Star. — London, England, 1822-04-26 00:00:00

rants thought exactly as thost iviredefended the pee4 l , Sent Constitution of that House. He had illo.to an.; swer the use made in the question of Reform; of the Revolution of France, and• the civil wars of Eng land. In reference Co thtise; - thOy viire continually reminded of the popular licentiousness and the atro cities cointnitted. Did,thoie Who use d these against Reform mean .to say s that ..to the. Government of Charles J. where it was 'attempted to establish rule by Divine Right, and to impose taxes wiihodt the sanc tion of Parliament, any opposition could be wrong ? Or, in the case of the French people towards Louis the Fifteenth, who wasted- in low debauchery the re sources of the People? But these Gentlemen said, the leaders in these events bught to have stopped short in their career, which was as much at to say, that they should be more patriotic than Hampden. The Cause of popular excesses in these instances was owing to the Aristocracy not being united. It was then ne cessary for that part of it which was attached to betty to appeal to the People, to assist them in their efforts to accomplish Reform. Now, history informed them, that Reform brought about by the People was calamitous in its course.. The obvicrussemedy was, that the Aristocracy should be united in their •efforts to accomplish the necessary Reform. •He instanced the Reform wrought in the time of James 11. as free from the u•tial concomitants of popular .R i evolutions. lle called therefore on the aristocracy of Parliament to unite in favour of Reform. He called upon the higs to do the same. If he understood the prin ciple and spirit of Whiggism, it was to obtain for the People as much, liberty as they were able to hold within their• grasp at the time. It was that spirit which procured them the Hanoverian dynasty, and saved the country from the return of the Stuarts. Al though at that time they had acted wisely in retain ing the Boroughs in the Representative System, and furthered the cause of liberty, yet, by giving them up at present to the increased intelligence of the People, they went to promote the cause of Reform; for the People were now able to guard, and hold any amount of liberty that could be given to them. The learned Sir William Temple had said, that Eng land would never be ruined but by herself—that whilst the weight and number of the People all tended one way, she would still stand pre-eminent. Ile asked of all the Aristoci acy, therefore, to join in this struggle for Reform. Posterity would require of us the liberty we had received from our ancestors. By a timely union of force, would be saved that con vuhiou of the moral world, which the discordance in the elements of society would otherwise ferment. Let him fervently hope, that a Constitution of only one handled years standing, was destined yet to rank in antiquity with Any that had gone before it —(Hear, /le.:pl.—The Noble Lord concluded by moving a Re s•lr.tion—."That it is the opinion of this House, that tie Representation of the People in Parliament, calls i'r the most earnest consideration of this House." HORACE TWISS said, that in obtruding Yrnsell upon the attention of the House to make a taw observations on what had fallen from the Noble Lord who had just sat down, the House would not expect him to go through a tithe of the various mat ter adverted to, and the enormous theories by which it had been attempted to support this question. In the objections urged by the Noble Lord against the infinence of the Crown in that House, it appeared to him, t!at such influence could only be objectionable when the functions of the Government were completely exercised out of doors; but when the whole Execu tive was, as it were, carried on in that House, the objection he thought did not stand upon such good ground. The same might be said of the interference of the LorJs in that House. But, in advocating innc vations upon the existing system of things, the ad vocates were not entitled to any benefit from the antiquity of any practice. They who opposed them had a right to follow such a course of argument, but surely not they who urged as the foundation of their argument the silent changes of time. But upon those silent changes he was willing to rest the issue of the question between them. And in re ply to the augmentation of power in the House of Peers, he would urge the popular party, which in the lapse of time had insensibly grown up in that House, unknown to our ancestors. If bribery and corruption were found to exist in some of the details, it was not fair to change the system with it. If the outrages of the Westtninster mob had been attended with loss of life in the case of Sir Mur ray Maxwell, or if the attempt at drowning a candi date on a late occasion had succeeded, it would have been deemed murder by the law ; but would it have been fair to charge these as evils upon the popular system? —(Hear, hear).—The Noble Lord, in his in ducements for Reform, included the expense of Bo roughs. But allowing the expense of a Borough Election to amount to 4,0001. he asked if for treble that sum any one would guarantee the cost of a con tested election for Manchester or Leeds? The ex pense, then, being equal, or greater, in the popular mode, he asked any one who had witnessed the scene of a contested Election, the state of the public-houses, and the state of the Electors, stimulated to outrage and disorder by every idle watchword, which was, the preferable system ? The expression of public opi pion was much about the same in both cases. There was one very difficult point of difference between the Noble Lord (John Russell) and himself, as to the meaning of the word " Representative." He (Mr. Twiss) understood by it a guardian of the interests of the People in Parliament, to the best of his abilities. Let the Noble Lord look at the silent operation of public opinion in bringing about the abolition of the Cave Trade, the emancipation of religious sects, and the mitigation of punishment, before he declared that the People were not ably and amply represented in Parliament. But although it ought duly to repre sent public opinion, that House ought to oppose a steady constitutional barrier against the overrunning stream of popular innovatiou—(llear, hear, hear). — The innovation contended for by the Noble Lord was by some unaccountable means styled moderate Re form. This moderate Reform was to dishanchise a buadred Boroughs at once—ll/ear, hear). --This was the amputation of an entire limb—(llerst, hear).—lt would be well for the House, in disposing of this question, to consider what woull come next, if they satisfied the cravings of the Reformers in this respect. They would next be told they had not gone far enough ; and they would be driven on from one point to another till they arrived at complete Radical Re form—(Hear, Fear).—'These attempts of the Radicals might be compared to the operation of successive (than each suateeding ono of lam* ciimensiohs than the last, and formed so as to fit the enlarged gap, till the solid fabric of the Cenititution was rent asundei; and riyen to the very heart—(Hear, hear). These continued approaches towards grasping the sovereign _power Jbetrayed symptoms of a perpetual &Moll* on ;he part of the People towards the Legislature. Those who formerly only claimed to be 'governed equitably, now demanded to direct the Government themselves—( Hear, hear).—:The House would consider how far,' if they assented to the first of .a series•Of premeditated changes in the Constitu tion, they might.not be instrumental in a total sub version of the Monarchy?. Whether a Monarchy, tempered as this was by the People, was not prefer able to. a Demo,craey, was happily , through Pnovi- DENCI4 unkilown . to us. It was an unsolved problem, and he hoped would remain so. If a second time the Monarchy was to fall before the Democracy, the House of Commons would not a second time assist in achieving the downfall—it would not be made the means of burying itself—(Hear, hear). Lord FOLKESTONE had made up his mind that Reform; and a very considerable Reform, was neces sary for the salvation of the country ; though his early education and feelings were contrary. Reform was not intended .to attack or destroy the Throne; but to sapport it when it was already too much at tacked. He instanced the ease with which the House had been - induced to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland; while it was•now proved that it had never yet been acted upon. This shewed that the present House of Commons was not a fit guardian of the pub lic libel ty. A variety of contradictory arguments had been used at various times against Reform in Parlia ment. The Right Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Liverpool (Mr. Canning), had delivered a speech, which had been cried up as a perfect epitome of all that could be said against Reform; but in his (Lord Folkestone's) opinion, it was an address in favour of Reform. If our former happiness was owing to the constitution of the House of Commons, where was that happiness now ? It was fled ; it was gone ; and he feared that without Reform it never would return. They had been told by the Ministers, two months ago, that Ireland was in a state of rebellion ; but, without any inquiry, they were now told by the Irish Go vernment that it was only a contemptible commotion. In the time of George I. the number of Peers was 178, and now they were 36'2 persons ; and was this no alteration in the Court of dersticr resort of this country ? In the 41 years last past the Peerages had increased by the number of 147. Peers being taken from the large landed proprietors, it was, to their amount, taking awry so many champions of the cause of the people, and making them enemies to it. He wished to renovate the Constitution ; but those who opposed Parliamentary Reform wished to destroy it altogether. Mr. DOUGLAS could not make himself content to risk the safety of the country on the adoption of the theories of any individual, however respectable the individual might be. He must, therefore, oppose the motion. Mr. C. WYNN rose amidst cries of question. He observed that the Noble Lord who brought forward this motion had said, that whether amongst Whigs or Tories, wherever they went, the present Represen tation was abhorred. He would deny that assertion, and would stand on his own individual character , (Hear, heardrom all parts). He would appeal to his own undeviating course —(Hear). This might ap pear like vanity in him, but he would repeat it, his undeviating conduct, which had for its object the good of the People—(Hear). He said this femleSsly . He was returned to Parliament by as numerous and respectable a body of individuals as the Noble Lord —(Hear). He had recently been before them ; had explained his conduct, and receivtd their approval, and was again returned by them, and stood as proudly in the House as the Noble Lord did —(Hear). The Noble Lord had again warmed up the bash, which had previously been served out at a County Meeting. He had expected that the talent of the Noble Lord would have furnished him With something new, and' that he would not have been driven back, by his po verty, to this stale dish—(Hear). He (Mr. Wynn) had been obliged to abandon those with whom he had , for some time acted, because they had abandoned those principles upon which be had been induced to join them. The Right Hen. Gentleman then pro ceeded to speak to the motion, which he said was dangerous to the safety of the State, and therefore he should oppose it. Mr. F. ROBINSON alluded to what had been said of his conduct, in voting to keep up the office elf - Joint Postmaster ; he had not voted thus with a view to support corrupt representation, but as neces sitry to keep up the due influence of the Crown. The Right Hon. Gentleman then came to a review of the arguments adduced in support of the present motion, and declared himself an opponent to it, as a dangerous innovation on the Constitution. Mr. CANNING said, if he had not been so point edly called upon, he would not, at that hour, have risen to address the House. He had been called upon to bring forward new arguments, or to abandon old opinions ; and it had been declared, that it was impossible for him (Mr. Canning), after the opinions he had promulgated, to be any other than a Demo crat, or aft iend to moderate Reform. But not being either of these characters, he begged leave to state the grounds of his former opinions—and if there ever were a period when he could do so with more satis faction to himself than another, it was now, when a debate was just created to effect such a change in the constitution of Parliament, as would endanger the whole of our monarchical fabric ; and that coupled with the admission, that if we looked to the autho rity of the mass of our Nobility, our Gentry, our Clergy, to the mass of the country's intelligence, all was against such a Parliamentary Reform—(Hear). —The proposition of the Noble Lord (Lord John Russell) could not be adopted, because no one was acquainted with what was to follow, or if the wildest schemes might not be introduced, which would be binding upon the Parliament in all after times.— if the Resolution of the Noble Lord were affirmed, possibly the next step would be the addition of 100 Members, for whom room was to be made by taking from 100 of the smaller Boroughs one-half of their present Representatives. The Noble Lord cited autho rities on this point, and amongst others mentioned the name of Mr. Pitt. The House, however, would be pleased to recollect the last plan of Mr. Pitt was `to establisb a fund of a million sterling to buy up de- 44; I. . • - vir • • `ca iti &kit • offer use,g 1, which might . off and substitrite for them an 'addit:. of Representatives fdr Counties: Many gral ritifi were cited by the Noble Lord, but C. nins) held in his hand an extract, &m an which he would not name until the W. possession of what it contained: It stated. to cutting away rotten Boroughs, I should be quite' offended to see so many of them as now exist, either at the disposal of the Crown or private persons. I may be charged with a want of integrity, when I say how much I should startle at so extensive a chantie, but..l would not unduly disfranchise a single Bo rough, even if i t were to i mprove t h e Constitu tion: The House might, perhaps, imagine that this extract was taken from some ancient Tory or bigotted Divine; but how would they be surprised to hear that it was nothing more nor less than an extract from the opinions of Junius—(Hear, hear). He (Mr. Canning) agreed with Junius, and would object to taking away the franchise of others by force, though he thought it might be forfeited by guilt or compromise. The Noble Lard had told them of the great change which had taken place in the opi nions of the Reformers—that those who were for merly so clamorous for Universal Suffrage and An nual Parliaments would now be satisfied with mo derate Reform. The fact might be so; but on what grounds was that change stated to have occurred? He saw nothing, in the course of the last two years, during which a Noble Lord (Folkestone) said he had been meditating on his (Mr. Canning's) speeches, to lead him to think that those who then entertained such wild and visionary unticuts of Reform had been since divested of them. The Honourable Gentleman then adverted to the various plans of Reform which had been proposed at different times, and denied al together the existence of any grievances, or any prac tical defect in the present constitution of the House, so as to call for the adoption of such fearful changes as had been proposed. In a popular Assembly, when the concerns of a free State were discussed, there al ways was, and would be, a sort of party feeling in fluencing its decisions more or less. No possible al teration in the mode of election, as long as human nature continued what it was either in Athens or in Rome, as well as in Britain, could eradicate that vice —if, indeed, it were a vice—could alter that quality, be it harmless or otherwise, which would mix itself up in a debate, as to the conduct of those persons in whose hands the affairs of a nation might be confided—(Hear, hear, hear). — In the instance of the Revolution the Noble Lord admitted the Parliament might have done wisely in contradicting the temporary expression of its consti tuents; and there could not be the slightest shadow of doubt, that if the majority of the people were then polled, they would have been against that Revo lution; but the Parliament, acting in its higher and larger capacity, decided for the people's interests against their prejudices. Therefore, be argued, the House was not defective merely because it did not instantly respond to the opinions of the public. It would, in his opinion, be a base and cowardly House which, after duly deliberating, adopted a great pub lic measure, should it be frightened into an acquies cence with the mere temporary excitement which might exist upon that measure. There was another question in illustration of this opinion—a question which he had more at heart than perhaps any other of his political life, he meant the Roman Catholic Question, and upon that, he had no: the slightest doubt, they ran before the sense of the country, which was now rapidly coming up to them (Hear, h ear).— He had no doubt that in all their early votes on that mcst important question, they had not the country with them ; but he was equally sure the period rapidly advanced, when the country would be convinced the House of Commons acted as they ought to have done—(Hear, hear).—lf, then, on such great ques tions—questions before which almost all others sunk into insignificance—the House of Common; were either against or ran before the opinions of the country—in such a case the proposition of the Noble Lord was dashed to the ground when he stated the representative system to be imperfect, because it did, not give an immediate echo to the wishes of the people. His own belief was, that the adoption of a Reform might bring I them a temporary popularity, which would soon be converted into lasting reproach. Before he lent his countenance to any change whatever, he must have it distinctly specified : if his con version was worth accepting, he desired to behold the beau ideal of the Noble Lord—that image of political good by' which his reason was thus fascinated. Some theorists were fond of tracing back the Constitution to that night of history, where all that could be clearly discovered was, that when a Parliament met, it usually sat a fortnight, and granted a subsidy; when it was se. lected by the Sheriff, or great man of the county, rather than chosen by the People. Ile was contented with a House which, though it was not the immediate transmitter of the will of the People, was in every respect competent to the purposes for which it had been formed. It was possible to look with so curious an eye into the formation of all bodies, corporate or politic that at length a doubt would arise as to their capability to discharge their functions. Man himself was curiously made, and he be lieved that the first effect of the study of anatomy was, to excite surprise that the human skeleton could be the frame of a being whom GOD had appointed to rule over the rest of the creation. " Ccelumque tuerl, Jussit et erectos ad sidera tullere vultus." The Noble Lord had told them that the defects of the represen tative system had not escaped the notice of our ancestors at the Revolution, but that they had thought fit to leave the frame of Parliament as they had found it. The Borough of Old Sarum had been then in existence, and all the other Boroughs which were so repeatedly pointed out as disfiguring the Constitution ; and yet they still continued the name, nay, he believed were in some instances represented by persons of the very same names as those who had been their representatives at that period. Yet the Revolution had been established, the House of Hanover had been placed on the Throne, and the Noble Lord had admitted that had the Parliament been then reformed, they would have undone the Revolution, and unseated the House of Hanover.— (Cheers.)— Who, he asked, could now tell them how the Senate of Rome had been elected ? He confessed that he could not, and he even doubted whether the Hon. Member opposite (Mr. Bankes) could solve the dilliculty—(A laugh.)—But he knew the way in which a part of them bad been elected, and that was not the way which our reformers could countenance, for it was through office. Yet they had been found equal to the discharge of the functions of Government; they had conquered the world, and been found adequate to maintain their superiority—(Hear.) we looked back at our own history we should find the same I abuses had then existed as were complained of now ; and it might be curious for those who wished so strenuously to correct existing abuses, to see how the same matter bad existed In the reign of Henry VI. an era often referred to as the period when the Parliament was in its greatest purity. In that reign a cer tain Duchess had thus written to a Sir J. •Rirtoe—gs We greet you heartily ; as it is necessary that my Lord the King, should have in Parliament such persons as belong tome to be his menial servants—(A laugh)—We desire that, upon the receipt of this letter, you return John --.......- and to be Knights of the Shire"—(Laughter). Ile would say, therefore, that ifthese abuses still continued, they Anneal from imitation, nut from degeneracy. lie proceeded to read other letters, in one of which my Lord of Norfolk, with another Peer s wets represented to have been . - . . _Amen would r. , found to hate been not greatly improved. in the reign last al luded to, there was a letter extant from the Countess of Pem broke to Sir Joseph, who had audaciously written to her to re.; commend a certain Member to someplace. If tan thus - -" I have been bullied by an usurper, I hate been abused by a Court, but I won't be dictated to by a subject—the man shan't stand." . He had considered it righe, In the first instance, to spew the influence which females had then exorcised ; he would new read one Which had proceeded from a different quarter. This letter was one front the Lord Keeper Somerset to Lord Russell, often ing to get his sun returned for the Ceti fly of Middleset, " if he would stand one dry for Westminster." Now what, he askedi would be said at the present day, if inch a propoiition were to be made by the Lord Chancellor? The Hon. Gentleman next alluded to the punishments which• had folltivred some recent in: stances of corrupt boroughs. Ile trusted the Mine would not suppose that he was willing to justify improper transactions of the nature which he had just alluded to. On the contrary, he was desirous that, in all cases where malpractices were primed to have prevailed, the House should deal severely with the guilty. Ile had exemplified this on a late occasion, when he gave his support to the measure which went to disfranchiseGrant pound, and transfer its elective privilege to the County of York: It was worthy of remark, by the way, that this measure had not called forth any congratulation on the part of the Inhabitants of Yorkshire ; on the contrary, the new privilege appeared to be considered as an inconvenience. For his own part, he had ways been of opinion that Yorkshire ought to receive an aci cession of Members, and therefore he gladly contented to the measure which proposed OS carry his views into effect. This was the species of Reform for which he would always vote; but he did not believe that the change proposed by the Noble Lord Would infuse into the Constitution a more Wholesome spirit. He did not believe, that by increasing the power of the People in the manner proposed to increase it, or by a short duration of Parliament, so as to take away all stability of counsel, they could do more, or discharge the funtttons of Government better than was done at present, or add one atom to the civil liberty or to the political importance of this country—( Hear, hear).— " There are (continued the I-lon. Member) many wild theories abroad. I impute not blanie to any man who entertains them, but I do not wish to Se 2 our own Constitution modelled upon them. Other nations, animated by the liberty which this count try has enjoyed, have in many instances either copied our Con.: stitution, or shot beyond it. It is, therefore, a consideration to keep that Constitution pure, that it may serve as a landmark and an example to other nations. I grudge not the liberty en joyed by other nations: in the name of GOD let them enjoy it, and let them see that the liberty which we possess has been the growth of a system which a century and a half has pet feeted, and that under that system we are found content. I know that there are persons who entertain ideas of liberty incompatible with any restrictions, and who would Wish to be " Free as. Nature first made man, Ere the base laws of servitude began, When, wild, in woods the noble savage ran!' " When Nature first made man, Ere the vile servitude of life began!" These are grand ideas, but they must be compromised for the general safety: they may agitate the bosom, but they ought tei be chastened by the judgmeest. I would not sail in search of an unattainable object : I would not seek that degree of liberti in which we might sigh (as other nations have sighed) even for the change of a military despotism : " 0 qui me gelidis in montibus ILemi Sistat et ingenti ramorurn protegat umbra :" Let Its preserve our present Cumtitution as a holy depository--; and let us not aim at such an .:I:erzthin . a) may involve the sae crifice of the whole. To the Noble Lord who has this evening brought forward the motion, I offer my thanks for his candid, able, fair, and ingenious conduct.• If in the remarks which have made I have said anything that bears the ippearance of disrespect to him, I hope he will acquit me of having done so in tentionally. Hut on this, the last time when I shall have the op portwity of raising my voice on the subject, I conjure the House to pause before it consents to the proposed Reso:ution. If the Noble Lord does succeed, if he does triumph this evening in the success of his motion, then be his the glory of having produced the result which he sought, but be mine at least the c o nsolation of having zealously opposed it. (The lion. Gentleman con eluded amidst enthusiastic and continued cheering). Mr. DEN lAN said, the facts to which the Right Hon. Gentleman bad alluded, proved the state of u n natural disease, which could only be remedied by an uncorrupt House of Commons, which had really the interest of the people at heart. He (Mr. Denman) contended that the general conduct of the House was opposed to the wishes of the people. The Right lion. Gentleman had himself furnished some proofs of this, and he could produce another in the case of the late Queen. He did not think that the !louse should blindly obey the wishes of the people, whether they were proper or not; but in such a case as that to which he had last referred, when not only the whole mass of the people in this country, but the whole of Europe, were 1 unanimous in condemning the proceedings which were irstitmed against her Majesty, not to pay some deference to the wishes of their constituents, betrayed, on the part of the House, a contempt for public opinion which never ought to be exhibited in a free state. The House had recently witnesses! the disgraceful spectacle of a set of miserable witnesses brought :o their bar, having a full knowledge of the acts of corruption, which it was the object of the :louse to ascertain, but endeavouring to elude detection by the grossest prevarication. If there were any individuals less en titled to compassion than these wretched agents, it was their principals, who sat in that House, through their agency, trem bling for the issue of their loathsome falsehoods. He was per suaded that if the evidence on this subject taken before their Committees were more generally circulated among the People, the cry for Reform would be still louder than it was. It was high time that the People of England should be fully, fairly, and freely represented in the House of Commons, when corruption was preying on the vitals of the Constitution, when she " Mounts the tribunal, rears her scarlet head. And sees pale virtue trembling in her stead I" It was impossible for the House to regain the respect of t% People, unless they consented to Reform themselves. The de. claration of the Right lion. Gentleman ( Mr. Peel) last night, that be was prepared to resist an unanimous vote of the House of Commons, was a pretty good hint that that body had lost the just weight and influence which they ought to possess in the Cm stitution. The lion. and Learned Gentleman concluded by de.. cluing that he should give hiscordial support to the motion. Lord .1011 N it USSI 1.1. shortly replied. The want of agree meat in a specific plan had been objected. The same objectioa, if valid, ought to have been fatal to the Revolution; for there had not been two Members who would have agreed in the object for which the Prince of Orange was to be called over--(Hear). Mr. PEEL rose, not to explain away or to retract what he had said last night, but to repeat, that he would not be the in strument of a measure which be did not conscientiously ayprOve of. It was not from disrepect to the House, but from a con scientious conviction that Mr. Hunt was not a proper object for the Royal mercy.—The House divided— _ _ _ Ayes - - - - 164 Noes - - - - 269 Majority against the mntion . - —lO5 This result %V.'S received with loud and repeated cheering by the Oppuition.—Adjourned at half-past two. Teachers and Students of the French Language are informed that a portable P.dition, in duodecimo, at 6i. has this day appeared of Noat. and La Pt I. 'OOOIV Fra?Scalar " in Prow and Vorse. The Authors are resident Professors in tie University of Paris, and their Work has been adopted whit avidity in the principal Seminaries throughout Europe. We are requested to state, that the Catalogue of (\HAMAN and Co.'s ILLUSTUTIVIS LIVRARY, containing a splendid Series of Picturesque and Architectural VIM', principally co loured, illustrative of the History, Manners, and Antiquities of every Age and Country, is ready for delivery, anti may be bad on application at the Library, front whence Suliccril),Ts may now obtain, Ist, all the most interesting standard Works, Eng lish, French, and Italian ; Untliy, the various New Publication. which successively appear; and :Sally, those costly Specimens of Fargraebig, which so beautifully illustrate the Works of Tra vellers, Historians, and Topoiirathers, and which are here file the first time assembled. • 41 : I 114 -',.. '' 4A;',. Trir lie • l'. 46, . , • • r! - „, A ,A,,,,W +k lik, , lT • q . . * I 5, t ;, lit . . - ', • • .. • I.lr • • - . themselireikroe poilosig,i l ei v Ai s iii, itional nutaber f^e a thi aim A hr. stated awt te. hi y grave adtho- f ur. a Mans"( t aerate d rho they did not lude at' .• or ~..—......5-Plyi"...+•• .. . lola dt Thai tied witera tha biai e , : ilber t !tilt in these It'ke .(Mr..Citn- 1 fbovi dl. that he aioitßl House were in a fuvttneti dais, be ssba eethe t id it it .an authority , fA id i l a i u v gir ed ) i . e H hose • d. Ile Would • •de --- aot iaeavN ita lble ive her invi i ?r go :.l l l.7 ,• l ng ik in els b i e : i n ly ei tated, , 4 that as converted. real go to the anyei of Cromwell and Char1 16,...,1,1 k... ~..:.. ~___. .s th .. e__Sef_ Second, whin chits state of the Parliament would be - ; r • , f . I Y f • Il i • i( It ' 11 4 3 ( 1 . t te r 1