Star. — London, England, 1822-03-14 00:00:00

-„ '," %.' " . • was to be brought before the Hose& There Must be a point at which they mint . stop, and if the country, * - et* not prepared to sax , that the Govern Mitt ()AWN tobet4lthe More pf a Republic, they could not expect these things to be *granted. If Gentlemen sirevisdis to stop here, he should not mind this otk;e. , -- ut if this were to be led on to other offices in ate - same manner, he Would not vote for the present mo tion. He held it to be necessary to the safety of the country to allow a sufficient influence in the Crown; and so long as he had a seat in Parliament, he trusted his Constituents would not expect him to act other wise than his sense of duty prompted. He never would consent to heat down the power of the CrOwn. Ifit was told to his Constituents, and misrepresented, as what he had said had been before now, he should say, that he came there with the intention of doing his tints , honestly and conscientiously; but if-they 'wanted him to come there to pull down the power of 'the Kiog, they must get some other person, for he would never consent to do it. * • Ain RANKES understood it to be contended that' offices, however expensive and useless to the coun-1 try, were to be kept up to support the influence of the Crown—(Hear, hear). He had always heard, froth the first authority in that House, that the in fluence rif the Crewn was confined to the necessary offices of the State- , (Rear, hear, hear). These were the legitimate sources of patronage, and the only le , gitimacy which he recognised. All offices while they existed should be at the pleasure of the Crown to a greater degree than he thought they bad been. But when Farlia ment thought them useless, then only it Was they should interfere with them to abolish them. The Noble Lord had alluded to two Rills which he had the honour to propose, and the Right Hon. Gentle men he believed to have supported them. He was quite sure that the Hon. Gentleman on the second bench (Mr. Fremantle) did, and he thought his Right Hon. Friend did also. It was generally his good fortune to agree with him, and whenever he diffeied from him it was with very great pain. He had the highest opinion of his talents and integrity, and he would not say more in his presence.— lie thought the Noble Lord had just gone far enough W::1 his Resolution, and not too far. He had gone jt.s,. as far as he (Mr. &hikes) went in 1812, and there was no difference in the circumstances of the two periods which could induce the House to change its decision. With regard to the argument of not know in-.; when to stop, he saw nothing in this Resolution v.ilich pledged any Honourable Member to any til te:or course whatever. Reductions of other offices be proposed, and some of which he should styport, whilst others he would oppose. He should feel himself at perfect liberty to exercise his own discretion upon every future case which came before the House. He had not beard one word advanced in sup;roit of this office upon the ground of its utility. Ile perfectly agreed with the. Noble Lotd in viewing the question as one at lust economy, and not as at tempting to pull down a long constituted once, to lessen the influence of the Crown. It was only acting upon the principle of reducing everything as far 4. was safe and just to the country, which they bad pledged themselves to do, in the Address which he ba.-1 the honour to move in 1821. He thought Mi ni,ters were not redeeming that pledge by opposing the motion of an Hon. Baronet the other night. If he was to take that as a specimen of their economy, he should be exceedingly disappointed. He supported the motion because not one word had been said in defence of the office upon the ground of its necessity. Neither was it, as had been represented, an office of such ancient standing. It was not equal in antiquity and importance to many of the offices which they had abolished in the Exchequer and elsewhere. It had not been dignified by great name, in remote psi. tiods of history, nor had its possessors the power of turning it to the advantage of the country. He trusted the House would go along with hint in sup porting the motion of the Noble Lord. Mr. PEEL said, the Noble Lord had called upon the House to decide the present question on the naked merits of the case;- and had been followed by his (Mr. 1 3 ce . F ) Right Hon. Friend, who had argued it upon prin:iple ; though his Right lion. Friend by no means conceded to the Noble Lord the argument that the office in question was useless. Ile hoped he should he considered as discussing the question fairly if he addressed himself to both its elements ; inquiring, first, whether the office was useful? and, secondly, whether, independent of its usefulness, it was neces sary for the preservation of the just influence of the Crown ? In looking at the first of these branches of the argument, it became necessary to ascertain when the office was founded, though he admitted that an tiquity alone was not a conclusive argument for its continuance. If it had been the growth of tempo rary circumstances, no one could argue for its conti nuance, when those circumstances had ceased to exist. But still he submitted that the date of the office was not entirely . to be overlooked. The year ninety two, was a constant date among Hon. Gentlemen op posite, and to a degree which would lead one to be lieve that they considered it the standard date of financial perfection. He would refer the House to the year 92 ; but it was in 1692, that be found the office was first instituted, and be found that on its first institution it was held by two Postmasters-Gene ral. The next question was, whether the duties had increased or diminished since its commel.centent ? , la those duties there had been a gradual increase ; and they had become quintupled since the com mencement of his late Majesty's reign —Wear). — This might be inferred from the Revenue, which, in 1764, was 4-00,0001. in 1793, 600,0001. in 1795, '700,0001. and in 1815, 2,000,0001. With every de. terence, therefore, for the opinion of his Hon. Friend, the Member fur Corfc Castle, he thought it was ra. ther too much to call this an inefficient office. Even in the documents of the blouse, in which it bad been mentioned, modification rather than reduction had been suggested. The Committee of 1797 had been justly complimented tor its labours, and its authority had been generally admitted ; but 'that Committee merely stated, that it might be worthy of considera tion whether a Board of Commissioners would not ensure attention to the duties of the office, in which there was much depending un hitilfal management. The modification would, if adopted, have increased, rather than diminished the influence of the Crown, for a pat: onage over five offices of 10001. a-year each, was into e desirable fur the purposes of influence, than •k patronage over two offices of 25001. a-year each.— k appeared that the Hon. Gentleman opposite would ...managed At salary-of the fixed by Act.of Parliament in 1785, at a time when every attention was paid to measures of economy.-- Mr. Burke, at that time, proposed no alteration of the office; for his objections were principally to the of- fic eof Third Secretary of State and the Board of Trade. Considering alt these circumstances, the antiquity of, the office, the increase of its duties, the recommenda- tion of the Committees, and the fact of Mr. Burke having never ititerfered or suggested an interference, with the office, be came to a conclusion different from that of his lion. Friend, and could not admit that the office was either useless or inefficient. Having offered these observation 3 on the fi rst part of .the su bject, he came to the other with considerable diffidence, for he was aware of its magnitude. He knew how difficult it was to define the just influence of the Crown. Without attempting such a definition, he might ob- serve that the progress of intelligence among the people had occasioned so considerable a deference to public opinion in the Executive Department of the State, that such a definition was less necessary than formerly. But when he considered this office with reference to its antiquity and its increased duties, he could not bring himself to say that it formed a source of unjust influence. While upon this part of the sub ject, he could not but notice the surprising doctrines he had lately heard broached in that House respect ing the mode of carrying on Government. An Hon. Member had stated that he had been compelled to discharge four of his clerks; and thence had reasoned the necessity of a corresponding reduction in the va rious Departments of the Government. He (Mr. Peel) could never admit the justice of an analogy between the affairs of a great country and those of a mercan tile individual, however respectable. He had heard an Hon. Member compare the Officers oldie Govern 'spent to' a Corporation, for dividing profit among themselves, while that Hon. Member thewed a studied forgetfulness of the desire which had been manifested by those very Officers fin- the abolition of sinecures. The argument of that Honourable Member appeared to be that public services should be performed for nothing; an argument inconsistent alike with the principles of the House, and with those adopted by Mr. Burke, upon questions of Reform and Economy. Mr. Burke had said that he would not accept of gra tuitous public services; and that country which looked for so much restrictive virtue and romantic genero sity in its servants, would find itself miserably duped in the end. lie was satisfied that Parliament Would take a different turn from that which had been recom mended by the cases of the HonourableMembers op posite ; and he was persuaded that it would not over look the considerations which presented themselves ' upon a view of the present question. There were minor considerations, however, which should not be undervalued. Much had been urged on the score of influence ; but those who understood the nature of public affairs were aware that the great increase of public business had considerably diminished the value of official influence. There were few high offices I which did not require almost the undivided attention of the holders of them, either in office or in Parliament. It was true that they still remained objects, though diminished ones, of honourable ambition ; but be re peated, their influence had been of late years very much diminished. He would remind the House, eroogli the fact was not thought of any consequence by the Honourable Gentlemen opposite, that in' the Treasury the number of papers demanding official examination had increased eight-fold since the year 1793 ; the number in that year being 3000, and at present 23,000. He mentioned the Treasury merely l for example, as the increase in the business of the other great offices was in about the same proportion. In conclusion, he declared that he could not conceive any question to be of more importance than the pre sent. It was not with regard to the influence of the Crown that he particularly thought so; nor did he regard it as a question of safety ; for of course the actual safety of the country did not depend upon the dismissing or retaining one of the Postmasters-Gene ral. But he considered it as a question affecting the real substantial interests of the nation ; for he believed, arid he trusted the House would bear in mind, that if they diminished this office, the principle upon whirl) they did so would apply with such increased force to other offices, that it would be impossible to say where that principle should find its limit. He could for himself declare, that fearless of all imputation on his hnotives, he should, upon conscientious grounds,' five his decided negative to the motion. Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH rose and said, that if it were not for the introduction of extraneous topics, he had not intended to trouble the Houle this even. ing, but merely meant to give a silent vote in favour' of the Noble Loid's motion. but there were other questions conncted with that motion, which, as he should shew b j and bye, was really the only subject fur consideration tonight; and these questions to volviug novelties more dangerous and alarming to the constitutional liberty of England, tbau any be had ever heard in the country, much lett in any intelligent and, • independent assembly, that he Could not forbear frail' taking notice of them. These novelties were indeed such as, according to the language of Gentlenss on the other side, to apply to the very root of thn Constitution— ( Applaisse ).—lt was; indeed, for the very first time alleged ; that it was necessary • to the stability. and influence of the Crown, to preserve use less offices- { Hear, hear).—An }lon, Gentleman had argued, that useless offices were only to be regarded is sinecures tar as pensions, fbr the servants of the Crown, which ought now be disturbed; and for this the yea?: ago, that several'oirsces,f.r b"Pened which • were very an• nent indeed, which were as ancient as the plantar genets, were abolished •in 1812 and 1813, •beesthe from eircumstances:those offices bad become obinlete . and superannuated. Upon what principle, • ,then ) should the office of second Postmaster-General be maintained ? &viral of the offices to which he had alluded had existed in 1892, as well as that of •the second Postmaster-General, and yet they were now no more, because thty became palpably useless.— But what office could be more useless than that to which the motion referred? The Right'Hon. Gen tleman, in defending this offiie, had truly said, that the business of the Post-office had increased five-fold since 1792• But did this increase of offscial btisiness require a proportionate increase of Postmasters-Gene ral ? For if so, the Post-office should have five Post masters-General instead of two—(A laugh, and Hear, henry,=and the lion. Gentleman opposite, instead of being engaged in arguing against the reduction of one Postmaster, should be eagerly occupied in press ing for an increase. But the fact is, that the in crease of business at the Post-office furnished no apology whatever for augmenting the Postmasters- General, who had in truth nothing to do with the management of that increase, or with the per formance of the duties of the office - (Hear, hear). —The Right Hon. Gentleman bad observed, that great injury might result to the department of the Post Office, if the appointment of the several officers competent to do the duty of that department were transferred from the Noblemen who usually presided over it, to the Treasury or to any other public office. Now he (Sir James) did not wish to commit himself so far with official men, as to allege that they had framed any particular document for the distribution of patronage, which had not yet appeared before the Publit ; but he could say that a strong rumour was afloat that arrangements were already made, and or ders issued by the Treasury, to transfer to that De partment the patronage of the Post Office, including 'the appointment of Deputy Postmasters, etc. this being deemed by the Treasury a more convenient way of conducting business than was afforded by the present system, If this rumour were correct, the ap prehension of the Right Hon. Gentleman as to the transfer of patronage could not apply against the mo tion before the House ; but whether correct or not, how could it be necessary Ito have two Postmasters- General to superintend the disposition of places at the Post Office, and that both these Postmasters should have a large salary ? Such appointments, for such a purpose, could certainly not be necessary. In proposing that there should be only 'one Postmas ter-General, his Noble Friend surely proposed quite' enough, and he recommended that this one Postmas ter-General should have an ample salary. But it could never enter into his Noble Friend's mind that 1 1 it could be requisite to have one Peer of the realm watching over the conduct of another in the appoint ment of Deputy Postmasters or Clerks, or in the dis charge of any other trivial business connected with the office of Postmaster-General. No, one Peer must be sufficient for such purposes, and his Noble Friend could never mean any such re flection upon the cha racter of that great body, wit which he was so inti mately connected, as to suppose the contrary— (Hear, hear).—He (Sir James) could never think of referring to former debates upon any subject, because such irregularity was calculated to lead to perpetual litigation and confusion. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman, observing the iilarquis.of Londonderry smile, said that that smile might be applied to others; but as he had never taken part in any reference to the debates of a former day, he was as much entitled as any Gentleman who heard him to reprehend a practice at once so likely to lead to unpleasant con troversies; and so directly involving a violation of the duties prescribed in - both Houses of Parliament. He now came, the Learned Gentleman said, to the question immediately before the House, and to the dsctrines advanced to warrant a resistance to the mo tion. . The Right Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, had maintained that this office of second Post. master-General was essential to the good govern ment of the country, while he at the same time said, 'that it was very difficultAO define that influence of the Crown which-this - Office was required to support. So that here was a doctrine which was calculated at once to put an end to the consideration of any further retrenchment or economy-:-to put a bar indeed to all inquiry upon the subject. The argument of the Honourable Member for Corfe Castle was so consti. tutional, so invulnerable, that he (Sir James) was ashamed to attempt to add to it. The influence of the Crown had until that night been considered ex tensive 'enough in its legitimate sources. These were in the collection of the largest revenue ever raiseil`by any State ; in the pato:one over the mi litary, naval, and legal professions, and the nomina tion of the high Dignitaries of the Church ; and in the support of nine-tenths of those who had influence over an immense empire in the East. These were le gitimate sources of patronage, and were they not enough in all reason ? If either of them were attacked 1 it might undoubtedly . be said, that the attack was made upon the just influence of the Crown. Another of the arguments of the Right'Honeurable Oentleman against the motion was 'in the difficulty of defining that just influence; but this, if allowed, would go to the exclusion of all reduktion, if not of all inquiry. If Ministers carried retrenc.htueot. into offices filled by subordinate cle;lcs, who had no; the means of de fending themselves, to .who is pecessity' must thethe . reduced if they stood upon the infamy of the Crown against . berfor Yorkshire to reeonsider hrs re collect-that the present Motion did not ten upon hits to go owl hundredtkpart of the len.rth of his owe principle.. It was, he 04 impossible to mention day - office more useksii than that of Postmuster-Ge %ital. He tbelieved there was More reason to Ise .offeied in fa of keeping the two Leeds of the Admiralty ..vrbo e House bad reduced. ."1111as.(§4 James Mackintosh voted for their reductift because he thought they could be dispensed. with'; but he should vote for the present motion because he conceived the office is question was altogether useless. Of precedents and authorities for supporting this mo tion, he could produce the strongest ; not merely from the Reports of the Committees of 1197 and 1818, but from the Acts of that House in 1812 and 1815, bi which Acts several great offices, comprehending th Tellers of the Exchequer, and the Justice s in Eyre, and others, which were among the most ancient offices in th,e.country, were totally aboLshed, because they were useless • and yet what could be more use less than the offiee which the motion sought to set aside, and which was defended by Ministers solely upon the pretence that it was necessary to the main teaance of the influence of the Crown ? (Loud cheers). mg. Rossmox and Sir JAMBS Macznertssu explained. W YNN•edd, be coolddered that the people would never seek to deprive the Crown of its legitimate influence, because it was existing under a better government than any other cows try possessed. The Marin:deo( LONDONDERRY said, that the best proofs of the disposition to retrenchment and economy in the Govern ment were exhibited in the extended statements lately laid be fore the House. He or his friends had no objection to allow their offices to be examined, to see if further reductions could be made. The Howe shonid net adopt the principle of destroying an office. which was a part of the machine of the Government. The difference of sawing, as applying to the whole question of economy, would only be from 12,0001. to 90,0001. Ile eon , tended that it was altogether flying from the question to argue it on pecuniary grounds. When he looked at the machine of Go veronica, and found it involved SO or 00 offices. he thought if it was reduced to the degree proposed by Hon. Members on the other side, it would be impossible for it to exist. Such a proceed ing mutt soon destroy the very frame of Government--(11c or). Ile knew it was said that nothing was wanting but to reform the Parliament. It was, indeed, a very ready mod, of Reform, to take away - from the Government the means of tarrying en the public baldness. While he was ready to agree to all prac ticable economy, he would Waist that the office now proposed to be abolished, was nieessary to the machine of Government. Ile disclaimed altogether the notion that it was a sinecure office. it was not to he considered In that light merely, because it had been put down in rite schedule of a Bill, which his Hon. Friend (the hlember for Code Castle) had introduced in 1413, for the abolition of certain offices, which his Hon. Friend wished to do away. Howevec,.it was -afterwards ex - eluded from the Bill with the concurrence of Parliament. and when the question came io be discussed heroic the Finance Committee, k was de.. tided that • the office was pot a sineeuie, and the Committee founded their decision upon the ground, t hat it was not desirable to place the vestinue of the Peet Office under the controul of one Postmaster-Genera. But Gentlemen on the other side were not disposed to pay much respect to the judgment of that Finance Com mince •' be, however, was not bound to believe that its authority was destroyed merely because it was not held to be orthodox by ethers. Yet there was another Finance Committee, that of 1797, which was held to be almost infallible, one against which no imputation could lie. Was it the opinion of that Committee that the office should be abolished ? Quite the teversJ ; they only wished,to enlarge the Board. He would now lay it. down as a Imildival proposition, that there was not any one branch of die Revenue which ought to be entrusted to any one individuaL— , He protested against the notion, that Mr. Freeling, from his rank in office, ought to be entrusted with so muck of the public Revenue without any other superintendance than that of the Treasury. He called on the House not to sanction a measure merely for the.purpose of saving X 2300 a year, when two Com. miners had decided that the office ought not to be abolished.— The Finance Committee of 1817, did not agree with that of 1797 that a larger Board was necessary, but they gave it as their unanimous opinion that the. revenue of the office in question ought not to be entrusted to one individual. Combining all the circumstances of the case as it related to the Government with the best fiscal arrangements that could be made for the collet. Lion of the public Revenue, he would call on the House in a manly tone,he would call on the Gentlemen•of England to look around them and duly consider whether this was in office that ought to be abolished ; he would call upon them not to truckle to the bad spirit that was abroad; for if they did so, they wotad at once betray their own situation, and the beat interons of the country !—( Hear, hear).. • Sir J. NEWPORT said, the Noble Lord's vote was in direct centradicdon to his owh coat:maims, for he bad admitted that he was not prepared to support the contintnace ofkeekes Now, the Committee of 1797,' to whose 'Finials the Noble Lord professed to pay so Muck deference, had declared that this office, as administered .by the Poettnaster-General, was an use ' less office; and that this branch of the revenue ought to be col lected by Commissioners, in the same manner aoevery other branch was collected. Sir I. COFFIN supported the motion. Lord NORMANBY shortly replied. After his Majesty's Ministers bad brought down 'the King's gracious Mess.ve, an nankin his Majesty's: intention of making a great sac rifi ce out of his personal income, it was rather extraordinary that they - should take so early an opportunity of making the Crown the means of defending a piece of mere Ministerial patronage. The House divided, and the numbers were— For Lord Normanby's motion, • 159 Against it, - 184 - —43 Majority ORDNANCE ESTIMATES. On the re-admission of strangers to the gallery, the attention of the House was occupied by Mr. HUME, who complained of the ignorance in whirl the House was kept relative to the expenditure of 35,0001. voted as the ordinary expenses of the Ordnance for 1621, toiether.with 3,oent. more for beds, bedsteads, and furnituie, making in all ass amount little short of 40,0004 Besides these suds., there were 14,0001. voted for charges and salaries to masters and clerks of works. He did not mean to say, in the meantime, that the ar Ovation of these sums was wrung; but the House. Aught et. least to know the items of the expenditure before. it should ho called upon to'renew the grant. There was, however, an item of about 10,0001. for works purporting to have been construsw4 in Demerara, to which he could not but object. The colony, he. Wad convinced, was quite competent to its own difente, and should be made to bear the whole charge!' lf 'whatewerworks k . fek,necessary for thislurpose. He theetl)areyrpoosed to nun, fbr a copy of the'Estfina dares Specifications • 91 the Works at Dieneesee, 'man Mk, was imak~ketlo7lPtefor tiro Engi D egeing ,R d eactsuslit, which wicisi .to he gr,flataed. With'regatd to the expense of the ileffilf Demerara, be did maaa to say that banisters bad no Report of it, but that • :I -.1.1.-•.-,-.- ... .....- ~. -..-, --- I, . ' . .t! - • . - . . . . . . . . . . . • . • ..' ' . • • • • r • • ' ,- - r• , • , -, . ' • IV"' ^ t it:. soy . i • c. ~.-. . . . , • • . . „ . . .- • • . .... : - . !'wish. shtli4nor a Niwa...acstikbe eraser* tillerite 114:114*Ginillaittheyiesolidid 6, 0 6,: iv e - : : ... ' 4 " . " -- - '' ''' . &OF • ' red to dk Treaseet•—( kinful t 4tDirtgayisttiop. of Mr•tierbl4-. Whaitier.lllr• Rork. wegiri - 4411: . . - iiiiii4llllAl • -; #4 .. , He. really had lionliktemimstresent any trgantegt, right..hyringsusth an opitir W4O . .' .' • ''. .._ , • ' ' ta Z i ritell;Citaigyv. ' • but he eettehtlyeted4iat it tyres ' preptiaarthe would not , * BD in finlike. 't it was, sp. • itii fiats It . - - - , while theAtisis- n trtin s h osUd redloin:Sti4erthe intim 0( L461 1 0(4(1; iniiiktr. Ontri4 hid e4pftwid 'eat tan .theilliliVei..ll4e• camphor , se i r o g ijo - Mi. Fretting, or het grattAveW tn'the treeing: l he ()pinto% ItenStebgeibent had betiVitible health& itseatinte of laisereema?',4lfiewa s i, • ti ed t u ts mode in winch the duties tf the :011ie were %%the rising the;.Cmenz tbipint pethiine eepluerieitiOns '•tdirkkeetttm, gild %rd.-44n '-' , g f it i tiV il s ' 44. present. eriod•disetsargedi gam; be beliesiech general , public sestrents„ angi , think". she maahilalsomat *f lit_Si_i_ i itdisine=‘ 4. l4. . .... vitticls; stit of • satisfastsoo;,and noose bad fisted distant ins- the system of Sinecures could. no - !Opel? , sionnagt • 411° W 1 C WU U U S ' llll7 4PlieD• *-, • c provement in that ;node was ereaponible: Retesting necessary. Min the sinecu res who Voltsso stoutly of *bean*. tededdebodbY • ;sum . to the Report of the Cenunittee d 1817, he certainly as second' in ltit'stegate; 'intik' a 'itaileftlifiiie fa 43 1,0leoitot. 114 arttoi,4 - • , . tifellotient was.not prepared totay that ' ll these ditties slicaild ' maintain the primmitleitlhat *albs blkits:indight•to ittitOtt#f • ihts9tptet 3 •' - k ip ofidefill be imposed upon one person ; ` dutie s •which produeed , be• pm/Omsk in elder ta freisavedis infitsene , of dee Imataaats it* • 111. 4 11 aual hablikleihe:c:' a r a revenue of two millions, and required- a* 'view "Crown . Tbo•ltight Hon. fisaikenanwito tionkt kisi *WIPP° issiiiPaiaift t'Y', ,seroar therdisdiv -4t • . attention to a considerable expenditere. • The °Alien, had not, with all his seal,. atilitpted to assert that lestlettittell In• Hi 'Moe - terdie onithie • Of Mr. Freeling himself, arm hi sezusa s uat i on , %m i n • the existence of twO . Posirmidele4Feiterid iris" races- a . Risk . t - Hoo. " tlitftsM of Minya' 46.10.000 . 64 • favour of the two Lords .. He (Mr. 1 1 !) could not ad- eery, in order to *form the - Shifted theloottleth; been . fc 4 0 00 4 1 6 : 117 1°' ianili_ _ 4.lwilitint .if ea the Mit the justice of the inferenie drawn from the evi- kit the Right Hon:•GentAMtitiatted tipergite, theft , 116 PP °Iti nr "" :Z . li r likleCtlrim-- *nee of' Lord Chesterfield; for all•that it amounted astheseofeceswereancientitheyviseethereforeeffitient. Hon: bingetlettw ' and wail; to was, that the junior, . upon adiffievence•of opinion, It should, however, be within the recollectioo of, the tut k Y. Peogad.. 0 11 fealkhot al it rine! MO- conceded to the senior--an .arrangement adopted in. Right Hon. Gentleman, for it happened only a few tion. be they wou l d -be eppled by eating- all welt:managed office s . Th e sa l ar y- o f t h e c.e was veins ago, that several &Ica, Which • were very an.' against it: In . particular be entreated • flo"ten"' I I A. • : L