Star. — London, England, 1823-04-17 00:00:00

... wintoje..l,oo. (4, cxre but that of am u s e. pe r iy 1 I...ordkas fngiratl for learoMbriegiss 4, .. . .;, was pane Ink or five y ears ano, pa t, . 1 „ ? l og heAsssl.asaJd•hinaaeifi. • _the Common latlr l. the.f ae ; being, that , " : s i x g . BI,AKE thought, that bed the. British.Cew- t .t_iOn of : the statute jaw . , -- I: l 4 l l grt ry I n - ccip -r - I .. . .: ; raw. prnhilkited ;ba transfer of versa mein tektbs_ai higher tone, Spain would not lupe: militarya t been invaded. . , M r . s ecr etary CANNING rose, and spoke us the. any ottler. Power without tile consent effect :—Sir, those Honoura reign, and that thble Gentlemen f o llowing I gression of the com mon l aw on t h at su b ject, certa i n t b e iag by far the greater number of those whom. h o nour to address), who were not presentsat severe and san gu i nary penalties. Wheu peace was, & al e the • the com mencement of this debate, can hardly iota- concluded bet ween t hi s country and Spain in 1814, an article was introduced into the Treaty, by which g i o e what a degree o f restra in t I i mpose up s an myself when I say that it is my intention to confine myself 1 I this country b oun d i tse lf not to f urn i sh any succours ' " i n what lam about to remark.strictly to the question ) to what were then denominated the revolted colonies, be f or e the House. For those who were .not present of Spain. In process of time, as those colonies ba-J canno t be aware that, from the very beginning of the came more powerful, a question arose of a very dif discussion there has been, whether studiously or ac- ficult nature; to be decided on a due consideration, eidentally, I know not, a sort of set-off against the of their de jure relation to Spain, and theii de facto figure which an Hon. and Learned Gentleman last independence of her. The law of nations was entirely night applied to the benches on this side of the House, silent with respect to the course which, under a cit when he was describing what he conceived to be the cumstance so peculiar as the transition of colonies var iety of opinions by which those Hon. Gentlemen from their allegiance to the parent State, ought to be were influenced who were nevertheless disposed to pursued. It was dif f icult to know how far either ;he vote fpr the same proposition. Nothing certainly can statute law or the common law was applicable to' excee d the vacillations of opinion as to the expedi- colonies so situated. It became necessary, there.; ency of maintaining peace or of declaring war, which fore, in the Act of 1818, to treat the colonies as we have this night heard from those who have never- actually independent of Spain ; and to prohibit mu: tbtless concurred in advocating the repeal of the Fo- tually, and with respect to both, the aid which had reign Enlistment Bill. The repeal of this Bill was hitherto been prohibited with respect to one alone.— yawed by allobleLord, a professed lover of peace, who Thuss Sir, has the law stood from the year 1818 disclaimed the slightest wish to involve this country down to the present time. I ought to observe, that is hostility, and who delivered iris sentiments with it was in order to give full and impartial effect to the tbst Moderation and good sense which distinguishes provisions of the treaty with Spain, sChich prohibited ev ery effort that he makes in this House—(Hear).— the exportation of arms and ammunition to the Colo- Ile Motion was seconded by another Noble Lord, of nies, but did not prohibit their exportation to 'Spain, whose speech the only character which I will give is that the Act of 1818 declared that the prohibition that it is a contrast to that of his Noble predecessor. should be mutual—a declaration which so little de- That Noble Lord declared that he was fur war—for serves the character of being hard upon the Colonies, epee war, and argued in support of a specific snoticn that it was in fact an extension of aiiantage to them. l imply and solely with a view to hostility. Sir, I %Then, however, war became probable between France sal not follow the Noble Lord through that speech; and Spain, it became necessary to review these rela tor it would be necessary, in order that my represen- dons. It was obvious that if war broke out we must Wien of it should be believed, that lion. Gentle- either extend to France the prohibition which already men should have been present when it was spoken. existed with respect to Spain, or we must remove The Lacedenioni , ms wcre in tire habit of deterring from Spain the prohibition to which she was at pre their children from intoxication by occasionally cz- sent subject, provided we meant to place the coon hibiting their slaves in a state of disgusting . inebriety. tries on an equal footing. As far as the exportation But, Sir, there is a moral as well as a physical intoxi- of arms and ammunition was concerned, it wasin the cation. Never before did I behold so complete a per . power of the Crown to remove any inequality be sonifiratien of the character which I have somewhere tween the parties, simply by an Order in Council. teen described, as 4. exhibiting the contortions of the Such an Order was consequently issued, and the pro- Sybil without her inspiration r'—(l Icor, (rear.) Such Itibition of exporting arms and ammunition to Spain Ws the nature of the Noble Lord's speech. I will was taken off. By t hi s measure his Majesty's Govern . _ _ . ment afforded a guarantee of their bonifarlineutrality. It is obvious that the mere appearance of neutrality might have been preserved by the extension of the , prohibition to France, instead of by the removal of the prohibition from Spain ; but it would have been a prohibition in words only, and not at all in fact, for the immediate vicinity of the Belgic ports to France would have rendered the prohibition of direct exportation to France totally nugatory. So far, Sir, was this determination on the part of his Majesty's Government concerted (as some Honourable Gentle men have imputed to vs) with France and not with Spain, that I can assure the House with perfect troth that the concert, if concert it can be called, was with Spain, and not with France ; for his Majesty's Go vernment stated to Spaio that there were two modes in which the difference between the privileges of France and Spain might be equalized by an Order in Council; either by prohibiting the exportation of arms and ammunition td France, or by removing the pro hibition upon their exportation to Spain ; but it was also stated to Spain that his Majesty's Government could not remove that prohibition as it respected Spain, without removing it also as it respected the South American Colonies. Such, Sir, Was the mo [tire ; namely, to produce an equality between France and Spain, not . in words but in fact, which prompted the Order in Council to which I have al luded. I desire to consider the Act, for the repeal 'of which the Noble Lord has moved, in precisely the same-point of view. I desire the House to consider whether the repeal of that Act would nat have—net the same, but the correspondent affect to that which would have been produced by an Order in Council, prohibiting the exportation of arms and ammunition to France. Sir, everybody knows, however he may abstain from saying it, that a repeal of the Act ire question would be a repeal only in words as respect' ing France, but a repeal, in fact, as respecting Staid. Everybody knows that such, a repeal would occasion an inequality of operation, certainly not intended by the Noble Mover, who distinctly disclaimed any such with but no less certainly desired by some other supporters of the motion, who are not equally impar. tial. Whether it might or might not be right to tes tify a partiality to Spain, is another and a large', ques tion. lam arguing on the assumption that the policy of this country is neutrality; andi maintain that, whether the repeal of the Bill ought to be considered as a right or a wrong measure, it cannot be denied, that it would be an infraction f neutrality. Sir. if L have succeeded in :hewing that there is ao ground for repealing this Act, in order to mark our neu trality, if I have succeeded in shewing that what bas been done by his Majesty's Government, mani fests, if not neutrality, a leasing, not to the stronger but to the weaker party, a only remains for me to examine whether there is anything in this Act so contrary to the established law of no tions as to render it unfit to be longer continued. Sir, the Act is divided into two plain and distinct parts; the one prohibiting British subjects from en tering into the military service of belligerent States, the other forbidding the fitting out of privateers for the service of those States, in British ports with Bri tish means and money, or which are to be manned with British seamen. With respect to the former past, on which the greater portion of the debate of this evening has hinged, I agree with my Right Hon . Friend near me in considering it as the part which lel the less importance as regards Spain, beta though there is no doubt that any advantage talc of the proposed repeal would be in favour of one bel ligerent, and that a disposition to violate our neu trality on that side, has been already manifested; yet I do not think that it would go the length which has been anticipated by many. I do not mean to say that Spain has shewn herself ungrateful for the ser vices of distinguished individuals upon former oc sion's ; but the laws of Spain have been changed since that period. I have observed, and so may thdat who now hear me have observed. that shortly after . the Speech of the King of France, or, at all event% ono^ the first burst 01 feeling havi n g Manifested a t w. not on this occasion reply to it ; being of opinion, with lam sure a great majority of those whom I have the honour to address, that this is not a fit opportunity for entering into such a discussion. Let it not be opposed, however, that I am disposed to shrink from the discussion; for The Noble Lord may be lieve me when I assure him that, however I ntlay love "truckled" to France, I will never truckle to litn—(Loud cheers from both sides of the Houu)._ I am perfectly ready to meet the Noble Lord and the Honourable Gentleman near him, on the whole of this case, whenever they may please to bring it regularly under the consideration of the House ; and I postpone my reply only until the opportunity which has been promised shall occur, and because the pre scut measure must be discussed, if discussed at all, only on the assumption that we arc to preserve our nei.trality.. If the question which the Noble Lord, mid the Honourable Gentlemen on the other side of the House, wish to agitate, is, whether the true p iny of this country is war or neutrality ; if that is to le the issue in the debate of which they have given aotice, I can have no possible objection, when the proper time shall arrive, to meet them, and enter iato that discussion ; and I am confident I shall be Fesferaly Able to show that, whether the question be nested with reference to the national .security and the• sitional interests, or to the equally important con; Iteration cf the national honour, or the course of policy which wisdom and justice have marked out for this country, in the present state of the world, is neutrality—neutrality, as long as it can be preserved' eminently with our interests and our honour-{leer). -Sir, as 1 have already declared, I quarrel with' ne• was who entertains an opposite opinion. I am per-, tectly ready to meet the advocates for war, and wit& cut imputing to them any but the most honourable motives; tut I must be allowed to postpone my u pfront on that point until the proper time shall at rive for its production. In the meanwhile, I have a tau right to protest against charges, which no mai ought to permit himself to throw out at random, !hen he knows that they cannot be conveniently re piled ti>.• However, Sir, I will not be tempted by any utemperate or premature observations into a debate en a subject not yet before the House. Whenever that subject comes fairly before us, let it be fully invests gated ; let t h e true po li c y of this country be *seer iamb and let the conduct of his Majesty's Govern- i meat be judged of by the standard which Parliament lay think proper to establish—( Hear, hear). In the absence of such a discussion, and such a result, I shall; lake it for granted that both in this House•and in the to witty at large, the prevalent feeling is in concurrence with the course which his Majesty's Government have fliought it their duty to adopt. If, in assuming that la be the case, I am assuming that which is not true, the Noble Lord and the Honourable Gentlemen op rage will soon enjoy the opportunity of setting me nght, and of dissipating the unhappy delusion under altich I labour. But, assuming that to be the fact (forwe must have some foundation on which to argue), ilwoceed to discuss the merits of the Noble Lord's !lotion, in reference to a system of neutrality. It was 'Weed in reference to a system of neutrality that the lieble Lord brought forward that Motion—it was in .taference to a system of neutrality that the Noble ,Leetts Motion was supported by an Honourable 4 lntle M an near him (Dr. Lushington) who always a a light upon whatever subject he investigates. malloubtedly, I should very much misrepresent the character of the speech of the Noble Lord who se "bled the Motion, were I to assert that it had the SMallest reference AO neutrality —(A laugh).— Still., upon a fair estimate of suffrages, I think I ""e a right to conclude, that among the supporters of the Noble Lord's motion the advocates for neu -111147 bear at least an equal proportion to the advo cates for war. It is therefore in reference to a system of ktlteality 111011 C that I shall consider myself justi ted ro coi,identig the Noble Lord's proposition. "w, Sir, let. me, in the first place, recal the attention 0' the Lionce to the precise nature and state of the The Act of Parliament which the Nobk thakratentry , ,-.., .should be - penalttiet:WitL,,_ Jfi their hearts, to agree —tip . to the fu'llrankiiriatilath L;1 laasiti r -ea. Oat here, at leastis t .ho' e - erx : spoor temptation held out to induce tint co-aperavon ea( 1) . ! military spirit, skill, and enterpilieoftlils country. in support of the Spanish cause. tliave also 'reason to form this opinion -from a recollection of what took place upon former and no very distaut occasions.--; When the army of England last fought in Spain. they fought in favour of an united People against a foreign foe. How altered is the case at present ? Who is there who could wish to see Englishmen on' entering the Spanish territory opposed, not to the foes of Spain, but presenting their bayonets against 'the breasts of Spaniards—( Hear, hear). This, I con. fess, is a sight which I should rather not witness. In one case, perhaps; a feeling of gratitude might be created in the minds of Spaniards, though I confess that upon this point I am not very sanguine ; for I recollect, that though something like gratitude was manifested by the Spaniards for the services rendered by the English during the late war, there was also on the embarkation of our troops a public gratulation of fered up that•SpAin had been cleared of bereticsl— This_ I am aware arose out of the bigotry of the Spa dish Government ; and here I cannot help observing, that the charge of bigotry urged against Spain in her dealings with her Colonies is incorrect; indeed, the reverse is the fact, the main obstacle having been the difficulty of managing their popular assemblies.— There is a peculiarity of character in Spain, which, from its reserve, makes the Spaniard a Spaniard and nothing else; this feeling may perhaps serve to knit them more closely together, and render them more national; and 1:lis feeling, too, may, and it is to be hoped will, have the effect of extinguishing the-feuds and party differences by which they are at present unhappily distracted —(llear t hear), But still it . is' no less true that there exists in Spain at . this moment a feeling, which even if the proposed repeal takes place, is not the most calculated to induce strangers to make common cause with them. But I consider the other branch- of the case of infinitely greater importance. A Noble. Lord made allusion, and with great fairness, to 'a speech made by me upon a former evening, in which I endeavoured to point otit what were the duties .imposed upon us by adhering to a strict neutrality. from the observations which had been made, it would appear that neutrality in any case was considered un becoming the English nation. Good cotal is it dis graceful to England to remain neutral in any case? Cannot this country remain a quiet spectator, in the event of any contest between its neighbours, without 'drawing down the severest charges against its Go vereunent ? Are we bound to counteract the decrees of PROVIDENCE, and, _in contradiction to the lan guage of the Poet, to declare that, because we are insulated, we are therefore to become more prone to war than nations which are conterminons?..(fieer, hear). It has been argued by many that occasions might, frequently arise which would lead ns into war, but never have I before heard it laid down "as a prin ciple,. that , in the. event of any Continental quarrel Great Britain must never be at peace. It has been said by many Gentlemen that sooner or Liter we must he drawn into the war. 'Why then, 'if so, I say later (Cheers on both sides. of she House). 1 say, it we must be drawn into the war, let us be drawn into it upon clearly British grounds (Cheers). 1 do not say, GOD forbid I shonld;that it is not the duty of England to preserve the balance of power,' and-to protect the weaker against the assaults Of the stronger Power ; but I mallards that, in doing ao. there are . previous,considerations which call for your most serious attention.— You are bound to in quire in the first instance, whether your grOund for interference be a just one; you must nest consider of the prudence of your means, and the probability of, their successful application to the' cause which you espouse; and lasi, though not least, the effect which such an interference would be likely to prodace upon the interests and prOsperity of the country—'(Hear, hear). There may be cases where a-self.devotion and. a glorious abandonment of the great interests of tblit nation may sound well from she lips of anirreatima., Bible orator ; but L as a Minister of the Crown, feeling deeply the weight of my responsibility, wield truly deserve the *fate with which - a Noble Lord' opposite (Folkstone) has menaced :Mein the course of the ev ing, dish/ allow Myself for a moment to lose tight& those inter . *mon . to forget what the honour and ;ha ractet of the catmtry demand of nie—(Cheers). If it be the WM of the Hon. Members opposite to shorten the duration of the war, then I say that the position we have taken is by far more efficaeioitsthan any we could ossumeby all Owing ourselves to he pre maturel ydrawn into a participation in the contest—(Hear, hear, hear). A participation, did .1 say? Who is there that, re reflecting the etents of the last twenty years, will say that a 4 , participation" was the manner in which England entered upon Continental wars? No, Sir, if we now eater'upou.aavar, we most do as we did upon former occasions; we must take the whole bur then of the contest upcso us. But supposing such to be our course, how different must be our setuatieenai compared with former periods? When welast came the defenders of Spaie, we.fought for and with an united people. What was the case et present ?,-,., Any interference on our part iu favour of Spain mu commence with an attempt to unite contending bao: j dons, and to stimulate men of opposite interestesiaidl opposite feelings to one grand and simultaneous '!f. fort—(Heir, koar).—Now, 1 do-not hesitate to say,l that the man who would undertake to do this, under I present circumstances, either must be possessed 4 supernatural means of information, or else possess of a hardihood which I envy, but shall not imitatal. tri I say that those men will not consult the true digit' of the country, who, finding fault with the part we' have adopted, wish to indemnify themselves by me.., deavouring to make us perform that part amiss. WT I course is neutrality—strict neutrality; and, in the. name of Goa let us adhere to it (Cheers.) If you dis like that course—if you think it injurious to the ho.l nour or interests of, the country, drive from *girl places those neutral Ministers who have adopted it t but until you are prepared to declare war,. you art bound to adhere to the system which Ministers have laid down (Hear, Irear.) ' / statel i p few nights agile, that we could !tartar() difficulty in the coarse Wilt* . coarse 1 1 1 ey 124 7 qcokkle .... ~. _ _ meAd t ed to neutral ,I were ;von former occasions, KA wished to seek a t sufde in a system of neutrality ) AghoUldtake that laid downby America in theAays othe Presidericy of 4i:ilit Ag ton, and the Secretary •p of JeffeTson. In 1790,crimylaints were made to the Ameriems - GovTrument, that rreich ships were allowed to fit out and arm in American ports, for the purpose of attacking :British vgisels„ in direit pppesi tiem to the laws of netitsidity.: timediatelj upon this representation, the American Government held that each a fitting out was contrary to th lases of neutraifty, And orders were issued,-prohibitirig the irniirign( ally french vessels in American pc:lined 4thlew York, a French vessel fitting out was xitted,4l)ivered ovee to the tribunals and condemned. I.lponShilipec t a.tipoihe American Government held *that sasehllliniy pot of French ships in American ports t forth. purpose of cruising against English vessels,„,..nosnAeconapetible with the suveieigitty of the United Stases * ,and tend to interrupt the peace and good understanding which . subsisted between that country and Great Britais.".— Here, I contend, is the principle of neutrality upon which we ought to act. It was upon this principle that the Bill in' question, was enacted. I. dtt not now pretend to argue in favour of a system of neutrality, but it being declared that we intend to remain neu tral, I call upon you to abide by that declaration, so long as it shall remain unaltered. .No matter what ulterior course we may be inclined to •adopt—no matter whether, at some ulterior period, the honour and interests of the country may force us into a war; still, while we declared ourselves neutral, we are bound to avoid passing the strict line of demarcation. When war does come, if come it must, let us enter into it with all the spirit and energy which becomes us as a great and independent nation—ifit does come, let it be in resistance of some injury attempted, or in seeking satlifaction for some violated treaty, but, in GOD'ii nurse, let it not arise out of a petty-fogging at tempt to cruise or fight for gain-,—(Cheerej—let us not, at all events, be sneaked into a war; I say once again, let_us abide strictly by gqr neutrality, as, long as we . mean to adhere to it, and by so 'doing we shall, in the event of any necessity for ab:indong that system, be the better able to enter with effect upon any other coarse which the pnlicy, of the country nut require. —(Hear, Hear, Hear 1 ) . Mr. DENMAN warmly and ably appeetild the motion. He hoped and expected that the Moose would not be deterred front doing what they thought right .by any threat op the part of fo. reign Powers, who woola preemie to interfere with their free. *dont of action. - • - • Lord ALTHOSPIR briefly replied in a tone that *at not ea. Bible in the gallery. The House then divided, when there appeared-. For the Motion - - .. 110 Against it - - - 416 Majority - - —lO6 The ether Orders of the Day "Pere then disposed of, and the Rouse adjourned at Tarawa &Clock. • saliti to -, r4P. 112 44 , 49A solla4ierta4 tsau4t l P., l "liiP., . 4 41 4 0 1 .4gitillat - .... ..Al4minft.6lowasowiwihv .' - -- t .p3rgi*AsjelOPA4 l 44,lld*issionof for !'tiite V#P 40 .. 11 a tV - 72.!ie WA*: VP* *sik *alt. PL•tiliFystit ateviirt Fl.cptigrgnaftiNk of -05 - was thee. afksl4ed . 49 1 .4eignerSfw4 fi a40*-1:4! natam of a stei74 0 4441 , P ft agine r t that. tbc sopippli,i'vipvily 2. erirl4 . to '1e . ".,.. runsh ; #l•Far, shb . gtd 4.0,AP., spcniiipm, sv fputid them - tuna attain . tary.aVegiaaog to loare4 to re-enter it up. to tf?C .} an k PT: ,ericalktr-', .litty". All I now call upon the Roo* to do, is to e a t 0. kbe : Soya 1 flear,heir)—,nd that forelpireirbOsad 4ot 4470- isdoßt..t* stase course which- tter bid .repol:tte Razed to A trans- in.thakcs4untry Wore should heTpernittitcr:wltli all, 91 440, to peutral ,Powers 1100t1 former occasionta 1• "'Moro COPY OF A PROCLAMATION ISSUED BY TR 6 SPA PRO iSIQN4L 4.011.74, ADDlipilAD TO WATIQA, • ,• . • . .BAYONNE s APRIL 6. " Generous Spardaids!!--Afier three years of public calamity, brought On our country by the rebellion 'of sans* guilty Ibei l 4k• day of peace at length rises for you.: and with it the blip,* Swore of order and justice. • - .... s . . Europe,.affected by your ralstortones, and fatigued by the ,cries of sedition, calls Mith all its prayers for the termination of your calamities; and a generous4escetsdant of SeL Loeb is cross- L os your (rootlet% at the head of a faithful and slab* army, to assist your effort% and accomplish your whim. • Spaniards, they are no longer those hostile standards which formerly threatened your liberty : it is the bann er o f peace, borne by valiant warriors: This banner is destined to heal the Wounds which anarchy has made, to aver with Its protecting shield those brave men who are about to restore the throne and the akar, and to deliver our anhappy King and 'his august family from the captivity in which they are held by a, Wilful of rebel ,lb u* subjects. " nit eminent service 'which our Allies are knillerlig ns at quires a new lustre from the disinterestednar Sad geserosity which gov.ern is s• your G meat attests, on its Amour and troth, that no sentiment of ambition or merest mixes' ith this noble resolution: the common danger arisiag from the mischiefs With which the revolution threat's Europe, has given to pad. icel virtue its ancient lustre and chivalrous character s it ii con. sollist to humanity to see the resolutions of Cabinets, and the councils of Kingq, oiler sublime and repeated examples of that policy, which has not for its object increase of territory or inte rested treaties, but the consolidation-of the pri nc ipl es of justice and of the loundotions of society threatened with universal dis solution. ••• 44 Spaniards !—Europe renders justice to your loyalty. It knows that it is one of the virtues which most ennobles your character : it is far from confounding your antiments with those attributed to you by the friends of revdota, 1p or der to cover with the name of the general opinion of the adieu, the excesses and crimes of a fiction. • " The moment is eume, when, free from the oppression which weighed upon you, you we able to spew to Europe, law Mu and merited was the opinion which she had foamed of year senti ments : let us not leave to our armies, and to those alone Oleo, the glory of our deliverance —the whale bake is Illikested ih shark* its cheviots asst.. —but new Isittibtannenslie etym. ion of its will be allied by any s e *pa / drip waft which ! honour and generosity revolt. * ".'"" ' A Spaitiards ! YOUR Provisional QililMytispßf ft does not steoznize, and that it cos as ore s iensium the political and administrative acts or the Govaariest • by rebelkoo, obtain it establidblistakeekelis Plweigkesar_ _ Adiniaistratiou of thiedkase _ steam "ls* st i smisso ßd p anarchy in 1420: " The Milk* of *Setae/thin thstrityti‘ sultho Itl t our motets restored to liberty { then the insdttilah may be.esta. Wished which circumstances advise and require, ad which his Majesty may deign to grant. - " The Provisional Junta of tbe Government Of. the Spanish patios reeptises and, its the Yung the might ad iww (Sb &wen* * ifatiority, sod, at a ssecessa, resseynesee, skies OW admit to Otero. titled Vane onyeswilfeabon, wields isnot fade Sirseirjray tit .*erg, by am advice Oho* Ili" PM min mow be plasma to tilsosit. ' " Spaniards! the experiment which you have made ought use awaken all your vigilance, and to pat you op your guard spinet the ineidioneand deceitful suggestions of revolution. Our Hine, always disposed to secure the happiness of bit people, will find, no doubt, in our socket laws, in our usages and customs, wise pftsision; which, combined with our character, and kilsoes sony with our manners and our wants, will fix, in a stable and odvao tageous manner, our futere destiny. 44- Spaniards &.-It is for you the glory b then*d of pub' the realutionery Hydra ofekbp repaint *oat , dl.ll* sips.. of Europe, bas come in seeking an ',into, to strike our native load with sterility and calamity- Lit eiribootisettett h a ritosry be the *ace of our moat omit be tistoo.bpody one will where there is only one wish and ontintelintr-ebo soloty,of religion,* of air King, and of our country. • • (.Signet) . 't EGUIA, ZERO, CALDERON." • _ _ she ix all FP- " .1