution descriptive of the-form by which the continuance of the Executive Authority will be pro oided. This Resolution I will read— " That, for this purpose, and for maintaining entire the Con authority of the King, it is necenuiry that the said Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons of Great Britain sand ' , eland; should determine on the means whereby the royal w•sent may be given in Parliament to such Bill as may be passed , by the two Houses of Parliament respecting the exercise of the powers and authoritierof the Crown, in the name and on the be half of the King, during the teothisaace of his Majesty's present indisposition.' L. mast be evident to the Committee, Sir, that the „treat and leading feature of the mode of proceeding described in this Resolution is, that it be a proceeding by Bill. Such is the propositi6 / n which I have hum bly to recommend for the adoption of this Committee. On the other hand, h has been submitted to as, by the Honourable Gentlemen opposite, who fairly and candidly intimated to the House the other night, ; the view which they took of this part of the subject, that a proceeding by way of address would be pre ferable to a proceeding by way of bill, which,latt.er ! those Gentlemen proposed to consider as unconstitu -05114 Judging from the statement thus made by Ole Gentlemen opposite, I am induced to conceive that the discussion of the present evening maybe narrowed into the consideration of these two qnes dims ; it being taken for granted that the two Houses ' Parliament—and this House in particular—are called on to provide some remedy for the deficiency in the ex,ecutive power, and the point to be decided Was whether it is preferable to do this by Bill, or at, ticoonnended by the Honourable Gentlemen oppo. Ate, by Address? In order'. however, that thedes,aili of this business may be better understood, before proceed to estimate the comparative value of the two . advised anodes of proceeding, I shall, in conformity to my notice, open generally my intention with re spect, to the ulterior propositions that I meant to bring forward. Now, Sir, in the view which I take of the subject, it appears to me that the measure which we ought to adopt should unquestionably be to appoint his . Royal Highness the Prince of Wales Re gent, to administer she affairs of the country in the name, and on the behalf of his Majesty, during the Continuance of his Majesty's indisposition. mean 1 therefore to propose, that generally all thipower of f matt, and 'ball content myself (frith pointing out I Government shall be placed in the hail& of his wiat is the course that has been recognised by Royal Highness. My next proposition will be, Sir,l Parliament in a case precisely similar—a precedent that during the continuance of his Majesty's indispo- from which we may argue, not by analogy alone , sition, her Majesty the Queen shall be appointed the , but by its distinct and decided resemblance in all its guardian of his Majesty's person, and that to her parts to the present instance. In short, in the very Majesty the entire care of his Majesty's person shall ; case before us, after a full review of the history of be entrusted. It will also be extremely necessary to ' the Country and of the Constitution—after the most introduce in the Bill, due provisions for the notifica- ample and mature deliberation, Parliament adopted tion of his Majesty's recovery, whenever so happy 1 the course which I now recommend. Let us consider an event may take place ; and to chalk out the pre-' ` Sir, what our situation is, and what are the duties 'else course by which his Majesty, under such cir- which we are called upon to perform. It is true that cumstances, shall resume the royal authority. I , the functions of the Royal authority are interrupted, mean to propose that the operation of these three ; but the Throne is not vacant. We arc called upon provisions, the first giving general authority to his; not to create a King, but to preserve an existing Mo- Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, the second re- ! narch his undiminished Tights, and until he can re posing the custody of his Majesty's person in the i sume those rights, to provide the means by which the hands of her Majesty the Queen, and the third de-' royal authority may be duly exercised. Weshallsee the scribing the mode in which the Royal functions shall : importance of this observation when we consider the be resumed by his Majesty in the event of his recd- ;mature of the precedent to which I have alluded, and very, shall have no limit assigned to it in point of ' the nature of the otber precedents which have been time, except the duration of his Majesty's disorder. ! cited. The precedent of the revolution has seen pro- As to the particulars of the general authority, which ! duced against the precedent of 1783. I have already I mean to propose shall be vested in his Royal High- . 1 observed that the precedent of 1788 is not analogical ness the Prince of Wales, the Bill will contain cer- i to the present case, but distinctly applicable to it.— tain provisions limiting and restricting for a time to There is a material difference in the facts at the pre. be limited the use of some of the powers and prero- , sent time and at the Revolution. Whatever information gatives of the Crown. Sir, when we consider the jwe may derive from the precedent of the revolution, it nature of the evidence that has been given by the refers only to analogy, and is not distinctly applicable. I Physicians, both to the Privy Council and to our own ln the situation in which we stand we have various du Committee ; and, when we add the knowledge , which I ties to discharge. It is of the utmost importance to pro we may obtain from history, and our experience on i vide for the security of the country by determining the former occasions, I think we may reasonably look to I means of carrying on the royal authority , and it no very distant period as that of his Majesty's pro. I must not be overlooked, that it is of the utmost im liable recovery. All the Physicians have uniformly' portance to secure to his Majesty the restoration of his declined stating any precise period as that in which . rights and privileges on his restoration to health. At they expect his Majesty's recovery ; they uniformly the time we are providing for the one object, we must express a sanguine and confident expectation of his take care to provide for the other. Not only must we Majesty's recovery, but decline fixing on any period secure to his Majesty, on his restoration to health, the as that at which it may probably take place. How- restoration of his rights and privileges, but we must ever, it must be observed, that they generally refer in secure the restoration of them under all the circuni this evidence to the history of his Majesty's former stances in which they are at present possessed. In complaints, as affording the best means of ena- the year 1788, his Majesty was afflicted with the bling them to judge of the course and progress of same calamity as that which has now so unhappily hi 3 Majesty's present disorder ; and, when we take befallen him. In the year 1788 Parliament had the into our consideration, in addition to the evidence same duties to discharge as Parliament have now to of his Majesty's Physicians recently examined, the discharge, and they discharged those duties in the opinions of that most experienced medical practi- way in which I propose that they should now be dis tioner, the late Dr. Willis, as expressed in the year charged. The course of proceeding pursued in 1788 178 ii, we may perhaps conclude, that six weeks or was instituted in this House, whence it was taken to two months is the shortest period at which it is rea- the other House, and there adopted. It was concur sonable to expect a complete recovery from his Ma. rently acted upon by both Houses, and it cannot jesty's present malady ; that five or six months therefore be disputed that the sanction and authority ought to be the average period of such an expects- of both Houses of Parliament were given to the mea. tion ,; and that twelve or eighteen months is the sures proposed en that occasion. On a retrospection extreme point of time to which it is likely his Ma- of the occurrences of the years 1788 and 1780, it will jesty's malady may be protracted. On this view of appear that a necessity was manifested for the este the subject, therefore, I conceive that there is no blishment of a Regency. The two Houses of Par question but that the House will take into their se- liament consequently assembled, and the Great Seal rious consideration, the probability of his Majesty's was put to a Commission for holding a earliament recovery, at no very distant period, and that they under the direction and by the authority of both will think it necessary to provide by the Bill, ample Houses. The commission was executed, ' Parliament security for his Majesty's immediate and complete was held by it, and p roce ed e d to su pply t h e d e fi c i enc y return to power in that event. The period which, in the executive authority by a Regency Bill, which on the most deliberate view that I can take on the was carried forward nearly to its termination.— subject, I would recommend to the adoption of the During that period other extraordinary proceedings , House, is, about a twelvemonth. from the time at went on ; bills to a considerable number were brought , which the Bill may pass both Houses of Parliament. in here, and in the other House. They were pro- It is my intention, therefore, to recommend that in ceeded in while the Regency Bill was pending, and, the Bill vesting generally the royal power in his Royal what was most material to remember, were com- Highness the Prince of Wales, there be introduced pleted and concluded after th e restora ti on o f hi s M a - ! restrictions on certain parts of that power for the jesty. Thus, Sir, it appears, that the question period which I have mentioned ; with the addition of at issue was decided not only by the two Houses of this consideration, that whatever be the period to Parliament, but by the whole Parliament assembled. ' which Parliament may limit the restrictions and qua- On his Majesty's recovery, he, by his Commissioners,' lifications that may be thought necessary, due care came down to Parliament. Didhe revoke or annul i shall be taken that those restrictions and qualifica- their proceedings ? Did he disclaim their interfer- tions shall expire at a period when Parliament shall ence ? Did h e d ec l are t h at t h e G reat S ea l h a d bees ' have been sitting for at least six weeks, in order that improperly used ? Did he accuse the two Houses of if they think it necessary Parliament may reconsider abusing their authority ? Did he deny the validity of the subject, or if they do not think' it necessary to the acts which they had passed ? No—directly the reconsider the subject, the restrictions and qualifica. contrary. His Majesty, by his Commissioners, was tions may expire under the knowledge and within present in the same Session. He put no end to the the view of Parliament. This House will, I trust, Session held during his illness, but referred distinctly : Sir, agree with me, that for the period which I to the instrument under which their previous sittings I have mentioned, the power of granting any rank i n had been h e ld. I w i s h, Si r , to ma k e th i s part of the the peerage should be suspended . ; also that it will be subject as satisfactory to the Committee as it appears reasonable to declare that all grants of offices and to me to be demonstrably conclusive. The two pensions (except such as are necessary for the public Houses of Parliament, after the recovery of his Ma service) shall be .granted only for the term of the jesty, were assembled by commission ; and in the 44th Regency, subject to his Majesty's pleasure on his re- volume of our Journals, page 159, may be found the covery. T shall propose, that her Majesty the Queen terms of the Commission itself. They are as follow : shall have the superintendance of the personal esta " His Majesty not thi n ki ng fit to be present in hi s R o y a l P er - I igishttlent of his Majesty's household for tw e l ve son, has Wen pleased to cause a Commission to i ssue un d er t h e appointed d ho b risin t and f commanding the Commissioners who 1 months, and that after that interval, all the regula atuhtehsoarnitley chap f a Parliament to ope n dec e lar o e rni tha r t tions connected with that subject shall expire, unless Gwreearet this Parliament, p to Y Übe fui Hier held.' I Parliament, on a general view of the subject, may In the speech which immediately followed were , think proper to re-establish some portion of them, for these expressions— " In obedience to his Majesty's commands, expressions— ` the purpose of maintaining the royal dignity. Thi s , and by virtue of Sir, is the general outline of the ulterior me asure , both Commissions, w e accounts a, his Maje s ty j u d ges p roper to l ay b efore his Parlia ment. proceed to lay before yuu such ,further which it is my intention to propose ; an d h av i ng , as - I hope, stated it with sufficient clearness to render pity recovered from his indisposition; and being enabled• to at myself distinctly intelligible, I beg leave to recall the • tend to public affairs, comaunds us to convey to you his warm , acknowledgements of the additional proofs which you have shown attention of the Committee to the questi6n immedi tof affectionate attachment to his person, and of zealous concern ' ately before us, and to remark, that whatever may be or N the honour s o f the Crown and the security of the kingdom." ir let t e Committee consider the nature of the difference of feeling or opinion on the propriety of admitting any restrictions on thepower of the Regent, parliament precedent l o o f 1788, and the manner in which the or on the preference which should be given to one du in th e argument that the measure which I am thingar iament acted on that occasion. • If there is any ration of that restriction over another, the ques tion nOw before the Committee is not on the pre- labout thatto propose h is unconstitutional, itnecessarily fol priety or impropriety of admitting any restriction not on the limit whether longer or shorter of that was illegal, and that the first step which his Majesty lowss t e act o f opening the Parliament of 1788 restriction—but simply on the expediency of adopt- o . ught to have taken on his recovery upon that in one one course of proceeding in the establishment of sion was to call a Parliament substantively himself. a Regent in preference to another. In the first place, In stead of this, however, we find that the former Sir, I apprehend from the expressions which were procee dings of the H on . which according to used the other night, that one ground of the objection, le the l docrine o f . on. Gentleman opposite were il to be made to my proposition is, that it is unconstitu tional. It was said by a Right Honourable Gentle- the Commissioners' speech,in which a distinct reference ga and unconstitutional, were recognized as valid in man, that it was a measure “derogatory from the was made to_ them. If the fo rmer procee di ngs o f t h at honour of the Crown, injurious to th e p r i nc ipl es of the caved that his Majesty wou ld ha v e o ' r o e s c ite gni m z a e y d pe o per i rli ament had been uncon st i tut i ona l, i s i t to b e con- Constitution, and insulting to th e illustrious Perso- • stagege whom it chiefly respected." Now I con f ess . acted upon them ? The Gentlemen opp Sir, rdo not apprehend how the Gentlemen opposite haps say, 44 Yes, because his Majesty continued to be will be able to maintain the s e,po s i t i ons . Wi t h re- advised by the same Ministers who had recommended gard to the assertion that the proceeding by Bill is the prior proceedings in Parliament"— ( Loud crier If unconstitutional, do not find that any such assertion hear, ar, from: the Opposition Benches.) I now perceive was made in 1788, how muchsoever it was then ar- I Sir the strong point of the Gentlemen opposite. I gued that another measure,_ constitutional likewise, have ,lfn s vibrate. I ROW fi n d w h at I could not os- touched the key on w hi c h a ll t h e chords of their ig p would be more ezpedietit . But let us examine thi s eey argument is I I know not how we can bett er d eterm i ne w h at i s d objection to the proceedi ng byßill as unconst i tut i ona l . I slly contemplate befo re —i n w h at sn deemed unsound. It seems t h at the Gentlemen op., e are disposed to contend, that his Majesty con.l and what is not constitutional than by a reference tin ‘ u l e t d to be advised by the same servants as had pro-1 to our proceedingt, and to our conduct on for posed the Regency Bill to Parliament in 1788, and mer occasions. The enlightened theorist who de lights only in oh:tractional. I leave tit his enjoy. therefore, that his recognition of the validity of the acts of that Pa:liaMtat afford no sertion that those proceedi ngs were , Let those Gentlemen however consi, time there was no want of abilit• of ditpositicn in this House, to could be urged agisinst any Mi n , House be informed, as they may , journals, that this speech from the by the Minister who had recoml unconstitutional measures (as they echoed by an address from thi carried nemine contradicente. It a feeling which I have no doubt opposite will very readily applzi u , have been an inclination on the that period to forbear from any interrupt the harmony that had blished, and therefore that they over any thing merely aukward , surely those who wished to support ratter of their political friends of say that an act of so grave a na, they applied the strong term two, have been allowed to pass uncen! 'Pent ? And if this argument of the site were to suffice for that Session, ' says to the total silence that had been subject in all succeeding Sessions joy of congratulating his Majesty attention of the House might for . But there were following days. day, yet at no great distance of , consequence might have been ma._ ' disavowal might have been entered Some allegation of improprietymi voured to be established by proof Session was held without any such acts of Parliament during that Sessii and public property were disposed amount, were held legal. Is it that if every one had not been was a legal and efficient, and a 1 of Parliament, that he would not step by address, by resolutions, press his opinion ? This was a tra took place upwards of twenty years period there have been successiv successive Administrations. There signs on which the attention of . Public has been awfully directed the circumstances ii which the transac' originated ; and yet with all these - mark, not a single instance has occi test attempt at aacusation. I that the Committee will be of opinion, strong and firm ground in fixing - ; this precedent —a precedent estab, found investigation of our history tion. To argue the original case time. It would obscure rather rest the merits of my proposed precedent which received the stam, every branch of the Legislative am right, Sir, in the view which of the subject, we come now to consi mode recommended by the Gentlemen stitutional as well as mine) is more c , mine or more expedient. First, I I *at will think in a case of thi azeplrced in such a situation, dial •• • 40.4, rale less than to provide a , to the Crown—l contend, Sir, _ Parliament will be desirous of adopting and defined measure. There is generally to be lamented, nor which the Constitution more sed the creation of any uncertainty accession to royal power. If, therefi .the course which Parliament has " a similar occasion is waexceptionab I am bound by every view of the it; not because... if all were to be thing new might not be adopted nonce done, itis advisable to abif This I contend to be a true view out a comparative examination 01 courses. And what objection is which I propose, which does not , course proposed by the Gentlemen there not in fact many objections which do not exist to mine? I ha a former occasion, that an assump,.._ power, by the twokouses of Parliament,. meaning of the statute of Charles T T promos ire for any one to assume this argument is as hostile to a proceedin) as to a proceeding by. a . Bill. 010,10 joss Benches.) Let those faTsia statement, consider the I ziaiiiitain that the effect prod would be to legislate. Tht Gentl posed to Address his Royal Hit Wales. To become King ? . /4c• What is a Regent ? Do. the know ? Does the Law know ? laxly established what power a itegen, and what power he should not bar , of Parliament were to say to any near the Throne, and however deserving step into the Throne, would not legislature ? If not, w hat is ? Is from one party and giving it to another Lucre ? But, supposing that the intelligible, and that his rights and ly defined, what would be his first pointment ? I apprehend the calli Majesty's Parliament. How wouL Would it not be by authorizing happened to be in possession of put the Great Seal to some authorising tie Regent himself, Majesty, to open the Parliament Commissioners appointed by the . purpose ? If it be an Act of Legislature thorize the individual holding the that Seal to a Bill, would it not of Legislature, were we, by an thorise another individual - to co: Seal to be so put ?—(hear, Hear, - the utmost ingenuity of the Honoi.rabie opposite to shew how any one legi. be accomplished by the Regent the Great Seal, which nothing bu, the two Houses of Parliament, - bion of the kingly power, could warrant It would seem, however, by the • 01111a..--," 1 / 4 - '- 'therefore t 6 propese, that generally all thepoares present occasicn will be conducted more wisely and Government shall be placed in the bands of in ire successfully than in 1788. Hitherto our discus. Royal Highness. My next proposition will be, siont have not been marked with great intemperance that during the continuance of his Majesty's inde —with that violation of Parliamentary usage which sition, her Majesty the Queen shall be appointed attended the proceedings to which I allude. There guardian of his Majesty's person, and that to bas not yet appeared any symptom of such a dispo- Majesty the entire care of his Majesty's person s *idea, and we may therefore hope, that in consequence, be entrusted. It will also be extremely necessar the decision of the two Houses of Parliament may introduce in the Bill, due provisions for the notil recommend itself to the country by the temperance tion of his Majesty's recovery, whenever so ha and deliberation by which it has been preceded. We an event may take place ; and to chalk out the ha' paused, Sir, as long as the nature of the case 'else course by which his Majesty, under such would admit. No further delay can with propriety cumstances, shall resume the royal authority, be allowed. It is our immediate duty,to look at our mean to propose that the operation of these tl situation, and to provide the best remedy for the dis- provisions, the first giving general authority to tresses which arise from it. Those distresses, Sir, I Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, the seconc pointed out to the notice of the House, when I gave posing the custody of his Majesty's person in notice of my present motion. I then declared that I hands of her Majesty the Queen, and the third would submit to the House three prelimin a ry resolu. scribing the mode in which the Royal functions I lutions, similar to those agreed to in 1788; and I be resumed by his Majesty in the event of his r added that I would state the general outline of the , very, shall have no limit assigned to it in poir plan that I would recommend for adoption at the pre- time, except the duration of his Majesty's discs sent period. The question, which undoubtedly must As td the particulars of the general authority, wl precede all others, is the judgment of the House upon I mean to propose shall be vested in his Royal H the fact. The House must first record on the Journals ness the Prince of Wales, the Bill will contain their opinion of the unfortunate state of his Majesty's tarn provisions limiting and restricting for a tim health, and of his inefficiency to execute the regal be limited the use of some of the powers and pi functions. The second question will be in the form gatives of the Crown. Sir, when we consider of another resolution, expressive of those obligations nature of the evidence that has been given by . on both Houses of Parliament which arise out of the Physicians, both to the Privy Council and to our peculiar situation of the country. The remaining Committee ; and, when we add the knowledge ,w question relates to the form of proceeding by which we may obtain from history, and our experience those obligations are to be discharged. But, Sir, be. former occasions, I think we may reasonably 100 fore I enter into a consideration of this third' esolu- no very distant period as that of his Majesty's Con, on which I conceive, from what I collected the bable recovery. All the Physicians have unifor other night, that the principal part of the debate will declined stating any precise period as that in w hinge, I feel it necessary, or rather I feel it expedient, they expect his Majesty's recovery ; they unifor to submit to this Committee my view of the measures express a sanguine and confident expectation of which I shall hereafter have to propose to the House Majesty's recovery, but decline fixieg on any pe in the shape of a Bill. As to the question of fact, the as that at which it may probably take place. le Resolution which I shall move is— ever, it must be observed, that they generally vele " That it is the opinion of the Committee, that his Itajesty is this evidence to the history of his Majesty's for prevented by his present indisposition from coming to his ?arils- complaints, as affording the best means of nett, and from attending to the public business; and that the ..• present exercise of the Royal Authority is thereby suspended." wing them to judge of the course and progrei his Majesty's present disorder ; and, when we Oa this question, Sir, I apprehend that no doubt 1 • can be entertained. If I could suppose that any doubt into our consideration, in addition to the evid of his Majesty's Physicians recently examined, existed on the subject, I would refer to the testimony O pinions of that most eiperienced medical examinee, of his Majesty's Physicians before both the Privy tioner, the late Dr. Willis, as expressed in the Council and. our own Committee. Those who have 178te we may perhaps conclude, that six week , attended to these Reports must have found sufficient two months is the shortest period at which it is evidence of the melancholy fact. In referring to , 1 sortable to expect a complete recovery from his that evidence at the present time, I shall go no fur- eat 's present malady ; that five or six mo , • 'tiler than to state, that the fact there appears estab- o o ught to be the average period of such an expo dished 'beyond the power of contradiction. Unques- cites • and that twelve or eighteen months is tionably, the Report from our own Committee affords e . , extreme point of time to which it is likely his as good ground for the probable expectation of his jesty , s malady _ may _be protracted. On this vie, ' Majesty's ultimate recovery as that which we deriv. the subject, therefore, I conceive that there e ed eom the examination before the Privy Council ; question but that the House will take into thee and certainly the impression on my mind is, that that nous consideration, the probability of his Maje! recovery, although' the period of it cannot be exactly recovery, at no very distant period, and that i anticipated, may with reason be looked for at no very will think it necessary to provide by the Bill, an distant time. I will not at present enter into a mi- i' • note examination in of the details of the Report which security for his Masty's immediate and comp return to power t hat event. The period wh bear me out in this presumption,—The second Reso- slution, Sir, which, in compliance with the precedent on the most deliberate view that I can take on that I recommended, is is my intention to submit to subject, I would recommend to the adoption of the Committee, is as follows : House, is, about a twelvemonth. from the time " That it is the opinion of the Committee, that it is the right which the Bill may pass both Houses of Parham and daty of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons of It is my intention, therefore, to recommend that Great Britain and Ireland, new assembled and lawfully, fully, the Bill vesting generally the royal power in his let i end freely representing all the waterer the people of this realm, Highness the Prince of Wales, there be introdu to pr.vide the means of supplying the defect in the personal ex- • restrictions on certain parts of that power for • disposition, in such manner as the exigency of the ease may ap- excise of the Royal Authority arising from his Majesty'. said in- period which I have mentioned ; with the additioi \pear to respire." . this consideration, that whatever be the perioc On this second Resolution, Sir, it has certainly been which Parliament may limit the restrictions and c ietimated to me, and to the House, that possibly lifications that may be thought necessary, due i 'one difference of opinion might exist with respect to shall be taken that those restrictions and qualil " - the words in which it is couched; bat neither I nor tions shall expire at a period when Parliament s `the House have heard that there is any disposition to have been sitting for at least six weeks, in order I controvert the principle which it contains, a principle if they think it necessary Parliament may recons so clearly established by precedent, so distinctly de- the subject, or if they do not think' it necessar rived from the history and principles of the Constitu- reconsider the subject, the restrictions and qualif tion, so supported by every thing to which we can re- tions may expire under the knowledge and wi fer for cenviction, acid so impeached by nothing, that the view of Parliament. This House will, Itr I shall rather leave to those who may oppose it to Sir, agree with me, that for the period whit state the nature of their opposition, and reserve to have mentioned, the power of granting any ranli myself the right of makfng any future observations the peerage should be suspended ; also that it wil on their arguments, than attempt to originate the dis, reasonable to declare that all grants of offices • ceSsion myself. I shall conceive the principle to be pensions (except such as are necessary for the pe 'eselmitted until I find it denied. - Having thus, Sir, service) shall be .granted only for the term of disposed of the two first Resolutions, I now come to Regency, subject to his Majesty's pleasure on his the Resblution descriptive of the.form by which the covery. T shall propose, that her Majesty the Qu continuance of the Executive Authority will be pro- shall have the superintendence of the personal e erided. This Resolution I will read— blishment of his Majesty's household for two a Test, for this purpose, and for maintain* entire the Cori- months, and that after that interval, all the regi *Rational authority of the King, it is necnnuery that the said Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons of Great Britain eons connected with that subject shall expire, un , sod ' , eland; should determine on the means whereby the royal Parliament, on a general view of the subje c t, n '.sent may be given in Parliament to such Bill as may be passed , think proper to re-establish some portion of them, by the two Houses of Parliament respecting the exercise of the the purpose of maintaining the royal dignity. T, • p a o si Te o r f s t a h n e d K a j u o t t h , o au rit ri ief ts of the the ceo Cr tianan own, co in t of he h n i, am m e aj a eu nd y %t rae he be- nt sir ; is . the . general . . outline Of the ulterior mean indisposition." which i t is my intention to propose ; and having .. l Iz mast be evident to the Committee, Sir, thot the I hope, stated it with sufficient clearness to ren. ,great anti leading feature of the mode of proceeding I myself distinctly intelligible, I beg leave to recall described in this Resolution is, that it be a proceeding 'attention of the Committee to the questiOn imme ately before us, and to rema r k, that w h atever may by Bill. Such is the peopositib e n which I have hum- bly to recommend for the adoption of this Committee. i the difference of feeling or opinion on the propriee On the other hand, h has been submitted to us, by admitting any restrictions on thepower of the Rege the Flnnourable Gentlemen opposites who fairly and or on the preference which sho u ld be g i ven to one candidly intimated to the House the other night, ' ration of that restriction over another, th e qt the view which they took of this part of the subject, ' tion now. before the Committee is not on the p that a proceeding by way of address would be pre- priety or impropriety of admitting any restriction: ferable to a proceeding by way of bill, which.latter ' not on the limit whether longer or shorter' of t: 1 those Gentlemen proposed to consider as unconstitu- restriction—but simply on the expedi enc y o f a d o tisinal. Judging from the statement thus made by ing one course of proceeding in the establishment the Gentlemen opposite, I am induced to conceive i a Regent in preference to another. In the first pla that the discussion of the present evening mare * i Sir, I apprehend from the expressions which w narrowed into the consideration of these two ques- used the other night, • that one gr ound o f the object theos ; it being taken for granted that the two Houses ' to be made to my proposition is, that it is unconsti of Perliament—and this House in particular—are tional. It was said by a Right Honourable Gent called on to provide some remedy for the deficiency man, that it was a measure "derogatory from honour of the Crown, injurious to th e p r i nc ipl es o f . in the executive power, and the point to be decided Wag whether it is preferable to do this by Bill, or as Constitution, and, insulting to the Illustrious P er sibeomm i ended by the Honourable Gentlemen oppo. nage whom it chiefly respected." Now I confi site, by Address? In order', however, that thedetaile Sir, rdo not apprehend how the Gentlemen oppoi of this business may be better understood, before f will be able to maintain these , positions. With proceed to estimate the comparative value of the two gard to the assertion that the proceeding by Bill . advised abodes of proceeding, I shall, in conformity . unconstitutional, e do not find that any such assert to my notice, open generally my intention with re- , was made in 1788, how muchsoever it was then spect to the ulterior propositions that I meant to geed that another measure, constitutional likewi king forward. Now, Sir, in the view which I take would be more expedieht. But let us examine t of the subject, it appears to me that the measure objection to the proceeding byßill as unconstitutior which we ought to adopt should unquestionably be to I know not how we can better determine what appoint his . Royal Highness the Prince of Wales Re- and what is not constitutional than by a referet gent, to administer lice affairs of the country in the to our proceeding', and to our conduct on f name, and on the behalf of his Majesty, during the mer occasions. The enlightened theorist who i continuance of his Majesty's indisposition. A mean lights only in abstractioaa. I leave tit kit snjt \ . : n y e : eg:3c:oaan n c s t u d i t e n t f uTi e o s t h t littl I°n : n y e i b eeni f 1 es m s i y 'rt urge wei e rei g nie ? O rd e° h t nea t ' r st i l tn dA a dte: ! li' da a which trn" i ldt : n b:;7dit e orty th n t l a ori a ill l ' u t na d a tha n , tdu th re t u a n t , l t o le o ti Gen e e s t a e nt tl a i lt P of the House e m measure that r ° • sl ad just been ref, * rIP aes port the patirotic .t " that period, „ • , to wi l • ' monstitutional, woe wt asst llini irnisth tlin bGe th Nltireel a n : reed‘Po d th a .bn:ua y sntite be tterlivalthof.oue a enda b c ! nn i e 4 'l::i.'legi y 1i yon his recovery, the ss lade. Some record • re tered on t h e j otan , ;. re ni if. But no: the whet re ch occurrence. All t y, .scion, by which . oul sed of to an iinroe ne °„ re , possible to suppo se ' hi convinced that t1 , . 4 not have taken some ' stint or otherwise, to e s . transaction to o hicl c. session ble ears na n f t trePs transactions ihgna some c aatar° a :i t ymtve l : o s i °7 : a a l e bi bnr ac of fs 0 o et h ean Parliaments, , t'g.i is g t , J. l-1 's:l 11111 self s e 1181 ese provocative* to . occurred of the slig, t i ed , trust, theefole Sr * thatl ta k e •g h l e l e g my proceeding eci eci tablished after a pi ory and our consti. 1 1 , .se would be a waqeoi g'; iadvrmethill)fiutrecie:risati;hu.cpt;3lleni sanction e l m h e a have e o h p i consider whether ca C 2 (coi.k. . c o i n a k l ; ore constitutional I contend that Perlis sun is nature—whereat Fe hat what we have le a temporary successor th that in such a case '' adopting some ceitain n° s not any thing m. ✓ is there any Inn dulously avoids, due ° T with regard to the 1 therefore, I find the " as already adoptedit 11 ' .able in other respects, nv le subject to adhere, be done agaia, some t v ; but because bpi; ore abide by the precedes. r vof the subject, yid' , , of the two proposed he is there to the course 00 it equally exist to the , it ! men opposite? Ais ions to their cows eve heard it arguedee xc option of Legislative en iament,fell within tle • h , s 11. which mad: it .e Ia . e 0 c( s A i ee c od h : ng ib w yj e A r °di Bat who think this a subject a little:— "r roceedieglayAddress , c stlemen opposite pro. e ome en aite4 jic 'Cren :B lul eg to . u e e i t f bec n tli w s t : e h ee li*nthp e tour:lßpHdPn3tutleP°.‘cehge:amoldte• tai e o !lry individu al, !serving of the throes of that be an act d :s not taking roe nether an act oi leek ! office of Regents ? ind duties were strict . 6 . irst act after his air ailing together of his 1 4 1 _ could he call them' Zit ad th i 'fl g n e Citl is ntit°l ;: eni a et t e :"m ure ge adiGe ireassi°nnn'avitanuifnedttuifuho'Se:rtdiriealoitillithag! in P. ie Great Seal, to pot t equally he an Act bi a sir sa ) r.' f n :larl o m ura :kil i ti lida b n i de : res v dr e . Ge ti)th' a — c e t ittien t l:C coa ver figle. tl without the use of of but the authority o , during the sus' tl i l •ns in oat Warrant hi m be arguments ofOe