Star. — London, England, 1823-07-30 00:00:00

or to talk of virtue and of virtuous conduct, as though they were familiar with both; while, in fact, they are totally unacquainted with either, and I will demon strate this truth by referring to the circumstances which now exist around us. " It is virtue, if I know anything of the subject, to adopt measures to prevent the existence of vicious circumstances around any portion of mankind, be cause men are sure to become what those circum stances make them. At this hour, every portion of mankind is surrounded with. circumstances, the greater part of which are of an immoral character — and the great majority of mankind are forced to exist amidst circumstances, almost all, if not all, of which are directly vicious and detrimental to them. To take an instance from our own country, and among our own fellow-subjects, can we find one single virtuous cir cumstance prepared for the millions of infants who conic into existence in the Irish cabins ? It is the first duty, it is the true interest of our Government, to form arrangements calculated to render all its sub jects healthy, active, intelligent, temperate, moral, and happy ; and they have, at their disposal, more power and more means than are requisite to accom plish this purpose ; but see how this power and these means have been applied! Let me now ask those who are acquainted with any more of Ireland than the Castle and its precincts, how many circumstances exist around the population of that island, which do not tend to deteriorate and demoralize the human character ? Is it the policy of Government that Ire land should continue in its present state? It cannot be ; for it is not their interest, neither is it any longer practicable. Ireland cannot remain long in her pre sent miserable condition. She must undergo a change, and the only question is, what should it be—what change is the best that, in the present advanced state of science and knowledge, can now be made ? I fear lessly answer, that as a change must come, it ought to be the best that can be advised, the most correct in principle, and the most beneficial in practice. In prin ciple, then, it is far better that an uneducated labourer should be employed, than that he should be idle ; and, if employed, it is equally desirable, that his in dustry should be directed in the most beneficial•man ner for himself and society. It is also desirable that his children should be so trained as to acquire good constitutions, dispositions, and manners, industrious habits, and useful intelligence. And if all this be true in principle, then it follows, that, in practice, circum stances should be immediately . arranged by Go vernment to secure these results—for they are under its controul. But, in this mode of proceediog, Go vernment should have the entire plan before it, and see and understand all its consequences from the be ginning to the end, that it may nut halt between two opinions, or adopt half measures. Every one now feels the pernicious effects, if they do not understand the cause, of the errors of the present system ; and the only consideration which remains is, will the change proposed be an essential improvement or not ? for, unless the condition of inankind be greatly ameliorated by it, I readily admit no fundamental alteration ought to be attempted or thought of. Having had the sub ject long before me, and having acquired more expe rience connected with it than any other individual, 1 am fully prepared to say, without fear of opposition from► any intelligent practical man, that the change will be productive of incalculable advantage to sub jects and to Governments—so great, indeed, that as soon as they make themselves masters of what is pro posed to be done, they cannot fail to be eager in their • endeavours to have it accomplished in the shortest ,possible time. " Under the system recommended, the forming of the character of the rising generation will no longer be left to accident. Measures will be adopted to pre pare for them such new circumstances as are calcu lated to ensrre them a good constitution, proper treatment in infancy, an education from which they will derive good dispositions and manners, indus trious habits, and useful intelligence—the means of productive employment, and of an advantageous ex change of the surplus products of their labour, as well as the means of maintaining a beneficial inter course with general society. By such arrangements there will be no waste of labour or materials; and the result of each person's exertions will be much more than four fold in produce compared with their iesult under the existing system, and a hundred fold greater in reference to comfort and all the real ob jects of human life. I have had two sets of calcula tions accurately made out—the one :hewing the re sult of the arrangements which I propose, allowing that the common spade-produce only is obtained from the land, and valuing the manufacturing labour of each individual at 7s. per week ; the population being supposed to be employed on greater or less quantities of land, and more or less in manufactures, in proportion to the extent of land to be cultivated. The other set of calculation exhibits the result which would be produced under the new system, after it shall have attained the full benefit of its own opera tions, and estimating the manufacturing labour at its 'real value under the improved circumstances. This new arrangement might be commenced on the prin ciple of artificial productive employment, because it, will return to the producers a much larger commer cial profit, while it continues in competition with the present system, than any regular outlay of capital can afford. But to intelligent men of business it will be at once obvious that the system of artificial pro. ductive employment must soon cease. No one will continue to expend capital for the purpose of making a machine on an old plan, after he has discovered that a new one, much superior, has been invented and suc cessfully applied to perform similar operations. And when a certain number of these arrangements, or new machines, as they may very properly be termed, shall be formed and set to work, produce and com modities of all kinds will be so easily created, that it will become impossible to effect a sale of them, that will yield a commercial profit to the producers. But this will give rise to no inconvenience, for as the new establishments multiply, the parties conducting them will gradually adopt the system of natural produc tive employment, and exchange labour for labour, through a convenient representative medium, until all shall find themselves fully supplied with what ever can contribute to their well-being and happi ness, under arrangements permanent in their nature and pleasant and gratifying to all in practice. The ignorance and folly of pursuing any other mode of supplying the wants of mankind will then become apparent to every ma. The old machinery of society will be seen to be, as it really is, most defective in principle, and altogether inadequate to the work which it was intended to perform. Men will at length discover why a surplus produce, or real wealth, should embarrass and overwhelm commercial nations, while all the individuals composing them were ardently de sirous of increasing their wealth. " They will plainly perceive that there is nothing more absurd and irrational than that any part of so ciety should be in poverty, or that any anxiety what ever should now exist respecting the method and means of enabling every individual to possess more than sufficient to support him in the best state, physi cally and mentally. The modern political economists surely know not what real wealth is, how it can`be best created, or best distributed and enjoyed. If they understood the subject, they would discover that their minds had been filled with theories which have no reference to practice; mere terms without ideas; phrases, which, as they employ them, are made to stand in the way of everything that is beneficial to mankind—tending to puzzle common minds, until they make them think, contrary to the evidence of the senses, that abundance, or surplus produce, must perpetually inflict poverty and misery. Upon this branch of the inquiry, it may be sufficient to add, that the British Government, or the people, unaided by the Government, possess the most ample means, with out any pecuniary sacrifice whatever, to enable any and every portion of the population to • supply itself with whatever is necessary or beneficial for every in dividual composing such portion. To suppose that pecuniary charity is necessary or beneficial, is an error of the most pernicious and lamentable descrip tion. The working classes may now with ease be as sisted, without sacrifice on the part of any individual, to provide, by their own industry, for themselves; and not only provide for themselves, but to produce a surplus more than sufficient to supply the most ex travagant wants of the higher classes, although the latter were double their present number, and should expend four times r their present revenues. Pecuniary charities will no longer be considered as virtues but as crimes, since they necessarily tend to render de pendent, to impoverish and degrade those who are the objects of them; who, if treated with common justice, would be in a situation to bestow favours upon their fellow creatures, rather than be the re ceivers of a miserable pittance—a small fraction of that affluence which, by their previous industry, they had actually created for those very persons who make merit of such misnamed charities. Let but com mon justice be done to the working classes by those above them, and each, on an average, shall produce sufficient for ten, and each of those ten shall be abundantly supplied with whatever is best for him as a human being. How erroneous, then, must be the system which renders it necessary to assign poors% rate and pecuniary charities, as they are called, to those who produce all the wealth now in society, and who, if placed under other circumstances, could in a sh.4t time, and without difficulty, augment that wealth much more than four-fold ! .‘ It is in consideration of this, and of many more grievous errors, that I on this day come prepared to advocate the advantages that would arise to all from an entire change of the present system, and to de monstrate the necessity which now exists for an im mediate commencement of that change, beginning with the poor and working classes. Having entered into this explanation of my views regarding the ne cessity and utility of finding productive employment for the Irish peasantry, and for all those of the work ing classes who are now in want of it, I proceed to the consideration of the means by which the inhabit ants of Ireland can be united, and induced to live to gether as one people, having the same interest. The primary and substantial cause of the divisions among the people of Ireland is, the manner in which religion is taught to them—l say, the manner in which reli gion is taught to them. Experience demonstrates that men, in any part of the world, may be forced to believe anything to be true, however irrational and ab surd, and centraryto truth,that which is taught maybe. —lt is a principle in unison with all the facts with which we are acquainted, that the will of the indivi: dual has no power over his belief; that his belief or conviction is in all cases forced upon him, and very generally by the geographical circumstances of his birth. Yet have the Irish people been taught for many centuries that there is merit in ene particular belief, and great demerit in every other, on the setject of 1 1 religion. This same doctrine is taught by two power ful parties in that Island, who have teen forced to re ceive different impressions on their minds, as to which are the notions which will entitle the individual to merit, or which are thole to which demerit ought to be attached. Each party is fully impressed with the conviction that the truth is on its side, and the error with its opponents. They are thus forced, from in fancy, to entertain hostile feelings towards each other, and to acquire characters of violence and in ationality, necessarily leading to all manner of error in princi ple and es it in practice. While our fellow men and fellow subjects shall be thus instructed, it will be worse than childish to expect that they can be made to think of, or to act to wards each other in a rational manner, or towards any other individuals who had been taught notions not corresponding with their own. These jarring notions, and the hostile feelings which they necessarily 'create, can exist only while men shall be allowed to remain in ignorance of their own nature and consti tution. For, as it is evidently a law of our nature, that our will has no controul over our sentiments or belief, it is equally evident, that there never could be any merit in any individual for receiving one set of opinions in preference to another, and quite as little demerit. 1 repeat, then, that the primary cause of all religious differences among the people of Ireland is, the error which has been forced into their minds from infancy, that merit or demerit can belong to opi nion. WO same error produces similar effects in every part of the world, and it is the chief cause, either direct or indirect, of the dissensions and wars which have disturbed and desolated all human society. It is a bar to all charity ; it nourishes every antisocial _feeling ; it prepares man for every species of crime; it is alone the origin of all the moral, and of much, if not all, the physical evil which the world has hitherto experienced. Why, then, should we—why should any part of society not desire that this pestilential' doctrine should be whully.withdrawn from the moral code of the world ? Tell me—l address myself to those among you who haft often deeply reflected upon, and have patiently and calmly observed the ways of men, what practical results would follow, if this doc trine, the source of universal division, dissension, hatred, and strife, were entirely blotted out from the system of their early instruction? Would our young minds, in the absence of it, imbibe feelings towards oar fellow-creatures that would impel us in manhood to torture, burn, and massacre them, because, being differently taught from ourselves, they could not be lieve the same truths or falseho ods which we from infancy had been compelled to entertain? Can you conceive it possible, that, if error had not been forced into the minds of our predecessors, any one of them could have felt and acted in this manner, or that they could have adopted such conduct with the view of gratifying a mild, merciful, and benevolent BUN% who possessed all knowledge and power within his own nature? To eradicate this terrible error, this de stroyer of every good feeling and of all good con duct in mankind, would it not be, at once to with draw from human society that which alone separates man from man, that which excites the peculiar re pulsiye feeling in the Churchman, when he commu-' nicates with the Dissenter; in the sectarian, when he meets with . those into whose minds has been put another version merely of his own creed ? " Some, however, who are now present, will not have it in their power to prevent themselves from thinking at this moment, that if it be indeed true, that any opinions may be forced in infancy into the mind of any child, and that it is a law of nature, that the will of man is powerless over his opinions, then it is a necessary conclusion that merit or demerit never did or can belong to any sentiments entertained by any portion of mankind. Here, then, we have attained a point of the highest interest in the affairs of men, and to this point I would now rivet your attention. That there is much evil in the world, all admit. Dissension, ignorance, and poverty, or the tear of poverty, with all the train of dire calamities, which these continually generate, afflict the greater part of our species. Whence do these arise? From the system by which the world has ever been, and is now governed. From whence does that system pro ceed? Solely from the notion which has been forced into the minds of all men in childhood, that there is merit and demerit in opinion; and yet the first rational reflection that a human being must make, after he becomes•acquainted with the history of his race, is, that opinions are the necessary effects of the geogra phical situation of man; and, therefore, if there be merit or demerit in opinions, both belong to geographi cal situation, and not either of them to the individual. " It was from this view of the subject, and from knowing the endless evils which this fundamental error has brought upOn the human race, that I was led to declare my intention on this day to advocate a change of system ; and I have come to this resolution, because the measure of the iniquities of the present system is quite full, and can be no longer endured; —because the wretched state of Ireland calls loudly for improvement, and it is not possible to ameliorate , the condition of that country, until the system by which it has been hitherto governed shall be changed from its foundation. Those who possess minds equal to the comprehension of this subject, will readily un derstand that the system cannot be changed in Ire land without also being changed in Great Britain, and that the change cannot take place in the British Empire without extending its beneficial influence to the neighbouring nations, and, at no distant period, to all other parts of the earth. The entire subject is thus placed before you, and I trust your minds will now expand to comprehend its full extent. I wish it to be, without delay, placed also before the world, and so placed that the world shall understand the real nature of the change which is this day advocated. It is one that will be accompanied by no evil in its progress ; it has no hostile feeling to a single child of man. Its object is, to do good, and, against every adverse circumstance, to extend that good continually. " —Mr. Owen next took a comprehensive view of the state of society which, he said, could never be im proved piecemeal. In the system he proposed he dis claimed all hostile interference with the present prac tices of the world. All were equally admissible to its advantages—individuals of every sect and party would harmonize together; " thus, (continued he), in a short time, there will be no clashing of pecuniary interests, no unsocial differences on the subject of re- . ligion ; every motive to individual or national con tests will be withdrawn, and the errors which give rise to the personalities that now torment society will become too glaring, even to young children, to ad mit of the continuance of such puerile proceedings." —Alluding more particularly to Ireland, he drew a strong picture of the distress in that country, and said, a loan of from five to eight millions, well secured on land, houses, and on the industry of those who would prefer employment to idleness, would rescue it from its miseries. He recommended that Government should advance that sum ; and -even if no part of it was refunded, nor the interest paid, the moral result would be suffiOent compensation. But he thought the interest of such a loan would be paid ; and so cpn vinced was he of it, that he was ready to form a list, and put his name down, as further guarantee to Govern ment. Whateverothersmight do, he ( M r.O wen) would never cease calling on Government and the people, to rescue Ireland from her misery ; and he was also de termined to establish a Society in Scotland on his plan, where persons should be trained for forming similar establishments in other parts of the kingdom. In conclusion, Mr. Owen said, " Those present who are inclined to invest in the parent establishment any part of their funds at an interest of iper cent. to be paid half yearly at Messrs. Fry and Chapman's, in the City, will have the goodness to send up their names to be added to those already on the printed list ; and as a Society has been formed in Dublin, under the title of the Hibernian Philanthropic So ciety, for the purpose of forming one or more of these establishments in Ireland, and as several thopsand pounds have been already subscribed for that pur pose, it is requested that those Ladies and Gentlemen who wish to promote the trial of one of the proposed villages in that country, will put down their names on the same terms as the Scotch loan has been sub scribed for. I take the interest in them, which you have witnessed, becAuse I feel that human nature has been abused and ill treated ; and because I believe that the principles and plans whiCh I advocate will do justice to our common nature. The sole return I seek, or have ever sought, is to know that some day my fellow-beings will be in possession of the full ex tent of that happineu and epjoyment which the exer tions of my pasMife have been employed to secure , 111111111 ^ them ; and as I feel assured that the time is not Far distant when this desired object will be attained, ( already possess a rich reward for those services, and deem myself most amplerepaid." Mr. MAHON thought the plan visionary, and th•4t it had been proved to be so, because nobody but tTr. Owen himself had attempted to carry it into effect. All Mr. Owen's views were so incorrect, that it nigh t be supposed that the worthy Gentleman looked through a darkened glass, which gave a colouring of horror to all objects. He deprecated the bringing forward of the plan, because it might prevent mote useful plans from being pr)jected in Parliament. Mr. CHAPMAN thought drat Mr. Owen's plan wa t deserving of support. Mr. WILLS thought the. worthy Chairman's plan would produce no good effect in Ireland. Mr. HENMAN spoke in support of the original Resolutions. Mr. MUDIR expressed himself warmly in support of the system which the worthy Chairman advocated, Mr. GOURLAY said, that Mr. Owen's plan would effect no good, but he wished that Gentleman to sup• ply him with funds to carry into execution a scheme of his (Mr. Gourlay's) own, which would infallibly ameliorate the condition of the labouring poor. Mr.o ROOK stated that several communities had beet formed in the Netherlands upon Mr. Owen's system., Mr. HUNTER, who had early in life been taken soner by some of the American tribes, with whom he afterwards lived during 19 years, and had recently returned to this country, presented himself, and was received with applause. He said he had frequently ,had an opportunity of witnessing the effect of the combined operations of people living in societies its which there was a community of goods, and the re sult was most satisfactory. He had known many in stances of persons of large property having thi own it into the common stock, and reduced their fortunesto the level of those of the other members of the com munity. Amongst other establishments which helml visited in America, and in which a community of goods prevailed, were Mr. Rapp's on the Wabash, and Mr. Euston's on the Kentucky. Mr. HENDERSON here moved that the Meeting be adjourned to a future day, in order to give other lien.' tlemen an opportunity of delivering their sentiments. The question of adjournment was put tiom the Chair, and carried in the affirmative. Mr. Own/ said, as he must return to Scotland, it would not, be in his power to attend another Meeting. The Public, however, would, through the medium of the Papers, become sufficiently acquainted with the objects he proposed. They were consistent, not merely with existing facts, but with what they knew from history. However the world might oppose him now, the day was not far distant when they would support him ; and until that day came he would pursue the course •he had commenced. He was firmly convinced of the practicability of his plan, and they who thought otherwise were influenced by vague report or partial views. He tried experiments for twenty years before he uttered a word on the subject. For ten years more he listened to objections from every quarter, and found there was nothing in them. He was right, and he knew it from having made the experiMent—(Applause). The Meeting was then adjourned until Friday nut at one o'clock. The following are the Resolutions which were pro- posed, and which are to be decided upon at the ad journed Meeting : 1. That it is the opinion of this Meeting that the coaditica of the population of Ireland generally, requires amelioration. II 2. That the causes of their poverty and sufferings ars the want of productive employnsent, and the existence of religkw differences. " 3. Thatboth these evils proceed from fundamental ernes in tke present constitution of society ; the former from the cow thtuance of an artificial system of productive employment. whirl is now highly disadvantageous to all parties ; the latter, from*, notion that there is merit or demerit in opinions, which is al caws are the effects of geographical circumstance. " 4. That as circumstances in all cases essential], form tie character, the only course that an he rationally pursued with s view to the amelioration of the condition of society, is to odds your to acquire, in the first instance, _an moue, knowledge d the circumstances which are favourable, and those which 01 unfavourable. " S. That Mr. Owen has devoted a long and active life to fib object, and by deep study and reikction, by extensive pentad communication with the 01094 intelligent of all claims, lenstlei parties, and by valuable practical experience, has suecrtfOit devising a combination of circumstances, trhieh, in desk at cation to society, be thinks will t en d m a t er i a lly to improfa human character and condition. " 6. That it does not appear that he could have Wf PPM or individual interest separate from the general locads suing this mode of conduct. " 7. That be appears to be fully conduced, that tie noes which be proposes to the world, when carried into wait* will produce the most beneficial, moral, and pereniarY " s. That he offers his services to the Public in ?Oat plan into immediate practice in England, Ireland, and or to institute an experiment to prove its efficacy in all et sr' these counnia." ••••••••• • ••• Yesterday, st Holdernesse House, Park lane, the lifirchile of Londonderry, of s daughter. DIED. On the sate July. at Twivbo4llooll. 1 tlia 80 01 0 . 1 d 41 1 age, Sarah Hodges, relict of J e r em i a h H o dges, L i} bl! .&ulney Court, in the county of Oxon. Of the yellow fever, no hoard hi s M a j es ty' s ship ass, asit coast of Africa, aged 19, Mr. Henry Roxburgh, sue Dr. Roxburgh. The 24th inst. at Stanmore, Lady Mary Finch, sister . Of Earl of Ayhsford. Saturday rennight, at his house in Crown-street, Posh ° lb 40th year M atthias Ottley, Gent. pus of the Bamboo di all corporadon. Thursday. In bet 114th rar, Mrs. Rolfe, relict of de.. Robert Rolfe ' formerly Rector of Hilborough, Natoll'it'' aunt to the late Viscount and present Earl Nelson. July 29, at Bawtry. after an illness of 14 day% 1 14 ar - Brewerton, surgeon, aged SO. 11 Friday, at Newark, aged 54, Mr. John A ► s= Mrs. Woodall, boot and sho e-m aker. He and went home to He down, when be expired aims 2 _,. ately, leaving a wife and three children to Wow blemt m the time of this awful visitation, one of hip dill/Nag Wry the house. Lately, in the parish of Kirkbean, Etewutrlssimil bright, Humphrey rhilbitore,'nearly too years native of Kest, milord early in life as a private.rud several campaigns, and was one of those who tai Wolfe when be received his mortal wound atiffat NA I LS.-7 UR SUL Dublin 1 0 Waterford 1 0 Guernsey and Jersey 1 0 Lisbon 0 0 Holland 0 0 !IS DAY. a IS. Fratiet 0 Hastiburgb 0 Fbnders 0 Malta HiqH- W A Altai LUNUttli ditIDOX Ttft, Idorothe - I mimeo Afternoon - 5b mS LONDON : Printed and published by L Toniple.ar. rT rT .504 604 304 600 Soo C 400 Zoo .800 :500 *C 800 )500 #OO I T #OO 1030