Star. — London, England, 1822-04-26 00:00:00

i•• 't A : 6 ?lwt r. ~.•.~, i .~ I at this moment we bad the last treiptottt to tow thoight, scarcelyA dckulffed. 141o.novernment, he .atitikesa pleee the disease ; for we had the pain. The distress • by measures which would never have been ventured to assert, could be stable, which was not foundedlipon. at least tzuality with the state of adopted under a true Representation of the People, • the4 ) VMK . itkislie bar to be an evident truth, I be was aware could not now be effectually relieved though a different theory had found its way into the ' by a mere alteration ; but that alteration might serve walls of that House. It had been argued by a Right us for the future against simil ar measures. After Hon. Member of that House, who was remarkable some observations on Mr . Pict 's conduct in Parlia for the general liberality of his opinions, that the ment respecting the question of Reform, the Noble proceeded shortly to notice the Antijacobin war, increase of knowledge among the People was a rea- Lord son for keeping up o ffi ces which would otherwise be the peace of Amiens, and the following war. This unnecessary. s was to say, in effect, that cor- brodght him to synch upon the Walcberenetpedition, ruption should increase .with public honesty, and so far as in its consequences it bore upon the present ua tion. An expedition more mark e d for i g norance that the more the People becam e enli g htened, the less ought the system of Gove rnment to be able to in . its La n and incapacity in its execution, had never disraced the councils of this country. It had been bear examination--(Hear).—When it had lately g been proposed to abolish a certain office, this_ h ad followed by disgrace and calam it y of the worst de been the only real objection offered to the abolition. acripti e on ; yet,_ had the then House Commons pro -If such a preposition were to be avowedly adopted nounc d a formal . euiogium on Ministers for having by that House, the Government, he would venture p la nned . that expedition. So strong a fact as this, at to say, must become universally odious, and the a time when the people were calling for the punish- people would become indifferent to Monarchy. He thatment of all who were concerned in the planning of would now proceed to look at the state of the Par- eeyy expedition, could not but make a strong Bement. Blackstone admitted the defective state of impression on the public mind as to the state of what the Representation at the time he wrote, but observed was called the Representation of the People. The that he thought there was no one free agent in the House, however, thanked the Ministers; the chief glanner of the expedition was at that moment th e first country who had not, in some respect, an influence ver a vote. This was at variance with the fact even inister in that House, and the General who corm over manded the expedition had been rewarded with one at that time ; but at present there were at least a million of persons, free and independent, who pos. of the most lucrative foreign commands in the gift sessed not one vote among them. It had, been con- of the Crown. The Spanish war followed shortly fidently stated, and he believed was not denied, that after this expedition, and as that was a popular war, a majotity of that House was returned by eight thou. Ministers were enabled to divert the attention of the sand persons; but if they went mere into detail, they people from the present important subject they would find, that in proportion to the increase of know- continued to sanction every abuse, and to avail them ledge, had the bases of the House been narrowed. selves of every possible means of increasing their in- This was net the case with the whole, but it was suf. fluence. The war having ceased, it became a ques ficiently so to ensure a majority able to influence the tion with the country whether they would have an decisions of the House. And first, with respect to expensive military or a cheap civil government. Had County Members. They were elected, undoubtedly, the Commons represented the People, the latter, no by a great number of persons ;'but in England and doubt, would have been chosen , but the y voted the Wales there were but ninety - two of these Members. keeping up an army of 99,000 men, with correspond- The manner of carrying en elections, and the great ing establishments; yet he found on examination that 'expense of them when contested; roistered a contest these votes were not carried by a majority of County very rare. A compromise was therefore in general Members ; among whom there was a majority avinst agreed upon ; one Member was returned by the in. Ministers proportion of three to two. A Noble fluence of each party ; so that although the right of Friend of his, the Member for Yorkshire (Lord Mil voting remained, the object of it . became nullified, tdn), brad made w series of calculations respecting se- The county was in substance, unreplesented. Aoother veral votes of the House within the last five years. change had taken place in consequenceoltheisirease He (Lord J. Russell) had g al ad tome calculations in the number of Peers selected from the Country upon the subject, and in hiculation he had called Gentlemen. This had been a part of the improvident Opposition Members all those who had given three policy of Mr. Pitt ; and, at the present day, it was votes in favour of popular measures, and this be too evident that the Members of the House did not thought would be considered a fair calculation. His represent the landed wealth of the country , and were Noble Friend had taken the two principal votes, one often compelled to guide their votes by the directions, upon the motion for reducing establishments, and the or at least the influence of others. Indeed he really other respecting the proceedings against the late thought that if that House were abolished, the other Queen. It was found that out of the Members for House would soon become very popular; and he 33 Boroughs, containing less than 1,000 inhabitants could not but observe, that on the Taal of the late each, 12 voted against Alinisters, and 44 in their fa- Queen, the other House had shewn in attent io n t o your; out of 35 Boroughs, containing less than 2000 the feelings of the people which had never been ob• inhabitants each, 13 against Ministers and 45 for served in the proceedings of the House of Commons them; out of 76 towns, containing less than 5,000 —(Hear, hear.) He now came to a view of the state inhabitants, 43 voted against Ministers and 93 for of the representation in the 4 rest towns. Some of them ; out of 25 towns, containing from five to 10,000 them, unquestionably, were independent, but in a inhabitants, 22 against Ministers and 27 for them; and greater number, the elections were artfully managed, then it was remarkable, that out of 31 places, con and the elective franchise itself had become much taming upwards of 10,000 inhabitants each, 38 voted c onfined—partly by decisions of that House, and against Ministers, and only 21 for them. The cal partly by gradual usurpation, so that popular elec- ciliation which he (Lord John Russell) had made led tion had become very much narrowed. He would to the following results—Out of the Representatives instance the town of Plymouth, which, a che time of for places containing less than 500 inhabitants, one tie Restoration, contained three thousand - inhabitants only voted for reduction, and 19 against it.—From and seven hundred voters, and although the popula- places containing more than 500, and less than tion had incte.oed to sixty thousand, the voters had 1,000 inhabitants each, 12 for redaction, and 33 become reduced to two hundred. Bath and Cam. against it. From places containing upwards ofl,ooo, bridge were other examples of this species of attack and less than 2,000 inhabitants, 17 for reduction, and on the right of election. He now came to the great 44 against it. From places containing upwards of abuse of all. The smaller boroughs of England be 2,000, and less than 3,000 inhabitants, 19 for reduc would take at one hundred and forty, returning two tion, and 46 against it. From places containing be hundred and eighty Members. These very often tween 3,000 and .5,000 inhabitants, 25 for reduction, formed a majority of the Ikuse : and it was not to and 45 against it; and then (and here lie begged the be forgotten, that one hundred of these boroughs attention of the House), when they came to places contained less than three thousand inhabitants in containing more than 5,000 inhabitants, it was found each. In these boroughs corruption and bribery pre- that 66 voted ter reduction, and 47 against it. The vailed nototionsly and openly. He might go into general result was, that at the lowest point of popu minute detail; but as the practice was acknowledged, Litton Ministers had a majority of 19 to one, and he did not think it necessary to trouble the House that as the population ro-e, their majority sunk to with particulars. It was observed last year, by a three to one ; and at List they were, at the higher Cornish Member, that of the forty-two Members re- points of population, in a minority of three against turned by Cornwall, only five of them were natives five. These facts, he submitted, were a complete an of the County ; and on a late occasion, in another swer to volumes of argument in favour of virtual re place, it had been said by the Prime Minister that presentation. But the most convincing proof on the Cornwall represented the general commercial interests subject was to be collected from the votes of this year. of the country. And this was a system defended in Ile would take two questions of reduction—one was a gr eat measure on account of its elasticity ; its power that of the Salt Tax , a n d t he other was that relatin g of adaptation to circumstances. He begged the to the office of Postmaster-General. On the former House to look at the consequence of such a system. of these, the numbers were 169 and 165, leav i ng a It was a violation of the laws of Parliament, and majority of four for Ministers. In the minority, there therefore commenced in perjury, and it was con- were forty-two County Members, and fifty-five Repre tinued by drunkenness and every sort of immorality; sentatives for great Towns—there being only fifty-six and after all it was anything but Representation. of this description. In the majority there were only When_the money was paid the voters cared not a fourteen County Members; but there were sixty-one farthing whether the person they elected was Whig placemen, only ten of whom could be said to repre or Tory, or whether he supported the Brunswicks, or sent a County or any great Town. On the question the Stuarts, or the Nabob of Arcot. It included, of reducing one of the Postmasters-General, the num therefore the most intolerable of all grievances, power bets were, 159 for, and 154 against the motion— without responsibility. It very often happened that leaving a majority of 25 for Ministers. In the mi a Member for one of these Boroughs represented nority there were 29 County Members, and 40 Re some great commercial house ; and one of them had presentatives for large towns. In the majority there told hint (Lord John) that lie had no desire to obtain were only 11 County Members, and only 23 Repre a seat in the House of Commons for himself; but that sentatives for large Towns. The proportion of the his yartners desired it. But many advantages were majority against Ministers, on the point of popula derived by the proprietors of those seats , especially tion , was 69 to 34 . Surely, if anything could snake during a war, in the course of one of which, a Meat- an impression upon the House, it was the statement ber had cleared £15,000 by a single trading license of these facts. The Representatives of the People granted to him for bis support of the measures of Go- were merged into a minority in that House. The " ...vernment. As to the very small Boroughs, they doctrine broached on a late memorable night, that were very often disposed of to the Government , far useless o ffi ces should be kept up as a counter poise :few persons were dispostd to purchase the privilege against the increased intelligence of the People, should of being in a minority. Some of these were actually not be forgotten—(Hear, hear!)—This was a doctrine over-run by patronage ; and he would only mention, which to the Honourable Member for Knaresborough - way of example, the place which had the honour (Sir James Mackintosh),, whose historical and coast'. send the Chancellor of- the Exchequer to that tutional knowledge was so great, w i n new, and at use. Ile had a list of several persons, voters for which the Honourable Member for Lode Castle (Mr. lilt place, or connected with it, who held situations Banker) was alarmed. It was sanctioned by those the Post Office, the Custom House, and other pub- who were not the Rep resentatives of the People, and establishments ; and this was the real state of the the question it was meant to support was carried, Representation compared with that of the People. It whilst the real Representatives of the Peo ple we bad been said by the late Mr . W yndham that no sub- not in the ma j orit y . In this state of thing s beggede stantial evil resulted from all this, andthat Right Hon. the House to look at the confusion which must arise Gentleman bad compared the complaining people to from the different uses to which power was applied the man mentioned in the Spectator, who said he from what it was granted for. Let them l oo k at the lead every symptom of the gout except the pain.— single effect of those granting money who were after• low, whatever might be the situation of the country wards to have the benefit of it, and the powers of rhos that obserrailea was made, it was too wit that oat* and 'miry junk the eivsorgent of • Ii! . . I , l' I i , 1 1, , 1. . ~ grai ' weft t. Nv :fear et of E ove by , to Hoi t 1 that in t liC I I. lei bad i • , star Gel , i , , the it , 1 hu No vil !~ ti~ I I .; • • i .1: 1 r. , . Awe powers against the sanction of the People. Every tows who loved his country must be alarmed at the danger which threatened the Constitution whge matters went on thus. Having sliewn the practical results of a corrupt system of Representationb he would mention another result, which was more grievous to the friends of liberty. The naturalim lancee of the Constitution was, that the Crown shotild appoint its own Ministers--that these Minisrs should have the confidence of the House of Corn-' mons—and that the House of Commons should re present the sense of the People—(Hear, hear).— This was the just construction of the machinery of Government, and if any part of it was deranged, the whole must be affected. Thus, when the Stuarts were on the Throne, the Ministry did not possess the confidence of the House of Commons, and the con sequence was, popular tumult and civil war. But now the Ministers did enjoy the confidence of the House, but the House had not the respect or reve rence of the People—(Hear). —They had seen tu mults and insurrection, and every symptom of dis order arising from an excess of popular license, and justly creating the greatest alarm. They had seen the remedies attempted to be administered, in the shape of measures of severe coercion and restrictive laws, backed by an enormous standing army ; and they had witnessed the failure of these remedies to remove the evil. In his opinion, the liberty of Eng land was the only basis on which that House could rest. It was impossible to make the House of Com mons, which was intended to represent popular sen timent, a severe curb upon popular affection. They could not hope that freedom would submit to be shackled, or would continue to support them, if not permitted to go at large, according to the policy of our ancestors. England abjured the aid of a stand ing army to foster her liberties. This was the me lancholy case which resulted from an attempt to go vern the country by ether means than those pursued by our ancestors. Acting upon different principles, they had seen the Ministers obliged to Ova recourse to other measures, in order to maintain their equili brium. This was an inconvenience which Govern ment itself ought to wish to get rid of; for if Parlia , ment represented the sentiments of the People, they would have nothing to do but to submit their mea sures to that body, and take the sense of their appro bation upon them. Instead of that simple course, however, as things now stood, they were obliged to go through a narrower and much more difficult road to arrive at the same point. During the 'whole Ses sion they were forced to occupy themselves in mi nutely studying the sentiments of the Borough inte rest ; and when the Session was over, they found all their woik undone, because there was such a thing as public opinion, and a free Press, which condemned the Ministers, and the Ilouse which had sanctioned their measures. Thus had they recently been seen forced to reduce the numbers of their standing army nearly one-third of the whole amount. He confessed he had never seen anything in the present Ministers which could lead him to impute to them any dark designs against the Constitution of the country. He Believed their policy was to do as little good, and as little evil, as might be necessary just to ensure their retention of place ; and he believed it was much the same to them, whether their measures were adoptedo as they first proposed them, or whether they after wards were obliged to alter them in obedience to the opinions of others. It would, therefore, be more convenient to themselves to find the HOuse of Com mons an echo of the public sentiment, so that, by coming into that House, they could at once feel the pulse of the People—(Hear, hear, hear), Of the inconvenience of the course they were obliged to adopt, however, he would borrow an example from the present Session. It would be remembered that at the commencement of this Session the agricultural classes felt they had cause to complain of the embar rassed situation of their interests, and were of opinion that some of the measures taken by his Majesty's Mi nisters were not altogether wise. What was the course pursued by them under this dispensation ? Did they endeavour to fortify themselves with public opinion? Far from it. They applied fcr aid to a Party, known in this country by the name of the Glenville Party. The weight of the character and talents of Lord Grenville, as their leader, remarkable for a rare union of learning and eloquence, gave an influence to the Party which they otherwise would not have possessed. But many years ago, this Nobleman announced his intention of retiring from public life, and without him the character and influence of the Grenville Party might be set down as nothing—(Hear, hear, and a laugh). They might possess some credit whilst united with him, but deprived of him, the People held them in particular abhorrence—(Hear, and laughter), Whether Tories, Whigs, or Radicals, all were ready to club together their share of vituperation against the Grenvilles. Therefore, in point of character, they formed no accession to the Ministers. But it was sur prising to those who thus viewed the matter, to see, all on a sudden, a surprising commotion amongst this sect. It seemed as though an order had been is sued for a levy en inane of the whole of them and their adherents, for the service of the Public. One was sent to Switzerland, with a salary sufficiently large to corrupt the whole Senate. Another, like a second Bacchus, became the conqueror of the Indies —(Laughter). They became, in short, the persons on whom all the favours of the Crown were to be be stowed. But was there any disposition on the part of the People at large to contribute in any way to this addition to Ministetial force? None ; but there was the accession of strength in that House of a certain number of Boroughs. In another way also it was advantageous. There was a certain rule which had been obtained by our ancestors, as all their other ad vantages on the side of liberty were obtained—by strong contest with power , viz. that upon taking office the Members of that louse should go back to their Constituents to ask their approbation. This was avoided in the case of the Grenvilles. They had no Constituents to present themselves before, and it might have been rather awkward if they had.— They might, for instance, have been asked if they had altered their opinion on the salt tax; and, with regard to Ireland, whether among the numerous and remarkable variety of bargains they had made, they had made any stipulation in favour of five millions of their fellow-creatures, who were kept aloof from an equal participation in the common interests of the community? But the greater part of these Gentle men had no Constitution but one, between whom and thapsselm ao doy,bt, there 'misted what Mr, Pitt - thought there should aiways be between the eo nst i, ; tuent and representative—the closest interest and the strongest sympathy—(A laugh). But they had no op.. pot.tunity of gaining information on this point. The Members for Buckingham appeared in that House, bat he could only consider them as persons disguised as representatives of the people, not being b o n a fid e such. Such were the ways Ministers were obl ige d to resort to, and he considered it as an argument in favour of Reform: But there was one point in favou r of his argument tb be derived from authority, on which he had not touched. The great Lord Clam. don had declared that a Reform in the represents. tion was worthy of being adopted in better times ; Mr. Locke had given the tattle opinion with reference to Old Sarum, and other places, and the sentiment s. of Blackstone, Chatham, Pitt, and Fox, in favour o f Reform, he need not repeat. Thus they hid a sin gular combination in favour of Reform. There w ds Lord Clarendon, the revered Tory statesman ; Mr, Locke, the most liberal of Whig philosophers ; stone, the most universally admired constituti(;n a l lawyer; Lord Chatham, the boldest practical Nliki ter; Mr. Pitt, the head of a most enthusiastic (.arty in his favour ; and Mr. Fox, an equal object if , t f., fection, and esteem to another—(hear, hear, hcfn.).— This union of talent conveyed to his mind that cz , ni. dente, which experience only could give witln,..t i t . In England such an union of her first and best sfootd be looked to as a precedent. in his mind it took away all the raggedness of innovation from the men. sures which they recommended. On the other side, they had only Burke and Wyndham. lle did rot wish to disparage them, but he did not feel disio. e d to give equal weight to their opinions, as to those he had cited. Having, therefore, thus described what he considered as the improved state of the co.tit:t y in point of wealth and learning, and stated ti,e chief arising from the difference between the • ;.m., of the country and that Home, it remained for him to explain the plan which might convey souse remedy. The plans of Lord Chatham and Mt. Pitt had been to add 100 Members to the numbers of the I !oust:, and Mr. Burke had fallen into the same pi in, o wing the votes to a certain number of householders; and Mr. Fox said it was the best outing:: of a pi t:. that could be framed. He (Lord Julia Russell coin cided in this respect with the authority of these great persons. Ile did not wish, however, to give the whole hundred Members to the CoLittie-, bit proposed that the Counties should have au oddities of sixty, and give forty to the commercial towns cf note. There were many minor points f;:r considera tion which it was not necessa; y then to go intt:,— The change must be effected with all calmt.ess aid deliberation. But there was a difference of situatica since the time of Lord Chatham ; for since that tint: a hundred members had been added to the House. In order therefore to carry his plan into effect, he proposed to take away 100 from the smallest bo roughs, to make room for the further addition of 100 for the counties and great towns. He had thought it would be *possible to accomplish the de sirable object of Reform by convicting the boroughs of corruption, which was notorious, and giving the elective franchise to more populous places. Had he met with the co-operation of the House in pursuance of the system he had last Session intodu,:ed, object would in time have been effected. But b had not been adequately seconded by the flouse in his efforts, and he was sorry to say ti.e House dd not appear to be sincere in a desire to put down corruption. They acted as though a police magistrate should say—" It you bring a thief before me, I commit him ; but mind, I will not send out a single officer to assist in apprehending them, although it is notorious that every night thieves parade the streets: Thus it was that the House was ready to take cog nizance of a case of corruption brought before t!!on ; but it required, to do justice to the cause, d .t :hey should themselves discover and convict them. He therefore thought th. t this plan was tl e afest .n.; best that Parliament could . adopt. The question then be fore the House was, whether a Reform in Parliament was necessary at all ? If they would giant hint that, he hid no doubt but he should. be able to agree with the other Reformers in the plan to be adopted. His objection to the small Boroughs was, not that they brought men of talent into the House, but t'iat they formed the majority in the House, and thus, in fact, were the means of obtaining the sanction of the Legislature to the acts of individuals, which passel as the measures of Government This was giving a weight and consequence to the mere form and cere• monial of Representation, at the expense of the real substance of the Constitution. He could not better illustrate this than by quoting the words of the Peet: " Thus if you dine with my Lord Mayor, Roast beef and venison's your fare Thence you proceed to swan and bustard, And persevere in tart and custard; But tulip-leases and lemon peel Help only to adorn the meal ; And painted flags, superb and neat, Proclaim you welcome to the treat. The man of sense his meat devours, But only smells the peel and flowers; • And he must be an idle dreamer, Who leaves the pie and gnaws the streamer !" He knew it was said that these measures, however they might excite tumult and agitation in the country at first, when once they had passed, ceased to cal forth opposition. But this was an unfair way ci putting it. The people of this country were remark. able for their adherence to all law, above all other people—(Hear, hear)—and they knew that when tl:e sanction of that House had once been given w measure, the act of Government was complete, .r.la that there was nothing left but to rebel or be silec. But did it, therefore, follow that they approve,( ? Did they applaud the omission of the Queen's name from the Liturgy more after the question of restorir.g it was negatived, than they did before? 11'hibt It was in course of deliberation they exerted themselves, and expressed their sentiments; but, when once de cided upon, they abstained from further interference. He thought they wisely acted thus ; for be ala not think there were any abuses in this countti which called for actual rebellion. Of the falsetto and danger of assuming approval in the absence et successful opposition, history furnished many exam ples. James H. succeeded in obtaining every prostik tion of liberty till he met with resistance, and wo forced to abdicate under the pressure of that resistance. The same was the case with Paul, the most despotic tyrants, ill he met with the bowstring. Fern `. nand the Seventh of Spain, went on in the same strain • till ho was overwhelmed in rebellion. All -these ty-