Star. — London, England, 1808-12-24 00:00:00

AMERICA. OFFICIAL DOCUMENTL grfRACT. OP A LETTER FROM GENERAL ARMSTRONG, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE, DATED BOURBON L'AR CEA MBAULE, AUG. 28, 1808.: Since my arrival at this place, I have been honoured by the receipt of your dispatch 'of the 21 st ult. and would immediately return to Paris to renew my dis cussions with M. de Champagny, either personally, as you suggest, or by writing, had I not the most solemn conviction that any new experiment made at the present moment, in either form, and of an official character, would certainly be useless, and, probably, injurious. FROM MR. PINXNEY TO MR. CANNING. Great Cumberland-place, August 23, 130 S. SIR-I have had the honour, in consequence of the orders of the President, to recal your attention, in the course of several recent interviews, to the British Orders in Council of the 7th of January, and 11th of November, 1807, and to the various Orders foun ded upon or in execution of them ; and I now take the liberty to renew, in the mode which I have un derstood to be indispensable, my instances on that subject. I need scarcely remind you, Sir, that the Govern ment of the United States has never ceased to consider these Orders as violating its rights, and affecting most destructively its interests, upon grounds wholly inad- 1 missible, both in principle and fact. The letters of Mr. Madison to Mr. Erskine, of the 20th and 29th of March, 1807, produced by the official communication of that Minister of the Order of the 7th of January, and the answer of Mr. Ma dison of the 25th of March, 1808, to a like commu nication of the Orders of the 11th November, con tained the most direct remonstrances against the sys tem which these Orders introduce and - execute, and expressed the confident expectation of the President that it would not be persisted in. That expectation has not yet been fulfilled, but it has, notwithstanding, not been relinquished. The Pre sident is still persuaded that its accomplishment will result from a careful review bytis Majesty's Govern ment, made in the spirit of moderation and equity, of the facts and considerations which belong to the occasion. It is not my purpose to recapitulate in this note the sentiments and reasonings contained in the above. mentioned letters of Mr. Madison, in support of the claim of the Government of the United States that the British Orders be revoked. I content myself with referring to those letters for prbofs which it is not fie. cessary to repeat, and for arguments which I could not hope to improve. But there are explanations which those letters do not contain, and which it is proper for me now to make. Even these, however, may be very briefly Oven, since you have already been made acquainted In our late conversations with all their bearings and details. These explanations go to shew that while every motive of justice conspires to produce a disposition to recal the Orders of which my Government complains, it is become apparent that even their professed object will be best attained by their revocation. I had the honour to state to you, Sir, that it was the intention of the President, in case Great Britain repealed her orders, as regarded the United States, to exercise the power vested in him by the Act of the last Session of Congress, entitled, I. An Act to au thorize the President of the United States, under cer tain conditions, to supend the operation of the Act laying an Embargo on all Ships and Vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States, and the several Acts supplementary thereto," by suspending the Embargo law and its supplements, as regards Great Britain. _ I am authorized to give you this assurance it: the most formal manner : and I trust that, upon impar tial inquiry, it will be found to leave no inducement to persevere in the British Orders, while it dictates the most powerful inducements of equity and policy to abandon them. On the score of justice, it does not seem possible to mistake the footing upon which this overture places the subject ; and I venture to believe that in anyother view there is as little room for doubt. If, as I propose, your Orders should be rescinded as to the United States, and our Embargo rescinded as to Great Britain, the effect of these concurrent _ acts will be, that the commercial intercourse of the two countries will be immediately resumed ; while, if France should adhere to maxim; and conduct de rogatory to the neutral rights of the United States, the Embargo continuing as to her, will take the place of your Orders, and lead with an efficacy not merely equal to these, but probably much greater, to all the consequences which ought to result from them. On the other hand, if France should concur in re specting those rights, and commerce should thus re gain its fair immunities, and the law of nations its just dominion, all the alledged purposes of the British Orders will have been at once fulfilled. If I forbear to pursue these ideas through all the illustrations of which they are susceptible, it is be cause the personal conferences to which I have befbre alluded, as well as the obvious nature of the ideas themselves, render it unnecessary. I cannot conclude this note, without expressing my sincere wish that what I have now suggested, in conformity with the liberal sentiments and enlightened views of the President, may contribute not only to remove the more immediate obstacles to the ordinary intercourse of trade between your country and mine, in a manner consistent with the honour of both, but to prepare the way for a satisfactory adjustment of every question important to their future friendship. I have the honour to be, with the highest conside ration, Sir, your most obedient humble servant, ( Signed) WM. PINICNEY. LETRACT OP A LETTER FROM MR. MENET TO THE SE- CRETARY OF STATE, DATED LONDON, SEPT. 24. I am now enabled to transmit to you a copy of Mr. Canning's answer, received only la►t night, to my note of the 23d of August. I regret extremely that the views which I have been instructed to lay before this Government have not been met by it tts I hid at first been led to expect. The overture cannot fail, however, to place M a strong' light the just and liberal sentiments by which our Go vernment is animated, and in other respects to be use ful and honourable to Our own country. • PROM Mit. CANNING TO 11114 IPIWIPOIT. irate, discussion : however, it might be hop ed, that, must re p eal the whole o f the Embar, Fla pace, Ser. a s. lin their principal abet, they might prove beneficial substitute nothing in the room of - The undersigned, his Majesty's principal Secretary to America, provided the operation of the embargo his intention may be judg e d by t h e of State for Foreign Affairs, had the honour to re. were to prevent her from reaping that benefit. 1 the subject is brought forw ar d, h e , ceive the official I letter addressed to him by Mr. Pink. lt remains for the undersigned to take notice of the .he does, I wish him to come forward ney, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, last paragraph of Mr. Pinkney's letter. There can. tell us that he and his constituents respecting the Orders in Council issued by his Ma. not exist on the part of Mr. Pinkney a stronger wish tribute and submit i that they will jesty on the 7th of January and 11th of November,' than there does on that of the undersigned, and of the pendencoof their country. To 1807. i British Government, for the adjustment of all the now, unless a substitute for the He has laid that letter before the King, and he is differences subsisting between the two countries. r posed, Mr. S. said he could not commanded to assure Mr. Pinkney that the answer to I His Majesty hat no other disposition than to culti- 1 fo van re,:o th ve a d t th th a e t pre it be sid m en a t de ,s the the proposal which Mr. Pinkney was instructed to vat e the' most friendly intercourse with the United. , to week. In the mean , bring forward, has been deferred only in the hope ; St ates. . 'that the renewed application which was understood I The undersigned is persuaded, that Mr. Pinkney , the subject of consideration, and the 1 1 to have been recently made by the Government of the would be one of the last to im a g ine, what is often idly prepared to say what course it would United States to that of France, might, in the new , asserted, that the depression of any other countr y was Mr. W. Ammon objected to state of things which has arisen in Europe, have met , necessary or serviceable to the pcosperity of this. The , the subject bad been now introduced, with such a reception in France as would have ren- prosperity of America is essentially the prosperity of that it would have been more , dered the compliance of his Majesty with that pro- ,• Great , Britain; and the strength and power of Great sident fi rst to have considered , p?sal consistent as much with his Majesty's own dig. Britain are not for herself only, but for the whole world. since the Gentleman had thus brought inty, and with the interests of his people, as it would 1 When those adjustments shall take place, to which, question of repealing the embargo l aw have been with his Majesty's disposition towards the though unfortunately not practicable at this moment, to meet him on his own ground United States. Unhappily there is now no longer : nor under the conditions prescribed by Mr. Pinkney, trusted it would then be seen i any reason to believe that such a hope is likely to be the undersigned, nevertheless, confidently looks for- from whOm the opposition to the realized ; and the undersigned is therefore cowman- ward, it will perhaps be no insecure pledge for the measure had arisen, and the desire , ded to communicate to Mr. Pinkney the decision continuance of the good understanding between the now proceeded. which, under the circumstances as they stand, his ) two countries, that they will have learnt duly to ap- Mr. DANA presumed the Gentl eman Majesty feels himself compelled, however unwillingly, ipreciate each other's friendship ; and that it will not mont was perfectly competent to to adopt. I heretafter be imputed to Great Britain, either on the his actions, and the object he had The mitigated measure of retaliation announced ' one hand that she envies American industry as pre- assistance of the Gentleman from by his Majesty in the Order in Council of the 7th of judicial to British commerce, or, on the other hand, Really commencing the publicl - and the further extension of that measure that she is compelled to court an intercourse with ner did not bode auspiciously to (an extension in operation but not in principle) by America, as absolutely necessary to her own existence. reason for now bringing this subject the Orders in Council of November, are founded (as His Majesty would not hesitate to contribute, in reminded Gentlemen of a fact • has been already repeatedly avowed by his Majesty) any manner us his power, to restore to the commerce of their zeal, they seemed to ha , on the 44 unquestionable right of his Majesty to retort of the United States its wonted activity ; and if it the season was fast approaohing upon the enemy the evils of his own injustice ;" and were possible to make any - sacri fi ce for the repeal of of the northern portion of the U the consider:is that ig if third - - inci. the - without to deprecate it as a If the embargo was to be upon uon parties dentally suffered by these retaliatory measures, they were to seek their redress from the power by whose original aggiession that retaliation was occasioned." His Majesty sees nothing in the embargo laid on by the President of the United States of America, which varies this original and simple state of the question. If considered as a measure of impartial hostility 'against both Belligerents, the embargo appears to his Majesty to have been manifestly unjust, as, ac cording to every principle of ustice, that redress ought to have been first sought from the party origi nating the wrong. And his Majesty cannot consent to buy off that hostility which America ought not to have extendo to him, at the expence of a concession made not to America, but to France. If, as it has more generally been represented by the Government of the United States, the embargo is only to be considered as an innocent municipal regu lation which affects none but the United States them selves, and with which no foreign State has any concern : viewed in this light, his Majesty does not conceive that he has the right or the pretension to make any complaint of it, and he has made none. But in this light there appears not only no reciprocity, but no assignable relation between the repeal by the United States of a measure of voluntary self-restriction, and the surrender by his Majesty of his right of retaliation against his enemies. The Government of the United States is not now to be informed that the Berlin Decree of November 21, 1806, was the practical commencement of an at tempt not merely to check or impair the prosperity of Great Britain, but utterly to annihilate her political existence through the ruin of her commercial prospe rity ; that in this attempt almost all the Powers of the European Continent have been compelled, more or less, to co-operate ; and that the American embargo, ,though most assuredly not intended to that end (for America can have no real interest in the subversion of the British Power, and her Rulers are too enlght ened to act from any impulse against the real inter rests of their country) but by some unfortunate con currence of circumstances, without any hostile inten tion, the American embargo did come in aid of " the blockade of the European Continent," precisely at the very moment when, if that blockade could have succeeded at all, this interposition of the American t would most effectually have contributed to its success. To this universal combination, his Majesty has op. posed a temperate bat a determined retaliation upon the enemy, trusting that a firm resistance would de feat this project, but knowing that the smallest con cession would infallibly encourage a perseverance in it. The struggle has been viewed by other Powers not without an apprehension thaeit night be fatal to this country. The British Government has not disguised from itself that the trial of such an experiment might be arduous and long, though it has never doubted of the final issue. But if that issue, such as the British Government conAdently anticipated, has providen tially arrived much sooner than could have been ho ped ; if " the blockade of the Continent," as it has, been triumphantly styled by the enemy, is raised even brfore it had been well established ; and if that sys tem, of which extent and continuity were the vital principles, is broken up into fragments utterly harm. less and contemptible ;. it is, nevertheless, important in the highest degree to the reputation of this country, (a reputation which constitutes a great part of her power), that this disappointment of the hopes of her enemies should not have been purchased by any con cession-; that not a doubt should remain to distant times of her determination, and of her ability to have continued her resistance • and that no step which could even mistakenly be construed into concession, should be taken on her part, while the smallest link of the confederacy remains undissolved, or while it can be a question whether the plan devised for her de struction has or has not either completely failed, or been unequivocally abandoned. These considerations compel his Majesty to adhere to the principles on which the Orders . in Council of the 7th of January and the 11th November are foun ded, as long as France adheres-to that system by which his Majesty's retaliatory measures were occasioned and justified. It is not improbable, indeed, that some alteration may be made in the Orders in Council, as they are at present 'framed ; alterations calculated not to abate , their spirit or impair their principle, but to adapt them more exactly to the different state of things which has fortunately grown up in Enrope, and to combine all practicable relief to neutrals, with a more severe pressure upon the enemy. . But of alterations to be made with this view only, it would be uncandid to take any advantage in the embargo, . appearing measure of hostility, he would gladly have facilitated its removal as a measure of inconvenient restriction upon the American people. The undersigned is commanded, in conclusion, to observe, that nothing is said in Mr. Pinkney's letter, of any intention'to repeal the Proclamation by which the ships of war of Great Britain are interdicted from all those rights of hospitality in the ports of the United States, which are freely allowed to the ships of his Majesty's enemies. The continuance of an interdiction which, under such circumstances, amounts so nearly to direct hosti lity, after the willingness professed, and the attempt made by his Majesty, to remove the cause on which that measure hail been originally founded, would af ford but an inauspicious omen for the commencement of a system of mutual conciliation • and the omission of any notice of that measure in the proposal which Mr. Pinkney has been instructed tb bring forward, would have been of itself a material defect in the overture of the President. But the undersigned is commanded no further to dwell upon this subject than for the pupose of assuring. Mr. Pinkney, that on this and every other point in discussion between the two Governments, his Majesty earnestly desires a restoration of a perfect good under standing, and that his Majesty would decline no mea sure for the attainment of that object, which should be compatible with his honour and just rights, and with the interests of his people. The undersigned requests Mr. Pinkney will accept the assurances of his high consideration. (Signed) GEORGE CANNING. HOUSE OP 'ATIVES, NOV. 9. The reading of the documents accompanying the President's public Message of yesterday was resumed, and at half-past twelve, was completed. They were then; together with the Message, referred to a Com mittee of the Whole House, and 5000 copies ordered to be printed. The doors were then closed, and were not opened till the House adjourned. _ _ Iv. 10. Immediately on the meeting of the House, Mr. CHITTENDEN said, he rose with considerable diffidence to offer to the House a Resolution on the subject of the Embargo. Having witnessed the feel ings heretofore excited by a similar proposition at the last Session, he said he would assure Gentlemen that he had no object in view but to bring the sub ject before the House, and excite a fair and liberal discussion. He had hoped that the situation of our affairs would 'ere this have authorised the removal of the Embargo. Disappointed in this, he felt it a duty which he owed to his constituents and to the nation, to endeavour to elicit an expression of the opinion of the House, to prevent ruinous speculations, and to relieve the nation from suspense. The measure had now been in operation ten or eleven months, and he had not perceived the effects resulting from it. The importance of g(ol this subject, its interesting nature to his constituents, who in addition to the common suffeeings, had the ex treme mortification of being represented as in a state of insurrection, must be an apology for his coming forward at this early period on the subject of the Embargo. He then offered the following Raolution: 46 Resolved, That the Act passed in the last Ses sion of Congress, entitled "An Act laying an Em bargo on all Ships and Vessels in the porti and har bours of the United States, and the several Acts sup plementary and additional thereto," ought to be hil -1 mediately repealed. On the question whether the House will agree to consider the Resolution, it was decided by Yeas and Nays—Yeas 82—Nays 9. Mr. CHITTENDEN then moved, that it be referred to a Committee of the whole House on the state of the Union, to whom was referred the President's Message. Mr. Mscon had 'no objection to a fair discussion. If the laws were wrong, and productive of no benefi cial effect, they ought to be repealed. He suggested to the Gentleman, however, the propriety of moving a reference to a Committee of the whole, other than that on the state of the Union. _ _ Mr. CHITTENDEN SO modified his motion, and it was agreed to refer the resolution to a Committee of the whole., On the question for what day it shmdd be the or. der, Mr. CRITTENDEN moved tomorrow. Mr. SMILIE said, he had no objection to meet this question, but not at so early a period. From the ged neral state of our foreign relations, fie thought- the resolution was ill-timed. What could the Gentleman mean by bringing this distinct question-bow -before the Haute r Does be mean, said Mr. S. that we , up. of the utmost importance that promptly—that it should be done from this time. And whether " or not, it was of importance to . this body. Need Gentlemen now most all the ports of the Union for sea—that some had even _ having taken cargoes on board mained in a state of suspence, and always gave birth to perpetual a stop to these speculations, it , necessary t, decision of the question should be had. Hew it should be decided at the present time, Mr. D. he did not undertake to say. The people should km, as soon as practicable, consistently with the decent of legislative deliberation, the decision of the Roue As to the question asked by the Gentleman fies Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie) as to paying tribute, ad as to the Gentleman who proposed the resololia being willing to pay tribute, if the Gentleman way AO know the spirit of Vermont, Mr. D. referred hic to the history of the revolutionary war. Let the Get. tleman see, if for her numbers, any State gave th e enemy more bloody battles. Let him then suppose the Gentleman from Vermont to differ from the mass of his fellow citizens. Mr. Dana censured these insinuations as indecorous in the extreme. Mr. D. said the present motion led to a question of sefioas moment ;—and when they came to a decision he wished it to be done by comparing their opinions fairly, frankly, and decisively, if necessary ; and that they might unite in taking the course wyell wild. best maintain the rights and preserve the honour of the nation. On the question of the raising of the Embargo, it was necessary, however, that there should be an authoritative dccision one way or other. Mr. ELLIOTT said it might, for aught he kntw, be considered disrespec tful to the President to urge the immediate agit don of this momentous question ; bat if it were so, a forbearance from so doing on thane. count would be respect inconsistent with the incites. dente of sentiment, which elevates and warms the character of an independent representative of an is. dependent people. He had read somewhere in the works of celebrated newspaper civilians of this cons. try, that " oppugnation" or even disrespect were treasonable offences. He hoped no gentleman here meant to advance the doctrine that disrespect partakes of the nature of . Mr. E. then spoke of a te. solution which he had intended to have offered, and which he described as leading to an inquiry into the mode in which the Embargo had been executed. Not. withstanding the insinuationwhich the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Alston), which no one could mistake ; notwithstanding the whole volumes of new paper denunciation, Mr. Elliott said he trembled not for the character of Vermont. The great body of the people ofVermont, though hostile, as he firmly believed. to the whole system of the Embargo, had manifested& degree of patriotism that had not been exceeded by any : they had never failed, when called upon, to march to the frontiers and enforce those laws which they disapproved. He thought it due to the these ter of the nation to investigate this subject, the stitutionality of the laws, the propriety of there& tinuance, the manner in which they had beet czr• tied into execution, and the manner in which theyhad been evaded. Whilst he did not wish to precipitate, the discussion, much less the decision, yet he thought the day mentioned by the Gentleman from Fennel' vania was too distant. The people had certinll looked forward to the meeting of Congress with Con siderable solicitude, as much excited by the embargo system as by the situation of our foreign affairs. The people of the. United States (said he) do not believe that theyare called upon to decide between the embar go or war. We who originally opposed the enlbarg°' law, believing that it would be ruinous to the nation, are under no obligation to propose die substitute which is called for, and which we would have 2t°' posed, though it would not have been adopted. W. E. apologized for hi warmth on this subject, by $ l , 'edging the sensibility he had felt at the allusion the Gentleman from North Carolina. Mr. Aesrox explained, that he had not said °T, meant that it would be seen from " what quarter o f the Union" opposition came. Mr. MACON could see no advantage in postponing `ll decision of the question, being himself readily 00 suet it at any moment. The very proposition 01 uN lesolution would excite all the attention of th e se ports, and awaken all their anxiety. He though! it out of order now to discuss the merits tithe quesr2oo. _ Mr. Taom . said he felt himself bound at all times to treat with the greaten delicacy all motions antlPr! positions of an ordinary nature. But there were Till' an which his feelings compelled him to depart rtv's___, the ordiniry rule . This was one . lie had vo ted TI 1):4Y MeV _M ofnbalitr slsteril Ir°ll46' ulabdssttraret): the mann er'. ~ b arg he mean s thi s . •' w " w , - ard and tell , Its are willin g . " U 'l the of d 111c o E ti ao r surrendergr m ni d us e e beei r dar7 : o f e !image would ." c the House wook would pursu e , ' ,ecl ) the mode ,;n ed. duced, and so . ra respectful to ' take n d the Message. , • tY, brought forwa r d t rgo law, he was e, and to-ntorrow. • whi u . c , in what quart o "`: the Executive of ra ise desire for its • • at 1 gentleman from v t I am , to spew the ene t i, t , , •Y , Id in view' *hma t lib met North Caro', W' business in this , as an to its pro gress , As Rim tbject fo7eartu xD. t which, is the , „ RI lave overlooked .„ tnun when the navigar le , .7; Union would be fock e i sa d e removed at all, son g s at Ist it should be et, The lone within a fort yot lx • it should be re ~•' . d 1 1, o know the opinion now be told that in • vessels were p io bent their sails, tam , ard ? These now re, s and a state of sospe te s • speculations. To put -Me it was necessary thn a mai . . . Government ~'