Star. — London, England, 1810-12-21 00:00:00

on that occasion, and the Seal was 'ever used till liter the Restoration of Charles the Second, se im pressed were they with the idea that they had no right to east case the authority of the Great Seal. He knew it might be said that that was not the proper Great Seal of Charles the Second ; it might be the , • Sea) of the Republic, or it might be the Great Seal of ' be Protector Olivet Cromwell ; but still it was that by the authority of which that convention held itself eapable of assemblingto discuss the affairsofthe nation. Such, however as it was, the Lords would not sane. 'ion the use of it in the absence of the executive power, and the Commons, in the end, were obliged to give up the point. At the period of the Revolution, the Right Honourable Gentleman had said, the state of things was not at all analagous to the circum 'seances of the preSent day, became then the throne was vacant, and a King was to be made, instead of a person to be supplied durifog the indisposition of the reigning Monarch, It was not the convention of which the Right Hon. Baronet had spoken, who at the Revolution tendered. the. Crown to the Prince of Orange. That Assembly; after discussing the sub ject, dissolved itself, desiring the Pfince of Orange to call a Parliament in the regular way, and it was that Parliament as they thought themselves, and as they were thought by the people, who made a tender of the Crown to the Prince and Princeis of Orange. The na tion had at that period more at stake than it had per haps ever had before. The established religion had been attacked, and the laws subverted by a bigotted Prince, who looked upon Parliaments as nuisances which he was ambitious of doing away, or at least of excluding them from any share of the Government. Thc people had then everything at stake, and they took the best way of securing their liberties. He believ ed there were men alive at that day, who as tho toughly understood the Constitution, both theoreti cally and practically, as ever it had been understood since, and they certainly would have recommended a .better mode of proceeding had they been able. They intended to g.ec the Royal power to the Pzince and Princess of Orange, but were determined first to gain those rights to which they so nobly laid claim. Before they tendered .the Crown, a declaration to that effect was made by tile Speaker in the House of Lords to William and Mary, and the compact once made, they were proclaimed King and Queen. Those who lived et that day thought such a compact a 'efficient sects. rity. They did not think it necessary to have recourse to fictickk or to fraul ; to gain to their act an assent from him who could not give one. They thought . their every purpose answered by an address ; and in estab lishing the Throne of 3Villiam and Mary, they estab lished their own lan s, their rights, and liberties. The Right Hon. Gentleman said, that could "not be regard ed as a precedent, because at that period a Ring was to be made. Why, if so, the Act they had to do was so much the greater. But the Right Honourable Gen tleman thought the Legislative Act, which could not legally be gained, must be illegally procured,to stamp the legality of their proceedings, and give effect to their decisions. The more lie thought on it, the more be (Mr. Ponsonby ) was astonished, how• so extrava- Laant an ids rcouid be entertained. The law of the nd said, the assent of the King should be given in Rill Parliament, or under the Great Seal by Commis sion. The law on this subject was so very short that be would read it to chem.—[Here the Right Ho nourable Gentleman read a passage from an Act of the 33d of Henry VIII. setting forth that the royel essent should he given, teal ever had been given by Lis Majesty's letters intent, and tinder his own hand, and that such assent so given was the same as if given in person, and as such was tO remain.] — POI being the law, he would now ask if the King eras capable of giving his assent in either way there laid down and described ? That theXing coktici not come to his Parliamert they kttew, that he Criuld not sign the necessary paper They also knew. On what prin ciple t'len could they pretend to gain the royal assent where it was impossible that• it could he given by the King ? Why have recourse to artificial means for that which could be obtained by'referring tO the best principles of the Constitution At the period at which the law to which he had just, called their attention, bad been made (in the time of Henry the Eighth), there were several laws in being making.varioua of fences treason. Those laws were repealed a few years after the death of that Nlonarch by the first Parlia ment iu the reign of Queen Mary, but in that same year another act w.‘s passed making it treason to imi tate the King's Sign Manual, as the royal.assent could ably be dethuteby the Sign Manual and under the Great-Seal. ,t," Such was the I..vr 411 f n, such is the law at this day." It was remarkable too, that so convinced were the legislattire'of those times of ale necessity of that law, than an act of attiinslif which had, been passed against the then Duke of Norfolk - "*.s re. 'Versed, because the assent of Henry had not been for mally given to that Act: It the Act to which he I *en alluded, it was stilted tti have been reversed, be t ause it was not signed " with .his frAhness's own hand," and because it was not duly sealed. The royal assent is to be given in hit terson, or by letters pa. tent tinder the Great Seal, and signed by the king's own hand: According to the 'Sad of Henry the Eighth, any Act which shall not so have received the royal assent, shall be " void and non-effective, and shall be adj iadged to be no Act of Parliament."—Could there be wend any authorities mote complete than those, of the two ways of gaining the royal assent to an Act of Parliszneot I He contended, no Act of Parliament 'could be complete, carried in the way proposedi containing in itself .fraud, fAsehood, im positiotv phrportiag in have what it has not, the rtiyal assent, it could in no way be recognized or al- Sowed by the laws of the land: It was monstrous, that such fraucl, that such abominable imposition , should be resorted to, when the Constitution sup- plied•an easy'rernedy which had been -made use of *A the best'days Or - Parliament. The Right Tlonou rable Gentleman had wished to know if by ad dress. the Parliament would not virtually give the Regent the authority as mach from themselves as it sould be given 'by Bill. It certainly would do' so. regarded the . ll;inse as competent to give that ikuthorit it - the mode of &int+. fr WWI tended set . Did they ire custody of priety of doing every one. But state to the wire. Every s. to his Majesty be supposed that t. limitations, vary, would be disregarded by the Prince, it stated to him in a declaration ? As well might Lnrd Somers, and those who carried the heads of the Bill of Rights to King William, have expected to be treated with neglect. It was necessary that the Prince should hare 11. he power of legislation. He ought to have the power of assenting to Bills that might pass the two Houses, and was it to be supposed that he would neglect the suggestions of those from whom he deriv ed his authority ? Could it be thought the Prince, or any of his family whom they might so invest with power, would treat them with neglect, or re fuse to assent to any Bills that might be essential to the welfare of the King, or the safety of the People. He could not think they would ever give the power to any one capable of acting such a part. .He would insist that the Prince deserved to be en trusted with the power by the' two Houses, and the sole question on • which they had to decide was by what mode, and what manner, that power should be given ? The Right Honourable Gentleman thought the precedent of 1789 would justify them in adopting his proposition. It was a fraud and a violation of the principles of the Constitution. Was such a prece dent to justify them in committing a new fraud and in violating the Constitution anew. It was the first time he bad ever heard a grave assembly told, " your predecessors acted wrong two and 'twenty years ago, and you would therefore bejusti fied in doing the same." Yet on such grounds had the Right Hon. Gentleman expected them to come info his views; on no other had lie endeavoured togain the sifpportofthe House. He had not advanced onesingle new argument in support of the proprietyaof such a proceeding. He had disdained to justify it by any argument of his own. He wished to carry it not by argument but by precedent. Au thority against argument and reason is always ab surd and frequently mischievous. Yet the measure recommended by the precedent of 1788, preposterous as it was, he had preferred to the simple means af forded by the Constitution itself for supplying the defect. The only proper mode of proceeding was by address. To proceed by Bill was to adopt a measure the truth of which no man could assert. It was ab surd to su that done which every one knew was .imposnr e to be done. Such a proposition was wholly unworthy the good sense and wisdom of the House. How far. the Right Hon. Gentleman might be right as to the restrictions necessary to be imposed, was a question into which he would not enter, but any idea of imposing any considerable restrictions, be thought inexpedient. The Prince had now gained a period more advanced in life than that at which the greater number of our Kings has reached before they ascended the Throne, and, if at 48 years of age, the Prince was not fit to take upon himself the cares of Government; he never would be fit to be entrusted with them, and ought in that case to be excluded from the regal authority for ever. He would ask what was the period, and what the state of the country when these restrictions were intended to be imposed. Was the country at peace ?—was it in prosperity ?—was it in security ?—No, it was far from being in such flou rishing state;—crippled and almost ruined by a weak Ind contemptible administration. The Right lios -eourable Gentleman had spoken much of the bles sings enjoyed by the people of England under his Ma. jesty's long extended reign. He was as sensible as any man how much the nation owed to the mild virtues 'Of the King, but much as he revered the King's private character, lie could not but ask if his dorni-' nions were is that prosperous state in which they once were ? He could not but ask if we were now in that state of peace, of security, of tranquillity, and of glory; with which we were blessed when lie ascended the throne ? Are the Ministers of the present day such as then directed the Councils of the nation, or such as ought now to be entrusted with the guidance of pub. lie affairs ? The Right Honourable Gentleman thought himself perhaps one of the blessings of his Ma - hest y's reign. He had no d ou b t b ut h e cons id ere d imself as one of the great blessings, in the possession lof which the people of this happy country ought to rejoice. His Colleagues, no doubt, he also looked aipon as blessings, and the measure he now proposed ;;was, doubtless, with a view to secure to the people of England a continuance of these inestimable blessings. `But he, for his, part, felt no gratitude for them at all, and no gra titude, he believed, was f e lt f o r t h em by thecountry at -1 - le,for one, viewed the Right Honourable Gentlensan opposite in such a light, that with all his veneration for the Sovereign who had appointedtim his Minister, he would hail the day of his de ture u one of the happiest days England ever saw. The Right 114inoureik• Gentleman then moved as an Amendment, that all the words of int original motion shbuld be taken away after the word " that," for theE4ose.of Inserting the following words : ' " Thar ail humble Marisa be presented to his Royal High ness the Prince of 'Wales, rcttnesting him to take upon himself, during his Majesty's present •inasposition, the Government of these Realms, to administei the same under the tide of Sole Re gent of the United Kirigdomi of • Lireat kritain anti Ireland." Mr. CANNING said, in the two propositions now before the House; the whole object of the one had been explained, and the other had been stated only in' part, the House being left to conjecture what the re mainder might amount to. It was not necessary far, him to go to 4 remote period for an authority in point, when he saw one exactly analogous, not above twenty years ago. The cases of the Restoration and of the Revolution, he admitted had points in' which they' might bear upon the present case, but still they were Materially different, and in some respects contradic tory. Here there was no usurpation to check--no rights of which a party had been unjustly deprived.. to which care was to be taken that he should be re stored. Here there were no bulwarks to be opposed against the return to the throne of a despotic monarch, who had endeavoured to overtarn our religion ; but facilities were rather to be provided for facilitating the return of a beloved Monarch to his Throne, and to the anxious wishes of his people, the moment he should have recovered from a temporary malady. There between proper carrying on of affairs, why was it not entirely taken away ? He did not wish to bee the hands of Government weakened. There was no party in this country in the year 1788, which would have availed itself of the circumstance of any restriction in this re spect on the Executive Government in the hands of.a Regency ; and he did not now think any such restric tion expedient. Lord TEMPLE entered at some length into the precedent of the Revolution, and that of 1788. He concluded by voting in favour of the Resolutions. Lord JOCELYN spoke on the Ministeri d side of the question. Mr. ADAM strenuously opposed the motion, and supported the address. He contended that the just and legal course for the House to pursue ivas by re solution, and not by bill. An address could be coup led with certain restrictive resnlutions, so that there could be no objection to that mode of proceeding on that account. The procedure by bill was founded on the precedent of 1788, by whom was it found neces sary to adduce that precedent only ? '1 he fact was, that no other similar instance in English history was to be found—it was an unprecedented proceduries-- He contended that it was not fair of the Gentlemen opposite to say, that because the House had agreed to the Address to his Majesty in 1789, that there fore the whole House approved of the previous proceeding in 1788, respecting a Regency. Much had been said about the s , Political capacity of the King" on former occasions, but the measure proposed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer went to subvert that capacity. If any thing were done by way of Bill, it ought to be done in conjunction with the King, and if they proceeded by Bill, with out his Majesty being in the full ezeecise of his power, it would be a death-Wow to his political capacity.-- It had been said, that the proceeding by address was not so safe as the proceeding by Bill ; but the contrary was the fact, and the Address could be accompanied by restrictive Resolutions. Almost all the restrictions which would be proposed by the Right Honourable the Chancellor of the Ex chequer, would meet with his opposition, the restriction respecting the peerage in particular. It was in effect, putting the Executive branch of the Constitution into the hands of the Parliament, and they would be discussing the Kingly prerogatives, a thing not adviseable. Such discussions were of a dangerous tendency, and were calculated to cut up the prerogative by the tones. He objected to the proceeding by Bill, and there was no effort that he could make in opposition to it that he would not make in the course of its progress. He disapproved in toto of the proposition for restrictions of the prerogative. The ATTORNEY GENERAL supported the motion for proceeding by Bill. Sir S. ROMILLY disapproved of the third Rep. lution, for the same reason that induced him to ap prove of the second Resolution. The House could not proceed by Bill, for the very mention of such a mode of proceeding, must• convince every one, that it was necessary to have his Majesty's assent to a Bill, befote it could pass into a law ; and how could his Majesty's assent be obtained during his present melancholy Si tuation? The assent of his Majesty meant his will; aid in his present lamentable state, how could that will be known ? He disapproved of the Bill, became thereby the House would legislate without the con troul of the third - branch, without • acknowledging such Act. The Ronse ought to proceed in an open and manly manner, 'and the proceeding by Bill had nothing candid and 'open in its while on the contrary, the proceeding by ail - Address would be frank, ho eouratile, and Manly. To the Bill the assent of the Crown would be given on the auVerity of the House; but if that House in conjunction with the other House were of sufficient authority for a mode of proceeding, then where was the necessity' of the Bill if the two were competent to provide for the deficiency. If even it were not an improper proceeding it ,certainly would be a superfluous one, but it was not a proper mode of proceeding, the address was what ought to be adopted. Of the course of proceeding by Address he approved, and should oppose the motion for a Bill. The Reso lution which the House was called upon to adopt was most unconstitutional and dangerous in its tendency, therefore he should not approve of it, and should sup port the amendment for an Address. The SOLICITOR CLINERAL supported the Motion for a bill. Mr. HORNE Rapproved of the proceeding by Ad dress. Mr. CROKER supportei the Resolution. Mr. WHITBREAD.—It was not his intention at that late hour to trespass long upon the attention of the House. • The Learned Gentleman who has jus sat down, has dealt with his precedents in whatever way he thought proper. , He has converted Bills into Addresses, and Addresses into Bills. He has spoken of writings which no man ever wrote, and of signa tures which no man ever signed. He (Mr. bread) would not attempt to follow him through all the mazes of his learned confusion. The subject upon, which they were now deliberating was certainly of the most momentous importance. His Majesty has been labouring for seven long weeks under the most afflict ing disease ; tile exercise of the Royal Authority has been interrupted ; and the Ministers have dared — (Hear, Hcar)—to exercise the Royal Functions with out making any communication to the Nation. The Right Hon. Gentleman had 'stated to that House, that the symptoms of his Majesty's disorder were become more favoitrable,And that a speedy recovery was to be anticipated. It appears that from the Ist to the 14th of November the symptoms were very violent. Could the Right Hon. Gentleman say, upon the evidence of the Physicians whom we have examined, that the re covery is likely to be speedy ? AU of- them say they supposing that be re - ' .:.pefioci of subject to a Have the lartd this this 301. ' • ***,, ,?( • • • • • i . :t ortegislattal which had (Mr. Ponsonti ) theilibluivihoultiereise intend giving the person .d 6 :veto ; trairStendant pop As tniftrdtatioestoii - the Prince dy of the Queen ? He concitst pia' - 1 , of Wa4lll, at hiast tis the disposal of places and doing so, and so he conceived 'Would 'alsistist i pennons, he was not prep/meal° saythathe%pproved But were not the House competent to •of any such, as things were now situated. Could he fe Prince that such was their intention and tie• I have hesitated on this point, his mind must have been ry security for the restoration of the powers .made up by an observation of the Honourable Baro. rajesty could also be obtained. Was it to ; net (Burdett) who had observed, that if such an ap- ed that the limitations conceived to be neces- pendage was not necessary to the Executive for the m...tuy. I nere covery is likely to be speedy ? AU of- them say authOrity ;it was the mode of (king , it for which being these striking dissimil ar i t i es b etween t h e cases cannot give any such information. But supposing he contended. There was a proper way as well as an dwelt on by the Right Honourable Gentleman who he did recover, supposing that he should again bi tasprOper way. The only proper way was by address. had spoken last and the preseut case, he must support stored to the use of his reason—in the future petic ollowing that mode of giving the author ty had every the proposition of l:is Right - Honottrable Friend (Per- his life, he will again in all probability, be subject advantage the other mode could pretend to, without cev a l) see i ng , as h e did , an authority altogether in frequent recurrence Of the same calamity. Have WM ableto the tame objections. It was'qui,te as point in favour of th at mode' of proc ee di ng i an d not P arliaments which have existedibetween 1288 and * li Wiffilmiethe authority of the Regent after giving being satisfied that in addreEsin_g the Prince, as re- period done their duty in makiniepoprovisiensior dositabority by address, as to do it by-the pre- '.emended by the other Right 11,ur t able oiccurreleta ? Zaire vtas su a resupsoce in L I . wastheli a disptuini:t:crie:.:u that Majesty Of that disease trete the Minister of the day dares (Hear) to c.: , r . 7 ',, business of the Nation. in 1804, he was anii„ni same state. He could not make up his rni r . ,l', s .ll ' Majesty was then fit to transact the could not believe that a person who is subject t e a l: r r e ie n s, ce co ( u sa ld id be mr fi . t Itov.Titehled tpceinegxe;cbutuitvelpco;nlo..rtntiecrdii.ii/ iiapperi t e h rces a rttre t deira h cni e lsetpancaxh i itity:t t ro,s h eginss. e oe.cnso tt heifl o tot v oultl e irenole re d;k i u:: g ivn..ith n heoc o inamyn f opowt w ph i o,e ;: nnceh:,:e i tiisoloatfvhmhaitiar:::::::ef , neovrinheoif tns.itet 1801, the public business was carried(notoniro‘.vbiipteh:obrtcii,,,ev.,neaa vacant, if the Royal Authority be exti nct, li,i: 2 n '', supylying the deficiency. He adverted to the k r ere Ge c :tl u e ld m Gentleman The ution ß s. igh T t o H the ono fi a r r s a t bl th e would li ent o g f i v l e 7B h B i him t 0 d leave, go:iennitthro fiy a m, s it,iit h olri e osi ikwa h ,trn a a s o i se ,aumlrtierdi aFrte, referred ,e ~ not have thrown any apple of disco r d, sting the different conduct of parties at the pe r ,„r 4788 and at the present day. That Right li‘n,r t e h k e m p a preced ent c ed dent,stately, h a o tu w r ev ed er b , y fo U r ie th w e is c which was never acted on, and the fruits of whi ej thanks be to C. we have never had occasi on to plore. A LearnadGentleman had enumeratedth e! advantages which a Bill possessed over an Add ress that afforded a number e mopfiogsdhsiitffbeiulrliett possibility ultimately oa s f t t e a il g ryt e s of di n' sign. That I.earned Gentleman should have s a , oc stalli u lgesl tio u n no'f is et: w :: i sa th ay;Y th v e h'i A lcihh ddress. Of the speed, of Right I-lonourable Friend (Mr.Ponsonby), which v so well characterised by another .Right Hor Gentleman, the arguments have not been attempted, be answered. The mode of proceeding by Address, the most complete and perfect. We, the Lords Sr' tual autiTemporal—We, the Commons of this Ri offer to your Royal Highness the Executive Poste r Is there any tribunal higher than this ? No, the re : none. If you address then the Prince, your ,hags will have the highest authority; but if you, VI make an Act of Parliament, which is not an Act, Parliament, the want of the Executive deprives it* efficiency. When the Right Honourable' refers to the precedent of - 1788, he could trot that he has looked into this Bill, which he eulogv as a master-piece of wisdom ; because it does mot than the King, Lords, and Commons united can do for it said to the Kingly authority, this y ou sh a ll ' tint this again you shall not do; for it binds Lir, and Commons in fetters, and ties up their pan; which is more than any Act of Parliament can do.. After the deliberate wisdom of the House had so long employed in the framing of this Bill, we ti:: in it that the Prince is preventedfrom making any of the Privy Purse ; that he is prohibited from brib4 'Members of Parliament, 'a thing which is suppoe. can never, as it ought never to be dope. The fram.: pf this Bill must have been guided by the passions ti which human nature is unfortunately too much sal ject. Fortunately, however, for the country, the pi cedent of 1788 was never acted on. If the Prince Wale; *had been able to exercise the functions of Executive, during a struggle of three years, it have done an irreparable injury to it, and ' its consequence in the eyes of the nation. ,re b.. he Would attack the Crown, when it was jp full lorce and vigour, but he would not attack it when it is ob.' scored. He said he hadfought against it in tte„mea.l sure of Reversions, which was lost in the " Lorda., because they were odious to the not beneficial to the Crown. He stated that , r Honour a bl e G ent l eman h a d not been V lavish as ,oine who had been before him in office. This might be owing .10 die merit of the Right Hon. Genilemas himself; perhaps, it was due to his Majesty, who having been formerly so frequently assailed, inlet have at last thought proper to change his system. He paid a tribute to the dignified reserve of the Prince's conduct. No man could taunt him with saying, rival he knew how he was to act on such or such an cap sion. The Ministers were resolved, however, to ;ceder him almost a mere pageant, and to deprive him of the power which was necessary to the dischargeofbis ef lace. A certain General said,Zive me an arm,y of 40,000 men, and if I invade the country, I shall either entirely sulAseit. or make it not wont' having : ' so in like manner the Nltiarer may say, " Give me these res , rictions, and if I lave slot the pass; r I will at lean make power not worth the having." Why watts you tie up the hands of the head of the Executive ? Why weal* you attempt to shade the splendour of the Throne? 6 thesples• dour of the Throne calculated to make the man who tills 4.! ifthrone happy ? No, it can make to mail bares. It ow' Vec the benefit of the:nation. Is not that Regent completril 4°' 'der your subjection ? Can you not annihilate him when yed. please ? You made him with the Great Seal—you troy Date him with the Great Seal—he has no security. ' • The Parliament has six weeks for comideration after the com mencement of a Session of Parliament, whether be is again I° :v continued with the powers with which he is to be investeg Y'''' bring him-to your bar—(hear)-11 your cons:it ution caa se La° . this way, is a serious e nnsideration. It may tern out wet--b . ±: you 'ate rakmg a leap in the dark. If it walks this clime, a wl' . walk for ever. The Ri g ht Hon. Gentleman talks of Jacobi!" ; bl.' what Jacobins ever proposed more alarming nicasurestbanip . ': He would have us to pres.:rve the Royal Authority, not t , the people fur whom i t w as Intended, but for the Lag. (1 1 -0 / Say, then, that it is for the Wng. his not for the Kitt 4411 :brut for his successors. C o mparin g the ! Prince . with K uu 11 'A. .11ain, we had ern ails additional reason for col.hilenee ie th e Prime. Was :here suds security from King ‘Villiam as a King, owe Lay; l'from George Prince of Wolo f ., that he will execute the otate 0 Regent with duty to the People and affection to the Ka* Do we know a more &irate hard than his into whisk h! Royal Father should be confided? but be wished that he shos3?4 rather be under the guardianship of the Queen. In whose 1,1:-.'", 1 dianship has the King been these seven weeks ? In the bath."' these usurpers. I asked in the Privy Council a !leaden 0 ; e irrr 7 Phygieians,whleh, from my being overruled, received noun Disked who sent for a certain Physician i I was verged; bit Vnow repeat it as important authority. n u : Who hail exercieed all the Royal functions these seven a . e_ek_'! Jim the Crown no regal power to hold a Cow l Marla) power to send a regiment out of the country ? let them P",, I on account of themselves.* -t ,inili a state ia watch thins Lord CASTLEREAGH got up amidst loud cries of quegil [ He spoke in favour of the Resolutions. thieve ouent to to go on s The House then divided on the last Resolution, Ayet 9" Noe. 157.—Majority 112. rt *al When the House resumed, we understand the Rise, ordered to be received this day.—Adjourned at FOUR o ciao • " wIRVIOR CASTLE D. '2 o ' . " His MAJZETT has passed a (si g ned a rather better this morning." . ssas !el. " WINTSIOR-CASTLII. DECIO• • I :. night. via '' " The Kruo has had a very ( IF i r ne d as usual.) better to.day ." • Igoeid nishtusstatnald.)4 r ..,_r'‘jel $ Milled and publitbed by LEVEL Ithbrr • g wa.a-Otricas, Temp leaser and Ns. I, CsVogl(' :lioWa.ny•taorssda:nathmreseaasncktea(oHuclliepesath,ilinsctmto r ci e :sit l yn. a , p it i en::: , ~ r: ' .. . , 4 :1 . u. in 1804, h p e ti ‘ i v , : c s ia, - 11. .: at : • ' fl i tiganpeofrwisonlcnnwh: a is m E t o lb i j:::: lcyle 'h . . t . 4 2 : 3 11 1 .1' 4tv,telh.leihedeantliwpnle e.egoxkae;ncchobuutut.iotvtehhljaPrilt:A;r:vntont . f: eelsbuviithee whom not mo w et a nat s lenme carriedypae provi d e. o va(i o rtd n ei, , r ‘ f. v o i prt tur n edhet o h ! el, c .. e t )v.. k 12:1 si .: 0 v i , :1 l tingly o ffi ce d If the Tl.rorf, I Authority be extinct, hAlp; . - icy. He adverted to the it • ' t there coukl be no objeefie, l • Clovnndauncyt o a fi P ta ie rt ( ie f s d a i t sc t ° ll r e d p'e b : : :,,j :: ; a w 2nt day. That Right tif n ... • 411* lira leave, as he had referred .. 8, to let him look•to di at p , et t it i the country, this was a pre • ...: .. e have never h•acl occasion t o ~ •-, gn i - -3 tleman had enumeratedtheam ch might ultimately rende r :. .gyp, Fiddress. Of the speech of if 't ' riend (Mr.Ponsonby), which v nil bee :B1 ndl le o wi deb d l elniy e sont:l3p o tns another proceeding differe n t Gentleman ' .Right possibility toerifi eafotre over nuui b gi a Ilate y delni attem pt ed nllstlo'hAl.O:n-fafdi' Address,' °.lvit:‘4uel'-' litrr:lc:- aeui.s ic.eb. '1i.'..11211:611=-1 : 1 d d perfect. We, the Lord, g,., • WF, the Commons of t hi s R ••-, lb v ib eb u le t d N e if en y ri o tl t:t er ti i it : ~ —I: : : 1 iini highness the Executive Power - A m s :h hi e g a he a r uth th or an it t y hi: ;s then the Prince, yo ur proc ~ ._ s.. . trliament, which is not an Act , -• Zi : L l n t e t o ß o f ig i th l h e 7 t Bs H riz i; j o i ecu nou t r i ' be hetv ca lcl u oidl se uld i l t lem do e e ldbe s ° mo g.i . " .., 11111:k - ' 1 .. a rate t I n v i t s h d i o s n B I Is, and Commons united can do . 4 " igly authority, this you than di ii . tall not do ; for it bi n d s Lat. . . titers, and ties up their han. ! . 1 4 my Act of Parliament can do. b wisdom of the House Led . . •al the framing of this Bill, we fin .' t is prevented from making any . that he is prohibited from brib,s . :19 ent, 'a thing which is suppoe . ht never to be done. The frarr: • re been guided by the passions'. is unfortunately too much st:. - iowever, for the country, the p ; i , lever acted on. If the Prince . 4 . , eto exercise the functions of ~.. ~ struggle of three years, it wool.i 1, trable injury to it, and degrade ., to eyes of the nation, He sr,. Crown, when it was ip full force mull ;let attack it When it is .ob. had`fought against it in themes. vhich was lost in the House , • ~ were odious to the people, and 1111 Crown. He stated that the Righ es tan had not been slioish as some t : him in office. This nightie of the Right Hon. Gentleman was due to his Majesty, who r so frequently assailed, inlet ..e proper d ignifie tc c i change e h o i f s o system. e lie Prince's iuld taunt him with saying, that to act on such or such an veep were resolved, however, to Mader ageant, and to deprive him of the • essary to the discharge ()Ills cf. el al said,Zive me an arm,y of 4010 ountry, I shall either entirely ail:lurk* 31 ming : ' so in like manner the Ntaitret 411 re,' rictions, and if I have ace the pod• r not worth the having." Why Irc‘ li .se -e head of the Executive ? Way visa splendour of the Throne ? h the yes. 'kited to make the man who till. tk.: can make na rrist happy. It 641 511. Is not that Regent completely tor 11 .an you not annihilate him when !oil 7 with the Great Seal--you may sePla - 31 eat—he has no security. In weeks for consideration after the tors- P f Parliament, whether be is arais 10 ..' 8 s with which be is to be investeg V`s p icar)-11 your cons:it ution cats p tau' .kkration. It may turn out ereft-4 2 : i i to dark. If it walks-this clime, it" Hon. Gentleman talks of Jacobi”l ; bet wed more alarming es nseassimiken llV' n f C pr.xve the Royal Authority, n nt t r , li intended, but for the King. (FLA , / • he Wng. It is not for the Kin atwe . , omparing the !Prince. with Kau 111,- 1 clonal reason for col.fulerteeiu the Printe. 1 rota King %Vali:an as a King, owe hot . I 'als, that 1w will execute the office of 3 'eople and affection to the King. tellcate hand than his into which ha I onftded 3 but be wished that he 'Oa t liana* of the Queen. In whose Vl'' 1 !n these seven weeks ? In the h23a , in the Privy Council a ques t ion 0. , the my being overruled, received volunteer. ertain Physician j I was volved; 1151 rtaut authority. • 7 power to hold a Court .:\larnat n. '' i t 6,f he ,utinhi l ot te . y t al ira f eo un suti t e t l i ti o sty ns il th va t:c l ie ctshon v t e b n ings : 6 :: vs k _ us 9 ! 1 . I e. "1" afro,/ w nned, we understand the , , i fIF R oe g ituh u t e r e n a lus m s. ids ß t es lo o u lu d ti c en rie b s at ol yti qu eei... 66l is day.—Adjourned at FOUR °cla " WINDSOR CASTLE D. i i•O' . *.t. • 5 usual ( g 4:l l ed ni a glit' and ti -. ell e at yyl. r ia n s ing pai , sed a rn."3IIOR.CASTLIIs Drcv•-. q , .. had a very nights luta '' .. i ti 'r e .; as IiSSAL) tg________-----•n 1 401 a a l pput.obßartishedanblNLLEVl,Eoo,4l.lmXtres.r. I t the ti ,