Star. — London, England, 1823-05-16 00:00:00

the House to gn along with him. It was not possible any man could hesitate to say that he ssi,hed to im part to the slave evei y privilege ; but it was impossible to look on such a system- as had prevailed so long in' our West Indian Islands, and not to see ihat in the effort they were touching upon very delicate grout!. "The knot must be cautiously disentangled and not ciit with violence, an,! the difference between me and'the llonom able Gentleman is this—he would rush, regardless of all impediments, to the accom-, plishirent of a laudable object, while I would pi o ceed hy adapting measuies to the necessity of the case, and succeed,.i! possible, it last without compromising the interests ol my own fellow-citizens."—(Heart. — The Hon. Gentleman commenced his motion by de claring that "the state of slavery was contrary to the' principles of the lit iti ,h Constitution and the Chris tian religion." Gorr tot bid that he sheuld assert that in the abst: act slavery ►s as congenial to the liberal spirit of the British Constitution; still less should he • say that it accorded with Christianity ! But he must . 52y that the proposition, in the sense in which it was • intended to be conveyed, was not pr►ctically true. If he meant to say that the 13i itish Cons.itution had nor, in distant po: dons of the empire, tolerated that sys tem against which the Hon. Member complained, he mast say that he asserted that which was not his..tori 'cAlly true. So, too, of Christianity, the introduction of which topic he always deprecated in that House— (Hear). Let religion inspiie the acts of the Govern ment, as well as those of individuals; but I own I never heard religion mentioned as it has been in this blouse to•ni la, without a strong feeling that a topic the most sac! rd of all at this side of the grave has been put forward to serve a particular purpose—(llear). I think the example has been taken from ill-times, and Ido no: visit for a recurrence of those times. If it was meant by the lion. Member, that Christianity and slavery could n•it co-exist together, all history proved the falsehood of the statement ; and the very charac teristic of Chi istianity itself amply refuted the asser tion of the Hon. Member. It was the characteristic of the Christian religion to accommodate itself to the countries—to the institutions of the nations through \did) it made its progress. It gilded the sceptic of the Monarch, and gave consolation to the sufferings of the slave; and in adopting its pure spit it to the gradations of society, gave an attestation that its ob ject was more high and holy than the fleeting and transitory things of life. This was not his language— l" Non melts hic sermo est !"—He remembered a pas sage of considerable eloquence in the writings of Dr. Paley, which set this question between him arid the Hon. Gentleman in so clear a light, that he must trouble the House with the quotation : " Slavery was a part of the Civil Constitution of most coon- I tries, when Christianity appeared , yet no passage is to be found in the Christian Scriptures, by which it is condemned or prohibited. " This is true ; for Christianity, soliciting admission into all nations of the world, abstaimed, as behoved it, from intermed ding with the civil institutions of any. But does it follow, from the silence of Scripture concerning them, that all the civil insti tutiNis which then prevailed wete right? or that the bad should ant Ie exchanged for better? " Be-.ides this, the di-charging of Slaves from all obligation to *lll their masters, which is the consequence of pronouncing slavery to be unlawful, would have had no better. effect than to let loose one half of mankind upon the other. Slaves would have been tempted to embrace a religion which asse:ted their right to fret,...).n. 'Masters would hardly have been] persaaded to consent to claims founded upon such au thorit v. The Must calamitous cf all contests, a " Belhon servile" a l ight probably have ensued, to the reproach, if not the extinc tion of the Christian name. The truth is, the emancipation of SENT% Si. Ould he gradual, and be carried on by provistnns of law, and under the protection of Civil Goverument—Christianity can oily operate as an alterative. By the mild diffusion of its light and influence, the minds of men arc insensibly prepared to perceive and correct the enormities which folly, or wickedness, or accident, have introduced into their public establishments. " In this way the Greek and Etonian slavery, aud, since these, the feudal tyranny has declined before it : and we trust, that, as the knowledge and authority of the same religion advance in the world, they will banish what remains of this odious institution." Such was the gradual operation of Christianity. It went forth with its crook and scrip at a time too when slavery prevailed in Home-a slavery more galling and oppressive than any that ever existed under a civilized people; the power of lie and death over the slave was not only a matter of constant practice, but it was familiarized to all by repeated allusions, even in the poets of that period. Read Jo venal— Serves host° is the phrase in which in the 6th satire the fine lady speaks of the slave, whose crucifixion was necessary to appease her vengeance! But if the existence of slavery was so repugnant to the British Constitution, as the resolution would make it, why had the Honourable Gentleman allowed anything to interfere with the complete Emancipation of the Slaves? Why should he consent to leave to hopeless servitude a large portion of the slaves?— For his own proposition was to leave to the one-half the certainty of continual slavery, and only to provide for the gradual liberation of the other. The fact was, that it was not entirely repugnant to the Constitution to have slavery exist in some parts of our dominions, although its spirit might be in the abstract opposed to it. It was because the spirit of the British Constitu tion and the spirit of Chi istianity were inimical to its existence, that he should be inclined to leave them to work out eventual emancipation. He agreed with much that had fallen from the Honourable Gentle man, and he agreed in the necessity and justice of much which he recommended to be done; but he could not agree to preface their diet Lions by resolu tions so liable to misconstruction. If he were asked why he objected to the plan proposed? he would say, that they must, in some degree, consider property as the creature of law, and as therefore being enti tled to the law's protection. But if the Honourable Gentleman asked him whether he would have the progeny of the existing race be slaves? audoubtedly he should say, no. 11; then,. he asked him how he could reconcile this with preserving the sacredness of property? his answer was, that in removing a greet national stigma, in doiug a great national justice, he would not consent for that national stigma to be re moved, for that national justice to be done, at the ex pense or loss of any single class or interest, but that the burthen should be. borne alike by all—(Hear).•-- Ills opinion, made up with that of his colleagues, after the most earliest and mature deliberation, was, that in. order to work with more certain and secure effect, these optrations had better be left in the hands of the Executive Government. With that view he should move certain resolutions Lor the adoption of the House, instead of those proposed by the Hun. Gen-1 tleman ; and they would differ only in this—that he would lay down the same principles more cautiously, leaving them to act more gradually, and, as he bet bet.cd. more securely. Although he deemed it expe dient thus to treat the goestiou upon general basest, yet he did not shrink from particulars such as the Hon. Member had gone into: The Hon. Gentleman asked, whether it were proper that there should be driving to the field with the cart-whip ? 'He should say, certainly not. lle was for abolishing. in tote - that degi aJing punishment as applied to !males. He would have the Sabbath more strictly avroptiated to devotion and religious instruction, and greater time allowed for recreation. .The-e duce points he was disposed to yield entirely ; there were other paints upon which he wished for a mole gradual change, but upon which he also agreed with the4.lon.tientleman in principle. The r ig iot (die:Wing p , ()per ty and the liberty of irekrest should he extended to the slaves, it possible; it was desirable al-o to allow of their evidence being received, with certain tete: ictions and regulations.— lle agieed, too, u ith the Honourable Gentleman upon the subject of the valuation of slaves; he agreed ss ith l,im, GOI morally, but legally, that the writ of tliTow:s should be abolished : on these points the:e was every disposition to enter upon in ((airy, and he should but ill discharge his duty if he were not prepared to say, that on most of these points there was no indisposition amongst those Gentlemen who there the Representatives of the Colonial inte rests 1 er , to cuter into a full and candid considera tion. There was orre sense in which, indeed, they disagreed with the opinions of the Honourable Gen tleman. lie (Mr. Buxton) thought the shortest and the best way of extinguishing slavery would be to name a day, after which all who were born should be free; and he moreover thought that such a mea sure would satisfy the present race of slaves, and tender them contented with their situation. ;Now his (Alr. Canning's) opinion was, not from any know ledge which he possessed of the wishes and feelings of that unhappy race, but from all be knew of human nature, that the very fact of pouring in its fell blaze of liberty on some, would, from its very cot:oast . to the gloom of the others, be a step of the most hazardous desceiption He only threw out these doubts as preseittrog 'them selves strongly• to hiS, mind; yet they were but doubts, and if he, and those who acted with him, could be ultimately convinced by the Hon. Gentleman that such doubts were not well-founded, the channel of their conduct would still be open. But he objected to giving any pledge of an abstract nature, and laying it down for the construction of those whose every feeling and passion would be awakened to force extreme, unanticipated, and contradictory meanings upon the terms employed. They must not lay down their principles too largely, or their qualifications would come too lite. The course he - would earnestly recommend to the House was, to ln 4 l : trip- their qua lifications in the body of their principlc, so tkat nd misapprehension could be pleaded, and no misinterl pretation arise. To effect this he should propose the following Resolutions: First—That it is expedient to adopt the most efficient•and de cisive measures for ameliorating the condition of Slaves in our Colonies. Second—That this House and the Government, by a firm, determined, and temperate enforcement of such measures, hope so to improve the condition of the Slaves, as to prepare them for the enjoyment of those civil rights and liberties which are en joyed by others of his Majesty's subjects. And if these Resolutions were agreed to, the third would be, That this (louse and the Government were anxious, at.the eariiest period, to enter into the subject, with every view com patible with the well-being of the Slaves, the safety of our Colo n'e-, and the interests of all those who were concerned in the preservation of their property. . . • —lf these Resolutions were agreed to by the House, he should then move that they be laid on the table and printed. There was one other topic upon which he would detain the House for a short time; livmeant the conduct to be pursued by the Executive. There, were some Colonies in which the Crown held au thority without independent Legislatures; and there the measures decided upon might be carried into effect without obstruction. What was done there, he trusted, would operate witifthe force of example upon the other Colonies. Ile thought it was only fair to expect a real and earnest co-operation from the Colonial establish ments. Looking to the extreme, and what he believed not to be the probable case, of any disinclination or op position to the measures recommertded by the Execu tive, on the part of the local Legislatures, he should not be slow in coming to Parliament for its assistance.— He had no wish to prolong this discussion, but he rather endeavoured to close it. He gave every cre dit to the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Ruston), for the mo tives which animated him in bringing this subject forward. He was sure it was in per feet consistency with his sympathy to his moral feelings ; but stand ing in the situation in which he (Mr. Canning) had the honour to stand, it was his duty to look at the subject more practically, more critically, and more dubiously than the Hon. Gentleman (Mr.Buston). He assured the House, and every one concerned in the question, that' whatever might be the result, he was not more anxious to redeem the character of this country upon the sub ' ject of slavery in our colonies, than he was to guard the just interests of those who, by no fault of their own—who by inheritance or purchase—repeated' Acts of Parliament, and the encouragement of • the Legislature—were induced to risk greater hazards of climate and capital than could be known to persons not placed in their situation—(Hear). The A mended Resolutioni being put, Mr. WILBERFORCE had heard with much plea sure the speech with which his Hon. Friend (Mr. Buxton) had prefaced the resolution which he had .submitted to the House, as also the declaration and assurance of the Right Hon. Secretory, that early and earnest attention should be directed to the con sideration of this important question. In the eloquent speech which the Right Hon. Gentleman addressed to the House, he had said, that after Christianity had been introduced, a system of- the most degrading slavery had prevailed; an essential distinction, how ever, should be made between that period and the present, for the assembly of Rome at that time .was an assembly of heathens, whereas the present ap peal was made to a legislative assembly of Chris. tians—(Hear, hear). He would contend that the abolition of ,slavery was enjoined by the precepts of Christianity, and was perfectly compatible with the spirit and practice of the British Constitution.— As to the apprehensions of the Right Honourable Se cretary from the discussia.s in that House reaching the Colonies, he thought them altogether unfounded. All the discussions hitherto on this subject had been published in the Colonial Newspapers and Gazettes,. and even plans by which a successful. insurrection of the slaves might be effected were pit:444W in. their Papers,.and the appearance of those articles created' nainticridation there. There were, however, dun gets, sertOus and nit unreal dangers, Co` he war . hended from a neglect of the state and condition of the slave population. With some difficulty an esti-.. mate, not perhaps a very accurate one, had been made l of the state of the amount of the population ; and from the best accounts that had been had on the sub ject, there was every reason to apprehend that the population was decreasing. I%ly, then, he would ask, was it that the great principle of " increase and multiply" did not preyed there? It was attribetable to the over-worki ng of the slaves, and the state of onmmorality to which the people were unfortunately reduced'. That this decreaoe would be the inevitable consequence of continuing the system, he (Mr. Wil berforce) ventured to predict thirty years ago, when first he embai ked in the advocacy of this cause.— fhe Ilan. Member next adverted to the inequality be tween the number of males and females, and the dispro pertionate excess of the latter. There were two points to which he was anxious to call the particular atten tion of the House—first, as to the mode of alter ing the system, and to.on this point he concurred in opi nion %%HI the Right lion. Secretary, that it was de sirable that a gradual conversion should take place, which would be the gradual effect of the moral pro gress, and not the sudden change of measures. Yet whilst he admitted the propriety of progressive re form, he would not consent to delay ; for when the force and justice of the claims of this unfortunate population were considered, no time should be lost, and he would not consent for a moment unnecessarily to prolong their slavery—(cheers). At the period to which he had before alluded, a plan had been sug gested by a late Noble Friend of his (Lord Melville), which, if carried into effect, he would undertake to say would not now leave a slave remaining in the British dominions. The next and only point to which he felt it important to advert, was the mode of car rying the proposed measures into effect ; and a choice was here to be made between the Government of this country and the Colonial Legislatures. For his part, if he could calculate upon the support Of these local Le gislatures, he would gladly give them the preference ; but he could not forget that they had uniformly op posed every measure %villa' was calculated to pro mote the end which this House and the country con templated for the amelioration of the slave population. The propositions on these Subjects came from persons, too, who were likely to have them attended whh suc cess, but they were always counteracted by the Colo nies. He.therefore could have no great confidence in their efforts. The Hon. Member next adverted to the lairlay Which masters were permitted to sell their dares for the payment of their debts, and quoted a passage from a speech of Sir S. Romilly, in which he declared that in proportion as the slaves were unfor tunate, degraded, and oppressed, in the same degree it was the duty of the Legislature to protect and sup port them. He felt himself in a new situation from that in which be was when he came into the Huse, after the-pledge .which had been given hy the .Right lion. Secretary, and hoped his Honourable Friend, after the assurance of the Right Hun. Gentleman, would not press his Resolution. Mr. ELLIS felt himself called upon by a tense .of duty to the class of persons to which he heluaged, to' stand up in defence of the characters of the 11 est In dia planters. As a West India plainer, .6e - did not consider himself as answerable for the coMniencernent 'of slavery. They had property in those-islands under' the protection and sanction of the Parliament; nd,Government of Great Britain. He conceived them only ,bound to mitigate and improve the condition of their slaves, for the benefit of their own property. Our colonial system was established for the advantage of British commerce and enterprize. The Slave Tra..!e had always been treated by Parliament as part of that system of laws for the preservation of our navigation and marine. Parliament could not throw off them selves the responsibility of the Slave Trade, and fix sit upon the Colonies. An amiable feeling of humanity should not be allowed to lead to hasty and intempe rate measures. Though liberty was the greatest of poe litical blessings, it was yet capable of being abused. What would be the consequence should the slaves, after their emancipation, retire to the mountains, and betake themselves to plunder and rapine? As he thought the effect of the Resolution of the Honourable Gentleman would be to proclaim to the negroes that they had a right to freedom at all events, and at all hazards, he must give it his dissent. Should the negroes be led to believe that Parliament wished to give them that freedom which the Colonial Assem blies withheld, would they -not be tempted to assert that freedom by force of arms? He admitted that on former occasions more might have been done by the Colonial Legislators, when he himself had, in 1797, moved an Address on the subject. But in that year a law had passed for the better moral and religious instruction of the slaves. In the years 1801, 1807, and 1815, several enactments had been made for ameliorating the condition of the slaves.— In 1819 a law had passed, making it incumbent on the owner of a slave to communicate his death to the Coroner. The salaries of the Curates had been raised without the smallest hesitation from £3OO to £5OO currency. The good effects of these enactments were visible in the great and progressive improvement of the slave population. He did not believe the whip was used as a stimulus to labour, but as a symbol of authority ; and he was confident there would he no objection to the prohibition of its use. He also thought 'there would be no objection to allow the negroes ano ther day than Sunday for their markets. Much had been taken ont'of the hands of the Colonial Legisla: tures by the British Parliament. All the livings were at the disposal of the Governor sent from Britain ; an,d all that was left to the Colonial Assemblies wis to provide the salaries: Any want of good - morals, on the part of the negroes, would be increased, and. riot diminished, by the proposed emancipation. The Re solutions of his Right Hon. Friend would, if adopted, have the best effects. Mr. W. SMITH, while he admitted that the eman• cipation should be gradual, must at the same t6ise contend that it ought to be certain. To the want .cf that certainty he chiefly objected in the Resolutions of the Right Horn Gentleman. In 1816 a strong tc commenuation had been addressed to the Colonial Legislatures, on the subject of the amelioration of 'the Slave population'. He wcruld - asit, irad anything been- done in consequence or that recommendation ; ovine anything in train to be done? As far as I bis information went, very little benefit had resulted from I • the attempts to impart moral and religious culture to the Negroes,.and emancipation had heen rendered itiore difficult - than he ore. He wished to tearrifrom the Right Hotioarahle Gentleman S hen his ptans'for tfie amelioritinn of Vic S:avc n Ivotal-rt com mence ?—( (fear, heat). Mr. ii RIG lIT defended the condart of :the We , e InAia Pr3prietors, an.l conten fed that they were anx:ously; employed 'n er.de v Mg to invoiove the conqitiow of their slaves. He •ta.e.l that maaaniis , sions in the respective Islands had oil ite year; greatly increased. The Colonial Legislator; had paid every attention to the recommendation of the Crown in 1816. Mr. GEORGE ROSE said th'et mach good had arisen from thel tbours of the Wesleyan Missionaries, particul 11.1:: in :he great dimirfution-of corporal pu nishment in the estates where the alegl.r,e, had the advairage of their instructions.' If tbe,,Weslcyant had ample funds, they could - do stiil:lnswe good. • Mr. SYKES said . rt could not lie ...48411eiti . that the negroes were called to labour bY - • the'Sertriel . hf the whip, which was suspen d e d • over .tlie - m..,:tureg the day, and by it they were dismis-ed to rest. - The .evi *deuce of no slave-crsuld he taken in a CourL . of Jus tice. llc hoped Ministers - would keep a tsalchful eye over the Colonial Legislatures. Mr. MA It RYATT said, that in D.)mi,iiia-the tes . timony of Negroes was received, be a law pass-d in ISIS, and he had no doubt the example vvould be speedily fahlowed in the other Islands. The Honour able Gentleman p:oceededto read the Reports of the ' • Governors of many of the MIAs, by whic:r it ap peared that the condition of the Negro population had been greativ improved, in consequence:of the aboli tion of the Save Trade. 'Those Revolt, did no: pro ceed from 'Nest Ind ;a Proprietors, hut from Br r:ish Governors; in no respects tinctured with local preja• dices. No doubt could be entertained that the House ought to prefer the Resolutions of the Itilat Honour able Gmtleman, if conciiiation was the osuject,in view. Mr. BROUGHAM bore testimony to the sincerity of Mr. Canning in his efforts for the abolition of the Slave Trade. But he lamented that no provisions were made for carrying the Resolutions into rffect. Past experience had on this subject taught him dis trust.—The author of the work entitled, " Negro Slavery," had undergone the horrors of the middle passage, that he might probe the evil to the Bottom. The Honourable Gentleman here pronounced a bril liant eologiu or on Mr. Macaulay, whom he named as the author of the work in question. The ll,nour able Gentleman then proceeded to comment on the Reports read by the Member for Sandwich, and especially on the Report from Jamaica, in which it was stated th rt the Negroes were so well satisfied with their situations that they would not be liberated. This told well on papei; but it was unfortunate that he held in his hand a Jamaica newspaper, which con tained numerous contradictions to this statement ; for in this paper were advertised no less than forty run away slaves. This was somewhat extraordinary, con sidering that these people were so partial to their situa tions they would not change them. So much for this Government testimony, given by persons interested. So it was saial the cattwhip Was not used. Ile did not mean to say the whip was always in use, or always in the_hand of the driver, any more than a waggoner's whip in this country was ; brit the whip was always ready to be applied ; and, under fears of the same, these unhappy victims ssiie forced to work, and re duced to a sithatitin•reserfitling that of a brine, ra -ther than of a man. It had been said, " Oh ! but it is the interest of a planter.to use his slave well." Doubts .might he held on that subject. Ile had heard that it was not unu,ual fir a• Post-master; in this country, to an: k his auinials much beyond-their strength,.and thus, "in a short time, Make -a full profit of the un- I fortunate animal,•. who, havin7.earned his value, sunk down and died unregretted: Ile did not mean to say. that the planters acted on this principle, but it was a question which aJmitted Of an argument.— The Right Hon.Gcritleman censured, in strong terms, the whnle'Systent of West Indian economy, and espe •cially-ccrodemned the neglect which had taken place in attaching the slave to the soil. Ile feared the Re solutions now held out for their adoption, would pro duce but little effect ; but even the little they *WU give, he would gladly accept, strongly urging his Honourable Friend, at no very distant day, to bring forward a motion for fixing a specific day for the emancipation of negio . childfets. 'Mr. BE RNA L defended the conduct of the Planter, and strongly condemned the langeage7adnpted by his Learned Friend the Member for Winchelsea. Mr. BARING defended the Planters and West In dia Proprietors. He urged the injustice of touching this description of property, unless compensation Was made to the Proprietors. Adverting to the numerous Petitions which had been presented on the subject, he observed, these Petitions had been presented by persons who had no knowledge whatever of the ques tion, but rather signed these Petitions as a Sklva for their consciences. Lord ALTHORPE admitted that the Proprietors of Slaves were entitled to indemnity. He was quite sure that the emancipation of the Slaves ought to be gradual, but the state of the Slaves was one of: such moral degradation, that no man could be found to stand forward to advocate it. • • . Mr. F. BUXTON rose merely to reply to one-Ob servation, namely, that the intention to indemnify proprietors had not been expressed by him; he was decidedly of opinion that indemnity ought to be given. It had been said also that the freehold pro perty in a slave had been changed to a life pre petty ; but were we; in considering this question, to teel as if discussing a poverty in. houses or • lands, and not the state of human beings ?—(Hear, heao.— In reply to the.argumetit of the I-Vn. Gentleman, that . the oeth of a Black was admissible against a White person, he begged to refer to a case where a - persrin hid been indicted for shooting as a Black soldier in the Ist West India regiment, and m here the e - didence of a Black.man would not be received. It w;t , sad that the slave bad no feeling‘of the horrors of his si tuation. Wotild any man in his senses say, drat a slave it:lt not that he was such, even though he sew I:his wile stripped anCtortured—Ais children - sent to maiket to be• sold* like • cattlec—until he should read in an English newspaper that kuch were cid a e y t i i n t & s ,the trusted,: that. he ought to be shockcd at (Fleur) u usted,:replied to all that had been ad 'vanded against his MotiOn, he wished to know to what point•we had arrived? The Right Gca tlemart Hadrotated, thatlie thought the cart. whip with rie b - , atd to females might be dispensed with—txat tlib