Star. — London, England, 1823-04-17 00:00:00

it was %slimy to . surer witvl te. law Was at that time mitigind,io as to: fence a misdernstanour instead of a fell greater power of prevention wait taken case of South America, with regard to fitting - .. ship. His object was therefOre not to leaTethflo.- as it before stood; and he should accordiegly move the repeal of all the clauses after - the first, whildt clause repealed the fanner Acts.. • "• • ' Lord FOLKSTONE, in seconcfmg the motion, ex pressed his regret at the general difficulty which he had in finding language to convey his sentitients to the House. But he felt the difficulty now more par ticularly, because there were no terms in the lan guage that could express the utter shame and indig nation which he felt on perusing the Papers that had been laid before the House. (Cheersfrnet Ville Onto ain't.) The Right Hon. Gentleman had stated - that though we were bound to Portugal by a defensive alliance, we were not bound to enter into a war for Portugal, if that Power rashly and foolishly entered into the contest. He did not see that this explanation was at all neceisary. -If this country were. to remain neutral, it was to remain neutral, and why then should the Right Hon. Gentleman go out of his way to tell France that if she did happen to venture a lit tle too far, this country would not feel itself obliged to take a mt in the war? He deeply regretted the - degradation and-infamy which, in his opinion, these Papers proved to have fallen on the country.; If he wereio take from them the two parts most reflecting on its Ministers, he should select those which had been read by the Right Hon. Gentleman from . his own dispatches. One of these was contained in answer to the Duke of Wellington'i letter, which , first intimated to this Government that the affairs of Spain were to be discussed in the Congress of Verona. Why, he begged to ask, had Ministers then received the first intimation of such an intention ? Why had Ministers not taken care to be well informed on this subject before, when they knew of the establishment of a - French militacy force in the vicinity of the Py rennees,' which, called at first •" a sanitory cordon," at a subsequent period became an Army of Observa tion ? In other times - the - Government of this coun try would not have been thus deceived, and a aqua.' &on of British ships would have appeared in the Bay of B is cay to observe on the Army of Observa tion. If Ministers had first received intelligence of the designs of Ftance respecting Spain from the Duke oflYcllingron, what had our Ambassador at Paris been about? Why were we to be at the expense of maintaining an Ambassador at the Court of France, if, ?ail:messed of such an agent,'our Government could be leftirats uninformed in a matter of so much im portance? The language held by the Right Ho nourableVentleman to France amounted to a decla ration, that if she thought proper to attack Spain she might, but we would have nothing to do with it. This was like an individual saying to an evil-disposed perms,. " if you choose to rob or murder a man on Vie:highway, you may do it, but I will have nu.hand i s the affair." It appeared to him that no determined resistance had been opposed to the views of France, ga,reaumstrance appeared to have been offered on tlielintt of 'England: Such, he said, was the plain, unveraked tale of the, flight Honourable Gentle man, 'iuld such, -in hi's - opinion, was the view which ought to be taken of one of the extracts which had been selected by the Right Honourable Gentleman himself (ramifies* disgraceful documents. He wished that spirit prevailed in the Ironic which ought to be found -there, and then the individual who could se, lect such a passage for the iindication of the Admi nistration, would not.long be suffered to remain the Minister of the country. The passage to which he Lid adverted was found in a document which was almost the first in the correspondence. The SCC,OUiI which he should notice would be found in a piper which was almuatthe lag. This stated that hii Ma jesty's Ministers; confiding in the repeated assurances of his Most Christiaii - Majesty's Government, that no wish for territorial ativandizezdent was cherished on the pan or Trance. were satisfied thatalie . hadna de sire to retain military occupation of Spain. The Right Honourable Gentleman was sincere, or he was not. If sincere, 'be could Only Wonder at his being thus made the dupe of the French diplomatists, after their views of aggrandizement had been avowed.. These had been avowed, not in the State Papers of France, but by M. 4 Chateaubriand in the Chamber of Deputies, 'where he hid not scrupled to declare, that France would follow up the policy of Louis the Fourteenth, and obtain that contioul over Spain, which would give her a just preponderance in Eu rope. M. de Chateaubriand was too cautious a di plomatist to state this in those papers which he had pel forth, at least in such} of them as the Right Hon. Gentleman thought it prudent to communicate to the English Parliament. What. the feelings of the French Ministers were, he observed, might be pretty well understood from the speech made by the Duke de Fitzjames. He had stated " this war to be opposed by the English," and remarked, " that it was . but natural to expect that it should be so opposed ; but he, as a Frenchman, was not on that account the less inclined ti support it.". Could it be said that the propositions which France had been allowed to pin forth contained nothing derogatory to the dignity Of Spain? Did not those papers require that her Con stitution should be remodelled ? and who that ad mired the British Constitution and reverenced the spirit of freedom, could after this deny that the rights of Spain had been infringed upon ? In what he advanced, the Right Hon. Gentleman, as he (Lord l'olkstone) had already said, was sincere, or he was , not sincere. If sincere, he had been duped by the Ministers of France; if insincere, he was endeavour -1 ing to dupe that House. The contents of the papers which had now been given were calculated to make an. Englishman's blood boil in his veins. When l;m (I,oriiTolkstone) went home with them on the otherl ffight, twenty umes while reading them he had; dropped them from his hand with horror and with indignation. It would be said, that the Spanish Go vernment had expected no more than that we should remain neutral, and on this the Right Hon. Gentle. Man refused to give way to those feelings which were cherished by every Englishman, and Great Britain was seen to bend, to crouch, to bow down, before the Despots of -the Continent, and the sacred cause of liberty, in which Englishmen were formerly ac customed to bleed, had been meanly abandoned.— There Was another letter to the'Duke of Wellington . at Vero*, from which it appeared that the French chi - 1 was fas ~•~ delgavedtiiiit - mat _...ten them and the Minister of the"country ' ifief Were preparing to attack. Our opinion on the subject bad been asked, and our an swer was, that we did not know what had taken place. Was it not natural that the question should then be asked whit had been done? Would not a child have done this? But it was clear that our Government had been afraid to ask such a question. This was known to the world, and he would repeat it, we had beau afraid to ask it. He - declined for the present entering into the discussion of the contents of all the papers which had been laid upon the table of the House, as he could not do it with satisfaction to him self or to diem. He wished to know how it was-that we were not at war in the cause of Spain and Liberty? He liked not bullying, and was not disposed to hold out a menace which we could not make good. He would not threaten war when we were unable to en gage in one; but he should like to know how long such had been the situation of England, and in whose bands she had been reduced to such humiliation?—. tTime was, when we should not have acted thus; time was, when the late Lord Chatham said, ~ I should like to see the Power in Europe who would dare to fire a shot without first explaining its object to England." That time was gone by. - Eight years ago, indeed, we called ourselves the saviours of Eu rope—(Hear, hear). The Noble Lord then at the head of his Majesty's Government received the highest mark of honour his Majesty could bestow—the Order of the Garter, for the shate he had had in raising this country to such a height of glory. That Noble Lord was still at the head of this Government, he still wore that star on his breast; yet now we were crouching at the foot of France—prostrate before a Bourbon— (Hear, hear.) He called on the Noble Lord and the Right Hon. Gentleman for explanations on these po.nts; for, as Jie had given the Noble Lord credit for the good he had done to the country, so he must hold him reseonsible for the evils which had since been brought on the national honour—(Hear, hear). The Noble Lord then adverted to the grand dinner given to the Duke of San Lorenzo, and observed, that those who attended that dinner had been guilty of a mockery on the Spanish nation—(Hear, hear).--It was strange policy to keep up the army in the time of peat., and to reduce it now that it was wanted, to save Spain, and to preserve the peace of Europe. The Right Hon. Gentleman, duped by the policy of France, had wished to play off that policy upon the House, and to dupe it also. He had then to warn the House and the country against the state of degra dation into which they *ere about to fall, and of •which they already tasted the first fruits, arising from the infamous policy of the House of Bourbon. He hoped the Commercial Gentlemen in the House would extend their sympathy towards the Spaniards beyond the walls of the London Tavern. Let them look to their own interests, for that curseddeht would weigh them down, as well as the whole nation, oral) we should be compelled to drink the bitter' -cup of degradation, even to the very &Cgs. - - ' Mr. LAMB said, that this being the first Rractieid measure brought before theliouse, 'he felt it neces sary for him to state his'olinion o , 64:subject, end' why it was impossible for him tOigrte i'alth tile pre sent measure. He-wondered hew his -Noble Friend should have proposed' war with the House of Bour bon, who formerly wasauniiing . before the Ministers fin war for the House of bourbon. Tliaf Noble Lord now abused that very debt wlikli•he Was the fore most to cause this country to contract, and therefore was, of all Men, the Most responsible for the con sevences of it. Neither. On geairai nor particular principles could he (Mr. Lamb) consent to the repeal of thisaAct.• He knew that formerly it was the prac detail Men of chivalrous spirit to volunteer in the serviel'elf the Elector Palatine, of the Protestants of France and Holland; but that was in support of roll ' ;ion. Now the prerogative of war and peace waavested Ito the Cistern, andahere he wished it to remain.— Confidence too stiould be reposed in the Government on account of the superior means of information it possessed with resnett to the views and policy of Foreign Powers. Persons incurred a very grave re• sponsibility, who at Public Meetings would hold out false hopes of assistance to foreign countries. We would never bear another country to assist our ene mies by subscriptions in their favour. Generally, therefore, a Bill of this kind was necessary to enable Ministers to keep the country still- at peace. The 'contrary would be a pretty clear act of hostility, and would be the cause of involving us in the war.' He saw in the interference of foreign nations with the in ternal affairs of others, neither sense, policy, nor jus tice, except under-certain cases. The wars that had been so disastrous to Britain, the American and the first French war, had their origin in eloquent and bitter invective. The American war was stirred up by the bitter invective of a great lawyer, Mr. Wedder burn, against Dr. Franklin ; and yet the peace was •made with that very Dr. Franklin, arrayed in that very garb in which his sarcastic opponent had de picted him. Government ought to-be left to its dis cretion, and he thought the line of neutrality was the best fitted for this country, though we had ample means to go to war were it necessary. How often had he heard the doctrine that we had nothing to do with wars on the Continent; but now the argument was quite different. He did not think we ought to' interfere in this contest. If France failed there was an end of it. If she succeeded it crippled h er • re.,. purees, and covered her with obloquy. He utterly denied that the occupation of Naples benefitted Ass trial ; on the contrary, it prevented her from acting hex part with energy in Europe. For these reasons he thought Ministers were acting the wisescpoliey. -- Lord FOLKSTONE explained. He denied that he was putting an end to the debt by violent mica sures. He did ant understand what the Hon. Gen tleman alluded to, when he said that he was respon sible for the Debt. Mr. LAMB said, he Noble Lord had, in a speech at the time, advocated the restoration of the House of Bourbon as a sine qua ins of peace. Lord FOLKSTONE said, he had certainly pro posed that the war shOuld be declared to be for the se of Bourbon in opposition to that of Bona ., ; but he did not see how that madc him respon sible for all the disasters of the war. Trent ...:... • it** te'haiimed or irlertifli osirite. • 'lbw 'intim lUS italatftiad - CiPstn.' i oiintethief. . letik ad alillid courted ilitWein a "WM . end - a lieVaotietnnoinit and tht Court of Mi✓drid s to meet' the tohe anattuihicatird tei France, white it er: to fitting out that the French anyernitent had not deign leayetho law of what hid pasted between them and the Lk ~.~ 4.1 At . tfoctria4 irlatisi • ... _4.4 said ; if firj one wenbfq ,-ere had even ettendeo this Aftifis ntadh. - vnange of opiniore ebtae iebirnboe 10 to be derived by comnierte bt tlfede*my.l teetedir d C , l otelsinee could a uleeb eem o oe dgfas to the Hdu. csinsiderations, if they were now to Olattiethaas What was dieltauseiothinlewhea 4 he ,it WOW be saying at once to Femme wearepeopei AM& doetrine was opetily ritaelied in that Maim to take a part in the war. -' - • :so that these who expressed their indignation. at opines- j Sir R. WILSON said, be Would Conithe bi n d Anti and foreign interference in ohe affairs of other I strictly to the question before the Wite; He eei. nations, were responsible fbr all the evils attending '• sidered the Bill astinjust, imponat, aticrifeg v aft . wars of such crying injustice. He (Dr. L.) conceived lt was unjust, because it could never be btringht t e ; that the repeal of the Foreign Enlistment Bill would ;operation withobt injury to the opp resse d. ieli ii be no breach of our neutrality ; but he was bound to impolitic, because it was opposed to the i n d epen d eo , admit, that he believed it would be considered in ' of other States, which independence would b e st ia l * France as an interference on our part. But what !guarantee of our own-.-and it was degrading, el right would they have to complain of that which the : being a sacrifice of the principles of a free Stateia British Parliament chose to do? If such a complaint : despotic authority (Hear, hear.) It had been obser ve d, were made, the Right Hon. Gentleman might and that the Government of Spain itself had origi oa tt y ought to answer, that they roust first shew him that called for this Bill, to facilitate the subjugation , such a step was a violation of • the law of nations- her colonies; but it should be recollected, chai r ~ The Foreign Enlistment Bill had not only prevented' the despotic Government of Spain which called f the purchase of ships, arms, and stores—it had not the enactment of the Bill, and it *as the Comae. only prevented the enlistment of natives—but it bad tional Government that now hoped for its repeo gone infinitely farther ; for it had made every Briton, (Hear, hear.) To observe a strict neutrality u n d o who, for thirty years, bad served other countries, lia- the circumstances, would be as inconsistent with eta ble to the penalties of this Statute on his return home. duty as prejudicial to Spain; while France wa s c e p , k therefore ought not to be allowed to exist any porting the Army of the Faith With the Swiss ex ' longer. During the last war we had the subjects of . and this was considered no breach of neutrality, all countries in our Navy, and defended the practice ' while France called upon Austria and Russia tea ls . according to the law and the example of all nations. nish their contingents, even this was considered b+l Nor could it be considered as a breach of neutrality breach of neutrality (hear, hear.) The H on . Memel" to do so, for all nations had made a practice of ad- for Hertford (Mr. W. Lamb) had gone so far ad, witting, in time of war, the subjects of neutral States state that subscriptions in favour of Spain would% into their Armies and Navies. He knew of no reason a breach of neutrality. That Hon. Member, la dig why the numbers who would quit this country would instance, uttered a sentiment which the Despetot be other than a relief to the country. Besides nothing Russia had not dared to express (hear,hear) H e w was more impolitic than this Foreign Enlistment more respect for public feeling than to to look Bill, for it bad de l)t i v eo our merc h a nts and manu- although he had declared himself hostile toil facturers of the readiest markets for their - commodi- Greek Revolution, he had not dared to say that 4, ties. This measure was brought about at the call of subscription entered into for the support of theca. the Spanish Government, to assist in checkiag the of that afflicted but gallant people, was a breadsg rising liberties of their American Colonies ; and now • neutrality. Yet the Hon. fleieber would air d the measure fell with double severity on Spain itself. regard it as an offence which ought to be pu He felt that he could not then satisfactorily discuss with Siberia or the knout (Ilear, hear.) He (Sr It the Papers that had been laid before Parliament; but 'Wilson) had a further objection to the Bin, ,„ , him ,at the same time he must say, that he could not arose from its being nugatory, though produotire if agree in thinking the line of neutrality as the best great inconveniences. He meant nugatory, as to to policy which we could pursue. He did not believe not being able to prevent officers and men faint gobs that any one in that House, or scarcely in the court- out to the service of Foreign Powers, while it wie try, could view the present aggression of France dered them subject to punishment on their retina otherwise than with indignation and sorrow. If we Indeed, if it were executed, and the persons whoc. pursued the line of neutrality r we should be laying a (erred benefits on their country and mankind were precedent in favour of an attack on our own liberties be punished and put under the ban of prescript. when the opportunity should offer. If we entered they might suffer imprisonment, but they could into this war, it would be ba principles of sound po- be disgraced: they were guilty of no crime, ad licy, justice, and expediency. Whether France would without crime there could be no ground of shaloo l i, be successful or not, he must be a bold man to ex- (Ifeardsear).—For his own part, he was fre press an opinion, in a contest like this; but so far as applied to for his opinioreby persons anxious en he could form an opinion, he thought we should go out to Spain, and he uniformly stated that to war with greater advantage while the force of give them no advice; but he could only inform their Spain was unbroken, as well as the spirit of her people. what, in such a case, he would be prepared to di Portugal might be forced to go to war from a con- himself, He could say, • that if he believed that ' viction, that if Spain fell her fate would not be long either his services or his etatnple he could benefit protracted; and then we were bound by treaty to cause of Spain, he would willingly subject him make common cause with her. France would not to all the inconveniences of the Bin, and every roil hesitate one instant in violating the neutrality of Por. who loved liberty would be prepared to say theinua fugal, and making a conquest of her, if she saw it Those who did undertake that cause, would Ina convenient for her own power and aggrandisement. the satisfaction of knowing that the day was asti Eklievingin his conscience that we were in a situation distant, when England itself would give dates* to ondertake a war, he thought-we ought to embolic her powerful assistance. It was impossiblethe yr* in - it for the preservation of the peace of Europe. of England could long continue in a state of timid Dr. PHILLIAIORE observed, that the law of 1819 and inglorious neutrality—(Hear, hear). Who was in perfect unison with the acknowledged ancient the advocates of that neutrality ?-The awoke law of the land, nor could we now re p eal; it without liberty, who weteready to engage the country has incurring a charge of gross partiality, if not a breach war for the subjUgation of Italy—(Cheers); thee* of our neutrality. Lle differed with his Learned Inks of. Reform, who never gave a vote for the . • Friend- as to the proper policy of this country, which There was another class who advocated newt • ' he (Dr. Phillimore) conceived ought to be a strict they were those who were known by theappel ' and baaafide neutrality. of economists; bet such men, with all their ing • Mr. MARRYAT could not consent to repeal this of argument, saw darkly into futurity. ThteW, Act, because it would be giying Spain a vast sups- but a dim vision of the events that were to brio" riority over France; still he bnsidered this Bill as a they did not see that' we should be obliged at WO violation of the liberty of the subject. If there were to engage in war with increased difficulties acrdlk 'no contest in Europe, he would be the first to wish creased expease o tta account of our present maid. this Act repealed, when it could give no offence to Such men Battered the people, when they toldthell any other Power. He could not see what business .at a time when a dreadful policy was about Olio 'we had to mix ourselves in a contest to our own ruin tate-Fotuope, that. they could eat the bread of and destruction. Could they forget that this very but he trusted the .people cif this country won , ( Cortes had endeavoured to ruin our trade, by im- submit to eat in peace the bread of humif posing such heavy duties as nearly to amount to a shameo-( Near)—by remaining the passivend: e a prohibition of oar produce and manufactures ? He rious spectators of th e v i o l at i on o f t h e r i g ht s of • ' was also somewhat surprised that this cry for war Mr. IF. GURNEY thought it would now be arose in a quarter of the House which had formerly of the highest imprudence to repmd the Act, at • called alond for peace, grudged the supplies for car- would be n g BARI NG would be the last man to vote , tion of taxation—alarr, hear). the repeal of thi law, if he thought that repeal . 10 ' Lord J. RUSSELL could not take the advice of involve the country in fear. Our Allies mast • his Hon: Friend (Mr. Lamb) to trustin the discretion touchy indeed, if we could not ratan to the and superior information of Ministers; for if he did. state of things. It would seem thin netwitkateasi Its must. consider them as having acted., towards the law, several hundred seamen had left the Mgt* Spain with singular bad faith, instead of being duped and tha ti fart 'hewed the law to • he inopentih* • A by France, as be believed them to have been. In-. numbee of British Officers and seamen served isde stead of having that confidence of the superior know- Russian Beets in the time of Catherine, bet ehetits . . ledge of the views of the French Government, he bee ,rupture was app re h en d e d w i t h R uss i a , they wend! sieved that Government was endeavouring- to perr celled hoot* by Proclabation. The service IC . Made the Spanish nation, that it they would abolish reign Powers was a good school for oar the Cows, France and England•would assist them in ,time of peace at home. He was most antrum recovering their American provinces: Instead of the eoostr7 should have the benefit of peso% .enacting a law to prevent her subjects from assisting country was not to be told that the alteterithiff foreign States, Queen Elizabeth allowed her people degradation or war. Whoever looked at the Pito to gel in aid of the Protestant States of the Nether- on the table could discern *white!' earnesmelua s ! lands; and she defended that policy in a particular solution. He hod never read Papers with mello/ 8 " . _.„,. State Paper. She admitted that she herself had as- nor which cempmeided more the stational 110,1 . a tasted them with grants of money to enable them to and honour. • - e 6 rr_t resist their Sovereign, the King of Spain, though she Mr. C. WYNN d en i e d all the eifittral,P was at that time on terms of amity wi th him. She 'peal would be to place us in the same ' 4 defended this on the ground of the danger to herself which we had been before 1819. He and States should be succeed in again establishing by the common law, it was a misdenseanniellit . his power in the Netherlands, as he had recently done into the service of a foreign Power; but . in Naples and Sicily. Let this Bill continue as long had not been acted ' upon For a century, a• d as it might, the King of England could not repress ment had become necessary. Much Matey- the gene rous feelings of his people from bei ng ex - an d d anger would result to the internal e 1 444 presied in behalf of a gallant and oppressed nation. country from the repeal of the Act. Had ' • Let them then repeal the Bill, which he was con- ports, during the late wet with America, be*" I winced was a step that could in no way compromi se with p r i vateers to cru i se aga in st our • • 1 ' our neutrality: would not the walli of that Home bare , Mr. T. COURTENAY said, that the - assistance with complaints of her treacbery? Yet that given, by the connivance of Queen Elizabeth, to the conduct which this country was sailed epees le of the Netherlands, was very soon followed with regard to France. Oh this principled y tenni war between her and Spain. We, however, lity, he cduld not conceive ; how two. ' ' • were not intending to go- to war, and . therefore the Englishmen' could pointy their Isyeseu stole v repeal of this Bill would be a viotation of the strict breast,. Such'men, on their return sothsir po” neutrality which we professed to maintain ; especially 'country, would be fit instruments foraay • • 'When it was known that the effect of the reseal °fob speaking upon this subject, he Iwo ii 1' oal the Bill would be to bene fi t Spain alone . We, as ' mi n d e d of a c h ar i cter i ntro d uce d by " The i cite, t e Il y rg gage neutralse r e l s t e t s u , tso b thou a e d rr a ieg l n w ieit a nss y r s oi i f I no e w ld arrn ,. a th onv a er t er a r ss 7 l : :::: tel e a ! tra ten r:. P014001C11." in one of hie inhlaillible•l ngi r - ',l ro l i n io le ur ol a l l ) rd -al fi et til e l ti c ' ip a isr m iliAl ereenalT al"in whar l a 11311"--2-. cif 11.111* boa° icer • **PP from lam 1 she E if thi I regul I pose has b seat 1 1/. and 11 the El Icy *I 6 ab 4 satice, ?toPei ;pm Ai paw nation poEcy dot thi - b V moo Ais 10 .tha -Os vb 4 Abal 1.114 11 •• , .‘•-