Star. — London, England, 1831-10-06 00:00:00

Political feeling•, and solely from the necessity of the ease : but of that party who had ever been the friends of civil and religious liberty, and to whose eloquence and lebntir in the cause of both, the public were mainly indebted for every liberal measure adopted hitherto by Government. It was, therefore, under all these circumstances, looking to the state of parties in that house, and to all which had been said both in and out of it against the present Ministers, he had risen as an old, "arm, but still indi•j•endent friend, not only to defend their Bill, buy Also their motives in accepting office for that glorious purpose. nM .inst the heavy but unfounded charges of their opponents. To this effect he :soald very shortly state the grounds on which he made the following declaration, in the race of the ,‘resent House of Commons and the country, viz. .1; oei the time he first came into Parliament, 23 yew . ; since, there had been no question before it involving the dignity of the Crown, the honour of Parliament, or the interests of the people, wherein his Honourable Friends the Whigs hail not strictly done . their duty ; whilst all that had tended to degrade the Crown and Parliament in the ryes of the people, and to bring the country to its present state, had been the sole act of their .pponents. In making this declaration he would only trouble the house with two cases in support of the subjects of which were of a painful nature, but so deeply important to the question, that he jested his whole argument of the necessity of the Reform Bill entirely upon them. The first took place in the session of 1809, be ing the memorable inquiry into the conduct of the Duke of YORK, as Commander-in-Chief; upon which important question, he must first observe that this case was in itself the strongest example of the want of reform, because it could not have happened with it—for in a reformed Parlia ment no minister would have advised that uncon stitutional act of the Crown, in the appointment of one of its own branches to the command of the army ; whilst, under the existing system, he could not oppose it—and thus it had been to the present time, that for want of a real representation of the people in Parliament, to enable an honest minister to do his duty as the constitutional adviser of the crown, he had only held his office at the joint will of the crown and the aristocracy, commanding the majority in that house ; and he did not hesitate in saying, it was to this abandonment of the prin ciples of the constitution, by destroying the ba lance of its parts, that the whole public debt of the country was solely to be ascribed. In proof of it he would refer to the speeches of the late Lord CHAT/IAM and Mr. PITT. whose words he had quoted ; and in repeating them, where he says— `• without reform the nation will be plunged into hay wars," he would ask the ministers who wrote, and all who had read the KING'S Speech, at the opening of the late Parliament, if any thing could have prevented war but public opinion against it? With respect to the whole proceedings of this inquiry, which did more to degrade the Crown and House of Commons in the eyes of the people than all the previous questions in Parliament, he would assert that the conduct of the Whigs, in their painful si tuation betwixt the crown and people, was in strict accordance with their duty; whilst the Ministers of that day, to support the system, or to keep their places, sacrificed the honour of the House of Com mons, toi,the personal feelings of the Crown ; first, by making themselves parties in the cause wherein they sat as judges; and, lastly, when the truth came out, in prevailing on the house to deny it, in the face of evidence which spoke for itself in the minds of the whole country ; and thus, in setting public opinion at defiance, they raised a feeling of indignation throughout the kingdom which nothing but the retirement of the Duke from office could have removed. .- - - And here—to prove what was of more impor tance to the question of reform than the character of the ministers—viz. the character of the people in their firm attachment to the crown—and to show that all the excitement of the public mind on that occasion was solely against the Ministers and the House of C , mmons, and not the crown in the person of the Duke of YORK—he must mention the extraordinary fact of the re-appointment" of the Duke to office, without any expression of pub lic feeling against it ; the reason being, that the people having carried the question of truth against the ministers and House of Commons by the re tirement of the Duke, their resentment au' sided with the removal of the cause ; and thus the re action of public feeling took place—the Duke having ever been popular with all classes, front the proverbial kindness of his disposition, and the openness, sincerity, and manliness of his character —and considering how much he had suffered more than his conduct merited, the people, who did not understand the constitutional question of his appointment, were glad to see him back in office, as the only means of removing his disgrace. But, fur the country's sake, would that the public mind, that was now enlightened upon the subject, had been as well informed at that period, or rather at the time of the Duke's first appointment to the command of the army in Flanders, at the com mencement of the war of the allies against France —because the same public opinion, which in spite of the ministers, and the whitewashing vote of the House of Commons, drove the Duke from office, might have prevented that unfortunate appoint ment in tl:e first instance, which, looking to all the political and constitutional mischief that ne cessarily glen out of it, be considered as one of the main causes of the present distress of the country. • And now, in conclusion of this case, he must menti. n an instance of public virtue in the Whig Aristocracy of that house, which, in his opinion, was without a parallel in the parliamen tary history of the country—namely, the conduct and speeches of the two noble lords, the mover and seconder r f the motion of censure against Ministers in the Session of 1811, for advising the Crown to tit, re-appointment of the Duke to otEce ; ss herein. looking on one hand to the trying situa tion in v. hich their own elevated rank must have placed those noble lords with respect to the Crown, and un the (Atter, to the unpopularity of their motion both in the House and country, for the reasons he had stated, he had evor considered their conduct on that question to have established tin it characters in that house es the firmest and most uncompromising defenders the Consti tution, and tte real liberties of the people ; and in saying ithe must add,that if hehadhad no other gr. undo for his confidence in the present govern ment, it wopld have „ken sudicieut for him, the tact of their Chincelior alit, Exchequer being one of the truly noble lords of whom he had been speaking—the other noble lord being, happily for reform, and singularly, under all circumstances, his present colleague in the representstion of North a mptronshi re. The last case was that of the equally memorable proceedings against the late QUEEN ; wherein, upon all the important questions in the House of Commons, the conduct of the Whigs was dictated by the same constitutional feelings as in the case of the Duke of YORK ; whilst for the other house, it were unnecessary to say how ainch the country and the late QUEEN had been indebted to the powerful eloquence and support of the same party, for the abandonment of that most dangerous of measures for the character of Parliament, and the honour, interest, and even safety of the crown, the Bill of Pains and Penalties. And here, in answer to the heavy, but utterly unfounded, charge which, in both these cases, was brought against the Whigs, and which had been renewed on every occasion of their defending the cause of the people, by accusing them, as at the present moment, of endangering the safety of the crown, for the mere sake of office, he would appeal to candour and common sense, whither the noble lord at the head of the present Government, who bad distinguished himself above all others (at least of the order he belonged to) as the powerful de fender of the late QUEEN—was it possible that the noble lord, or others of the same pace, or the pre sent Lord Chancellor, the present Attorney Gene ral, or any of the Whig party who had stood for ward as the defenders of the QUEEN, could in so doing, have entertained a hope of of f ice, not merely at the time, but during the lives of the late Kin°, the late Duke of YORK, or the next in succession to the crown ; but, happily for the country, their honecty had been their best policy, and the more fortunate at the present moment, in the proof it had given to the people of the heart and head of that individual whose name he need not mention. And here—to return once more to the people, who in this case, as in the Duke of York's, were accused of disaffection to the Crown—he must beg the attention of the house, not only to the total want of truth in these charges, both against the Whigs and the people, bet to the proof of their being the sole invention of the Tories, to support their sys tem, and to prevent then, as they would still, the only remedy for its evils by the present measure of reform ; for having shewn that the Whig aristo cracy, whose own existence as an old r depended on the Crown, might as well have been charged with the intention of destroying it, as of getting into office by opposing it in the case of the Queen, so he would equally prove that the people might as justly have been accused of the desire of office, as of disaffection to the Crown. But before he produced an evidence, so fortunate for their cause, that if he were one of those who ascribe chance to PRO VIDENCE when it happens to their wish, it could tempt him to believe that PROVIDENCE in this case had lent a hand, he would first ask, why the people, in the case of the Queen, were not to be actuated by the same feelings as the Whigs, and to express the same indignation at the conduct of the Government, without being accused of that disaffection to the Crown, which dell charges, was the most unfounded, and inconsistent with the na tional character ? And now, to set the question at rest, he would produce his evidence of their loyalty, not merely (coin the ranks of their accusers, but out of the mouth of the present leader of the ultra-Tory party; being the unanswered and unanswerable speech of the right honourable member for Boroughbridge against the Tory Ministers in the session of 1821, upon the memorable question relative to the omis sion of the QUEEN'S name in the Liturgy ; at which time the learned gentleman was the new and aspiring member for Oxford ; being then in the prime of life, with his lungs in their full strength, and not in the dying state he had latterly declared himself; and hon. members who had only witnessed the last efforts of his eloquence might form some idea of its former character, when assured that all the pelting of the storms of his abuse against the present Whigs had been like the dropping of " the gentle rain from Heaven upon the place beneath," compared with his bitter reproaches of the Tories of that day, for what he had called their unconstitutional, illegal, radical, and revolu tionary proceedings against the Queen; concluding with a declaration that, if the Bill of Pains and Pe nalties had been brought down from the Lords, he, the learned, but not yet right hon. gentleman, would have moved as an amendment, to entitle it I " A Bilt to deprive her Majesty of her just rights and privileges as Queen Consort of the Realms." and yet, " within a month, or 'ere those shoot were old" in which he had so nobly defended her' late Majesty, be walked over to the same Tory Mi -1 'slimy, and took his seat as Solicitor-General. The hen. n:ember hoped he had thus proved that the conduct of the people in the case of the Qaeen was dictated solely by the honesty of their hearts, and that sense of justice which led them to defend her cause with the same zeal which Ministers had betrayed it, and to show her all the respect in their power, to console her for the treatment she had re ceived ; 'and here, in conclusion of this last case, he had been strongly reminded of it, in the contrast betwixt the present people and those of former times, by the speech of his hon. friend the member for Aldhorough, who began his attacks upon the bill in Committee, with a comparison be twixt his own humble talent and that of preceding speakers in the debate, taken from a speech in the Iplay of Richard 11. which, after describing the flattering reception of the usurper Bolingbroke, upon his entry into London, with Richard a pri soner at his heels, proceeds to state how the citizens treated their unfortunate King ; and, if the House would allow him to add a quotation to the many which had been given in the debate, he would repeat the passage which his honourable friend has called to his recollection : " As in a theatre the eyes of men After a well-graced actor leaves the stage. • Are idly bent on him that enters next, Thinking his prattle to be tedious; Even so, or with much more contempt, men's eyes Did scowl on Richard. No man erred , GOD save him ; No joyful tongue gave him his welcome home; But dust was thrown upon his sacred head; Which with such gentle sorrow he shook off— His face still combating with tears and smiles,— The badges of his grief and patience-- That bad not GOD, for some strong purpose, steeled The hearts of men, they mast per force have melted, And barbarism itself hare pitied him." Such was the reception of the unhappy Richard by the chinos of those days, when uu-kinged by Bolingbroke ; but he thanked GOD, the present citizens took a warmer interest in behalf of till Qum:, so unjustly and illegally degraded by the Ministers ; and, whatever their opinion, the feel ings of the people did honour to their hearts, and the worst misfortune that could happen to the Crown would be the want of them. He had thus endeavoured to do justice to the present Ministry, and the people ; he hoped also to have shown that the distressed state of the country was solely to be ascribed to that system, which the late Mr. PITT, with the best intentions, on coming into office, was unable to controul—for it was but justice to his character to state the fact to those who might not know it, that Mr. PITT, as Minister, had arranged, and would have effected, that great measure of reform—the abolition of tithes—but for the breaking out of the French revolution, which unfortunate event defeated his intention, and compelied him to the war with France in spite of his endea vours to avoid it. And thus reform was of neces sity abandoned ; for war was the steam-engine that multiplied the power of the system, and all its ex pense and patronage the fuel which supplied it; whilst the loans that were raised for its support, being expended in the country, increased its trade and commerce ; and by giving full employment to the people, enabled them to bear the taxes to pay the interest of the debt. Thus all went smoothly for a time, and thus corruption, " as if increase of appetite had grown by what it fed on," continued to spread, until the whole nation became so iden tified with the abuses of the system, and the enor mous expenditure of the Government, that the evil was left to cure. itself, as it had done at last, for want of the means to prolong it; insomuch, that it was only the general distress of the people, and their utter inability to bear longer the burden of taxation, which, in opening their eyes to the ne cessity of reform, had roused and combined their efforts to obtain it. And here he must tell the Right Hon. Baronet, in answer to all his speeches and solemn warnings of the consequences of the present measure, that it was this conduct of the people, the happy change of Ministers, and, above all, the unexampled firm ness and wisdcm of the Crown, which had saved the country from the calamity which the continu ance of himself and colleagues in office must inevitably have produced ; for if they believed in all they said of the danger to the Crown and House of Peers from the present bill, what must it really have been, if the Crown and present Ministers, in stead of gaining by their conduct the hearts and affections of the people, had opposed their will and power? for he had shown in both these cues that, as to the question of reform, the people had always the power they had at last displayed—viz. public opinion, together with their weight in the scale of the constitution, in spite of its abuses, and the de fective state of their present representation in it; for had he not proved that, 20 years since, public opinion removed the Duke of YORK from office ? and again, did it not stop the proceedings against the QUEEN ? and what but public opinion, and his own declaration against it, removed the late Minis ter; and if the public mind bad been as enlightened 40 years since, and had spoken out then as it had done now, he sincerely believed, without joining in the praise or censure of the late Mr. PITT, that as Minister, with the people at his back, he would have carried the question of reform ; and thus, by controlling the power of the Aristocracy in that house, would have prevented all the increase of the public debt, and have spared England and France all the misery which the unnatural war be twist them, as regarded the interests of the people, had produced. But as the excess of evil produces good, so both nations had become the wiser and the better for their misfortunes ; mid, looking to the glorious example of France, he rejoiced that England had been actuated by the same spirit, because he was convinced that all the people asked was justice,— and that, with the i-nowledge of their power, they were too enlightened, and knew their real interests too well, to abuse it. And here he begged to make an observation relative to the attacks which bad been made upon the friends of the measure, as the pledged supporters of " the BILL, the WHOLE BILL, and NOTHING BUT TEL BILL," according to what had been called the cuckoo-cry of the people ; for, although the wor thy aldermen so attacked, had justified the pledge, and defended their constituents in calling their colleagues to account, and had been ably sup ported by other honourable members, yet others , the friends of the bill, had disc laimed sad; pledge, and bad asserted the freedom •of tb9kr dotes. Upon this important question be must beg to say that, in agreeing to the independence of their votes as to the Government, he must deny it totally, as to their constituents ; for what was the meaning of a representative in that Louse, unless to represent the voice of the body who sent him there ? And although of ne cessity, he was mostly left to his own discretion, because occasions, like the present, seldom occur red, yet, when they did, public meetings might be well called a farce, if the representatives of the people were not to be bound by their decision, but so set up their opinioni against the declared sense of their constituents. As to the charge against the worthy aldermen of being slaves, the cap only. fitted those who had no constituents, or none but slaves t' represent—viz. the members of the no mination boroughs, who were as much bound in honour to vote according to the politics of their patron., or resign their seats, as he, the represen tative of the Bath corporation, would have been bound to do the like, had not his constituents sa srifiud their private interests to his feelings of public duty; and, in answer to the honourable and , learned members and others, who had spoken so warmly on the subject, he would ask whether, if any one of them, like himself, had been the friend of reform, he would be sitting in the seat he now occupied. As to what they had called the cuckoo-cry, he must beg their excuse for thinking there was more sense in the cry than the epithet they had given it ; and if they must have a nick-name for it, they should call it the goose-cry ; for, as history said of Rome it was that which saved the capitol ; so fu ture history would say of England, it was this cuckoo-cry, which, in carrying reform, had saved the constitution. For what had been the origin of the cry ? Before the reform bill, the cry ; was for short Parlianifnts and the Baikal. And Jure, in defence of the people, ha must say a few- words upon that' subject. He had always been a friend se the ballot, .witboat trestioning the ainteritraf - otherfefisrpieis, Went , airless it; and, la di:. &Tosco to their prejudices, he ,!toped the MOO • : bill might prevent its necessity ; but, in his opi nion, there could be no real freedom of election without it. If it were not so, why had the ballot been invented, and why was it generally adopted by every club throughout the kingdom ? This dis proved the assertion that it was an un-English practice; although it might be called so with re ference to the practice of the Constitution, wherein the people were represented in appearance, but not in fact ; but even as at present, where the people had a voice, to substitute the ballot for the poll would give the substance for the shadow. The bal lot, too, in his opinion, was as necessary for the elected as the elector; and, like the quality of mercy, which " bksseth him that gives and him that takes," was the only real pro tection of the honour and independence of both—it was the only protection of the elector against the undue influence of every kind to which he was liable in the exercise of that choice, which, to be truly free, should be free as his own thoughts ; and the only protection of the elected against the necessity of asking what he should refuse as a favour, and which placed him in that situation with his elector, that ought to be as painful to both as it was inconsistent with their relative situations in life, and every true feeling of public and private honour : it was the only effectual means of preventing the expense, and all the other evils, which open election contests must produce, and again, for the same reasons, it removed all the objections to short Parliaments. Such were the reasons which, in his opinion, had justified the feel ings of the people in favour of the ballot, and were the proof of their moral and intellectual improve ment; whilst the Reform Bill had done credit to their hearts and understandings, in at once re moving all their doubts and fears, and inspiring that confidence in the ministers which their con duct had so well deserved. And now, what had been the origin of the cry, but the conduct of the opponents to the former Bill, which had compelled the Government to ad vise the dissolution of Parliament ; when the peo ple, thus appealed to by the Crown, most wisely and constitutionally, not only chose for their re presentatives professed friends of reform, but, to prevent all misunderstanding by leaving loop-holes to creep through, or pins to hang a doubt on, bound them to support " the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill," or, in other words, to vote for the whole measure of the Ministers, and against all the amendments of their opponents, who, in the opinion of the people, had no object but to defeat it. Such then being the cause, what had been the effect, but, simply, that the Minis ters, thus supported by the country, bad again brought in the very same Bill, which, however excellent in itself, would never have been carried but for the cuckoo-cry of the peo ple, who, to follow the example of the cuckoo, had turned the late Ministry out of their nest, to hatch the egg of their own real liberty in it ? And although this glorious triumph of the people was not seen by the hon. baronet, it was clearly seen, and as honestly confessed, by a late member of the house, the oldest, strongest, and most consistent tory in it—namely, the late mem ber for Dorsetshire, who, in a most candid speech, told his late constituents, that however deeply he lamented it, the bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill, was carried; thus declaring his opi nion, as plain as words could speak it, that the bill, so carried by the voice of the people in that house, neither mould, nor could, be oproed elsewhere, and with this opinion the honourable =sober fully agreed, for a reason so strong and natural, that he felt no doubt upon the subject. The first resolution of the House of Commons in every new Parliament, declared it was a high in fringement of its liberties and privileges for any peer to concern himself with the election of its members ; end he could not believe, in the face of such resolution, that any one of the many fathers here referred to, would place his son in that predi cament, to compel him either to impeach his fa ther's conduct or his own. And here he must beg to ask the noble lord on the other side, who had so warmly expressed his feelings to the last— and of whom, although he had not the honour of a per sonal acquaintance with the noble lord, if be might speak es he thought he believed him to be " honest as the skits between his brows"—he would ask the noble lord bow be could reconcile to himself to be a member of the house, solely through the means of that interference, against which, in the name of the people, he had so strongly and solemnly protested —and ferther,if allowed to say it, as an old reformer in the house whilst the noble lord was yet at school, he was sure that when the noble lord's apprehen sions of the danger of the present measure should subside ; and be was again a member of the house —u no doubt he would be if he wished it, having all the advantages of rk,roiserty, and bis own personal merit to reco mmend hins--the noble lord would be more satisfied with his new seat as a representative of the pssple than the one he now filled. Having thus availed himself of the indulgence of the house, he would no longer detain it than to express in the fewest words hie opinion of the present glorious measure ; which when the noble lord, who bad so well deserved the honour of the undertaking, first unfolded to the house, gave him all the delight expressed by other honourable members, but without the least surprise; being not a jot more than he had expected from the Minis ters, and which to have been surprised at, were to have doubted their honesty, firmness, common sense, and the sincerity of their declarations on coming into office ; for to have stopped abort of what they had done, would have been only a half measure, that neither could have satisfied the people, nor have effected any real benefit for the country ; whilst the present Bill had already paved the way for all the good to follow it, by the confi dence it bad inspired throughout the country in Ministers, who had sacrificed all their unconstitu tional power, looking solely for their support to the good opinion of the people. As to all the charges brought against them, he thought the two noble lords, the mover of the bill, and the Chan cellor of the Exchequer, who, between them, had conducted it throughout, had, in all their speeches Ally acquitted ministers of every unworthy mo tive ; whilst all the defects of the measure were ,solely to be ascribed to the necessity that com pelled them, in framing it, to preserve as Much as podia. 'that ancient form of tbe representation, which °obtained en the' anomaly, inconsistency, sad iiiicetiat their opponents had so smell com plained of. Them defects the ministers must hare endentanted to remedy as far as the case would admit ; but the main object of their bill wa s real representation of the people; and conside:- ing the difficulty of the task, in prevailing o n many different reformers in that still unti•foreat, house to consent to so strong a measure, it h aq been no less to his surprise than satisfaction 1., see it carried through the committee by sun!. large majorities. The clause for the division of counties, which so much had been said, was, no doubt, necessary compromise on the part of ministois, i • such it could be called ; but with all his respect fe, the opinions of those who had been the warmest and most powerful friends to the bill, he could not agree with their objections to this clause, nor tlic danger to be apprehended frcm it ; insomuch tha• the bill had given to the people all the power dick wanted to protect themselves against it ; and a: t „ : " supposing the present to be a final measure, nc honourable member could seriously believe it; tu. it would be too much to assert of any act of Portia ment,and, above all, of the present bill—of so Belt and complicated a nature, consisting of so man y clauses, and the effect of which, like that which the removal of old London-bridge might have upon the Thames above it, no human being could pre tend to say ; nor what must yet be done to prevent any evil arising out of the great good which tit , : destruction of that old, worn-out, rotten fabric, and the old, worn-out, rotten system of the late Tory Government, must produce. To this sincere opinion of the bill, he would only add, that next to the measure itself, he considered the govern. ment to have deserved the greatest credit for keep. ing it a secret to the last moment, and for giving way to their opponents in the late Parliament, upon the question of the new writ for Evesham, to prevent the danger of betraying it in a previous debate; and wherein be thought the right hon. baronet and his friends had been caught in their own trap—for unless to obtain their secret from the Government, he could not believe they would have moved their bill to disfranchise Evesharn, upon the very eve of the reform bill, without wait ing to see if it were wanted. But howeser that might be, the government had shown its sincerity and good sense ; for with the intention of adopting the remedy for the whole evil, it would have here worse than useless to waste the time of the house upon so small a part; whilst the conduct of the Right Hon. Baronet and his friends had been like that of the old lady, who, when making one hole for her cat to go through, must needs make another for the kitten ; for where was the use of both bills And how, in the face of their own small measure, could they oppose this great and glorious act, not for the punishment, but the prevention of the crime; and not like theirs an act of gross injustice, in disfranchising the whole electors of a borough upon the ground of the corruption of a part—thus punishing the innocent for the crime of the guilty, and reversing the maxim of the law, which declares that better 99 guilty escape, than one innocent suffer—and this too on the part of the late right hon. secretary, whose labours in the Home De partment, for the general amendment of the laws, bad been the theme of praise throughout the cowl , try—and yet upon the question of this glorious measure, which, in setting the example of virt ue in the rovernment, had done more already to prevent corruption, and to raise the moral charuc• ter of the people, than the whole bundle of his amended laws together, the right hon. gentleman in the face of his Evesbam Bill, fights, tooth and nail, against it; and thus in his justice,wisdom, and morality, this " wise young man." this " upright Judge,' this second Daniel," makes the example of the single case, but defends the general prac tice. For how, in common sense, could he prevent the corruption of open boroughs whilst whole seats were openly bought and sold ? iVlust reason could he give why the Evesham or Liverpool electors should not sell their votes, whilst boroughmongers sold their seats ? or why these poor and needy of fenders should be punished, whilst the practice was permitted in the rich ? What but this plain common-sense view of the case would have dictated the words of their former Speaker, who, more than twenty years back, upon the question of reform, told the house, that the bare mention of the sale of seats would have made their ancestors start with indignation ? And well might the Government of that day, to support the system and prevent the exposure from such a quarter, do all they could to stop the public press ; but now that the game was up, the system being fairly worn out, and that natural causes, with most fortunate events, had combined the Crown, the Government, and the people in the same just cause, he could not but think that the right hon. bait. notwithstanding all he had said against it, would do best, even ye', to follow his own example, .and, once more, make a virtue of necasity, especially now that he eat out of office, when, without without a question of his motive, he might fairly pay the debt be owed the Whigs, by helping them, as they helped him; and thus, between them, carry the two great mea sures of CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY. NEWMARKET FIRST OCTOBER MEETING. NowataaixT WILDIMIDAY. Match, 200, h . ft. A.F.-141. llosinteharln's areal. 7st. Sib. reed. 80 soy. from Sir M. Wood's Cetus, Bst. 121 b. Match, 50, h. ft. T.Y.C.--31r. Caldecott% pony Petite Anne, recd. from U. Chestetfield's pony Fats, 7st. 715. each. Match, 100, T.Y.C.—Lord Chesterfield's Kittums, 71b. beat General Grosvenor's Kitty Fisher, list. 21k. by a length and a halt. Handicap Stakes of 10 for. each, T.Y.C. (11 We) Col. Peel's Lochlovar, yes 7at. Mb Mr. Day's Barabbia, 3 yrs, 7st. bib. Seven otheri were not placed. Won by a length. Handicap Stalin of 13 soy. each, ;10 ft. for two yrs ekt. (Nine Subscriberrt.) Mr. S. Dasyyme.. Gs T ratrhy .l is, '.. d C Brast. 1 Six others not placed Won by a neck. H a r r. d e l oo espp ie &ak ,s a e ouddgey s of 10 so . 4 n r . ezelt. 8.4.31 D b ..M. (9 S u bscribee•l Lord Mountdmeles% Cenral, Sin. 7st. 71b. • • ' Six others not placed .— Woo by a length. The Saint Leger Stakes of 25 sovs. each ; colts, &t. 712 Mlles, est. 41b. D.I. (17 Subscribers.) Sir 21. Wood's Camarine Duke of Grafton's Oxygen Duke of Rutland% Clansman ••• ••• Six started. —Won in a canter. The 4th inst. at M BlRTH.utat, the Lady of Alexander Ate ,ton Park, Esq. of a *par. ... ~ 4 DIRD. At ambits. Sept. et itzJane Cowell, widow el I late Col. well.—At : the 4th last. to the . ZVI% 4011 1 1 w rw et G. Fothes, I Ham, Sur!rj•—The 3d kat 'Si Wherek.ouset, ifa 111 1 4= ssminw et. lard be Zieepag g e. ,ansistinovs .14oNsoit t Fdaaii mil Maras! by Joint Nair% Slim Orme, No.l, Pieleettielace, Towle Iler•