Star. — London, England, 1821-03-21 00:00:00

fused, and be now came to the House to ask relief. He ought also to state, that a passport was offered to him to go to France; but he feared to accept it, as, had he gone to France, he would probably bre: e been detained there, and have been worse off than in this country. Under all these circumstances, he now applied to the House to be enabled to return to his regenerated country, Naples. Lord CASTLEREAGH, as the Petition did not pray for money, but only general relief, hoped the forms of the House would allow of its being received. He would, however, state the general answer which he had to the Petition ; but which did not lay strictly in his department, as its claims *ere of a military nature—(Near, hear).—ln 1817, he preferred a claim in Lord Bathurst's Office for 0,500 for services reu dered to the British Government, in 1809. This ex cited surprise, and he was asked how it happened Wit this claiM had been allowed to lay dormant so long, and that it was not at the time submitted t 6 the Conimander of the Army, and liquidated at the 'time? No satisfactory answer was made, and the claim Was disthissed by Lord Bathurst. If he was ohliged, he should go into the case, which he did not think was very creditable to Captain Romeo. It was extraordinary that the demand should be made at the end of nine years. One charge was of £1,400 to the General-in-Chief's mistress !—( Hear, hear). — That was surely an extraordinary demand, made at the end of nine years. It was not denied that some services had been performed by Captain Robe°, and he got a pension of £5O a-year, which was after wards commuted for £3OO. Lord Bathurst made a reference to the Foreign Office, and information was sought from Sir WilliaM A'Court. The answer was unfavourable to Captain Romeo, and stated that the conduct of the Neapolitan Government had no re• ference to Captain Romeo's connection with the Bri tish Government. It was also stated, lie had sold the effects he said he had lost—(.' Tear, hear).—ln quiries were made, and all the answers were un favourable to Captain Romeo. He then applied for a pasiport l , which was readily granted by the British Government. /lad he been an Englilinnan, he (Lord Castlereagh) would have hesitated to grant a passport. A passage was offered him to Malta, free of expense, and thence he was to be conveyed* to Italy. An English passport would have' been i ge neral sanction of his conduct. In answer to a question from Lord W. BENTINCR, Lord CASTLEREAGH said, that he understood that Captain Romeo had escaped from prison. Lord W. BENTINCK said, the services of Cap tain Romeo had been considerable, and had drawn down on him the vengeance of the Neapolitan Go. vernment—(Hear, hear).—The King of Naples had not only taken frOm Ole Sicilians what they bad ob tained from the British Government, but also all their ancient rights. In fact, the Constitution had been put an end to—(H ear, ). ear, hear). Lord CASTLEREAGH said, no step had been taken at the Congress of Vienna to affect the interior of the kingdom of Naples. His joint exertions, and those of the Noble Lord, had been unable to carry on the Constitution, which came completely to a stand, and the Parliament threw itself upon the King. It appeared that many additional privileges had been given to the Sicilians, and no complaint of their in fringement had ever been made from Sicily, collec• tively or individually. Had the Noble Lord thought the £5O pension insufficient, he might have made a representation to Lord Bathurst, by whom it would have been treated with the utmost attention. Sir J. AI ACKINTOSH said, that no real contra diction had been given to the statement or the Noble Lord (Bentinck). But the Noble Lord (Castlereagh) had forgot the Secret Treaty between Austria and Naples, by which the King of Naples was bound to govern his kingdom on the model of the Austrian Government of her Italian States. It appeared that Austria secretly undermined the Constitution sanc tioned by the English Government. Such was the honesty 'and good faith of the Allies. But it was re markable, that the Noble Lord should apply for in formation to the Neapolitan Government, that was hostile to Captain Romeo, and not to the British Of ficers, to whom his services were known. The Noble Lord, on this authority of a translation, or rather a mistranslation, had raised a laugh at an unfortunate individual. Lord CASTLEREAGH said, he had not con- suited the Neapolitan Government, as to the services of Captain Romeo ; but as to what had been the reason of the conduct of that Government towards Captain Romeo. It was a question that Government alone could answer. None of the transactions in Si cily arose from the Congress at Vienna. Lord W. BENTINCK quoted a document on the subject of the conduct of the King of Naples towards bis subjects; and which document bore—that the conduct of the King arose from the stipulations With the Cabinet of Vienna. Lord CASTLEREAGH said, that he had never heard of the document in question, and he believed it tame from the same school with a late pretended Pro slamation of the King of Naples to his subjects. Lord A. HAMILTON would afford every faci lity to Captain Romeo to obtain indemnification for his losses. Lord CASTLEREAGH said, that all such claims as that of Captain Romeo should have been investi gated on the spot, and not at the distance of nine "'ears, and in this country. Mr. ABERCROMBIE thought the statement of the Noble Lord (Castlereagh) confirmed what had been said from his (Mr. Abercrombie's) side of the Muse. The conduct of the King of Naples was stated to have arisen from a Secret Treaty between Austria and Naples. Lord CASTLEREAGH stated, that there was no , connection between the Congress at Vienna and the Treaty between Austria and Naples. Mr. HUME bad seen the letter by which Captain R o meo was ordered to be carried to Egypt; so that he had never escaped from prison. The fact as to the prison was, that Captain Romeo had been taken in arms, and had been condemned to be shot by a Military Commission. The £l4OO had been given as The ransom of his life. He had collected a great number of Cavalry, and had been a partizan for a slumber of years. Captain Romeo had three iertifi cates from three General Officers under whom he had served.—The Petition was then brought up. Lord CASTLEREAGH said ; that the services badi • bees done in 180/1•0t18091, never beeneade l kdOwn t 1 1917. • The Petition w then*id, praying for relief and remuneration for tr• services.—Laid oit theiable, and ordered to be printer& • - • NAPLES. . • Sir R. WILSON had received a copy of a letter from Sir W.A'Court to the Duke : de Gallo, of a war like, and not a pacific nature, and containing doc trines highly exceptionable; and it being, finally, in every point of view, open to very considerable ob- jections, he had thought it his duty to bring it before the House in the shape of a rtuestion( Hear hear). —But the Noble Lord oppositeconceiving, nodoubt, that this mode might lead to 'a discussion; irregulat and inconvenient at the time seemed to prefer' that the question should be brou ght forward in the shape of a special motion, and such motion, therefore; Ihe now rose tnsubinit, in compliance with that with-a' (Hear, hear).—The House Would be prepared, by 60 debate which took place upon the Circular addr by the Noble Lord to the British Ministers abroad.; and which wan rendered so memorable by the eid quent speech of his Hon. and Learned Friend (Sirl Mackintosh), for the consideration of the present question. The House would bear in mind that the Noble Lord on that occasion said, that notwithstand ing the assertions which had been made, and made by him (Sir It. Wilson) relative to the suspicious name of certain paragraphs in that letter, the in tention of the British 'Ministry was to maintain, in its conduct to Naples and Austria, a strict and im partial neutrality, and not one of a doubtful or eva sive character. And, with a view of enforcing that statement, the Noble Lord did then go on to say, that when the British army evacuated Sicily, the British Minister was directed to state to the Neapo litans that it was not the intention of the British Government to interfere in their affairs, excepting in one or two cases which Were on that occasion as signed. The first of these cases being, where any attempt might be made to wrest from the Sicilian people those rights and privileges that had been lately conferred on them by the new Constitution; and the 'other case being, where any Neapolitan-born subject 'might be prosecuted for any services previously ren dered by them to the British during their occupation of the island—(Hear; hear). —}16 must here appeal to the House whether or no the Noble Lerd in that debate proved himself a jealous guardian of those reservations which he, however, thought it necessary at that time to state as an asi;flable ground fot his sitian tq the motion of his Hon. and Learned Fnend (Sir James Mackintosh)? lie (Sir R. Wilson) thought the House might have participated in his emotions of surprise upon reading in the letter of Sir William A' ours thatp4ragraph, which, after a de iciiptiOn of the general intention of this Govern meat to obserie a strict neutrality, and to take no part, directly or indirectly, in the wit, proceeded thus :.‘, it will interfere in no wit in the affairs of this country, unless such a step should be rendered indispensable by any personal insults or danger to which the Royal Family may he exposed"—(Hear hear, hear):=Sir William A'Court added, that " not foreseeing the possibility of such a case, he flattered himself that nothing would alter the peaceful atti , tude in which Great Britain was placed—( Hear): —Of this passage there could be no misconstruction; it appealed disonitly that Sir Williatri A'Court ima ginell that this country had a right to interfere if the Royal Family of Naples Were exposed to personal insult or danger.. From hence it was fairly to be inferred that the British Minister might consider him self justified in telegraphing the British iquadrod to bombard Naples eneknally; whilst some commotion took place. within the Walls, in Which insult or danger might be incurred by any branch of the Royal Family—( Hear, hear).—The assertion of such a' power was incompatible with the rights of inde pendent nations, and most injurious and hatardons to our own ; for it ought to be recollected that we could apply no principle of public law to the fo reigner, that he, in tern, might not apply to us— (Hear, hear).— He (Sir R. Wilson) would infornt the Noble Lord of a fact, for the truth of which he might venture to pledge hitnself. Sub s equently to the conferences at Troppau, the directing Minister of the confederacy 'against Naples had held a conver sation with some other distinguished persons, which turned on a pOisible change of Administration in this country, by the introduction to office of some Members who usually sat on the Opposition side of the House: that directing Minister had not scrupled then to say, that if 'sitar) a change did take place, it was the determination of the Allied Powers to treat England as they were resolved to-treat Naples (Hear). —lt was hinted to tha Minister, that Bonaparte had found the 'Mid to London Icing and impracticable. " True," he rejoined; " but even then we can put England upon the footing of an infected nation (na tion ileitrie), cant tiff ill cOmmunication (Haar, tear).—Ni kvis'pepired to assert that this was not a loose unguarded Conversation, but ex pressly intended to prove to those who heard it the determined : and extensive 'character of the Confede racy against Naples. If the principle laid down by Sir William AlCOurt were maintained if it were to go forth to Europe that such was to be the ground on which a war might be Crinsineiked—he put it to the Noble Lord (Castlereagh) whether Protests would be wanting to involve Great tritain in hostilities?— Did he think that the inichinatiorilthit hid disturbed other nations,—that had agitated Spain ' that had dis tressed France, that had suspended the Habeas Cor-. pus Act in England—Would be wanting in Napleslo' compel this country to take part. in the war already, commenced? Did he imagine that the adVeriaries , of the new Constitutional filiitern in Sicily would be deficient in their mischieiobs activity? blight not' even the Allies theinselSes -use effectual exertions to -drag the British Government into this most impious crusade? Dismissing this, however, lie would ask whether this menacing neutrality was tick calculated to alienate the feelings of 'the inhabitants of Naples, holding out, as it did, that their King was the property of the foreigner, not of the native? Would it not rather urge them to, than restrainthem filth] the very acts Sir William A'Court deprecated? Such was not his language only, but that of a person whose audios city the Noble Lord and his friends would not be dined to disparage, lYfr. Pitt. In 1792, a communi-4 cation was made from the Crown to Pailiament,and in the diicuasion,Mr.'Pitt conjured the House not tO employ such language as, in the furicus state of the "tomb Piefilermight serve as a piketelWell'hcOmr mission of that crime Which an ninsehe desirous to avert. The instructibbstent to Ltd Gowerwere he, the same - spirit. He was desired '44 to take cite to' express himself in a magnet - cenforileable•t&the seed talents of Parliament, and especially not to neglett any opportunity of declaring, that while his Majesty meant to observe the principles of neutrality with re gard to the internalgovenerent of France, he did not thereby abandon that solicitude which he must ever feel for the perional safety of the King and Royal Family of France.' Such was not the language of war, but of sensibility; of generous sympathy ; and the proof . of it was, tl:at a war did.not take place in consequence. It did not begin even after the execu tion of Louis XVI: Until theNatiorralco t nvesition had proclaimed and confirmed hostilities. Another speech, by Mr. Pitt, on the, same subject, was completely in aeccirdancet—e Whatever Might. be the feelings of indignation and abhorrence at that act, be should bYnn Meant hold out those feelings as a ground of hostility ; for it was not his wish to propose a war of vengeance:" he added, that " notwithstanding the Geverninent had been obliged to decline all cow:lu nication acknowledging the Convention, it had still, left open the means of accommodation" (ikar, hear). He would put another hypothesis to the Noble Lord, layieg the fact out of sight, for the moment, whether the King of Naples had or had not sworn to preserve the Constitution; it was this, whether, supposing the King of Sweden, or of Spain, or any other King or Mince, had taken an oath to maintain a Constitution which he afterwards invited foreigners to overthrow, it would be possible for this Government to interpose to protect him? Whether, if the axe of the law fell open him, Great Britain would nnsheath the sword of vengeance? He (Sir Robert Wilson) maintained that such a step could not be taken without in fringing on the rights of independent nations—(Hear, hear, hear).—it was the more necessary now to come to a decision upon this point, because the Circular of the Noble Lord, which was to explain everything, explained nothing ; and because it had been so far mistaken, that the Allies had asserted, that though Great B ritain did not engage in the war, she acted with an uniformity of principle and identity of views. The Allies ought now, though late, to be told that Great Britain would not act upon any such gross mis understanding, but held in abhorrence the doctrines so newly pi omulgated at the law of nations (Hear). It was made a matter of charge against the Neapoli tan People, that they had adopted the Spanish Con stitution : but what were the crimes that it had corn .mitted ? Spain for eighteen months had existed under it ; and in Naples its provisieits had been the cause of no commotions. Anetria asserted that the majo rity of the people were discontented under it. Did the zeal and enthusiasm they had universally dis played afford any proof of this statement ?—(- Hear, hear).—Next, the Holy Alliance maintained that the Carbonari were the root of the evil. Count Nessel rode maintained that they Were " aJt impious sect, disregarding all the rules of morality and good order." In the same spirit, a Noble Lard in another place had asserted, that the Carbonari had taken do oath, not only to disobey the laws of than, but of (ion !--( Rear, hear).—This, however, had been a charge. of old standing ; it had been Made against all,Refotmers, even against die primitive Christians—(Hear, hear). He (Sir It. Wilson), however, :eight justly apply to the Catbonari what had been said of the stories of old— Naar lads benignior, MAT anemia& handrail*. The Noble Lend would answer, no doubt, that they had been guilty of assassination: it was true, and it must lit admitted that all history proved, that assassination was the weapon employed by the oppressed i it was at once the surest and the most uncoutroulable, fa ciliNs trniversos aspens lam siiigithss imperari. The Honourable Gentleman then went on to notice facts that had formerly come under his own observation, :Lod, within his own knowledge. The Emperor of AAaria had desired him on ode aceasion to lose nn opportunity of declaring that nothing should induce him to trespass on the independence of Lombardy ; but no sooner had Prince Eugene signed that unfor tunate Treaty, than the lust of dominion returned ; and it was demanded, in the first instance, that die kingdosi% of Italy should be annexed as a province to the Austrian Empire ! With regard to the occupa tion of Naples, he could give the Noble Lord (who seemed to derive all his knowledge from the Minister from Vienna) some information. The military occu pation, and even vassalage of Naples, and of the country north andacest of the Minch), was an in alienable part of the plan of the Allies. They knew how important that position was for Murat, who had beim able formerly to keep in check the Armies of France and Austria. Another part of their project Was, to take and keep possession of Ancona, as a tete de Pont, for the lodgment of stores, without danger of interruption to the line of comMunication. The Noble Lord was probably ignorant of this part of the scheme, and he did not seem tote aware that Naples had annually paid no less than Svc millions sterling to Austria. Of course the Emperor would not be very willing to relinquish so large a tribute ; and this and all the other reasons ought to have jndtteed the Noble Lord to interpose his authority to prevent the mills tary occupation of Napkt--(Hear, hear).—Let it not be forgotten that the Austrian's were to hold not only the capital but all the fortresses, not for one but for six years ; and having once established themselves, was there any chance that they would ever Vtilenta nly telinOiih . their bold? Was !the Noble Lord so indifferent to his living and posthumous reputation, as to admit the Russians as well as Austrians into Italy and Sicily, as the Allies of America, who had long indulged the project of establishing a station at 'Syracuse? In all'that he had said, be bad spoken , of what was to be feared, not what was to be ap prehended ; for the Noble Lord would yet live to see the beacons that summoned freemen to arins, blazing on every height, and streaming over val leys hitherto obscured by the mists and darkness of tyrannical government !—(Hear, hear, hear).-- The knell of despotism 'had been rung, and Goo be thanked, by the hands of the Despots themselves!— (Chars). —'they had succeeded in subduing and de grading Poland ; but when they inkaded the South, they had exposed themselves to conquest and degrada tion. Napoleon, -ire this-respect, bid sinned against the spirit of the age, and fell—(Hear, hear).—Happy would it bet& the world if the , :Mee atrocious at tempt 'ever met with the - same - disastrous result— , —(Hede).--AS to a"war its Which thh'ciiuntry might be involved,. he should be ashamed' of that country Pi nce se e med Resent t r e3 of ; If it did not dbntent to TOM:b every sacrifice; a n d, like one of the most celebrated nations of old, on dtr oit i t t o sel f f ea t i lL 4 ost I d ie rea ao, d i e te d ay u l ten Th it e Naples had already done hims e lf i mmortal aad he would need no other protection than the n j o ur ' shy and , coorage which Ibis wn beavery would inspire-((.freers).-Ile concluded by moyi - r for " An address to the Crown for the ' Alter of o l W. A'Court to the Duke de Gallo, d ate d the filth ',; February ; 1821, with the instructions from thi s G o . vernment on which it was grounded." ', Lord CASTLEREAGH would not o ccu time 4of the House in a ll uding to m uc h of whpy tht at b u t fallen from the gallant O ffi cer, nor wo u ld h e allude to the rich repast of private conversation whi c h bi had, for the first time, heard of. He would confine , himself to the'more immediate obj ect o f the motio musta air ber W. a A d e.O foorurt s°m he must e.porti re. ob Yfh jec ich t. helnpre presumeddt hseumnote mark, that it was not political violence that was al ruded to, but violence of a personal nature. No two individuals more proper for their situation s mad have been selected than Sir W. A'Court and Sir G. 'Moore. Violence to any of the Royal Emily n om be equally deprecated by all. At the time of th e French Revolution, there was only an emulation* generous feeling, and could any exertion of po weroi the part of Great Britain have saved the unfortunate King of France, Mr. Fox would have bee n t h e first to have lent his most zealous aid-(Neat, the danger went-to the extinction of the 'Loyol a ; mily, it must, at the same time, to the destructi on o f all the relations of peace and amity with th at try and us. The gallant Officer had extolled d e principles of the Carbonari, and stated that the mations had arisen from the principles of despen o , but he (Lord Castlereagh) might rather retortion; gallant Officer, that assassination sprung from Conspiracies-(Hear, hear). As Ministers had talig measures to protect the safety of the Royal Palley, he could state that. Sir W. A'Court had received era, knowledgments from all ranks; arid more satisn e . tion had not been expressed for our neutrality the m for the care of the Royal Family. The conduct of Government had no connection with that of torsiga Powers, and the instructions had been sent out tofli William A'Court before the result of the deliber a . tions at Troppatt had been known. The declaration' had been made without concert, and without the knowledge of the Powers assembled at Troppaa. fi September, when information had been received th at danger might possibly threaten the Royal Family, specific instructions had been sent to our Commandos on that station, guarded, hoo ever, cautiously agaiast the possibility of abuse. In this measure we stood alone, and were wholly separated from the p o li c y* the Allies both at Troppau and Layhach. He trusted this House would think no ground had been laid for the production of the document in question. At tie close of the revolutionary war, Austria had conquered Naples; when, instead of setting up the claim of coo. quest, she immediately recalled the legitimate King, and disbanded half he:- army, allowing the Napo& tan army to be re-organized.-Esir It. IVnaos across the table.-With an Austrian General at their head.] He went to bed as good a General as any in Europe, and in the morning found he was no General at all. He had seen a letter from the Emperor of Austria to the King of Naples, in which he said-" My army remains at Naples for your service; take care what you are doing; you are surrounded by troops who were lately opposed to you. I hope your mild sway has reformed them ; if so, my General has orders to leave your territories in ten clays"-(Hear,kar, deo). -When this was the case, he thought the gallant General was not justified in making those stammerer; which must necessarily produce inflammation. The gallant General had, on this occasidn, stood forward as a sort of evidence in favour of the Carbonari: he had acted as a kind of amicus curia, to defend dam from all attacks-Wear, hear).-He seemed to via us to adopt their system, which was so perfect that . it mutt purify the political and moral atmosphee of the world-(Hear). -His argument seemed wk. if their principles produced so many blessings, why should we not have Carbonari here ?-(flardeer . from both sides the House). He could never i lmea to such a project until he found that benefits wee rather to be expected from secret sects and tonailiao . tions, than from open and avowed Governmesso- He looked upon secret sects and conspiracies to he opposed to all good government, and be had steer known anything but evil to spring from them; 3 sa. notwithstanding all the gallant General said, be would ever feel it his duty to oppose them--(Haff hear).-The principles of the British Constitnrioa justified him, he conceived, in denouncing a& Sh • sociations as ruinous to every order of society Obi hear).-The object of the Carbonari evidendfurd subvert all the Governments of dtaly, as record , ' by the Treaties on their table ; and to have somege' neral system, by which all the Governments of lta!f should be consolidated into ore mass, contraryta the . system which now existed. If Gentlemen qfm! were favourable to this general system, it was il!rLi them to give the country notice. It did not sbaM his opinion of those Gentlemen; but it misfit shit!: Government and the Parliament should boadeL" taking advice which was mixed up with such . desa .a of noxious ingredients --(Lasighter). He could_ n feel the *anent General's enthusiasm ;-- he c0 111 ,.7 credit his prophecies ; and he would repeat to ~71 what lie had said the ether night, that Attall', no idea of 'breaking its Treaties by which she 1 "; bound, or of making inroads on the territters_:: other States. This being the fact, when hate the gallant Officer endeavouring uu er hi , ment on so important a point, he would eta caveat against such statements, and declass honest man that they were unfounded-W: O4 conclusion, the Noble Lord stated his iat meeting the motion With a direct negative- sir Mr. A'COUILT defended the conduct of hff ham A'Court ; and asserted that his Note d° de Gallo, declaring the neutrality of Gras was received with acclamations by the Parliament. that. Mr. C. HUTCHINSON said, he hoped - "-,_ campaign against the Neapolitans would be kat. - struction of the Austrian Empire-( H e a r ' He did not believe that there was a country rope which did not view with disgust and N a to Na,:: policy of this country with respect Oht did not know how tar his gallant F r k in d coma G4.ll cm 3054 his object of freein g Naples (red, S 6 4 SI 1 b b tr th of 0 be lug dc~ bat of of 'if wi