Star. — London, England, 1814-04-25 00:00:00

s.sb, • • , *filch that pie* shall pro' nounee upoh that issue, their ex'stQnce as a free le 0 Coo ! i n t erpose thine eternal pdepends wisdom, Do thou, and lead their minds to a correct decision I 44 I'll:. petty successes of party, the ep hemeral timphs of politic a l disputants ov e r theiraciversaries, are of ro real iMpoitance to t h e Am er ican it is the rn.neral policy or s y stem pursue d b y any pe oplead:' Ministration which eleirate s t h e m to national wealth and respectability, or overwhelms them with ruin .and . disgrace. Alth oug h, Si r , I s h a ll f ee l myself comp el. present led to cond e m n t he genera l po li cy of the - d ministration, this sh a ll by no means involve an ind is 4 m . rim ate condemnation of all my fellow-citizens, who have seen fit to rally under their banners. Fur we well lino * that there are many men o f i ntegr i ty an d talents in both political parties, who do not choose to #evolve within the contracted sphere of mere party iolities ; but 'who nobly dare a sser t t h e i r i n d e p en d ence F party prejudice, With a steady and single view to the prosperity and glory of America. And I felici. tate my country that there are many such within these walls. The influence of government upon a people is well known: political writers, with great truth, assert, that wheneyer a people are prosperous and contented at home and respected abroad, the government of th at people must be well administer eds; that, on the contrary, when general disco n t e nt, distress and wretchedness prevail among the people of anrnation, with degradation in the eyes of foreign nations, the administration of such a country must be feeble, cbrriipt, or wicked. In the one case, it is like our own majestic - rivers, confined within the limits fixed by the GOD, of nature, whose gentle cur rents flow through immense regions, spreading ferti lity and abundance among the peo ple, and expanding as they flow to an ocean of wealth and prosperity.— The other is like the same rivers, swolu by torrents, bursting their natural barriers, and deluging the country with misery and desolation. The one, in fine, is like the glorious,sun himself In the mildness of his majesty, animating all nature and dispensing health and wealth to favoured clitn;ites : the other is like-hisrtortid heats and blasts, sca!tering pestilence, disease and death through devoted lands. Upon such principles and facts as these, I should be per fectly willing to bring to kconcise issue before the American people, the important question, for a long time litigated, relative to the merit or demerit of the respective political. systems which have been tried in this country. If, Sir, under Washington, this people advanced with a more rapid progress than any nation under Heaven to national respectability and happi ness ; and if the same people, under the administra tions of Jefferton and Madison, have been deprived by than of most of their nationatblessings, and arc rapidly.declining from their proud elevation into mi sery and discontent ; can they, for a moment; hesi tate to which to give the preference ? can they not instantly decide which is their bane, which the anti dote ? To the intelligence of the American people the decision is with confidence submitted. u Sir, the American people can havie no prefer ence, no partiality, no attachment for one Set of men Or alders . over another, except as the one may be snore- useful to them than the other, by their virtues, 'their talents, or their integrity. And believe me, Sir, and I call GOD to witness the truth of the declara tion, that I do net Make this appeal to tht judgment. and intelligence of the American people from any low,* sordid, partY•aiews or motives whatever. Fdr myself I expect -nothini Theipe for nothing, from this or any - edinViistratitart - tif my country ; except that protection in of my life, property, Mott-find dortiesiklit aide, which I have a right tnexpeet in eottimiiit 7 . with my fellow-cirizens ; and to see - itteictlate the Sepulchres of. ones fathers. For there are shies. ifillre'affirirs of Men when the post df honour is indeed 'a private-station; and I infinitely prefernirfinitible habiteitron 'in the wilds of Maine, to-any- post of honour or profitie - the pintideof admi nidtritioa id!besiveses , Yet, infinfielj more dear to-rneirmy,humble•de - ielling there; than would be splandieltmitety 13f yeti Ptak*: I have remarked, Sit, that Iscrensidee - thepttkhs 3 trar of the admini strationvas the - rieceisitylestik t lif that system of minuittresi if Cy be soled, in relation to our own country and to foreign nations, which has beers so tong int sooisstinitely persevered.in by Mr. `Jefferson andl'Mri Madison. Tins- system was first propedeirbride:4etfersori, when Secretary of State, intistittidrioas and celebrated report to Congress in 1794 rieff:the privileges and restrictions of our con. merce in foreign ports. Upon which report were predimitodaht tqtially celebrated resolutions pro*. ect by dd?. Madison, then a representative from Vir ginia toraisgatss, iioanuaty, 1794. In the debates upeir these resolutions, Mr. Madison and the other advocates thereof contended, as we are informed by the'dittinguished historian of that period, Chief Jus tice Marshal, 4 That the propositions submitted by these resolutions were the strodgett weapon America possessed,and . would, more piobaby than any other; restore her to all her - political and corinnercial They further urged them ofikhe ground of justice to France, by whom it was mild our ships and produce: were- more favourably recerrvetithan by Great Britain, or iirthe language of the day.' . the primary motive of these resolutions, as acknowledged by their defen ders, was not the increase of agetteltnre, manufac tures and navigation, but to hitivbfr ('pleat Britain and build itplfrancs; (Add ;.`the sante inOtive has most .preposterously actuated those defenders to this day). And that it Great Britain should • retaliate, the . effects of a corMerefal conflict ' would be felt by her mu chmor'serisibly . ahari by the United 'States?... Thus - Were thickly sown *the tares of that system cid] commercial wailaim - whielrhave sihire sprung up anal ripened into non.ittipOtutions, non-interoune, enVi h titian. and Well might the political writers* / Great Britain %consider this sySteM . 0 , tear in: dliguiii) might'thei viker it as a systeinntCderciog, act" ing u pose thi distresses and discontents .4)1 their m nufacturers, laboutera, and mechanics.'' But what is" indeed mosesiontrising in the progror cif blights" is, thitl3reitl3iiiiiiin was disposed to, and actually did consider itq though aimed principilly agaihst her,. • as merely:a crmercial ,testrietion or l anumcip t al !e t which ' Po ACRI ISETTS, ARMS 8111.3. t reluctance that imperious sense . , rciAlly at this militant displays • vhich, with pie:v:l cssed from both contest they ap ,nal fmily ; and animates thead * .brity to mit ni terican has an e etnulatton, roportion of th 4 those gentlem..4 stinguished therfii vocate Land that ve at lean equally y deseritli.seccess: :haractenl and of d it, I should cici ) my own feelings, nt objects, I bring log, dispirited, your contentious persuade myself on, or form a putt I extend my view st, from the tails )); the hostile squaw . turn my attention. hold it, for a long, distressed and Ago, an exasperated fatly , r• in The possession• for power to call pen those rash Ind country into this , my soul; come tot . eir assetitbly • •••': • s' the object of ttiv. lors' rights are ,w' rest of Canida the. the bold and gene.* lave been unfortis.. - • .rvice, would wish ipense of bloodandr lives-of thousands,' • Believe me, the re Well—their gene- . . • a a man in dish.: • ully share the ins) the hum anii r .gyh t , the case of one via abed towards *sr fire at Portwatotth ges, obt;erviug, that• from his accruing Ist lie coaquecedal-• What is there for iongrel French front' that country for the merly been a depot lions , will not thank low towards the ex it for the liberty you . le severely taxed—at n equality -with Arne. ver intended' to coo.. . would havelautst,bmt, ap the gulf and river teed at the avails of _ d have believed thent, • ,ecn to eater boldly at tow, like thieves and the house by the celess inhabitants.—lf awards any individual in, nay, in the world‘ , I could wish hint MO' _ liged to go and take- - ~n 111 . 1 shall have accountel . or the numerous lives for the immense trea= dered in. this hopeless, !cies of supply tor its I. It is then the sacred If the People, to refuse ow under consideration, ty be requested for the tilt leave Canada, and gentlemen into this de. te:ample justice to, the f importance connected sic your attention. istration declared the roclaimed to the world, consider its •justifying C. were opposed to this, • war, published to the causes. The iAne relied impressment, and the Britain. The other inn , and intrigue of the im erhaps a combination <4 amitous result; though never would have beta rof this subject, to whith - House, and of d%e Amw , us war as the neccssarf at policy and system of )y the present and immei ration, under Mr. Jetts , I, Sir, I consider this war, embargo and your isms. ich indeed grew oat of it, issue before the tribuna& :he great question, for a reen the rival parties its ,tness or incorrectness of measures. It is, indeed, • ration ; involving the ado • neat, the existence of out 0 0 ' happiness or misery of ea SI, upon the 04g1101110 ' , al r r' hall not dtvell upon the violent opposition to the adminietretion of Washington, whereby this change ruse etei ; nor upon the means by which the stipire iipetwei in America passed into either hands. It may ode, heirever, be improper to remark, that it eould-he no . ordinary oppositions which could wring from the breast of Washington these words, as recor did by the Historian above named : For the result (of certain calumnies against him and his measures) as it respects myself, I care not. I have a consolation within of which no earthly efforts can deprive me ; and that is, that neither ambitious or interested mo tives have influenced my conduct. The arrows of malevolence, therefore, however barbed and pointed, can never reach my most valuable part ; though whilst I am up as a mark they will be continually aimed at me.' They were indeed continually aimed at thee, departed excellence ! and With the more un erring aim, as these base assassins of reputation were concealed from public view, some too elevated, others too low for ordinary vision, and thus in secret pointed their envenomed shafts at the unsuspecting hero and father of his country ! Yet these very men now affect, with a very ill grace indeed, to look up to Washing.; ton as their model ! Nay some of them even condo tended to shed crocodile tears over his remains ! As soon as Mr. Jefferson had attained the highest politi cal eleiation in this country, which he had sought with so much ardour and perseverance, and a fair op portunity offered, this system of commercial warfare, this most potent weapon, (as its defenders called it) which America possessed, was let off against this una happy country. I shall not here particularly enume rate those oppressive acts of commercial restriction, which, in rapid succession, like the plagues of Egypt, were hurled against this devoted people. Passing by. the interdiction of commerce, at the instance of France, with a part of Hispaniola, the system CCM. rimmed with the Mon-impostation Act of 18(16—Em bargo of 1807—War in 1812, and, without naming various intervening acts, Embargo again in 1813. I will, Sir, for a moment ask your attention to the effects of this system—first on forei.,;n nations, then on our owe. Premising that there was indeed a won derful coincidence of time, object, intention, and effect between this American Continental system and that of Bonaparte. And there cauent be the least doubt but that he considered sante of our acts, from his language and declarations, 3s .rdopting his Conti nental system. Widely differ+ were the effects this system upon Great Britaire and Fran Ce. Britain, against whom it was almost exclusively in tended a,,d directed, considered it as a mere commer cial regulation ; s hick indeed bore hard upon some of her subjects, but it almost cleared the ocean ^ f the only commercial competitor which, she had to encoun ter. And she saw aud welt knew that it must re-act with tenfold severity en our own country. In France, on the corarary—Franee which was to be burl up by this system—calamitoUs and humiliating we-a its effects. The consequence there was, as Mr. Monroe,. Secreeiry of State, correctly observed in his letter of+ instructions to Mr. Barlow, then our Minister at Pa ris, that—' the .rdinary usages of commerce between friendly nations were akandonee That under the Bayonne Deere: (17th March, 1808) they seized American vessels and cargoes, pretending, that as, under the Embargo, no American vessel could navi gate the ocean, all who were found upon it tvere trad ing on British account and were lame' prise.' But the tact,' as Mr. Monroe adds, was ral-e+rwise.' 6 The Itamtemillet Decree, (23d Marc;i, ;010) was, "(as the Secretary says) a still more t-justifiable ag gression upon the rights of the United States, and in vasion of the property of their citizens ; ,it made a sweep,of all Amir.can property within the'reach of Frenchpower. It was also retrospective, extending back to the 20th of May, 1809. The law of the Ist of Mar; h, 1809, (which raised the Embargo and sub stituted what was) commonly called the. t4on-inter course Law, was the pretext of this Men - tire, which was intended as an act of reprisal.' Permit me here to remark that the principal decrees Of France, and Orders in Council of Great Britain, were reciprocally intended to retaliate the insults and injuries supposed by them respectively to have,been received ; and net originally aimed at neutral commerce. Was it, for this cause, wise or prudent in our Government to be- Come a party in that war which had for a long time destructively raged in Europe, without at least A 'certainty of greater positive good to this people, by tear, thah by negotiation ? The capture of several "raf your armies, the great loss of men by . pestilence and the sword, the impoverishment of your country, and its citizens, the investment of your sea coast, and the actual occupation of a part of your territory, and thedesolation of your northern frontier by your enemy, have tau g ht you a severe and important lesson upon this subject. F f ermit me further to remark, that the rash, im prudent; not to say unconstitutional act of an Ame rican Congress (I do not malt in relation to the de 'aeration of war), led directly to that disastrous event; I mean, Sir, by conferring upon your President a power which could only be exercised by ,the Oree branches of the Legislature (inclusive of the Execu tive), by vesting him with the arbitrary, the danger ous powet, of enforcing or repealing one of your laws at his pleAsure. Sir, what right had these three wanches to delegate to one of them a power, which the people had entrusted to the whole ? By the same principle they might delegate it to either of the three branches ; or to any individual in this country ; nay, to Bonaparte himself.. I allude to the force given,' by the Aft of March, 1809, to a Proclamation of your President ; and which, as was to have been expected, ass afterwards so notoriously abused: whereby he was to enforce the provisions nt your Non-intercourse law against one of the Belligerents, if the other by a certain time repealed or modified her edicts. Which power was even enlarged by the Act of the 2d of March, 1811, whereby the Proclamation of the Presi dent was made the only evidence of the fact, upon which it ought to issue—whether, as in the first case, tint fact had happened or not. It was, indeed, to be absolute verity, not to be averred against in law or equity. That man, ambitious of power, who in this or any other country possetses'thiii, need not lament Sit, I swould gulaikin. _ usoce,,,_ it professed to 'build the want of any odic : . It is a power, t up, in seine instances, coneideeed it achostile to the entrust to no one being, under Omnipotence. Mil right, et her lUglicts anet-Ardignity of hJr empire. tl?e abuse of it is some evidence of the folly of con;.. “Pike to!** {fie cfltittelLeiolutions of-Ivlr. Msdi-- ferting it. There is, indeed, much plain truth in the sod,:ilieiiiiigliiiii,integnity,and firraness of Washitiv. old,a6ge—that in a multitude of counsellors there is (on shielded oar country against their perniclont ,t- ' safety. Such power ought to be entrusted to no in-• fets, But different indeed was the Cass, when oilier isidual, whether Emperor, King, Preadent. ilea i li v iikt*ipaidottiiiisiteU in outionntry. . 4. 1 Will now, Sir, read, if not for the . information - 10 ...,:ti e•s" e" . •":- vr7 1 of the House, at least for that 'of the American peo ple (and I shall make no apology for drawing theh attention afresh to the subject), a part of the memo. cable letter of the iith of Aug ust, 1810, from the Duke de Cadore, the French Slcretary, to General Armstrong : a letter, I presume, which will never be forgotten by the American Government or people, as forming a part of one of the most infamous cheats and frauds that ever slisgraced the Cabinet of that in triguing nation • and which, instead of having been the foundation Of a friendly proclamation, might with more justice have bees made the ioundation of a de claration of war. • , Path, August 5, 1810. 6 1 hkve laid before his Majesty the Emperor and King, the act of Congress of the Ist of May. His Majesty could have wished that this act, and all other acts of the Government of the United States which interest France, had always been officially made known to him. 6 The Emperor had applauded Me general embargo laid by the United States on all' their vessels, because that measure, if it had been prejudicial to France, had in it at least nothing offensive to her honour. g The act of the Ist of March has raised the em bargo, and substituted for it a measure the most in jurious to the interests of France. This act, of which the Emperor knew nothing until very lately, interdicted to American vessels the ,ceriinserce of France, at the time it authorised that to Spain, Naples, and Holland, that is to say, to Me twntries under French itjluencei and denounced confis ,ontion against all French vessels which should enter the ports of America. Reprisal was a right, and com manded ty Me dignity of Prance—a circumstance. on which it was impossible to make a compromise. The sequester of all the American vessels in France has been the necessary consequence of the measure taken by Congress. Now Congress retrace their steps; they revoke the act of the Ist of March; the ports of America are open to French commerce, and France is no longer interdicted to the Americans. • In this new state of things, I am authorised to decliire to you, Sir, that the Decrees of Berlin and Milan ate revoked, and that after the Ist.day of No vember they will cease to have effect; it being under stood, that in consequence of this declaration the Eng lish s!' woke their Orders in Council, and remove the new principle of blockade which they have wished to establish ; or Oat the United States, conformably to the act ycn !1.:vo just cconnunicated, shall cause their rights to be respected by the English. 4 It is with the most particular satisfaction, Sir, that I make known to you this determination of the Emperor. His Imperial Majesty loves the Americans : their prosperity and their commerce are within Me :twit of his policy.' ~ Let us first see what figure an American Con gress makes on this French canvas. Offended by 'one of your laws of mere municipal regulation (and se considered by Great Britain), the haughty tyrant says—' Reprisal was a right, and commanded by the dignity of France ;' then calmly adds—' The se quester of all American vessels in France has been the necessary consequence of the measures taken by Congress.' He then insultingly subjoins— , Now• Co ngress RETRACE THEIR STEPS.' Aye, Sirs, Represers e tatives, Senators, and President, all all . 4 retrace their steps.' The tyrant frowns—they stop; he ' seizes all American property—they retrace their steps : tie commands it, and they repeal the obnoxious statute ; or, in other words, and in his imagination, they fall prostrate at the tyrant's lett I Then, indeed, as the Noble Duke has the satisfaction of stating— His Majesty loves the Americans Ma jesty loves the. Americans !' Ycs, Sir, it is even so written, • His Majesty loves the Americans He love the Americans? and seize, srquest.r, and con , demn all the property within his reach ! He love the Amer.cnns ? and immure our defenceless sai lors in his duegeons !. His very smiles (if such a monster ever does simile) are to I?etrty ; his friendly profession's, treachery ; his love, destruction ; an al liance with him, .would be the unnatural conjunction by a tyrant of antiquity, of a dead corpse with a living body. Not the tyger, crouching for his prey—nor the lion roaring for his food, is more to be dreaded than this scourge—this pestilence—this death. 1 would spurn from my, country, his love, his profes sions :tad treachery. Still , his Majesty loves the Americans ; their prosp:riti and thdir commerce are within die scope of his policy.' No doubt, Sir—no doubt, when within the scope of his' power. But this kiid , Emperor is pleased in aggrandizing the United States' by strip ping,their unerptected citizens of all the property within his grasp, awl expecting hereafter to aggran dize the Undid States by generotmly declaring them a territory of France, and by elevating them to the dignity' f his empire, adding to his other titles, that of lover of the Americans ! How was it possible, Simhat any man in his senses could have been deceived by a paper like tkis ? How ss as it possible for your Pre tient to give to it the least faith or credit ? It car ries 'treachery and deceit on the face of it. Yet,Sir, on this deception was predicated the fatal Proclamation of your President of the 2LI November, 1810, whereby he proclaimed to the world, that on the day before, at a place more than three thousand miles from him, a certain tact had happened essential to the validity of tbit proclamation, but which, in truth, did not take place tilt April after, and which was not pro mulgated till May,' 1812, in -season to effect the rescinding of the British Orders in Council ; in such time that neither fact should be known in this coun try till after your declaration of war—and the inten tion of that declaration was the subject of conversa tion in Paris before it was in America. Our Go vernment had certainly agreed with that of France to declare war by a certain day (say the'lst of June, 1812) unless the British Orders in Countifshould he rescinded before that day, and they did butte() faith fully keep their word. ‘. Sir, Congress thinnselves did not believe that ths French decrees were" repealed so late as March, 1811. ,When they Me-enacted the provisions of your non-in ,tercourse law, which had been attempted to be re vived proclamation. And Bonaparte, though solicited to save the apparent veracity of your Presi dent, intending to add the grossest insult to the high est injury, would not condescend to found his repeal ing decree upon that proclamation, because he well Anew it was a mere dead letter, as his decrees war, not repea)ed when that proclamation issued; but be (minded it upon the act of March, 1811, as an act of esista,une to British aggression. The only concession • A be asap to. the prodamatian was, to sniPelk ' ol4t :condemnations, though not any of his captures reizures. Is it not then apparent that our Gov r - anent has by this imperial despot been grossly de ceived ? Willingly and blindly led on, step by step, lb a situation from which they could not recede with out disgrace and dishonour to themselves, or go for ward without distress aid ruin to their country ! • • Alas! their dazzled eyes ' 13eheld this man in a false glaring Vett, • Which conquest and success have thrJwn upon hint! • Did they but view him right, they'd see him black • With murder, treason, sacrilege and crimes, ' That s rike my soul with horror but to name 'ens !' 44 Attend for a moment, Sir, to the declarations of your President himself, in his three Messages prece ding this Session. You will find him speaking in rela- tion to France of s authorised expectations,' amicable professions,' 4 negotiations procrastinated to the latest date.' Aye, Sir, this procrastination is indeeed the very thief of time—of millions of Amet ion property —and of a large proportion of our national spirit anti reputation. In his Message at the last Session he speaks of 4 delays before so unreasonably spun nut.' Yes, Sir, spun out indeed ! And he will continue to spin them out, as long as you condescend to send him the raw material. Yes, Sir, here were spin those halters which, in the appropriate language of an elo quent Gentleman on a former occaeion, were by France so twisted round the necks of this Adenine. stration, that nothing but the sword of war could sa- ver them. 44 Why then disgrace our country by keeping your Minister dancing attendance at the Court of this proud, sanguinary, and faithless Tyrant ? Ts repub lican America to be the only nation to prop his tot tering Throne ? Thank Gon, the Tyrant falls— and the world again is free !' Let us then emanci pate our country from this imperial slavery I—and with the immortal Bard exclaim— ' tim— 'Then be these juggling fiends no more believ'tl, • That palter with us in a double sense ; ' That keep the word of promise to our ear, • And break it to our hope.' 44 One word, Sir, as to tat_ fart that the• prottusla gation of the French repealing decree was the ground of rescinding the British Orders it: Cowman Witch, however, an Hon. Gentleman, on a iorrnetvecasion, ::Aid that no Gentleman on tacit thy thou assert: Yes, Sir, in the•language of menace, dare assert! Islc.,w it happened that; every Gentleman en t!!is side of the Hous", who followed *al Hon. amAlematt in debate, not only Aired to assert, bet a-tnally to prove the fact. And, Sir, if you take as competent ,the same witness, made use of by th at Hem. Gentle.' man himself, the fact is suscepti!lle of the m"st corn- Elete proof--I mean the Prince Rego:: himself, in his very rescinding decree. 41 But, Sir, passing by that. the fast is proved by one of that Hon. Gentleman's political friends, one too whom he will not be disposed to disbelieve. I mean the President himself, who, in his Message to Congres in November, 1812, says—s This proceed. ing (the promulgation of the French repealing De cree) although made - the ground of the repeal of the - British Orders in COuncil, is rendered by the time and manner of it liable to many objections.' Aye, Sir, 4 made the ground of the repeal of the British Orders in Council.' Now, Sir, let that Hon. Gentle- man go to the Palace and beard your President, and demand of him how he dare pronounce to the Ame rican people this damning fact ? Nor, Sir. can any reflecting man doubt, that had either the fact of the promulgation of the French repealing Decree, or of the British rescinding Order, been known in America prior to the declaration of war, tbai de structive event would not have taken place. And it is not too much to add, that had not the Presidential eleCtion b:en pending, that declaration would not have been precipitated. 66 The greatly increased patronage which that event would give, appeared to the self constitnted managers of that election, to be absolutely necess try to secure the re-election of Mr. Madison. " But, Sit, the demoralizing, the calamitous effects of this commercial restriction and war, ate the most to be deprecated. The ruin of commerce and the oppression of the merchant and sailor, ore evils too great to be longer borne. And all this wide waste and ruin in a war professedly for • free trade and sailors' rights.'. Wh4t has the merchant and the sailor done to draw down upon them the destructive vengeance of Government ? Search the world, where will you find a more enterprizing, mole intelligent class of citizens than the merchants of America ? Your once overflowing treasury, the immense riche which formerly flowed into our country, were ini.L.ed splendid monuments of their industry and enterprize. Consider likewise the hardy adventurous tars ot Ame rica ; every sea and climate bore Witness to their in trepidity and boldness. Nay, Sir, in the present war, 'from the deepest abyss of infamy and di grice they have plucked up, and now hold suspended, your drowning honour by the locks 1 • .. . 66 But in eulogizing one class a this. abused, in stilted, and oppresses people, I do injustice to th leSt. Would to GOD it were posi ble, from the ele vation of this capital, or of yon palace, t ulers could behold the disgrace and ruin, their acts have brought on this country. But the' Executive part of the go vernment, living at their ease in splendid ax . mantained at the piiblic charge, fed by. the people, [who yet appear ' to lick the band just raised to shed their blood'] and like prodigals far rig sumptuously every day.—Little, ah little, do they think to thy ac cumulated misery and distress, which their oppressive acts have brought upon this once happy coutvry. " Sir, you will drive Csis people to madness. Re store them to peace before it be too late I Restore to theM their commerce, their fishery, their accusto med modes of supporting their families, before they turn upon you in despair I Restore to them trillions of property sacrificed in this ruinous contest—restore sons to their fathers—fathers to their wretched wive.' and children—whose blood now cries from the ground for vengeance upon their cursed betrayers, utio owe their greatness to their country's ruin—then instead of curses not loin!, but deep,' the blessings of those steady to perish will light upon you. " Sir, 1 will conclude by declaring to all our ene mies, both foreign and domestic, that howeve r widely we may differ upon minor justlypointt—however and pointedly we condemn the violent and oppressive acts of our Rulers, America is st ill our countr y —still dear -to the patriot breast, and must be defended : her inr dependence and her rights were purchasid by the beta blood of our forefathers, and, when necessary, will be protected with that of their sons 1," I