Star. — London, England, 1831-04-16 00:00:00

SLAVERY. Lord SUFFIRLD presented47petltions from various parts of Eng land. eignal by 2,900 signatures, against colonial slavery. Also, 47 pe mons basing the same object from Ireland. POOR OP IRELAND. The Earl of ROSERERIC presented a petition front the Society tier the Encouragement of Industry, praying their Lordships to adopt some measure for relief of the poor in Ireland. The Noble Earl said it appeared extraordinary to him that Poor Laws were not intro duced to Ireland, and more particularly sn, as these laws had been found a blessing to the poor in England. In Scotland assessments for the poor, which might be compared to poor rates in England, had pro. duced the greatest benefit. The Earl of LIMERICK said, the people of Ireland would resist the introduction of the Poor Laws. They dreaded that system as they did the cholera morbus. The Noble Earl opposed the petition, on the ground that it did not come from persons who understood the interest of Ireland, but a Club in London, assembled near the Poul try Compter. The LORD CHANCELLOR postponed the second reading of the Bankruptcy bill, which stood for Monday next, until Friday. Earl BATHURST asked a Noble Lord (Goderich) whether he had any objection to the production of a copy of the instructions on which the Governor-General of Canada issued a late message to the House of Assembly. Lord GODERICH said he should be prepared to give the Noble Earl information on Monday. Lord CAWDOR presented a petition from Cardigan, for Parlia mentary Reform. Similar petitions were presented by the Marquis of LANSDOWNE, from Blandon (Suffolk), Glasgow, Ayr, and Ayrshire. REFORM. The Duke of NEWCASTLE rose to give some explanation of facts :,Pith had been stated in that house during a debate (Lord Wham. thtt'L's motion on Reform) in that house. The Noble Duke was pre. r to allude to reports in several papers, when— I I GREY rose to order, and stated that the Noble Duke was free ettl :r in adverting to proceedings in that house several days back. The Noble Duke might have been in the House to answer arguments which appeared to the Noble Duke objectionable. The Duke of NEWCASTLE admitted that be had an awkward wry of bringing his explanations before their Lordships, but he was most desirous of correcting an observation made by a noble Doke (Richmond) by which it appeared that the honourable member for Boroughbridgc was not a free representative of that borough.— He denied that such was the fact. The honourable member for Bow roughbrldge was a member as independent in principle as any gen. demon in Parliament. The noble duke censured what he consi. dried the improper interference of 31iniatera in the diarnissal of persons in the Royal Household for voting against the Reform measure. The Government certainly viewed with too much apathy the attacks made by the public prints on a Royal ?ersonage. Such attacks should be put down by Government. The Noble Duke considered Reform ',belly uncalled for, and aoss delusion on the public. The Duke of RICHMO ND—I sill not follow the example of the tic ele duke by increasing irregularity ; I will only ask the noble duke cne question. He states that inq roper remarks have been applied to the hon. and learned member for Boroughbridge. The Noble Duke knew t• that no man er.tertains a higher opinion of Sir Charles Wetherell thin , myself ; but if he votes on Monday night against the reMrmed bill. how long will he remain member for Boroughbridge ? (Laughter.) The Duke of NEWCASTLE was understood to say, " I should think he would vacate his scat." (Loud and continued laughter.) After some further routine business, the House Adjourned to Monday. HOUSE OF COMMONS. * side, be, however, drew a tolerable correct inference of what would be the sort of justice dealt out by the other side, if they had had the ma nagement of this great measure, Mr. W. BANICES said the whole bill was an absurdity, and as such be should oppose It. Mr. GURNEY thought the frames of the bill had got into inextri cable difficulties ; and bow the house would ever get through the bill surpassed his comprehension It was a complete radical reform. He thought the bill would require great attention, and that a year should be taken to consider it. (Hear, bear.) Mr. DAWSON denied that he had uttered any absurdities. though charged with them. With respect to Bceralston, he required that equal justice should be done to all the boroughs: if the prin ciple of population was adopted, Bceralston was precisely under the same circumstances. as Caine. (Hear.) If the reason for making a difference between these places should rot be stated, he should con tinue his charge of partiality. Mr. HOBHOUSE said, the learned gentleman (Sir Charles We therell) appeared to be more perverse than ever, and it would astonish him if they were not constantly used to such language from that hon. gentleman against all governments, when they proposed any thing for the amelioration of the people. As to the honourable member (Mr. W. Bankes), did a petition, which he said he had from Marlborough against the b il l, pray that the Marquis of Aylesbury should continue to nominate for Marlborough ? Marlborough was not, but Caine was, a flourishing town ; and the amount of population was the criterion. Ile denied that there was any proof of partiality. Lord STORMONT asked, whether the parishes or boroughs would be calculated ? Lord J. RUSSELL uid, be wouhl have the fullest answers on Monday, and he trusted that It would then be shown that perfect jus tice was observed. Sir R. PEEL asked, whether the whole schedule A. was to be de cided, in asking on Monday, for a division on the first clause ? Lord J. RUSSELL said, it would be competent to any Member to move an amendment, if it were thought that any Boroughs were im properly included in the schedule. Lord ALTHOR P observed, that if any one objected to the clause A. schedule, it would be competent to him to move an amendment. Sir R. PEEL said, the usual course was to postpone the schedules to the end of the bill. Lord J. RUSSELL said, that was the usual course, but if consistent with the rules of the house, they would include the schedules in the clauses. He begged the Speaker to state whether that course might be pursued? The SPEAKER considered that it would be Irnp•aaiblr to decide on the first clause without having first ckcided on the schedule A. That he apprehended must be gone through alphabetically ; and if all should be negatived, of course there would be no first clause to agree to. (Laughter.) PUOVIBION TOR THE QUEEN. Lord ALTIittRP moved the order of the dayfor the house going into committee to take into consideration his Majesty's most gracious , message, that the house would appoint a provision for the Queen, in case her Majesty should surely: the King. The SPEAKER having 1.41 the Chair, and the house having re solved itself into a committee, Lord ALTHORP having highly eulogized the Queen, said he should propose nothing but in accortlar.ce with precedent Former Queens had 100,0001. voted, and a town residence. Here there was some difficulty ; for the only house at Ministerial disposal was—Marl borough House, and that was under lease to the Duke of Illarlborough, which did not expire till 1835. He moved that the grant be 100,0001. tog. thcr with Niatlborough House and Bushy Park.—Agreed to nem. colt. After a few words from Mr. CRESSRTT PELHA3I, which were inaudible in the gallery, but suppotad to be in approval, the resolution was agreed to. The house resumed, and the report was ordvred to be received cn Monday. Mr. LAMB brought up memorials presented to the Home Office from several boroughs, correeting the population returns. SLAV ZR Y. Mr. HUAI E presented a petition from Glasgow, signed by every banker and trietchant in that city, for the abolition of slavery. Mr. BUXTON rose to make his motion for the abolition of I slavery. He could most sincerely declare that he was not actuated by any hostile reeling towards the West Indians, who were entangled in a system, many of them by inheritance, from which they could not easily escape. Many of them, he knew, would put an end to the system by any means short of ruin to themselves and families. Entertaining this opinion, it was impossible he should harbour hostile feelings. The general complaint they made against those who sought the abolition of slavery was, that some single act of cruelty was taken, and a gene ral conclusion drawn from it. He disclaimed that course, though caeca existed that would astonish the House ; and there was scarcely an instance in which the white population had not made common cause with the criminal. His case was, that the whole slave population was miserable—that the system was productive of vice and misery, and ought to be abolished as speedily as possible. The wit. rinses from the IVest Indies represented slavery as a state of sue. passing happiness—lett its theoretic evils were more than compensated by practical blessings. Other witnesses stated, that the theoretic evils of slavery were nothing compared to its practical evils. Here was a test for deciding between them—that test was the rate at which the slave population bad increased or diminished. It was the known law of nature that population should increase, and it could only be counteracted by extreme misery. This was a test which the West In dians themselves appealed to. It was hereby reasonable. He would appeal to the population returns. We had in the West Indies 20 colonies, in four of them no sugar was grown, aid in two but a small quantity 14 colonies remained. In these tip population bad not increased, but had decreased at a rate that would astonish the house being not less than 45,800 persons in ten years. This statement was all taken from documents produced and sworn to by the West Indians them selves. If he did not prove that decrease, he proved nothing. In To. bago ten years ago the females exceeded the males, and the house had been assured the treatment of slaves in that island was merciful. In 1819 the slave population was 15,448—in 1829 it was 12,556, being a decrease of one-sixth of the whole population. If he PI isquoted a single fact, he hoped he should be corrected at once, as he•had the documents at hand. He kliew he could not impress on the }souse the full force of that fact—it was tr.a thematical proof of the destruction by slavery. It would soon sweep away all inhabitants, and exterminate the whole negro race in that island. Be believed the planters there to be as respectable as any where else. The Governor of the Island said there was the most liberal feeling towards the slaves there, and no instance of unnecessary cruelty —but in spite of all that feeling, one-Math of the population perishe d. No murder was committed, but one-sixth of the people were de stroyed. Individuals were not guilty, but such a dreadful system ought to be abolished. In Demerara in 1819 the slave population was 83,372, in 1829 it was reduced to 69,000. In Trinidad in 1816 it was 25,000. in twelve years 6,000 are gone. If the saute mortality existed in London, in fifty years it would be a desert...4W inhabitant would be left. This is the way population is destroyed in these islands. In Trinidad the planters were well aware of it, for they had coot mously imported slaver., and they now live In hopes t h at slaves shall be allowed to be imported there from the other islands, to die like rotten sheep, as 111 r. Marryott had well expressed it. Soule gentlemen com plained of nothing so much as of being too precipitate. In point of race they were tow tardy. It it were allowed to go on fora single year, it was at a :rental:penalty ; and in a few years more there would be no slaves to exterminate, or to save. If he did not forge the facts, there has been a decrease the last 10 years of 45,8110 persons. Since the abolition of the slave trade there had been 100,000 of the number then in existence destroyed. The slave population at that time was 700,000—it was now less than 600,000. If the house were to refuse to interfere to abolish this system, the refusal would be to sign the death-warrant or hun. deeds of thousands, and slavery must be extinguished by the ex termination of the slaves. He had a much greater charge against the system of slavery than be had yet stated. It was the law of nature that population should Increase . He would take the same people, in the same countries, and at the same time, and if he did not prove that they increased, he would admit that he proved nothing. The free blacks of Demerara in 1811, were 2,900 • in 1825, they had increased to 4,262. It was proved that 1000 fre e blacks increase in 25 years from 1000 to 2000; and in the same period and same island, 1000 slaves decreased to 600. While Hayti was a slave colony, i. was subject to a decrease of population ; and in the last tea years or its being iu that state, thcFrench imported 150,000 slaves la 1004, when it became free, its population was 423,000. It was now 932,000. This was a strong proof how much population, which decreases so rapidly in slavery, increases in a state of freedom. He defied any man as account for this result in any other way. [ Mr. Keith Douglas said across the table, Barba does.] He knew in Barbadoes the case was something better than in Trinidad ; but the cause was, that but little sugar was grown in liar. badoes. In Trinidad we man grows as much sugar as four or five in Barbadoes. This was his defiance—to produce any circumstance but slavery to account for the decrease of population. In Hayti, it was said there existed the greatest demoralization amongst the blacks. He admitted it all; it established his argument. If the vice bad been less, the increase of population would be greater. Slavery was to be charged with decrease and prevention of increase. Ten years ago the slave population was 650,000 s it ought to have increased 2110,000, instead of which it had decreased 45,000. If this ef fect produced operated against the law of nature, there must he a cause—lt was not mere chance or accident. The question is, whatels that cause ? Not tbe disproportion of the sexes—the females exceed the males. It was not war—there has been no war: it was not pesti lence—there has been no pestilence; it was not famine—there has bees no famine: it was not the climate—the climate did not prevent the in. mimeo( the same race. If any one should say there was any natural cause, he would ask him why tbe fres blacks increase ? (Hear.) Sure be was, the cause of the destruction of life was the forced labour. The law of nature was too strops for any other cause —war, climate, habits of savage life, vice, and misery, and eves intestine war. The prin. dple of increase triumphs over all; but is subdued by the cultiva. don &sugar In the West Indies. Limey thing remain the same, save slavery, and nothing can prevent increase. This decrease sever extends to free blacks, nor to domestic slaves; it was confined to field there Dr. LUSHINTON took the oaths and his seat. Sir J. VALSH presented a petition from Sudbury, praying that such places might he allowed to send two members, as at the time of making the population returns in 1841 the inhabitants, including the sal urbs, exceeded 4,000. Mr. D. W. HARVEY' rose to contradict the reported statement of a member for Essex (Cul. Tyrrel) that be had never said be voted tOr the Reform Bill, because it would lead to universal suffrage, an. Lual pi-Laments.. and vote by ballot : he bad uttered the very contrary. He awed, that be considered the Ecclesiastical Institutions required much reform as any of the other institutions of the country. (-dere] TY DRELL said the hcn. mintier has notoriously sought to t!:,. Church into ridicule anti contempt. lIA RVEV ten to order. He denied that he had ever said any t. erg of such tendency, and he Iliad not allow it to be asserted. lie Irma not put up with any such remarks. He was not the heir appa rent to a title, but be was the sod of an independent tradesman, and as :. , depcntlent as any member there. The SPEAKER said the House would always protect its Mem. t t is. lie was confident Hon. Gentlemen would feel the necessity of t of nempying the time of the house with such observations when Fe t .tions presented. 1'..10nt.1 TYRRELL said be was not acquainted with the orders of the house, but he had not desired to give any personal offence to the inem . ..ier for Colchesna. Mr. WESTERN said he thought his hon. colleague was not justi hed in the obscivalionshe had made on the feelings of the hon. member tot Colches:er towards the established church, which he also appeared to inlate to him. oh 'TYRRELL said he by no means meant to impute such send o ❑rt:: to his bun. colleague. An lion. MEMBER (for Bccralstonrasked whether that borough :0 he taken out of the schedule A. and placed in schedule B. Lord J Oli N RUSSELL said, Becralston was to remain in schedule A. for vOrith he would assign the reason in the committee on Monday. Mr. G. DAWSON asked, would justice be done in the case of the LLT'llol of C„lue, which, by late returns, appeared to contain but 000 male 9:l!abi!ants Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, no change was to take place In the borough t. Caine. He asked the boo. gentleman on what principle it should be placed in either of the schedules? He wished him to state the principle. Mr. G. DAWSON said, the bill was so absurd that he would have nothing to do with it but to oppose it in all its stages. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said it was the hon. gentleman that was guilty of absurdity, when he made a charge and shrunk from any proof, or front proposing any better principle of selection. Sir C. WETHERELL said he would not content himself by calling the disfranchisement absurd, it was partial and unjust. There was trick resorted to for the preservation of the boroughs of friends. These boroughs had been called bank notes, they were handed about as bank notes, and given to friends. Lord J. RUSSELL defied them to prove any lajustice or partiality; there was no deshe to depart from the rule, be the politics what they might of parties interested. From the absurdities uttered by the other .• ' • , ' . '• and not to children. They Hu to ten years, then they entee into the Me. BURGR said that a committee of inquiry ought to be appoi n t e d, sugar gangs, and the process of death begins. There was the proof as it was imposeihie that the house could legislate for & society of whose that the decrease was produced by forced labour. It might be asked constitution they were entirely ignorant. The country bad been a ll why was the cultivation of huger so destructor ? A Wm; India alung led away by misrepresentation and exaggerated statements.—h e planter, of 28 years standing, let out the mart. It was the intensity ! could speak to this point from a 26 years' experiencewith the colonies, of labour. The whip was behind them, and produced an intense 'He would remind the house of ibis fact, the subject they were now, which produced the mortality he had stated. It was not from the whip !called upon to legislate had been tolerated by laws, and on that security —they did not die under the lash, but from the excess of labour extorted ; British capital bad been vested in the trade and Plantations. It was a by the fear of the whip. They worked more hours, and the body was certain truth that it was not the proprietors resident In the colonies who not sustained by the mind—there was no hope, but there was the sick- had formed the opposition, for In 1774 the planters of Jamaica had pea. ening certainty that neither themselves nor their families would be tinted parliament to suppress the bringing of slaves into the islands, be. better for their toil. Though they were not flogged to death, yet cause that whatever progress they might make in the civilization of the punishment took place to an extent that he really could not native slaves. it was inevitably counteracted by the= of those: l e g :a re believe, if not turned and sworn to. (Hear, hear.) From the re. impo rt ed, who were ins state of barbarism. It not be turns it was proved, there were 11,100 punishments in Trinidad in two because manumission had not been attended with evil consequences In lears; and 20,000 in Demerara in the same time. To those who certain islands, such as Trinidad, small in extent, and prepared ferrate ooked for amelioration, he would s ay look at Trinidad. which was an change by previous institutions, that the effect would be similar in those ameliorated colony. It was perfectly atrocious, abominable, and wicked, islands, such as Jamaica, where the slave population was f a r more nit. that we should tolerate such a system. What misery was imposed for memos, and not in the last prepared for emancipation. As to the the purpose of extorting labour to a degree that was destructive of question of pro pe rty, he did maintain the existence of a fteiloM life! If the flogging was not necessary, words could not express property, recognised and sanctioned by the law and the constitution. I the wickedness of the infliction on persons having the same right to was not opposed to improvement, to ultimate etsuncipation. The co , . personal freedom as every man who heard him. There might be nial legislature, of which he bad been a member, had proutded on 0: • some persons who delighted in misery, but he did not charge the plan of gradual though efficient improvements. Thus, the facilitteit.: West Indians with such a disposition. Murderous cruelty wu but of the emancipation of slaves by the masters, had been folks I an incident; the constant decrease of life was his case. He held by the extension of religious instruction, next by the admiseio singly cases of cruelty cheap in the argument. It was the system of slave evidence. (Hear, hear.) But Government discarded this of murderous process of which all that was heard was, that at the experimental mode of proceeding. Did they even wait for the effects end of ten years 45,000 human beings were destroyed. He had to be produced by the Order in Council, enacted only nine months briefly endeavoured to impress upon the House this single up- ante ? With respect to the condition of the slaves, which had been ment, because it was quite sufficient for the conviction of every one, that described as rather deteriorating than otherwise, he should refer the the subjects of this country were mowed down with such frightful ra. house to the reports of the clergymen of the established church; they pidity. He did not press the subject from hostility to the West In- all described them as progressively improving. Honourable members diens, but because he felt it was a subject that demanded immediate at- had no right to speak of the deficiency of increase in the slave populs. tension. He was no friend to amelioration, because , from experience, don until the present race had been replaced by a new generation, born he was sure the attempt would deceive. He considered slavery a crime in the country, and accustomed from their birth to its climate. He core. which ought to be at once suppressed. It was said property should be plained that, whereas the rights of property were expressly recognized tenderly dealt with. In tenderness for property, for the last ten years in the resolutions of 1823, they were passed over in silence in those 45,000 lives had been sacrificed. Was the system to continue 1 Pro- of the Noble Lord. The fiscal regulation, or external taxation, perry should be protected, but not by the destruction of innocent men, by which the noble lord intended to compel the colonies to adopt his and who were also British subjects. He had but feebly performed his resolutions, was without a precedent. It was tantamout to a direct in. duty, he should now move that the house would immediately proceed terference in the internal administration of the colonies. Besides, it to consider measures for the abolition of slavery in the colonies.—(Hear.) , would fall equally on the friends and the opponents of emancipation, Lord MORPETH seconded the motion. He had forborne to in. on the innocent and the guilty. He opposed the resolutions of the quire how government meant to deal with the question ; but he found member for Weymouth, because the slaves were not yet ripe for sem. his qualification to second the motion in five hundred petitions he had cipation ; those of the noble lord, because they misrepresented the ONO. presented, and in the uplifted voice of the county of York, who lotions of 1823. It was his intention to move an amendment, affirming elected Mr. Wilberforce, and still referred to him as her favourite the resolutions of 1823, and appointing a Committee to inquire into the representative. (Hear, hear, hear.) The resolution of his hon. friend present state of the slave population. (Cheers.) forced upon them the erformance of their duty in the face of mankind Lord HOWICK said he did not feel confidence enough in the cola and of Heaven. The state of things required this proceeding. If it nial legislature, to leave the syst mof amelioration to their care. It was became the house to command in 1823, it became them to execute apparent, from the tone of their discussions, and from divers acts which now. (Hear, hear.) The whole subject was attended with much dill. they had passed, that they endeavoured to mar improvement as much as culty ; but it was also attended with so much that was intolerable that it lay in the it power. The council of protection was useless, if not worse became the house to face the difficulty which gained strength front their than useless; it was a device to get rid of responsibility. He felt pa. own faint-heartedness. (Hear, hear.) Single instances of cruelty were suaded that had any one Individual had to deal with the case of Kitty not safe grounds of legislation, and his honourable friend had acted most Hylton on his own responsibility, the result would have been diif~ judiciously in calling attention to the rapid decrease of human life fcrent. The assemblies had done very Hale to ameliorate the esaiNisn ; amongst me field negroes in sugar colonies, which, being opposed to of the slaves. The whip for females was not prohibited, and no rem the law of nature, carried its own condemnation in its forehead. If talons were enforced to prevent the reparation of families, without which Parliament did not speedily interfere, the horrors of slavery itself civilization could not proceed. He denied that there was any inculps. would effect what philanthropy had failed to accomplish, and the whole don in the proposed amended resolutions ; they denied that the race of negroes would be consigned to the graves of the Carribs. He Assemblies had adopted any adequate measure, but they did no more, had read one of the last tracts of the enemies of abolition, a letter from and was not that the fact? What had been done by the Jamaica As. Mr. Gladstone, of Liverpool, to the right hon. member for Tamworth, sembly was considered the ssitimatem of its liberality. That As. which sweepingly condemned every plan of abolition that had been pro- sembly declared there was no dispensing with the whip, even towards posed. 31r. Gladstone himself asked, was slavery to be perpetual in females. He denied that he desired to abandon the policy of the the colonies ? and said he could Doe give an answer whether that system resolution of 1823, or to be regardless of the right of property; but should cease, which GOD had permitted in certain climates from tile still the sin of holding in slavery was of so deadly a character, of so formation of society. Yes, Goo had permitted the existence of the in. deep a dye, that if the abolition could be done at once safely, he would question and persecution—of tyranny sod oppression—of war and mur. declare—adopt it immediately. (Hear.) He owned he had here great der ; but far be it from him to infer the sanction from the existence. ‘Vhy difficulty, because he had to oppose the original resolution; but he must should climate be made a justification of slavery ? Vas it supposed the do so, till some practical plan of immediate and secure abolition could natives of the Tropics were not capable of freedom ; he would refer to be devised. He could not contemplate without a shudder the adop- Touissant and Bolivar for the refutation. (Hear, hear.) He knew it don of such a resolution, without an accompanying measure for would be said that property in slaves had been long sanctioned by the the emancipation a resolution that would inform the slave, on the Legislature, and that slate-owners should be compensated for their loss authority of that House, that he ought to be so no longer. He agreed by its abolition. To whatever fair claim they could urge he should pay with Mr. Canning, that the abolition, to be safe and useful, must the greatest attention. But was the system prosperous.? What was be gradual, and that it must be done through the planter. To at. the tale of distress which its abettors were constantly pouring in their tempt to proceed without such party co-operating, would promote the ears. (Hear, hear.) It might be called fanaticism—that should not most fatal results • and further, the slave must be gradually prepared prevent the declaration of his opinion. The system appeared to him to for a state of freedom s his fetters must be removed link by link, labour under omnipotent displeasure--its failure kept pace with its to enable him properly to enjoy emancipation from his present tbral. faults. Let them pursue the precepts of Divine Revelation—to bind up dour. To accelerate such a state of things, an amended order of Coun. the broken-hearted—to proclaim liberty to the captive, and it was his cil was now in progress of preparation. That would be sent out to hope that the country would receive an abiding rew ard; but, at all the colonies, with the direction for its adoption without the alters. events, they would have dune their duty, and they might with con fi dence don of w ord. (Hear.) It was not interference with internal re. leave the result to Heaven. (Hear, hear.) guiations that was sought by the government, but he avowed that Mr. K. DOUGLAS said that the hon. member for Weymouth hal the amended order in council was meant u a measure of coercion. taken up new grounds on the question, and that be had set aside all The circumstances called for it, and there was no evading the pro consideration of the resolution of 1823, and come at once to an Mne& ceeding—the progress of events rendered the adoption of some ate demand for emancipation. The hon. member proceeded to illus. such measure compulsory. The order would direct that there must be, trate, by quoting the censuses of different colonies, that the data upon in the first instance, the banishment of the whip as regarded females ; which the hon. member had laid most stress, was founded on fallacy. and, secondly, that se far as regarded male slaves, more than 15 lashes Ile said that a committee 'should be appointe d to investigate the real should not be inflicted within 24 hours, and none inflicted till within six state of the West ludia affairs, and had die hon. member made that the hours after the offence. This would change the use of the whip from object of his motion, he (Mr. Douglrs) would have been the tint man that of driving to that of punishment; it would not allow it to be used to have supported him. as an incitement to labour. That change he would contend was calculated Lord ALTHORP said be was convinced of the benefit that would to effect the most beneficial results. He was surprised to have heard be derived from the discussion being conducted coolly and dispassion. the hoe. and learned gentleman declare that they could not adopt ately, as it was one that involved much importance ' and be felt it to be arbitrary measures regarding the planters' property. Did they not his duty at this stage of the proceedings to state to the house the way in in various measures for the general welfare interfere with property, which his hlajesty's Ministers meant to treat the question. He had where there was not the shadow of doubt about the right of pos. always been desirous to see the period arrive when emancipation of the session, in every turnpike road or railway bill ?—( Hear, hear.) The slaves could be effected (hear, hear) ; but the object which he had in argument was not tenable. By the order it was proposed than the slave view, in always supporting such measures as had come before the should be enabled to purchase his freedom, and by degrees, if so die house was with a view to the amelioration of their condition, that they posed—(hear)—also that parents might purchase the freedom of their might by education ultimately lead to emancipation and freedom of the children. They were not in their tender years worth much to the mu. slaves. It was a question of the greatest delicacy, and required to ter, and therefore steps for their purchase might be easily commenced. be treated with the greatest caution. The Hon. Member had acted The government did not seek to adopt a measure that might bepopular, very properly in the temperate manner be had adopted; but he they sought to proceed gradually, safely, and usefully. He, tLerefore, (Lord Althorp) had decided objections to the motion of the honour. called on the house to give their measures a tri .L He hoped the house able gentleman. He was not exactly prepared to say that the slave would pause before it adopted so decided a course u that proposed by population were nor in a state for immedi a te ema n cip a t ion ; b ut h e she resol u ti o n. If th e measures should fa il to palm Works:id malts, had another objection to the motion—it was not sufficiently explicit. then he would be ready to consider the course adopted by the original —The resolution merely implied that immediate emancipation was reselation. He admitted the principle, that it was the bounden duty of necessary ; and without saying more this might be attended with very the house to put an end to the abomin able system—still he hoped the bad consequences on its being known in the West Indies. In 1823 Honourable Member for Weymouth would be disposed not to press his resolutions bad been passed with a view to the accomplishment of resolution, but to allow the propositions of government to be carried gradual emancipation, and these orders in council had been circulated into effect. (Hear, hear.) His lordship apologised for the imperfect to the autborities of the colonies; and his boa friend, he thought, manner in which he had stated the views of government, and thanked ought not to have asked the house to go farther now than he was pre. the house for its indulgence. pared to do at that period. Subsequently to these resolutions, there Mr. STUART me the hon. member for Weymouth credit for sin. had been some new regulations adopted in several of the colonies, eerity ; but he trusted that they would not fail to extend due and anxious though they had certainly not been effective; but he had now called consideration to the cue of the West India Interests. He begged to upon the house fur immediate emancipation. Certainly it was not say all the provisions a the previous resolutions or directions of the without notice to the West Indian proprietors; for they h a d h a d Government, with three exceptions, bad been adopted by most of the often and repeated warning. He (Lord Althorp) had repeatedly colonial assemblies--those three were regarding compulsory menu. heard the late Mr. Canning say, while speaking in the house on mission, removal of slaves from the land, and granting freedom to the question, that the time must come when measures would of neces. children born after a certain day. The justice of having paused on shy be taken, to show that the revolutions of 1823 must be complied those points, be thought, could be shown. The too sudden manumis with, and that the proprietors should be shown that the house was In sion of the slaves would be attended with the most fatal results. He earnest. The West India interest need not, therefore, be surprised if maintained that the legislative assemblies had done much to ameliorate such wee the cue now. This purpose might be accomplished in two the condition of the slaves; they were ready to do more—all ways, one was to legislate in parliatuent to enforce those laws in the colo. that was practicable. (Hear, bear.) To show what was to be ex. nies, , but he ord Althorp) would be unwilling to adopt such measures, ported from the blacks if left to themselves, he mentioned that St. Do. yet, if the West India interests persevered, such must ultimately ming°, which was once a garden, was now a wilderness, and its trade be the means to be resorted to. He most heartily agreed with diminished in an extraordinary degree. It was proved that free labour, his honourable friend in his object, but he considered that his motion adequate to the wants of the colonial, could not be procured, even if it was not calculated to gain the end that he had in view. He were now practicable consistently with the rights of propat. The (Lord Althorp) would not negative the motion of the honourable principle of confiscation had been yielded, but he could not p es nmeutber fur eyntouth, but as soon as the resolutions he had brought pressing, and he did so with regret, ids belief that there was a spirit forward were disposed of, his Lordship said he would bring for. rising up, that was very adverse to our West India colonies. (Hear.) ward a few resolutions of his own, which he would submit to the Indulgence in that spirit would be very fatal to the safety of those cob house. The Noble Lord read the resolutions to which he alluded, nice. If there were wrongs, let them be redressed; but they ought to which were in substance, that as the resolutions which bad been inquire, and on inquiry found legislation. (Hear, bear.) made in 1823 had not en effective, and that the house was con. Mr. SYKES declared that in his opinion there could be no comm. vinced of the necessity of an alteration in the state of the slave popu. mime ; the evil was so abominable and extensive, that they could not lotion, the instructions contained in the resolutions of 1828 ought ins. compound with it, and therefrom he hod intended to support the origi mediately to be acted upon, and measures adopted for the more ample nal resolution. But after what be hod beard from the noble laidea— amelioration of the slaves. His Lordship then proceeded to explain, (Althorp and Howick) be was disposed colones subs prim*" of the that the means he proposed to call into action were the vigilant ob. cause of the abolition in the hands of the government. He mid not 'errancy of these raolutiuns, by making certain provisions regarding but express His astonishment that it should have been said that the as. the West India produce, which would make compliance the Interest semblies had adopted nearly all the rordstions which they were of the proprietors. This be considered a much better plan to pursue, requited to enact, when in foe it was lISIOdOWS that they bad scarcely —to give them an interest in compliance rather than to legislate adopted any one of importunes. Tboamsnid order in Council now OD coercive measures; the tsetse mode, he repeated, he was most unwil- about to be sent out, might have a bettor Aso than what had t rostbd ad ling to opt ; but, if necessary, the proprietors must of course be con- it—but he must say, that DO Goverment cosh% hope to have ma rioted by such measures that they must yield to the resolutions of the dence of this country that did net rinetteely sod essonstly miry hod, to House, and the recommendations of his Majesty's Government. We the promotion of the great cause at altera _blag adsulal dastsrp were asking nothing from the West Indian Colonies but what has been Mr. H. TW 188 expressed his worst dist time &add be shown, as proved to be safe, and has been found to answer in other colonies.-- thus was, a disposition to recede has the moshadm of 1823. TOO One objection would be started to his proposition he was aware, measly, peledpis of those tesolutions was, to puerile Ist the podual Lydia's' that it operated more against the proprietors residing in this sonstry of downy ; but now they were to be alledida M lea iousegia than on the proprietors residing in the West Indies; bat he could set amostipliss, and to disregard all the flews mad millias of posplurk see it in that light, for, as it regarded the market of their products, b must To the resolutions of 1823, the bon. mambor ffir liforsosth woo a affect them alike. The bad effects would only be felt by such coludes as party ; they were the result Os wids him. If it hod boon resisted. If these resolutions did not have the desired effect, they must said that the resolutions wadi to an eilsosive antelimatieno err abandon mild measures and proceed with other steps. His resolutions any thing like emancipation of the slaves in seven yonos".ffist In ban solely in view the amelioration of the state of the slaves, preparatory so short a time they could prima the work of three et Aar 810. to their ultimate emancipation. They had been adopted in the Crown notions—he should have mob bawd the judg men t of Olin his. colonies, and in them there was an Important officer appointed, called the member. But that bon. astir, In UM, bad expected so such Slave Protector. It had been urged by hon. gentlemen on the other side rapid result ; on the Olitemay, be thin mut, shot be cads, ex' at the house that erroneous notices were entertained by the house on the petted the emandpatiss is be dblesi , mai sot without being question of the stare of the population of the colonies; and that a corn. the work of yews. That was euiveu quite at variance mina of enquiry ought to be appointed. He (Lord Altborp) did not with what was now avowed, and the pelnire now proposed. Be 'f etich's argument on that fact alone. He was satisfied that there was no greeted the language need by tie Out!- rot Y the maw of the pm hon. member in that house who was not convinced that slavery was a scot discussion • MI boa employed ilia Might I" bi n state of society which it was desirable that this country should get rid usefully omitted. admiNsi the alt she Aumbliss bed ass dm ou of.—(Hear, Wear.) No advantages g could accrue from a committee which that dec on ths sanguine seppeissmit &Asko ad& fra• Enka Nem* . would be prot! Jetty.: of any be lg o lked bus allbsted. 11.8 yesssiabos at dig atfaaablishia 111 ;. L, t I I' 1 ~.i . !I ~, o, ' IMPERIAL PA R lAA M 17NT. HOUSE OF LORDS. APRIL lb. CALCRATT'S DIVORCI BILL. _ hlrrrrt• Adam and Jervice were called to the Bat u !'lured, on Calcraftli Bill. Sarah Whitby, servant to 'Miss Love before her marriage, was ex. ~mined. It appeared, trom the statement of Counsel and the evidence, that C..ptainlush. after Me marrisee, and before consummation, left Lis wfe to join his regiment at Portsmouth. Lord Ilarborougb was in the habit of visiting and remaining to a late hour with Mrs. C:lcruf:, but her further generally sat up when Lord Harborough was in the hou.e. The servant, on her cross-examination, said she fre quently found combs and bracelet', worn by Mrs. C. on the carpet of the loom where she had been sitting with Lord H. The witness was always sent out of the room by Miss Love when Lord Harborough us there, but she was not sent down stain when Capt. Ca/craft visited. The LORD CNA NCI.I.LOR, at five o'clock, asked Mr. Adam wMther he had any more witnesses to call? Mr. Adam.—Yes, my Lord ; I have wimesses to prove the &dui ttry ; anti that he (Captain Calceaft) was prevented being with her by his military duties, and the necessity of joining his regiment at Portsmoit Further proceedings were then adjourned to Tuesday next, CIVIL LIST BILL. Lord ALTHORP, and several Members from the Commons, brought up the Civil List Bill, which, on the motion of Earl GREY, was read the first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Monday. Earl GREY moved that a message be sent to the Commons for a copy of the report of a select committee of that house respecting the r.sluetion of salaries of official persons.—Ordered. BEER BILL. Lord FOLEY presented a petition from tho magistrates of Wor cester,:against the new beer bill. It Pilled upon their Lordships for some enactment, to stop the immoral effect of that measure. The petitioners were deeply impressed with the necessity of a legislative remedy. The Earl of CARNARVON presented a similar petition from the Justices of the peace for the county of Somerset, founded on a present. ment made by the grand jury. The noble Earl, adverting to the grand jury presentment, said, said, they had reported that many of the worst crimes committed in the county had been arraned and planned by persons in beer houses. The destruction of property, and in some instances crime leading to deprivation of life, might be traced to these rite-bouses. Such being the sta.e of the coun:ry occasioned by the beer bill, the Government must be sensible that delay in providing a re- In:Ay must be dangerous. In the %Vest of England the cyder-houses had proved a great nuisance, and the misfortune was that cyder-houses tad bier-houses w.re not open to the inspection of the police as public houses were. It was a common thing f'r rite keepers of beer.shops to lock their doors anti suffer persons to remain drinking to three or four o'clock in the morning, and this was done in defiance of the /da gis rates. Viscount CLIFDEN presented petitions from Kildare and Kilken ny, for an alteration in the mode of distributing funds for Edu cation in Ireland. Also a petition from Carlow, in favour of Podia r:lentary Reform. ••• PT I s. i. I , ` f: #1 ~~~ 1