Star. — London, England, 1821-01-12 00:00:00

COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL. Yesterday a Court of Common Council was held at Guild'etll, for the dispatch of public business. Mr. OLDHAM referred to a Report of the Court of Aldermen, in which the privileges of the Court were ii,volved, relative to the late proceedings in the Court of Ki Leach. It appeared from that Report that the payment of the costs of prosecution was charged upon the Cite purse, and the deleadants were desig mated as having been guilty of a misdemeanour.— With respect to the question which it was the object of that prosecution to try, namely, whether on the day of electing a Lord Mayor, the Livery had a right to enter upon the discue.ion of any other busi ness except the election:' the Couit of Kings Bench had, in fact, come to no decision; and as each party had to pay their own costs, the same punishment !ran been inflicted upon the prosecutors as upon the de fendants. He moved, that the Report be referred to a Committee of Peivileges. Mr. T. N. WILLIAMS seconded the motion. Ile had been himself one of the Committee, and be had certainly made every &Fart in his power to conciliate matters, and set the question at rest. With that view he had advised the Corporation to pay the costs on both sides, though he did not concur in opinion with the defer dents. Mr. Alderman WAITIINIAN said, that though lie was a Member of the Court of Aldermen, he had not been able to obtain a sight of the evidence upon which the Report of the Committee of Privileges 1 was founded. When that extraordinary Report was first presented to the Court, he had declared that the statements contained in it were unfoUnded, and ex pressed a wish to have a sight of the evidence. It 1 was consequently postponed at that time, and at the next Court he (Mr. Waithman) was unable to attend, in consequence of severe indisposition. A prosecution, however, was considered so indispensable, that the Court of Aldermen proceeded to act upon that Re port. How many Aldermen were present upon that occasion, he could not say ; perhaps the Court might not be more numerously attended than on a late oc casion, when the Lord Mayor and himself were obliged to transact some indispensable business, no other Member of the Court of Aldermen being pre sent! One singular feature in this transaction was, that Sir William Curtis, for the first time in his life, discovered a feeling for the City purse, though he had no scruples in putting the Corporation to an ex pense of 1.3,900 to keep his own birth-day!--He trusted, that when this Report came to be discussed, due notice would be given to that Hon. Baronet. Mr. BROWNE and Mr. Alderman WOOD supported the motion, which was then put and agreed to. Mr. Sheriff WILLIAMS presented a Petition from the City of London Bible Society, praying for pecu niary aid,' which, after a short conversation was or dered to be referred to the Committee of General Purposes. THE QUEEN. Mr. FAVELL, in rising to submit to the Court a Resolution, of which the object was a Petition to the House of Commons for the restoration of her Ma jesty's name to the Liturgy, and the restitution of all her rights and dignities as Queen Consort, felt the difficulty of saying anything new upon topics which had been so amply and ably di s cu ss ed. He deeply lamented the necessity of recurring so often to the subject of her Majesty's grievances; but who were to be blamed fin- this but the Ministers of the Crown, who, after abandoning the unjust and impolitic pro ceedings against her Majesty, had not the honour to do her justice, but kept everything suspended, with a view of throwing the apple of discord among the People, and screening themselves from that inquiry ileto their conduct which, he trusted, would still be instituted' He could net but reflect with satisfac tion on the part which the Corporation of London bad taken throughout the whole of these proceed ings. In the course of the last year, they had at once shown their respect to the Family on the Throne, and then' attachment to the principles of the Censti union. Within that short space of time they had had occasion to express their sorrow for the death of their late venerable Sovereign, and of another Mem ber of his Family, who was at once a Prince among Philosophers, and a Philosopher among Princes. They bad shewn their zeal for Royalty, and they had shewn likewise their regard for the Constitution, in expressing their abhorrence of that unjust and un constitutional measure, the Bill of Pains and Penal ties, by which her Majesty's enemies had sought to ruin her honour, and deprive her of her just rights and privileges. Though th at Illustrious Person had been completely acquitted, yet everything was kept suspended, and Parliament had been prorogued, in order to bolster up a tottering Administration, by aising a spirit of Royal, or rat h er Ministerial Radi i. alism, and screen them from that inquiry which the 'peace of the country demanded. An attempt had been made to identify Administration with the King, as if attachment to the Ministers and to the person of the Sovereign were one and the same thing.— lie should be glad to know who of his Majesty's sub j.:ets had sworn allegiance to his Ministers? The short way would be to pass an Act of Parliament at once, making it high treason to speak disrespectfully of his Majesty*. Ministers. The object of the Resolution which he was about to move ; was to restore her Majesty's name to the solemn service of the Church, that the People of F e ngland might pray publicly for that Illustrious Person, whom they already prayed for in their hearts. It was extremely doubtful whe ther there was any legal authority for omitting her Majesty's name; and it appeared, from a learned and elaborate investigation of the subject which he had lately seen, that every Clergyman who omitted it was liable to a civil prosecution. He could not pre tend to decide upon that question, but he trusted, at ail events, that the House of Commons would enter tain the subject of their Petition, and tharthey would take such measures as would, not only restore her Majesty tb her rights and dignities; but lead to the punishment of his Majesty's Ministers. He concluded by =noting the Resolutions, (for which see the Adver tisement in theirs! page). Mr. SOUTIIGATE seconded . the motion. There could be no doubt that her Majesty, whom Mr. Can ning had declared to be the grace and ornament of. society, would maintain her high station with dignity and propriety. The restoration of her Majesty's name to the Liturgy was a measure which the reli- git A la as well as Cie moral and political interests of the country demanded. A cry prevailed at this mol ment that the Church was in danger, and he believed that these apprehensions were not altogether without foundation; but, if the Church was in danger, it was not from the effects of sectarians, not from the dis- , semiration of deistical - writings, but from the conduct which had been exhibited by the Beads of the Church, and pursued by the great body of the Clergy, who, instead of preaching . truth and unity, seemed desir ous only of rendering themselves conspicuous as political partizans. Mr. Ct.AnK felt it his duty to oppose the Resolu tions. He had certainly expected to hear something of the nature and character of those rights to which the Queen was said to be entitled, but the worthy Gentleman had adduced no argument to spew that those rights were defined or recognised by any esta blished law. In the absence of all authorities, the natural inference was, that the private comforts and contingent privileges of the Queen Consort rested upon the discretion of his Majesty, and were entirely subject to his controul. It was certainly customary that the Queen of this country should enjoy a Palace, and an establishment corresponding to her high sta tion ; but it did not follow, that because this was customary, it was therefore to be claimed as a matter of right. If his Majesty thought proper to withhold these comforts and privileges, and in so doing did not violate any known law of the land, the Public bad no right to interfere. He did not mean to de , fend the propriety of such conduct ; on the contrary, he thought the erasure of her Majesty's name from the Liturgy was no less contemptible than odious, no less undignified than unchristian-like—(Cheers). — But he was arguing the question as a mere absti act question of right, and in that point of view'he thought this Court ought not to interfere, unless it could be shewn that some defined law was violated in with holding from her Majesty the privileges which were usually granted to the Queen Consort in this country. He concluded by moving the previous question. Mr. DIXON seconded this motion. Much of what he had heard that day had no relation to the cause of the Queen ; he considered such proceedings much more injurious to her Majesty than all the acts of her enemies. The Gentleman who opened the business of the day stood very highly in his own estimation; he (Mr. Dixon) had, of late, frequently heard that Gentleman talk of himself, and of the military achieve ments of his ancestors—(Cries of Order !)--The Gen tlemen who stood on his (Mr. Dixon's) side, were at tacked in the most unqualified manner, their motives were assailed.; he would not allow such imputations to pass unnoticed—they were false and unjust. It had been said, that certain Gentlemen were in the habit of creeping into corners—(Hear, hear!)—that they were afraid to meet openly—( Hear, hear !) but it should be recollected that they had cause of fear, because if they met in a public way they would only draw down clamour upon their heads. With respect to the cause of the Queen, he thought it would be well if the Court followed the advice so ably given by a Gentleman on the floor, who fairly viewed . both sides of the question—who considered that the Queen had been oppressed-( Hear!)—but that the motion was unnecessary.e thought it would have been more wise to confine the Resolu tions to the cause of her Majesty, without mixing up that cause with other topics. He had heard with re gret, that day, expressions which were cruel, vindic tive, and unnecessary. He thought, the sooner the unfortunate business was ended the better for the country, and lie therefore disapproved of any step that tended to keep it alive. He thought there was much forte in what a Gentleman had said, namely, Why should the Court anticipate the House of Com mons? They ought, at least, to wait until they should hear the decision of that House. He wished from his heart, that the Queen had preserved the high and honourable ground she first took when she came over. Her Majesty said, " I come to claim my rights and to vindicate my character ; I will not mix up my case with the politics of the country." But she soon changed her tone ; she identified herself with a party. Much had been said about the name of her Majesty having been expunged from the Liturgy, but her name had never been in the Liturgy(A laugh).—He really did not mean to cavil— ( Loud Laughter).—He thought the complaint on that head was groundless. Mr. A. BROWNS said, that the right of petition was sacred, but it was a right that should never he exer cised unnecessarily ; if the Corporation of London should assume a querulous character, their com ' plaints would have much less effect on the Legisla ture. He thought, however, that the Corporation were cal Ted on to take the measures which they had taken with respect to the case of her :Majesty ; he ap proved of the measures themselves, though he cer tainly regretted and disapproved of the language which had been made use of. He would wish to see her Majesty restored to her rights : he would vote for any measure which would tend to restore her name to the Liturgy, and to put her in possession of her rank and power as Queen of England—( Hear, hear!)—But there he would stop, and therefore he disapproved of the Resolutions, because they went farther. The Gentleman nex: said, that he lamented the case of her Majesty had ever been brought before the Public, or that the daily Press was ever allowed to circulate the scandalous evidence that had been brought forward ; that obnoxious, foul, and disgrace ful evidence would, he feared, poison the minds of the rising generation. Her Majesty certainly was legally acquitted, but many thought she was not mo rally acquitted ; he, as a husband and a father, could not say she was. He concluded by declaring that he would support the Amendment. Mr. Tiho!t said, that, in the minds of the great majority of the people, her Majesty was legally and morally acquitted. Certainly, yokes were yet heard to calumniate her—but they were the voices of false hood and of corruption. Unceasing were the ,at tempts to slander the Queen—not a day passed over their heads that a licentious and hired Press did not throw out its foul and rancorous defamation. The wretches who had been brought forward to swear against het destroyed themselves—their evidence ' stood self-condemned ; yet that evidence was revived by her Majesty's eneroie)—it was quoted with as much ease, it was dwelt on with as much force, as if it were pure and unimpeached—(Hear, hear). The, ' Most that could be said against her Majesty was, that there were presumptions against her (A laugh from Mr..Dison and his,friends); but, would Gen , tlemea recollect the many presumptions of her hum- Bence induced I h Th e tt thebut t ect a. cerise attacks of the most powerful splend i d, in the; innocence, bib a n e ci o u f l a d ce h a t ; i world? —(Cheers). What but the sense of inno cence, would have induced her Majesty to face the charges that had been brought against her, opposed, as she was, by the Monarch, and by Ministers who were' ever ready to comply with the caprice of ; power ?—(Cheers). The trial proceeded ; .and such was the nature of-the evidence, that no English Jury; would find a verdict of guilty upon it—(llear, hear). The Ministers had much to answer for—their power, indeed, was great, but they depended too much upon it ; before they had brought forward the charges against her Majesty, they must hare known that the evidence was rotten—(Hear, hear). It had been said,that the Court petitioned too often, but the fault was not theirs ; they petitioned because they had wrongs to redress—they remonstrated, because they had reason to complain—(Cheers). It was their duty, and their right, to lay their complaints before the Throne and the Parliament. The objection that had been made, that the Petition would anticipate Parliament, was absurd ; it would go as an argu ment against petitioning altogether—(Hear, hear). If grievances were redressed, so many Petitions "would not have been presented. There was another cause for those Petitions—it arose out of the defec tive state of the Representation. Mr. A. Brtowse spoke to order. It was irregular to g.o into the question of Reform—(Loud cries of j '" Order ! Go, on, go on"). Mr. TAYLOR-1f the People were satisfied with the representation in the House of.. Commons, they would neither petition nor remonstrate ; they would rest secure that their Representatives, feeling a com mon cause with the People, and sympathising with them, would consult their wishes, promote their inte rests, and guard the liberties of the country—(Hear). Mr. EICKE thought that the conduct of Ministers deserted impeachment—(Hear, hear). They had done all in their power to overturn the liberties of the country, and to destroy its morals. Their conduct towards her Majesty, a woman and a Queen, must have excited the abhorrence of every honest man ! A MeatnEn-of the Court said, that the proceedings of the Court tended to excite the spirit of disaffection —(Loud laughter). He was a friend to her Majesty, he thought her injured, and he rejoiced at her acquit tal—(Hear, &far). Anxious to see her restored to her rights, he would yet oppose the Resolutions. Mr. Alderman WAITIIMAN said, that the oppo sition of Gentlemen lay in a very narrow compass— it was confined to two or three points. One Gentle man lamented that the Court petitioned so frequently. He (Alderman Waithman) regretted that they had so much cause for frequent Petitions. Another Gen tleman condemned, in the strongest manner, the con duct of Ministers, but he contrived to oppose the Resolutions on a technical point. He said that the Gentleman who had brought those Resolutions for ward had not proved the abstract rights of the Queen; but he should have recollected that the case of the Queen had no analogy to the case of the lady of any private man. But even the lady of any pri vate man, if cruelly treated—if oppressed and in jured, would have her remedy at law—(Hear, hear) —no husband could deprive her of her rights— (hear, hear)—the law would be her protection— the People were the protection of her Majesty. The Gentleman altogether forgot that it was not a ques. tion between the King and the Queen—but the ques tion was, whether the Ministers of the King had the right to degrade her Majesty, even after she had been acquitted by that tribunal before whom, against her wishes, she was unconstitutionally dragged by those Ministers?—(Hear, hear).—But the Gentleman said that enough had been done, and that now the country should remain quiet; but would Ministers remain quiet ; were they disposed to conciliate? Did the Gentleman not know that attempts were making to degrade and vilify the Peoples merely because they threw themselves between the Queen and her oppressors ?—( Hear ).—Did he not know that Mi nisters still hoped to do further acts of oppression against her Majesty ?—(Hear, hear).—Did he not know that they were endeavouring, by setting their secret tools and engines at work, to vilify and de grade—not the Queen ?—No, they dare not pub licly declare that, but to vilify and degrade the Cor poration of London and the whole country— (Hear). He (Alderman Waithman) lamented that the People were driven so often to petition ; the frequency of petition marked the times of peril and oppression. It was their every day business to petition, so long as acts of oppression were carried on ; it was their duty to approach the Parliament—to approach the Throne, and to tell his Majesty that he was deceived by flat terers—(Hear, hear).—They petitioned the House of Commons not merely to state their wrongs, but also to aid the honest and independent part of the House —that House which, from the beginning, discounte nanced the prosecution of her Majesty, and who, -finally, were grossly insulted by the advisers of the Crown—(Hear, hear).—Her Majesty had been ac quitted—she stood innocent in the eyes of the great majority of the People of England and of Ireland ; it was a matter of fact, and therefore the Court could not hesitate to declare it—( Hear, hear). — The worthy Alderman next alluded to what are called Loyal Ad dresses. One Address, which was passed in a Church in the City, accused the Corporation of London of designs hostile to the institutions and peace of the country. Was there ever anything so atrocious ? Was there ever a more scandalous falsehood ? Ile was extremely sorry to say that a Clergyman was at the head of that affair, and, he supposed, the author of the calumny. Indeed, it was a notorious fact, that the meetings of persons secretly and clandestinely brought togtther, to make hollow professions, to ca lumniate the People, and to deceive the King, were, in many cases, headed by Churchmen ! Those Gen tlemen, it was true, considered the right of petition an invaluable right; but they only considered it in valuable when exercised in favour of Ministers. The Abhorrers in the time of Charles the Second followed the same course, but the House of Commons of that day, not being so completely under the influence of power, passed Resolutions in favour of the right of petition, and even expelled some of their Members -who had attempted to obstruct that right. It was for exercising that sacred - right that the Corporation was stripped of its Charter in a year or two after, and it was that act of violence that ultimately led to tlr expulsion of the House of Stewart—(Hear, hear).— , At that time, the Ltd of Anglesea, a Nolskman who had received favours from Charles the Second, aa4 was sincerely attached to his interest, wrote a l etter , to his Majesty, in which he complained of the i ntern. perate interference of the Clergy—(Hear, which he charged the Clergy with having sham e f u ll y ' neglected their duties—(blear, hear)—in whi c h h e • ,‘ charged that body with having always promotedthe evils and misfortunes of the Nation !—(Ch ee „ .) Istead of attending to the awful duties (II their ' they had inflamed the country, and forwarded th e worst measures of the Court !—(Cheers.) lie (Alder. - man Waitliman) feared that the country, in that re. spect, stood in pretty nearly the same situation the present day ; he feared that the same compl a i n . might be but too justly made—(Hear, hear). L et the country consider who were the accusers of t h e ! People: men who looked up for the favours Power—Churchmen, who looked for elevation,— , (Hear, hear) Woo acted with the People? 'rh ea ,' cient Nobility—men who were alarmed for th c i estates, who dreaded Revolutionists, and wh o those Revolutionists in the persons of his 111.,,, 5t . ; , Ministers—not in the PeoPle, who stocd by 1 a ,,. , 44 • defended Royalty in the person of their in"ired Queen !—(Applause.) Mr. SLADE said, that the act which expungedthe name of her Majesty from the Liturgy was ge m l, illegal. By the Statute of Edward the Sixth, the King and Queen and other Members of the Royal Family were ordered, to be prayed for, and not en s, I the officiating Clergyman, but the congregati on we re jeCt to severe penalties in ease of noo.-complianc e , The officiating Clergyman was subject, for the fi rst offence, to a tine; for the second, to degradation front office ; for the third, to imprisonment. He com en d ed that those men who expunged the came of her 31a. jesty•from the Liturgy, violated the law of the land, and subjected therre,elves to its penalties. The Mini s . ters of the Crown were guilty of a violation of th e law, and he hoped that upon broad constitution a l grounds, every man, no matter of what party, •xould Join with him in condemning their conduct. Thew). constitutional act which they had thus committed, might lead to the most alarming consequences —it was a blow aimed against the Throne. If dating and unconstitutional men might one day expunge the name of the Queen, the same faction on another day might expunge the name of the King himself—(Hem) Mr. N. WILLIAMS denied the legal conclusions d the preVious speaker, and contended, that the King in Council had the right to alter the Liturgy. Th e worthy Alderman (Waithman) alluded to a Sea Paper ; he (Mr. Williams) would also allude to a ancient document. He had read in the books el • 1680, that divers noisy, boisterous, and ignorant • persons—(llere loud laughter interrupted at:damned the speaker ).—Ele resumed—noisy and boisterce persons travelled from place to place and forced themselves into Corporations—(Loud considered the Resolutions not so much in favour ef the Queen as against Ministers. He deprecated the clamour that had been raised to drown the voiced ' men of wealth and respectability. An Au& been handed to him, signed by 205 Gentlemen, tee of whom had more property than all the pets= who formed the Queen's Procession were possessed of—(Laughter, and cries of Order). The LORD MAYOR said, if the Gentleman had beat • out of order, he would have interrupted him; he did not exceed the fair liberty of speech. Mr. N.Wt WARS thanked his Loriship, and would - go on. What he stated was true ;he also knew it to : be a fact, that several maid-servants had gone up is •:;, the processions, and the wives of tradesmen of the lower orders!—( Loud expressions of indignation.) Mr. TAvLoa explained. Mr. GRIFFITHS supported the original Resolltions, Mr. Sheriff WILLIAMS regretted that the liesolti• tions mixed up questions of general politics with the case of the Queen. Mr. OLDHAM strongly supported the original Re. solutions, and dwelt with much force and eloquence on the case of her Majesty; the conduct of the Go. vernment Press towards her was most disqraceful—it was scandalous, infamous, and unmanly, to insult and abuse Ladies of rank, virtue, and consideration, merely because they paid their respects to the Queen of England—(Hear, hear). Nothing could be more unfeeling, more infanious, than the conduct of the Government Press; lie knew of no language ciently strong to express the abhorrence which an honourable mind must feel at its base and unmanly calumnies, but they would do the Queen no harm, and the high, and pure, and honourable females, that were dragged by that ruffian Press before the Pub lic, might look down with scorn upon the hireling who, as a matter of course, attacked everything that was manly and independent in public, and insulted all that was amiable in private life—(Appirzuse). Mr. FAVELL, after complimenting the last speaker for the feeling and eloquence he displayed, feeling that did honour to.his nature, said he would notate., ble the Court with a single word in reply at that late hour.—The Amendment was then pat. and but few hands were held up in its favour, For the original Resolutions a vast majority of hands appeared, and they were carried without a division. OLD BAILEY SESSlONS.—Yesterday the following prisoners were capitally convicted :—Joseph and James Palmer, for stealing in the dwelling-house of Samuel Hart, a desk, eight books, &c. James Ryellf for burglariouslv breaking and entering the dwelling house of John Finch, and stealing a remnant of print; John Popkins, for stealing a watch, &c. the propertf of Margaret Tydeman, in her dwelling-house; Jolts Murphy alias Gale, for returning from trinsporta• tion before the expiration of the term of his natural life, for which he had been ordered to be transported.: ' and Thomas Elliott, for assaulting Anthony Gaged on the King's highway, and taking from him a watch. knightly, capitally ino:cted for fcrging . a cheque, for the su m o f A..:120, was acquitted, the will nesses against hiM not appearing, when called OIL MAILk DAY:—.-AR DM 1 1 Waterford 2 0 Guernsey and Jersey 0 Holland 0 0 Flanders 1 0 Malta 0 0 ass. so& Lisbon 0 2 1 France 0 0 i ffarnburgb 0 1 Gor.tcramrgh 0 1 licelv4rd lb lands 0 °I HIGH- ATER at LON OON 1111 I OGE Tamoitoit. Nkrnint; - 13 mit:wee after g Afttrcam 1.0 DUN irinterl and publighed by Lire's. 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