Star. — London, England, 1831-10-11 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THIS n.4r.s JOURNALS. Cll‘owicts.—Aasuredly the crisis is most aLrming. To preserve order ought to be the ob ject of every good EngHagman. But on the other hand, while we enjoin patience to the people, it is our duty to warn those at the helm of affairs, that with the best intentions in the world, men may, at a time like this, be mastered by events, and that nothing but the holding out, with as little delay as possible to the people, the means of allowing them to entertain a well-grounded hope that mesas will he taken to ensure the passing of the bill, can al lay the dangerous ferment which now prevails, and which is beginning already to be felt in a way to which we are unwilling more particularly to allude. Good Goa ! only think of the mischief of a total suspension of all labour in every quarter. Mo man ears settle down to any thing. Yesterday the whole population were out of doors. 80,000 individuals attended the Mary-la-bonne meeting alone. The Westminster meeting was crowded to suffo cation. The parishes were all in motion. The pcople everywhere had Revolution in their mouths ; and we are convinced, the very first suspicion which should cross their minds, that an anti-reform ministry was about take the place of the present, a revolution would be effected instanter. We have long known the English people, and are well accustomed to their frank and open way of otpressing their approbation and disapprobation ; but the manner of yesterday e as new to us. They seemed fairly to have lost all patience—there was a bitterness in their tone which seemed to say this is too bad—we can bear no longer. At most of the meetings the people were only restrained from passing Resolutions, finally resolving not to pay taxes in case the Bill should not pass, by being as sured of the illegality of the proceeding; but the question was in most cases put whether the taxes would be paid, and loudly answered in the nega tive. This was the case at the Clerkenwell Meet ing last night, which was numerously attended, and of which the inhabitants agreed to meet at nine o'clock on Wednesday morning, to go in pro cession with the other parishes that day to the King. The sooner some communication is made to the people to tranquillize them the better. If the people are distinctly told that Peers in sufficient number will be made, confidence will be restored, and business will proceed as usual. The great danger in a country like this is in panic fears. We tremble almost when we think of the hundreds of thousands of men depending for the supply of their daily wants on the produce of their daily labour. Do not let us commit the mistake of sup posing, that because it is the interest of the people to be patient, and that we wish them to be patient, therefore they will be without fear or apprehen sion. We do not choose to communicate all the facts that have come to our knowledge, but we are in possession of facts which justify our uneasi ness. Time is every thing; and when past, it (-intuit be recalled by vain regrets. HIaALD.—The cause of reform can now only be injured by an abuse of that strength, which, di rected by reason, must be sure to make it trium phant. This is not a time when the popular feeling requires to be excited by the stimulating furor of the Press. The danger is lest the excitement al ready abroad may break over the mounds which pro tect the Constitution, and become a furious torrent in which the vessel of reform shall be wrecked, in stead of flowing on in its legitimate channel, with that full but calm tide which would bear it securely and majestically to the haven of its proper destination. We have already told the people that "the emissaries of the anti reformers are abroad, instigating to acts of a dangerous and unlawful n.ture with the hope of crushing reform itself." We have told this to the people whose cause we have supported with such force of reason and arguments as we could command, when some journals, that are now admi nistering the intoxica. ing draughts of that cup of madness which already " kindles in its circulation" were equally zealous in supporting and applauding every act and sentiment of the determined enemies of all Reform. That the emissaries of the anti reformers are abroad, is sufficiently evidenced by the anonymous placards which have been fixes up in various quarters, with the obvious intention of breaking down the legitimate force of a reasoning people on this question, by substituting for that constitutional tower the lawless and de structive fury of a mob. The busy, dark, and malignant couttivers of disorder and violence, no doubt, calculate upon the mind of the S.)vereign himself being alienated from reform, by that cause being mixed up and confounded with disgraceful riots and rebellious outrage. They also calculate upon the military being called out to massacre the deluded people. They would like to see the scenes of Newtownbarry and Merthyr Tydvil—scenes of disgusting military execution—renewed even in this metropolis. That they may be disappointed is the wish of every good citizen— but, iu order todis appoint them, it is necessary to put the people on their guard against their machinations. There is another class of persons endeavouriug to get up disorder in London—those desperate characters that abound in every great and luxurious city, who expect that their predatory " pitriotism" will be enriched with a rich harvest of spoil, amid scenes of tumult and commotion. But, indeed, the mere reading of the seditious placards by crowds of sim ple people, who, 'n looking after their political rights, sometimes tizget that others are looking after their pockets, aff:q.cl to gentry of this so. t no -.mall opportunity to pursue with success their hnnest avocatioti. As a specimen of the public in lication of the sentiments of the people of Eng. laud, a Morning Paper publishes a placard which hid been posted up at Canterbury, and which, after •critical expre-sion of teipect for the King, a , .ti calling upon the people to hold nice logs to declare their loyalty, gees on to say, " At these meetings, to express your opinion more de cidedly on the politics of this momentous crisis,you can resolve to pay au more ta.rei, in the event of au anti-reformii-g Ministly b:Litig appointed. You can resolve, in conside ation of the part taken by the Bishops and the Clergy against the I eo ple, that ycu will pay no more tithes. And re member, fellow•citizens, that a public meeting in (Alter times—and that meeting was the English House of Commons—resolved that 'THE House Or Loans WAS A NUISANCE!' How far your opinion coincides in this respect remains to be f.een." The inditer of this placard is not quite so Billing to get into a " scrape" himself as to bring ers into it--fur he modestly conceals his name, and plays his kr ruic part under the signature, as v ..11 as under the mask of " a Reformer." It is e.le.y to determine wl:at sort of a reformer he is, who, while he speaks of loyalty to the King, in stigates the people to follow the example of the democratic assembly that voted the House of Lords a nuisance— and that also, be it remembered, brought the King to the block. Are we not, therefore, justified in saying that the " emits t ries of anti-reform are abroad ?" Let the people recollect the Special Commissions, and the mili tary executions that have taken place, even under our Whig Government. But if they should forget those things, and listen to violent and treacherous advisers, we shall be guiltless of the afflicting con sequences. Tr es.—The House of l'eers met yesterday, and took no step, offered no pledge, consequent upon the fearful determination of Saturday morn ing to reject the reform bill sent up from the Com mons. Gracious Heaven! in what times do we live ! Wonderful as our foreign transactions and relations have been during the last half century, our domestic ones are becoming more singular and striking. Though the whole country is in a state of commotion, greater than if Buonaparte, with twice an hundred thousand men, had landed on the coast of Kent, the British Peers, whose act has produced this ferment, meet, after a day's re pose, and adopt no measure—make no reflection on the state of the country. So, then, it appears, —for this is coming to the truth,—this is probing the wound,—it appears, we say, that after the anti-reformers in the Upper House, from whatever variety of motive, have united in rejecting the Bill of the people, they adhere together no longer, —they have no project of their own to offer, — they can agree upon nothing farther ! They dis trust each other, and particularly they distrust their Chief ; for, otherwise, they might at least have had a resolution to propose, calculated to soothe the affront offered to the other House, and to ap pease the troubled mind of the British people. We turn front this discordant body to another, of as re markable agreement and unity of purpose. The public may have observed that there has been lately in the few prints attached to the Opposition, a certain gentleness of speech—nay more, a positive flattery —used towards Lord Brougham. We know the object of this cajolery, and we know also, when that object is found of a certainty to be defeated, (as defeated it is), that gentleness will be turned to bitterness, that flattery to scurrility, and the Lord Chancellor will be abused to the same degree to which he has been for a while exalted by designing praise. And here we would caution another • person, justly distinguished for talents, to observe his position with his party. He is only taken as a pis allcr : in case, which we should think impossi ble, that party were to succeed, the preference is given to another. Be it known to all seducers, and all the indulgers of false hopes, that the pre sent Lord Chancellor will not separate himself from Earl Grey on the question of reform, nor ever ac cept of any bill less comprehensive than the present in imparting to the people their rights. With this union, then, among themselves, this sup, , ort of the House of Commons, of the people, and of the King, what have the Ministry to fear ? They will act with energy, and the result is certain. Of course, whoever or whatever of the royal household has obstructed their progress, or tended to diffuse an opinion that their power is limited, or their hands tied, will be removed. It may have been suffered for a while through too great facility, from pity, or even contempt ; but the matter becomes serious now. The continu ance in office of one Peer adverse to the bill, must occasion the creation of another to neutralize his vote ; such a person, therefore, is injurious to the dignity of the House of Peers. The Ministers will then, undoubtedly, call for their fresh creation of Peers, in number capable of satisfying the just ex pectation of the nation, redeeming the sacred pledge of the KING to give his people a free and pare representation, and so again uniting us all—after one of those conflicts which, like a thunder-storm, does but serve to purify the political atmosphere in the bonds of amity and peace. If the Peers have been inactive at this alarming crisis, the case has been otherwise with the Commons. The House met last night, and followed up their Bill by two resolutions—temperate, indeed, and mild in their expressos, but of such tenour as would for ever pledge the House, if it had even only the dig nity of an ordinary assembly,—if its members had only the common sense of honour entertained by gentlemen,—not to recede one inch from the prin ciples laid down in the Bill. We assert, therefore, that there are no means whatever of extrication from the present difficulty but that proposed,—of giving arch an accession in numbers to the House of Lords (an accession, by the way, which time will soon reduce again) as may enable that House to carry the Bill promptly in a fresh session.— Let there, then, be no I esitation on the part of his 'lajesty's Ministers; let Lord Grey assume, in re•pect to the question of reform, the same spirit which Lord Ebripgton so wi.ely and manfully re commends to his 'adoption, Kith reference to the general character of his administration ; let there be no temporizing, no neglect of friends who would devote themselves for him, in the hope of conci liating enemies who would only laugh at, betray, and embarrass him. Such is the sum of Lord Ebrington's excellent counsel, and e e recommend his whole speech to the study of all liberal men. A DV EATIse R.—There was a meeting of several of the Opposition Lords and Commoners, on Saturday night, at Lord Wharnclitre's, which did not break up until one o'clock on Sunday morning. The object of the meeting was to digest the plan of a new Ministry, in the event of the resignation of Earl Grey and his colleagues. In the first instance, Lord Wharncliffe, we understand, pro rsed a plan of reform to be presented to the House of Peers, the princip'e of which was not to disfranchise, but to extend the right of suf frage ; but though approved by these wise men r f G thaw, it is altogether so meagre a project of reform, that it would be scouted by the public, and excite the contempt and ridicule of every man of common sense in the country. It seems this little junto has selected Sir Robert Peel as their polar star, who is to guide them out of their difficultici, soothe their alarms, and with a chosen few extinguish all op position, and insure to his administration the confidence of the people ! The Duke of Welling, ton, it is said, declines taking office, but has pro mised his support to the embryo Cabinet of distinguished statesmen ! Should they succeed in their mighty project, of which there is no chance, the first thing they will no doubt do, will be to search for precedents to I preserve the public pe ace , d rawn f rom the administrations of the defunct Wm. Pitt and the late Lord Castlereagh—the revival of the Gagging Bills, and of the notorious Five Acts, will be thought expedient, and why not the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, to muzzle John Bull ? Those Noble Lords who traverse Bond-street and Regent-street in search of public opinion, will find, even there, that the Tones are detested, and that their return to power would be considered the greatest scourge, calamity, and curse, that could basil the country. effin f mnesemm LORD BROUGHAM'S LETTER ON REFORM. We present the letter to which Lord Lyndhurst alluded in the late debate, written by Lord Brougham in the 'year 1810, on the subject of Parliamentary reform. The letter, as was stated in the debate, was stolen from the illustrious writer by one of his servants, and of course improperly published. The question of reform, however, re mains unaltered by it in its intrinsic merits— must be governed as to the extent and magnitude of any object they propose, by the pr.babilities of being able to give effect to their views. A sub stantial reform we: as necessary in 1810 as in 1831 ; but the chances of carrying a great mea sure at the two eras are different. It is the effect of age, in general, to moderate views, and to con trol efforts ; but the twenty years which have in tervened since the time when that letter was writ tea have, on the contrary, extended the views of the writer, and shown him the necessity of pro posing a more comprehensive system of reform.— % imes. " Albany, London, April 28, 1810. " My dear Sir—The subject of Parliamentary Reform is so soon to come before the House of Commons, and is one of so great importance to the country, that I trust you will excuse, or rather ap. prove of, the anxiety which prompts me to ask the assistance of your opinion in making up my own, and also in forming an estimate of the sense of the people in your neighbourhood. " I shall begin by taking it for granted that some reform is desirable, and that the more the constitution of Parliament can be improved the better. The question is, what should be done in this, and how we should have the best chance of doing most for the cause ! I certainly shall not much, without reluctance, obtrude my opinion upon the House of Commons, and I am still more averse to be the author of any specific proposition on so grave a subject. But if I can persuade no one of better pretensions to undertake it, I am so deeply impressed with the ill conse quences of persisting in the former errors of re formers, to which I see the popular party out of doors more wedded than ever, that I shall feel it my indispensable duty to step forward in order to save the cause from a certainty of being once more ruined by its friends. For half a century the ques tion has been agitated, and not without the support of all the most eminent men in Parliament and the country. Strange to tell, no progress, not a step gained, at least not a step forward ; nay, until very lately, all care about it was gone, and the most important of questions excited no kind of in terest. This leads one to suspect a radical error in the plans and principles of the Reformers, and I am persuaded that error is as follows : " They have dealt too much in generals—their plans have either been too vague and undefined, or too large, so very large as to bear no stamp of caution, and give no fair hopes of success. In other branches of legislation we go gently, reform evils gradually, and are content with doing the lesser good that is practicable rather than grasp at the greater, which is beyond our reach. In this greatest and most momentous subject alone we have no moderation, will be satisfied with nothing short of complete success, and are resolved to have 1 01 l or nothing. Hence many doubts of our really caring much about it, and many fears of our impru dence, have arisen in the minds of those who do no* doubt of our good and zealous intentions.— We have a constitution, not very perfect certainly, but containing so much of excellence as should in cline us rather to mend than to new model. Our House of Commons in particular is inade quate to its functions, but it affords so many real checks to the Crown, so much substantial protec tion to the people, that if its evils are not really quite incurable we should prefer healing to am putation. We should take the system and cure i's defects. We have a machinery already; let us impr ye it ; let us at least try if it can be improved before we bre4k it up, and try another on a prin ciple quite different and unknown. I believe the question of changing the whole system of the re presentation,—that is, of the constitution,—is the only ono in the history of politics, from a general law down to a road bill, which has never been dis cussed with any caution or fear, and never suggest ed to any man the necessity of going to work, mending piecemeal, before you began with de druction and reproduction. Now, seeing this to have pro.luc..d no good, and being a sincere friend of reform, I am for profiting by past experience, and trying what can be done in a new and more ordinary way. " When Sir Samuel Romilly began to amend the bankrupt laws, he brought in a bill for sub jecting freehold estates to the diligence of creditors —a most partial and narrow reform ; and yet many thought it too large, so many that it was lost, and he only succeeded in carrying next session a very limited part of the same measure. Had he begun by moving for a general reform of all abuses in the law of debtor and creditor, or even like my worthy friend Mr. Brand, for a committee on the bank rupt laws, every trader in England would have been alarmed, and all lawyers at least would have op posed him. So now, in attempting the reform of our criminal law, he confines himself to the intro duction of two measures, which, though important in themselves, bear so small a proportion to the whole of the abuses to be corrected, that zealots for reform would scarcely condescend to look at them ; yet that great lawyer and enlightened se nator well knows the dAnger of rapid legislation; he is aware that it may be worse to cure too quickly than to endure a little longer ; and he can see no reason for moving most swiftly on the most slippery ground when the precipice is nearest and the gulf deepest. A beginning is the great object; the first is here the stop which costs; and, above all things, a sincere and virtuous reformer,—one who wishes to do good, and has a higher ambition than to make a noise,—one who ss ants to have a reform and not a clamour,—will avoid whatever may bring his cause into contempt or disrespect; ; lie will the re f ore b e aware b oth of proposing plans whose magnitude may alarm, and of going so far: all at once as to run the risk of doing irreparable mischief before experience can administer its cor rections. Looking at the House of Commons with these views, my object would naturally be to find out its chief defects, and to attempt the remedy of these one by one—to propose no system—no great project—nothing which pretended even to the name of a plan—but to introduce, in a temperate and conciliating manner, before the end of the session, one or two separate bills, intended to cure as many acknowledged evils, and to leave those bills for further discussion during the vacation, to let them die altogether, if not approved of by the wiser part of mankind, or to revive them next session with such improvements as the discussion of the inter vening summer would suggest. " One might be given up and another carried; all time for reflection would be afforded ; a decent caution, at any rate, would mark so grave a pro ceeding; and either the outrageous reformers of the day, would as. that Parliament was disposed to amend itself, or the well-meaning part of their followers would see it and be reclaimed. A man must be blind to the state of public opinion not to think this a safer way of protecting parliament, than those at present in vogue. He must be far gone in zeal not to see that this is the only attain able reform, and that any other, if attainable, would be little desirable. " The first of these bills should be a place bill, not certainly to exclude the ministers and principal members of the Boards from the House of Commons, for their presence there is the best check to the executive, and is, moreover, the only conceivable way of carrying on public business ; but a bill for limiting the numbers of inferior placemen, such as puiene Lords of the Treasury and Admiralty, Board of Controul, and leaving the head of each and a leading member. These inferior persons at present enjoy mere sinecures, They do nothing but vote. They are made Lords of the Treasury, &c. not because there is anything for them to do, or because they are fit for it if there were, but because they can get into Parlia ment, and will, by their offices, be always within call, and ready to vote. They are paid nominally for sinecure places, really for ministerial votes.— They are a dead weight on every division, because, being always on the spot, and well disciplined and paid, they are equal to three times as many irre gulars, or volunteers. If fifteen or twenty of these were excluded, first the boards would be filled with able officers, and would become effective; and, next, the overgrown influence of the house would be sensibly diminished. Secondly, a bill for reform ing the representation of the Scotch counties. In Scotland, no law ever was passed similar to our Statute of Westminster 3d, commonly called quit ernptoris, and no check was ever imposed upon subinfeudations. Hence the real property of the land and the feudal superiority are quite distinct and separable from each other. One man may bold, and does constantly hold the superiority, and another the property, but the former alone can vote for a member. It is as if a man were lord of a manor (in England) which was entirely parcelled out into copyholds and received in quit rents, waifs, &c. 40s. yearly from his copyholds. Without an acre in land in his manor he alone could vote, his revenue being little more than nominal, while the copyholders would have no votes though they might possess estates of 10,0001. a year each.— Thus in Scotland a man sells his lands and keeps his vote, or sells his vote and keeps his land, and thus all the country members might be chosen by a few rich Jews born in England, residing in London or Amsterdam, or by one such Jew. This is an extreme case, but the real evils are great. It has followed, first, that the voters are few in number, in the largest about 150, in others 40 or 50, in some 14 to 20, in one 11, in one a single voter, and, as it hap pens, no person eligible, for the voter is a judge, and only votes, but cannot be elected; such, at least, was the case last election. Even in the most populous counties a compromise takes place between a few leading families who can make more votes at pleasure, and in whose hand numbers of the existing voters are. Secondly, it has foliwed that many very wealthy landholders in every parish have no votes at all ; but thirdly, and chiefly, that a traffic is established in rotes, most hurtful. both to the voter and the member, the country and the Parliament; for a man buys a rote in a county where there are few, and where parties are nearly balanced. It is a source of revenue to him : it pro vides his children with cornetcies, cadetcies, and writerships,—his dependents with places in the Excise and Customs—his widow and daughter with pensions. The member is a slave ; suppose him ever so independent himself (and this is sup posing a great deal), he must be eternally at the Minister's levee for places to his voters; it is the tenure by which he sits; and again he can only get those places by service in the House of Com mons ; he must be constantly at the vote, it is the tenure by which he gets his places; all the morn ing at Downing-street at the Minister's feet, all night in the house at the Minister's back. Such is his life, such it must be, but such it is in real fact. The thirty Scotch county members are as regular in their attendance and vote as the fifteen or twenty inferior placemen. You find them always there. In a house of seventy members, perhaps the average of the session, I dare venture to say you will find 30 Scotch, the right proportion being only four to five; this includes the borough as well as county members, but I am speaking of the latter only. Now wby should not this gross abuse be done away t Why not restore the Scotch counties to the same footing with the English which they originally had, and which they would still have had if there had been a law against sub-infeudations made by the Scotch Parliament. I will mention another fact, though it may be invidious. In the first division on Walcheren the opposition had 39 English coup ty members, 26 Irish, and 5 Scotch. The mi nistry had 37 English county members, 26 Irish, and no less than 20 Scotch. In the other divisions the majority of English county members was con siderably greater, but the total of counties was for Government by the means of the Scotch members. The advantage of this plan. would be, that it pledges us to no English reform which any man objects to; it does little more than bring things to the former level between the two counties. It is not very unpopular. It was patronized by a large society in Scotland in 1791 and 1792, at the head of which were the Chief Baron and the Lord Advocate (Mr. Dundee), now Chief Baron. It would greatly improve the character and station of Scotland, but chiefly it would improve the Parlia ment. Thirdly, the English copyholders should be rendered electors on the same principle; they are excluded on the same feudal principles which exclude the Scotch vassal proprietors, viz. becaus c • their ancestors were villains and vassals when the lesser barons first elected representative s ; they should clearly be allowed to vote, thouzh the qualification might be made higher than in freeholders. But beyond this trivial change we are not called to go by previous and more important alteration in Scotch rights of election. Lastly, i t is advisable to lay the foundation of a Scotch and English borough reform ; but with infinite caution, and avoiding a principle of disfranchisement above every thing. Edinburgh is the only Scotch town which chooses a member ; the other towns arc thrown into districts, each borough choosing a delegate, and the whole delegates from each dis trict choosing the member who represents the bo rough. All the boroughs, and Edinburgh and Glasgow as well as the rest, are quite close, the corporations or magistrates alone electing (to this there is one exception, viz. Stirling, which was thrown open for bribery thirty years ago). Now it would be better to begin merely with giving Edinburgh a popular election there. There are se rious objections to what at first might seem desi rable, giving Glasgow a similar reform, for that tow n is one of the boroughs which elect a member amongst them, and it could not have its own elec tion without disfranchising the others. Edinburgh chooses a member itself, and in throwing it open you only invade the rights of the corpora.. tion, a change which would be a small price for the benefits to be purchased by it. The population of Edinburgh is very singularly com posed-8,000 people without trade or manufac tures, with a large and enlightened body of lawyers and clergy, a famous and flourishing University, and the winter residence of all the considerable landholders of Scotland. It is nearer what Dublin will be (from similar causes) than any other place In the empire, and it is peculiarly well calculated for a popular election. Such an election would improve the elections all over Scotland, and the success of the experiment, so partially tried, would secure a favourable reception for subsequent im provements. Moreover it would not commit you to any scheme of indefinite borough reform in England—it would only oblige you to give a re presentation to some one or two great towns, as Manchester or Birmingham, as soon as some borough like Mal-lon in Essex lost its charter by expiration, which I believe will soon happen there, or as soon as Old Sarum could be purchased by the country 1 " Disfranchisement is the word of all others to be avoided on the present occasion. It is the worst enemy of all practical reform. " Should it be determined to go beyond this par tial and unambitious measure, the voluntary sale of some English boroughs and Scotch corporate rights might furnish the means of giving not only several other towns, as Leeds, or Sheffield, a re presentation, but of adding to the county members, as by giving Yorkshire two or three, Lancashire one or two, additional members. But for a first step, I am very clear that the four bills enumerated above, or including a provision respecting Maldon and Manchester, the five bills are enough to begin with, and should satisfy the most sanguine reformer who seriously wishes an improvement in Parlia ment. Then let us stop, and see, and try. In bringing forward such a plan, we must give ap all hopes of satisfying the more violent political re formers of the day. They will call it a trick—a job— a subterfuge—a collusion, and every thing most opprobrious ; we shall be infinitely more abused than if we did nothing at all. What is worse, such idle clamours will for a while dupe the well meaning reformers in most places. But in the end we shall reclaim the lat ter from the influence of their misleaders, and shall have the ultimate support of all whose honesty and good sense makes their support worth having. To such immediate clamours, however, must the temperate reformer expose himself, and for meeting such rewards must he make up his mind. There is no help for it. Had a rational scheme, like the l one above sketched out been soon proposed, in all probability they would not have existed, At least it is cot Cain that the grounds for them would have been removed. lam extremely desirous of your candid sentiments and those of your friends on the above outline. I have purposely avoided too many details, and even suppressed material parts of each hill, in order to give it in the general and more concisely. The p opriety, for example, under the first measure of rendering places during pleasure, which are conferred by boards as well as those granted by the crown, a ground for vacating a seat in Parliament, is toe obvious to escape notice, they come clearly within the meaning of the statute. Why eh. ald a lordship of the treasury vacate (worth 15001.) and not the secretaryship, worth three times the sum? May I beg your early attention to this matter, as it is my wish to make up my mind on it without de lay. I have only to add, that should the above plan be deemed advisable, I shall endeavour to find some persons, of due weight and consider ation, to bring it forward I shall be ready to assist and support it ;—and my rea reason foil stepping forward with it, or for intend ing to propose it to Parliament myself, should I ultimately be satisfied with it, soundness, and eh uhf I find no better persons to bring it forward, is any acquaintance with the subject in my pro fessronal capacity, both in attending el. ction corn• mittees, and in Scotch law practice. Believe rue, with great regard, yours very faithfully, •• HENRY BROUGHAM." MAXIM'S. CaltENONY—.is imperative, and likewise be coming, at all Pageants, state occaions, and the like. Ceremony is necessary to good order and good mora l ' and gives a right feeling to society. Ceremony is well ob served In all our forms of worship, and every religious mil!. nation. Some Ceremony is certainly good in every house, but all Ceremony Is bad between friends. Etat y.—lt is a great error to hold a party cheap, because it may happen to want a head t • factious leat.er may be termed qf tacky, while another, fungutr•A:- may spring up tomorrow. THE PEOPLE.—Nothing is more dangerous than to let a Peopl e see that while you attack the:n you think only of self-dthoce. Cc/auto tutus, is a whole.onie wavm, and second only to this—Keep your woo is, r: t. PRlDE.—Hutton saps, The man that is v.ith• out pride, is the man that wants brel.th.—ritc nt i-l o rtunts that befal the iicb, can only correct their pride-, tattering the vanity of the poor, but the contrary ca.-4 to c often seen.--All conditions Rase their detects. Humapil tT. ...Ars should suffer the iniserald: to plead in their disiro.r.. since we so frequently forget them in our abundance. - - . _ LONDON : Printed and Published by Jona vs a, za Inc STa* °rm., No. 1, Pickett.plece, Tempts e. ,' ~ 1 ~.!' 4,; r i