Star. — London, England, 1823-04-25 00:00:00

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Petitions were presented by the Duke of BUCKINGHAM (in the :Settee through indisposition of Lord Grenville), from the Uni versity of Oxford, against any further concessions to the Ro man Catholics; and by Lard Burnam, from a Hundred in Norfolk, protesting against the Petition agreed to, or stating to be agreed to, at the County Meeting, and especially against the doctrines contained in it, of what was caned an equitable ad justment of contracts, and praying for regulations respecting li censes to public•houses, and which would tend to increase the consumption of barley.—Ordered to lie upon the table. COMMUTATION OF TITHES IN IRELAND. The Alarquis of LAXSDOWN said, he had learnt that the Hierarchy of Ireland, or at least several of the Noble and Re verend Prelates who formed a part of that Hierarchy had agreed to a Petition, which was to be presented to their Lordships apinst a Bill now it the House of Commons relative to a Com mutation of Tithes in Ireland. lie trusted, that upon a subject of such vast importance, whoever was entrusted with the pre sinting of such a Petition, would give a previous notice to the Noose of the day on which it was intended to present it. He, dowse, could not ask this as a matter of right, but he trusted, tilt in courtesy such a notice would be given, and on the thy on which such Petition was laid before the House, it was his intention to present a Petition in favour of the measure to which he had adverted. THE LATE NEGOCIATIONS. Lord ELLENBOROUGH rose in pursuance of notice. His Lordship expressed the great anxiety ' which lie felt in coming to the discussion of this most important subject, a feeling also attended with considerable pain, when he looked to the comments which he found himself compelled to make upon the conduct of the late negociations, as detailed in the Papers laid befote 'the House; and more especially with regard to the part taken in these negociations by a Noble Duke (Wellington), whose fame and cha rater he most anxiously wished had remained pure ad spotless as they were on the day of Waterloo. In -intimating, however, the conduct of that Noble Duke is the course of these negcciations, he could not as- Sat to any doctrine that errors ought to be set off against services. Let services be duly appreciated and rewarded as services, but let subsequent errors he censured as they deserved. On entering into the consideration of these Papers, it was of the utmost importance to refer back to what was said by the Noble Earl (Liverpool) in 1821. That Noble Earl, inspeaking, at the period alluded to, of the conduct of the Allied Powers toward Naples and Piedmont, whilst lie qpndemned the conduct of the Neapolitans and Piedmontue, expressly stated, that the Spanish Revolution was provoked. It was material, with re paid to the Spanish question, to look back a little fur ther. When King Ferdinand returned to Spain, in 1814., be had determined to march upon Madrid with whatever troops he could collect, and destroy the Constitution of the Ccetes. When subsequently he retched Madrid, he put an end to the Constitution, ad ordered the arrest of those individuals who ha.; lees the chief advocates of freedom, and the chief means of bringing that Constitution into operation, ad many of whom were prosecuted and severely ymished. In 1815, King Ferdinand finding that thirty-two individuals of those he had alluded to still moaned unsentenced, himself sent to the Tribunal a command to hasten their proceedings; they re amed for answer that they could do nothing against the individuals pointed out. A Special Commission was resorted to, which came to the same conclusion. King Ferdinand then, of his own despotic authority, *bough no Tribunal could find anything against them, sentenced these individuals to various punish ments. Amongst others, Arguelles, who had been eminently distinguished for his eloquence and his patriotism, was sentenced to serve for eight years as a common soldier in the garrison of Ceuta. It was here that King Ferdinand, on suppressing the Con ititetion of the Cortes, issued a Declaration, stating his intention of summoning the ancient Cortes, and promising that there should be limited Liberty of the Press, and that Taxes should not in justice be levied without the common consent of the Xing and the Representatives of the People.— It was a matter of notoriety that none of these pro mises were fulfilled, and the circumstances were also matter of notoriety, which at length led to the Re solution —restoring the Constitution of the Cortes, and which, as the Noble Earl justly said, provoked that Revolution. The only Power which at the time at all complained of the Spanish Revolution, was itassia, and that complaint not being considered by *I of the other Powers, led to nothing. He now tune to the meeting of the Sovereigns at Troppau, in December, 1820; here the affairs of Spain were men tiMmds but the protest of the late Marquis of Lon merry effectually prevented any interference in the atonal affairs of Spain ; and it appeared that the Spa- GoYernment, alarmed by foreign intervention in the affairs of Naples and Piedmont, requested a dis- Aiact disavowal of any intention to intense in the af 411'0 Spain. An express assurance was given that no inch intention existed. This appeared floral the speech 4 ° 4 King of Spain to the Cortes, in Match, 1821, id the answer of the President to the Cortes ; as also by similar documents when the Cones again as- Moiled in July, the Allied Sovereigns having in the alaantime had another meeting in May, at which it ' di d not seem that there was any question of interfer ence in the internal affairs of Spain. From this pe tiod nothing was heard of interference by the Allied r °i'ore in the internal affairs of Spain until the 21st , September, 1822, when the Noble Duke (Welling. top i f i rared first to have understood that the affairs of were to be discussed at the Congress of Ve nue. From these facts and circumstances, from the ' of liberty of the Allied Powers in crushing every effort liberty in Germany, in Piedmont, and Naples, and !man the determination now acted upon with regard " Spain, he thought himself entitled to draw two "thoione ; first, that the influence of the late Mar quis of Londonderry had, up to the period of his death, prevented any interference in the affairsof Spain; and, secondly, that the contest now embarked in in Spain, was a contest between the principle of despotism and the spirit of liberty. The conduct of the Allied Powers in Ger'many, in Naples, and Piedmont, left indeed no doubt of their desire to extinguish every remnant of freedom; but the now unprincipled inter ference in the affairs of Spain, put an end to all pos sibility of doubt as to their real object and intentions. Nothing short of the utter extinction of all freedom would satisfy them, and should they succeed in their unprincipled. designs in Spain, should despotism, througli their means, again triumph in that State, could there be a doubt that their next efforts would be directed against this country. against that Parlia ment which was the tribunal of Europe, against that press which was the refuge of the oppressed, and the shield of freedom ? The whole conduct of the Al lied Powers, since 1814, clearly shewed that nothing short of the utter. extinction of liberty, and the u. preme triumph of despotism would satisfy them, or be commensurate with the designs they now entertained. This conclusion he was entitled to draw from all that had taken place, from the conduct of the Allied Powers, coupled with their declarations, from all their acts up to the present period, explained as these acts were by their own 'Notes and by their own admissions.—lt might have been supposed that his Majesty's Ministers, upon learning from the Noble DiAe that it was the intention of France to urge interference in the affairs of Spain at the Congress of Verona, that in fact she had resolved upon commencing war against her—it might have been suppOsed that a question involving so many important considerations —involving the possible occupation by the French of the ports of Spain, by means of which they might menace Ireland, and strike a ileadly blow at our dearest interests, commercial and political, it might have been supposed that his Majesty's Ministers would have taken some time to deliberate upon so portentous an aspect of affairs—some time to consi der what measures would be necessary to counteract so alarming an evil. It appeared, however, that they received the dispatch of the Duke of Wellington on the 21th of September, stating the intention of bring ing forward the affairs of Spain at the Congress of Verona, and that on the '27th, only three days afterwards, an answer was returned. What was the nature of the answer of Mr. Secretary Canning to the Duke of Wellington ? " If there be a determined project to interfere by force or by menace in the pre sent struggle in Spain, so convinced are his Ma jesty's Government of the uselessness and danger of any such interference, so objectionable does it appear to them in principle, as well as utterly impracticable in execution, that when the necessity, or (I could rather say) when the opportunity offers, I am to in struct your Grace at once frankly and peremptorily to declare that to any such interference, come what may,"—what ? that his Majesty would be ready to oppose all his forces, or that his Majesty would place himself in an attitude ready to resist any such un justifiable principle of interference, should it be at tempted to be acted upon? No; but merely this, His Majesty will not be a party." So tame a con- 1 clusion had put him in mind of a play he had lately read, in which two men, after a long discussion as to what was best to be done in an important conjunc-1 tare, agreed, that it would be best to do nothing ; 1 but not only his Majesty's Ministers had done no thing, but they had said nothing, or at least so little, that it was nothing to the purpose. With regard to the questions put by France to the Allied Powers, it appeared by a dispatch of the Duke of Wellington, dated Verona, October 29, furnished in the addi tional Papers, that the Noble Duke intended to call upon the Allies, to require an explanation on the part of France, but it did not appear from the dis patch of the Noble Duke, dated the next day, that he had carried that intention into effect—( Hear, hear). The Noble Duke having returned from Verona, it appeared to have been determined to send Lord Fitz roy Somerset to Madrid, and he now came to the Memorandum of the Noble Duke, written upon that occasion for Lord Fitzroy Somerset. Of this Memo ' raaclum he really could siy little, for to him it was unintelligible. The Noble Duke hinted that it Spain would make some concessions, France, finding it ex pensive to keep up an Army of Observation, would withdraw it ; but it did not appear on the face'of the Papers before the House that the Noble Duke had the smallest authority to make those offers. It was possible that he was not perfectly aware of the prin ciples of the British Constitution; for if he had been, he certainly would never have consented to become a party to such a transaction as to propose to Spain to alter her Constitution at the desire of. France, and when the alternative was war. It also appeared that the Noble Duke must have been as unacquainted with the Constitution of Spain as with that of his own country ; for he had demanded alterations in that Constitution, whereas no alteration could be made in it by law, until a certain time should arrive. What he had demanded amounted therefore to the destruction of that Constitution, and he had asked it of men who had sworn not to do it. He had asked of them first to violate the fundamental principle of their Constitution, next- to violate their oaths, and then every principle of international law, and to do this in compliance with the desires of an enemy who demanded it at the point of the bayonet. Fortu nately, the Spaniards knew their Constitution better than the Noble Duke, and with the spirit and dig nity of their national character, absolutely refused to take into consideration the alterations proposed. Thus the views of those wbo wished insidiously to destroy their Constitution had failed. It was extraordinasy that this intrigue bad been carried on at the very time when M. de Villele declared, in his letter to 51. de Lagarde, that France would not cease her precau tionary measures as lung as Spain was torn by dissen sions. What was more likely to make the whole cows try of Spain a scene of anarchy and discord than an ' attempt to change her Constitution in the face of a should recommend was this ; The war was justifiable, threatening enemy ? M r . C ann i ng a d m i tte d, i n one ! and when forced into it we must go to war. He of his Notes, the right of Fiance to use precautionary 1 could not close - without exp r e ss i ng a b e li e f t h at measures to gua r d aga i nst t h e mora l i n f ect i on of p - in the co n fli ct i n which Spain was eng age d, t h e ge . litical doctrines. He also seemee. to feel the import- j nera l f eeling of the British People was involved.— ante of this admission; for the day after it was made The Spanish Nation had acted with a dignity and he had written to Sir Williau Atourt that the Army forbearance which might have done honout to elder of Observation formed the chief obstacle to negocia- States. His hope was, that in this contest the Spa tion. He would not notice the absurdity of suppos- niards would consider that the war involved every ing that an Army of Observation could stop moral thing dear to man, and that they would oppose that infection of any kind,. as if principles could be barred resistance which had formerly triumphed.. The cause • our by crossed baionets: he would only say, that was independence. They wanted •no wild and vi after France had declared that she would not with- sionary object, but a free and constitutionallio Monarchy. y The Noble Lord concluded by moving— draw her Army as long as .Spain should be torn b civil dissensions', and alter the triumphs of Mina, by a That an Address be presented to his Majesty to return the putting an end ..o those dissensions , had afforded her bumble thanks of that House for the communication graciously , dons se that to Verona,aAddressn pa t f i o s, r certai n the means of dissolving her army with honour, Mr. ei llis Pe dri P r: co relating to neg dea nc pt ia e: Canning's admission had suggested to her a ground Bret neand t d he s d;sire in ha Tit i nifented by his Ma . jest at y t for gam peace he acme ibetw th een of which she had not originally thought, for main- V ran taming her line of observation. Their Lordships were obliged to declare that the course pursued by his t la e j'esty 7 s of the British Nation, and avert the war: that the French King, might observe in the Papers with what unexpected Ministers was not the true course to support the independence delight M. de Chateaubriand seized upon that forgetfulad- °f of the valuable anima= nkkit had contribatedao his mission, aniLitsionediattely asserted the principle that. restoration, and invading the right which every nation possessed France had a right to defend herself against moral to alter and tunend its Constitution, had coMmenced an attack contagion. M. de Chateaubriand rightly thought on Spain, whose independence bra ist ail asset been sobbpieett Dr policy: to eewsnins Ms hiajeiewthat tar House Melly that this concession o nce ma d e , a ll was conce d e d to France. This was the case, and should her armies ill ° '"" tth "w a ' °nig 14110 11111 " 1 " in having suggested to the Spani ar d s a c h ime i n their Constitution similar occupy Spain, and reach the frontiers of Portugal, ro t h at proposed by Prance ; an d in baying been, abenngbene the the same pretence su gg e s t e d by M r . C ann i ng wou ld the whole coarse of the negotiations, 0101 e solicitous to se ve justify a simila r measure aga i nst our o ld a ll y . Th e French Governmen t t h an Spain, unjustly t h reatene d wish war: to represent s t i e h his v :dajesty, that in the view taken of t whole case of France might now rest and be justi- la t e fled on this admission by the British Minister.— that Government:w with atturee;bitistettieajetsryplace no that a t re riumph e ea Notwithstanding a ll t hi s , h owever , f res h attempts France aver Spai n wou ld b e i n j urious to this country: to di?: were still made to induce Spain to alter her Consti. dare that a more prompt &tidy, pokey might have realised tution, although M. Chateaubriand, in his Note of 6"i," entertained of preventing war," &c. etc, the 23d of January, clearly intimated that the only The Earl of HARROWBY expressed it to be the. concession - which could induce France to stop her mi- anxious wish of Ministers to make themselves respon sible for all that h a d b een d one b y t h e N o b le Duke litary preparations, Was the concession of the whole Spanish Constitution. As Parliament, however, was near him (the Duke of Wellington) at Verona. -If to meet on the 4th of February, and it became ne- what had been transacted 14 that Noble Duke was cesSary to prepare a case for its inspection, their contrary to the honour and interests of this country, Lordships would find a Declaration dated the 28th Ministers hear the blame, as he had only acted up to of January; in which this country declined joining in the letter and to the spirit of his instructions. The the interference of the Allies against Spain. And Noble Lord, in the course of his speech and address, even this was not a direct and powerful protest, but had gone the length of avowing it to be his decided a confidential letter toour Minister. Was it possible opinion, that it would be more for the interest and that the Noble Earl opposite should have meant honour of this country t', be at war with France at this, when he said that a so l emn protest h a d b een this moment th an to b e i n a state o f neutrality. His made? Mr. Canning had transmitted this dispatch language came very nearly to this, having, in the to Sir W. A'Court, without revoking that of the 26th first instance, passed a censure on linisters, which tof January, which di r e c t e d hi m to en d eavour to ob heir conduct did n ot d eserve . H e told their Lord tain fresh concessions ; so that Minister must have ships, that if a more " prompt, decisive, and unequi found himself embarrassed by the opposite nature vocal" tone had been taken by this country, peace of the two communications which he received. In might have been preserved. 'She question for their the dispatch of the 28th of January, Mr. Canning Lordships consideration was this—Was it better for had made an admission, such as had never been mad e this country to be at peace than t o b e engage d i n a new Minister.before by a British inister. He had owned that war? He was of opinion that stronger measures could it was for the safety, and at the desire of France, that not have been pursued .by this Government unless- it the British. Government had insidiously. endeavoured -had first made up-its mind to got war in support of to obtain from the Spanish nation similar terms.to Spain if .France co u ld not b e -di ssua d e d to a d ppt a those demanded by F iance. He had also afforded different line of policy. - - To this coarse it was awes. to M. Chateaubriand a mode of extricating himself try that they should m akeup their minds, if,,actiug from the difficulty in which the strong I k n i vage , agreeably to the views of tie Noble Lord, they had pot in the - Speech of the King of France had-plated takeno a more prompt, decisive; and unequivocal' him, by suggesting th a t th a t Speech wee *Pew to two tone .;" for to .him im it appeared tha t these words bad no interpretations, a suggestion which M. de Plateau meaning at all if they did-not. mean that in the case briand immediately adopted.. If it were possible to !apposed, it was the duty of this country to go to doubt the intention of the French Government to ac- war with France. But war,..he contended, ought cept of no concession except the whole Spanish Con- only to be sanctioned by the. Government of a State, stitution, he would refer their Lordships to the Note from the conviction, under airilie circumstances.that communicated to the Bing of Spain by M. de La war was preferable to pe a ce. If-A doubt could,exist Garde, which, .in common with all the other dote- on the subject, that doubt ought to induce them to menu up to that time, demanded that the King decide for peace. The Noble Lord (Ellenborough) should be re-established in absolute power before any had said much with .respect to the conduct of alteration should be made in the Constitution of France, and one of the. accusations which he had Spain, ot, in fact, that the Family Compac t should preferred against this Government w as , t h at i t . be restored ia greaser vigour than ever . M. de Cha- had been grossly duped by the Ministers of France. teaubriand, however, being desirous that we should He wished to know what meaning their Lordships continue to negotiate, as it served his convenience attached to these words?. Was be a d u p e , if f rom and the purposes of the French Administration, said his confidence in the sincerity of the professions of at last, en the 10th of February, that it the Spanish an individual who was not sincere, he adopted a Government would create a second Chamber, France course riot different (loin that, which, under other would suspend her military operations. So that al- circumstances, a egard for his own interest would have though the subject had been discussed since the 6th dictated ? If this Government wished to avoid war, of January, it was not till the 19th of February that how could the French Government be said to have Sir William A'Court was put is. possession of the duped it in the only sense which a nation could be said terms of France. On the 31st of March, Mr. Can- to have been duped ? We had believed the French ning then wrote as long letter, not to the French Go- Ministers to be sincere, and had determined Dot in filament, but to Sir C. Stuart, in which he went the first instance to have recourse to arms; but he through the whole history of those negociations which contended that if they were not sincere, the principles bad terminated. The result of their failure was the on which we had regulated our conduct werexight. commencement of the war between France and Spain. The case was one in which they-were bound to use Could their Lordships thi n k that th e E ng li s h G overn - conciliatory mea ns to t h e utmost , however lo ci :their meat had done anything, or all that it ought to have their hopes of success might become. It was "satis. done? Could they think that the honour of this factory to him to know that this hadUeier beeraJost country had been duly supported? Was it consist- sight of by those near him. Their wisheifoi`iteace eat with that honour, to endeavour insidiously to ob- had led them to persevere in it till the isnif. Though tabs from Spain the concessions demanded by France? the-prospect had been clouded, they had beeit'slow —Was- it honourable to induce men to break their to abandon the object in triew. .. oaths, and sacrifice eve r y principle of independence ? a For Love will hop e w h ere &ma would despair." • Did they think that it was for the advantage of The question, as he had already said, for theri) to France suds a war should have ensued ?It was consider, was this—did the interest or honour of the I marked by all the atrocity of Napoleon, and all the country require that we should go to war for Spain? oppression of the Bourbons. Was it for our advan- He begged that this might never be lost sight of while cage that such an army should stand on t h e f rbnt i ers the i r L ordships were considering these negociatidlis, iatidlis. ot Spain ? • Was it for our interest and the interests The object of England being conciliation, a menace of mankind, that France should fail in this attempt ? could not have been used with propriety or advantage, Was jt for our interest that England should be obliged , nor could more be done than had been done. It was to concert means for the preservation of that system seen what the course of England on this question had upon which our own Constitution rested ? Had they been ever since the sin ing of 1820. Measures we r e acted on the principles of international law? No.— at that time i n ag it a ti on w i t h respect to S pa i n. But, All law and ind e pe n de nt feeling had been surren-lin consequence of the steps taken by t hi s country up dered. Looking_ to all the int rigues o f t h e French to 1822, no hostile step had been take n , even so f ar Government at Verona, the commencement of such as to withdraw the Ministers of the Alike from Spain. a war must be considered not only disgraceful to Was it for this country to gel to war on an abstract France, btit to the British Government,. which had question ?--for the Spanish Constitution ?--or for the been gulled and deluded. It. was not possible to place liberties of the Spanish People? H e cou ld not see that the smallest confidence in th e contra dictory language j we were bound to do this; and he thou g h t i t would of the French diplomati s t s . Ill s Majesty's Ministers puzzle their Lordships to decide at thi s moment what were duTed by the talk of pace at the very time the ought to be considered the.Spisitish People. Divided Beet of France had gone to the \Veit ladies. It was a is that country was at present, if •gtiglan Anne s d • ' d • n general opinion, that a more prompt: line of policy the war, she would have to fight against a . great aright have been adopted. The Aiddrels he shobld portion of the' very People s desired to tsarist. move, would not call on them to . come to any de- rhi note , ci - die - couistryf Ulnae for . meta titSireble cision oa the question of pepcp I.4rrai. ,ThicAi s cyjr itron u resson isiiptitlregteripsfiliw o w ar tal oa !v..: ;11; • . ..?! 00: :. * 'I• a" }' :: , - ;4 . 1 T.. •./..4.:* "CT • ''''. ' . ..'"... ' - • * .; . 261 e '''''' 1* - • -• • • : •• • "• • ' • : 344 J *JR *'. 4 ]4