Star. — London, England, 1814-06-29 00:00:00

I I~•,; ■ . yt' :~~ r :I - • . pr mit% The arrengement.oi the colonial ter titer; - .ie also much approved, as tending to uphold tle eeeess.iry maritime stild commercial preponde estice of this country; and the stipulations which vent , • exclude France from all territorial influence in India, he particularly applauded. In fine, by the present Treaty, every advantage we formerly posses. sed were mot only preserved, but new scenes of com mercial wealth and prosperity created—our finances and national credit rendered more flourishing than ever—and, above all, our inestimable constitution preservedeezewards which amply compensated for those necessary sacrifices and occasional privations, so cheerfully and laudably made and submitted to by the inhabitants of this country, in the course of a long and severe contest—(Rear, hear!) The Noble Earl concluded by moving an humble Address to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, thanking him for his gracious communication of the Definitive Treaty of Peace concluded between his Majesty and his Most Christian Majesty, at Paris, on the 30th day of May last ; assuring his Royal Highness, that they were fully sensible of all the advantages which would result from the said Treaty to the honour of his Ma jesty's Crown, aed the safety and prosperity of his Kingdom ; and expressing their conviction that the great object of the war had been accomplished, and assuring his Royal Highness they entertained a grateful sense of the advantages and blessings which had been secured to the country by the provisions and articles of the Treaty ; and expressive of their Lordships' anxious hope that the same line of policy and conduct would be persevered in, which had in duced so many and great advantages to the British Empire. Lord DE DUNSTANVILLE seconded the mo tion for the Address, and made a variety of observa tions in support of those arguments touched upon by the Noble mover. Adverting to the progress of the war, his Lordship panegyriaed the gallant and mag nanimous conduct of an illustrious Ally, the Empe ror of Russia, who had so greatly, under the SUPREME Disposee of events, contributed to the happy and ' glorious result of the important struggle. He ad. vetted to the inveterately hostile disposition of the late ruler of France to this country, and the conse quent ground of satisfaction and exultation which his total discomfiture afforded. The whites of the illustrious Peer, who that night had taken his seat among their Lordships, were highly panegyrised by the Noble Lord, and comparison entered into be tween his services and those of the renowned Duke of Marlborough, which he illustrated much to the ad vantage of former. The colonial arrangements which had been made, and which his Lordship viewed rather in detail, he thought highly advanta geous to the maritime and commercial interests of this country. Under such circumstances, he thought there could be no wimp dissent from the unanimous aPProbatien-ofe Treaty so highly advantageous and in pourable not only to this country, but to the other powers concerned in it. The Address had, therefore, his cordial approbation and support. , It was then road by the LO RD CHANCELLOR, and the question put ; when . Lord GRENVILLE rose. If he felt any diffi culty in assenting cordially to the Address, it was only eel the ground of his unwillingness that such . a.sent should be construed into a general'or indiscri minate eppiebation. He had hoped that the motion would have been so shaped as not to excite discussion, • and with that view chiefly it was that lie acceded to make the Slave Trade a subject of a separate debate. . Bat hoWsoever ho lamented the particular points to %stitch he alluded, he enoseheartily concurred in the general tenor and spit it of the Address. The subject was sue; of ardent and general congratulation to the throne, the country, and the people. At the close of an arduous contest of twenty years, the object had been at length obtained by the firmness, virtue, and' pereeverance of the people, and had conferred on them a reputation worthy to•live. as an example to posterity and to all nations. His Lordship next most cordially agreed in the Address where it stated that much strength to peace was acquirM from the fortu nate and atlas cious circumstance of the restoration of the ancient "and hereditary Royal Family -of France. 7 -(,Par.) He would not deny that occasions might and did occur when treaties might preperly be entered ipto with other powers. But those powers afforded not such security as 0 treaty i*ith the Princes of **use of Bourbon. He did :rot mean to extol the personal qualities of any tole, far he knew that indiOidual virtue was no security for nations. But the usurpation of France, as it was dieted, so it was maintained by military violence, and could only have sulnusred on plunder and aggression ; it, therefore, . ro impassible that such a Government should afford . such protection and security as that which now was . Coueded on the legitimate spirit of civil institutions. Upon the extinction of that state of society the late .cipeernmtpt of France was founded, and, therefore, ,lie rejoiced that such a g•overnment was superceded by the revival of the social system in Europe ;—it was 4 return to the ancient free Constitution of .France, _and which once blessed and distinguished . Europe ; the advantages were not, indeed, absolute, .. _bet comparetive, It was impossible for such a power . 44 franee. to e ist. alder any form of Government un i eleithout nat ly gating the vigilant attention of ebis:countre,But the danger was much lesi under a well-reguleied than under a military or despotic power. Another part of the Address was entitled to his cordial approbation : he Meant that which refer re red to bur maritime strength and superiority, which .woe were boiled to consider, not as the means of in creasing our possessions, but to use as pledgee for se curing the balance of power in Europe, a considera tion, nest to our own immediate safety, of the utmost impOrtance to us ; and far from wishing to acquire or to retaip acquisitions, it became our tree policy to yelinquisb them. lestead of objecting to concessions made to France he would willingly grant more, pro vided thereby a greater eecerity could be obtai ne d • for the , eace of Europe. fie was unwilling to enter et large into the Treaty ; but on the side of Savoy be thotight France had obtained a dangerous power for the disturbance of her neighbour. He should have been better 'pleased if nothing had been given to France at the espence of the weaker Powers.-- sure be was that i$ ir_raa not a spatter of indifference go thii pokey t pritaerae iltedtguilibrium of power in tiropf i for try set 4 • . .•- ;lone could we hope to . pbtaip a permanent Am pe best mode to accom. MI this (# ”s fietintiktifly to comma ibex by is =. Sti "4 terests as they were by situAtiou. rot 1-1011a.nd to be able to preserve herself against any sudden aggres sions from France, was of treat moment to England. and when the barrier territory of the Netherlands isted she had such defence. That mode of defence was destroyed by Austria, and France soon'-shewed where weakness was, for Holland speedily fell a prey to the arms of France. As to the concessions named In the Treaty, he bad some difficulty in agreeing to them because the advantages' for which those conces sions were made were to be referred to the ulterior ne gociations at Vienna. The Noble Lord could not but lament his inability to find in the Treaty any pledge that those principles, which alone he deemed calculat to give permanent peace to Europe, should be acted upon in the ensuing negociations. He lamented that he could find no security that the principle of restora tion, and not of partition, should guide the Congress. —(Hear.)—.lt was that fatal principle of partition which gave the first shake to solid society in Europe, and now, when they had survived the storms that had threatened them, let the States of Europe, and Eng land in particular, remember that there existed no thing so fatal to that peace for which they had all so much occasion, as that one fatal principle of partition. (Hear, hear.)—lf the principles %sere nct now aban doned, the seeds of dissention would be sown but too abundantly at Vienna ; and if the smaller states were to be aggrieved by the larger, what security had they, that tome evil spirit might not again arise in France, and by taking advantage of those dissatisfactions, again 'set Europe in a flame ? The equilibrium of power in Europe could alone preserve them from such evils—that would be their great security. He trusted, however, that we were about to return to a state of, permanent peace ; and he also trusted that Pasha-. went would remember that England, in time of peace, was not accustomed to have the greatest possible mi. litary armed establishment —(Hear, hear.) In his opi nion, it was impossible for this country to enjoy its Constitution with a great armed military peace esta blishment ;—( Hear, hear)—and entertaining such opi nion, he wished that the peace establishments of these kingdoms should be as nearly as possible like to those deliberately settled in 1792. If the fatal dream had really passed away, which had affrighted Europe—if there really were to be something like permanent peace amongst all States—for this country he must claim, that our establishments be reduced as soon as possible, and as nearly as was practicable according to the test of 1791 and 1792—he claimed it as the true ancient policy of this country. —(Near, hear.) The Earl of LIVERPOOL had heard, with the greatest satisfaction, the major part of what had been expressed by the Noble Lord who had just sat down. Government, he could assure the Noble Lord and the House, had been actuated by a disposition to state every thing in the Address which could chew the spirit by which they had prosecuted the negocia tion. But there were observations in the speech of the Noble Lord, and there was something in the sub stance of it, which rendered it necessary for him to say a few words upon the present occasion. When the fortune of war had favoured the cause of the Con tinent against France, and the Allies had arrived at Paris, and when the government of Louis was re stored, there were but two modes by which Negotia tion could be conducted; either, on the one side, at a Congress appointed for the general arrangement not only of the affairs of France, but of those of the different Powers of Europe ; or, on the other side. by a separate and distinct Treaty between France and each of the Allied Powers. The delay and in convenience of the former mode were obvious—it would require pot only the boundaries of France to be limited, but the future disposition of Italy and the interests of other fizates to be arranged. On the other hand, the arrangement of a separate treaty was re. qtiired from. the circumstances of the time. At that period it was most essential that the extent of France should be settled while tlie Allies remained in her capiial—that they should conjointly and ssparately s'gn a treaty with her, leaving the interests of Eu rope to the determination of a future Congress. This was the ground and principle upon which this sepa. rate treaty was signed. It was necessary that it should be a peace honourable to all, for on that cos. ditiun alone could it be expected to be lasting. This was a principle which ought to pervade treaties be tween nations, and if ever it ought to have been at one time acted upon more than at another, it was upon this occasion. The antient dynasty was restored and it became us, in- negotiation, to require terms which would not only be honourable to ourselves, but to the Sovereigns with whom we treated. Under such circumstances, and looking to the devastation committed by France over other countries, the foun dation of Peace was laid, as it ought to be, in bring. ing back the former state of things. There were those mho had once, like himself, looked to that as a fit basis upon which peace might be permanently esta blished, and now it was accomplished, they must agree with him it was a desidetatum which could be scarcely expected. The restoration of France to the state in which she was in 1792, was the princi ple upon which the negotiation had concluded. He agreed with others who had observed, that the mili. tary spirit and state of that country did require some concession to be made on our part. The Noble Lord had alluded to the concession to France in regard - Savoy ; he (Earl of Liverpool) was ready to admit it was of great consideration, and France would gain advantage from it accordingly ; but as to military strength, he did nut consider it of the importance which had been represented. The acquisition would be 6 or 700,000 inhabitants, but independent of this, and an exception in Germany, France had by this treaty been restored continent ally to the state of 1792. During the contest in which we were engaged, his Majesty's arm, had gained fur us all the colonies of the world, but though placed in such a Situation, it ditinut become us to negotiate upon a principle of monopoly, it would hot be the interest of this country 16 keep all the colonies to herself, it would be the in terest of this country to render France both colonial and corometcial, for she would thereby become mots subject to the power and strength of Great Britain. The - advantages derived to our India possessions were important under the present treaty, for the fat toties of Ponclitheriy were subjected to the same ccnditions as thole of Bengal in the last war, a nd we should be freed from foture molestation in tho se seas. He was anxious that the Treaty should be well cbmidered, and that it should be judged, nbt according to what rt did not pretend but according to what it pretended to be foT while it was desirable that the quest' of war and peace should be decided betW6lllll France and Greae Britain, there were objects of arrangement for all Europe, which would more properly come under consideration at a general Congress. In regard too to this future discussion, such wa; thohope he enters tained from the semblance and spirit of the Allies, riot that there would be no difficulties, but that there would be none which would not be overcome, and he had no doubt hut the terms of that negotiation would, be adjusted upon the greund of eltrillitirjustice.— Europe, he believed, never enjoyed mere happiness than it did from the Revolution of 1688 1 in England to the Revolution in France; but it was only as far as changes became expedient, that the state to. which Europe returned was not precisely the same. The Address stated truly the object of the war had been accomplished, and certainly it was more. than could have ever beenexpected in a treaty with-France. It was worthy of remark, that this was the conclusion of a war began in 1792, and after all the various struggles of the contest, the powers of Europe had been - restored to their independence, in the capital of France, and the balance of States had been re-established. To the talents of that great personage, who had taken his seat in that House, -the restorat►on of the Peninsula was due. The object of the War was not what it had been represented to be, it was not-the restoration of the Bourbons; but he agreed with the Noble Lord, that the prospect of a permanent peace could not have' been realized without that restoration. Great Britain had heat faithful to the last, and had concluded this peace in conjunction with the Allies, and never was there a period when her character stood so high, not only in the glory of her name, but in the strength of her power. The LORD CHANCELLOR then put the ques tion on the Address from the Woolsack, and it was agreed to nem. din.—Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Petitions were presented from a great number of places, pray ing for a revision of that Article of the Treaty by which the con tinuance of the Slave Trade was to be permitted for five years in the Colonies to be ceded to France. Among them was one from the Protestant Dissenting Ministers in the neighbouthoqd of London, in which they state, that, as Ministers of the Got pel, they see with concern the continuance of the Slave Trade permitted for five years, as by obstructing the diffusion of know. ledge and progress of civilization in the Continent of 'Wien, those errors and superstitions would still continue, which had been found so hostile to the introduction of Christianity. All ordered to lie en the Table. Mr. PEEL, in a Committee on the Irish Judges Salaries Act, moved certain Resolutions, which were agreed to, and ordered to be reported tomorrow. On the further consideration of the Clergy Residence Bill, Sir W. SCOT ir moved, for the sake of making some amendments in the 1311/, that the Report of it should be re-committed. The House went into the Committee, the amendments were agreed to, the Report received, and ordered to be taken Into farther consideration on Monday. Mr. M. A. TAYLOR called the attention of the House to the dangerous state of the streets in the metropolis. His object was to ascertain the extent of the funds for repairing the streets, reserving to himself in the next Session to offer some Bill to re medy their state. It arose froth some jealousies in she use of the rates for paving and lighting, and their being applied as other parochial rates. Another reason was, the rivalry among dale rent Water-works Comparres, who weir constantly turning up the streets. He thin moved for Amnon. of the Rates for Pav ing and Lighting the Streets of the Metropolis for the last four years.—Ordered to be laid on the table. Mr. BROGDEH I brought up t he Report of 1 Committee en the Irish Sugar Drawback Acts, and the Resolutions were agreed to. he further consideration of the Report of the Spirit Inter course Bill was postponed till Thursday. Mr. D. GIDDY brought up a Petition from various Authors and Composers of Books, in favour of the Bill for securing the Copy-right of Books.—Ordered to lie on the table.—Tbe further proceeding on the Bill was postponed till to-morrow se'lnnight. Returns of Fees from tire Hamper OfSce were brought up, and ordered to lie on Mee table. Mr. LUSHINGTON obtained leave to bring in alai to alter the Acti for the Redemption of the I.and Tax. l ht Navy Prize money Bill went through a Committee. Mr. ROSE said, he had formerly explained the Bill so fully, that it was only necessary for him to say, that his objects were to secure safe and regular, returns from the Viye-Adnairalty Courts abroad, and to appoint an Offiecr at home, whose parti cular department should be to watch over" those accounts and returns. That Officer was also to make a yearly return to Par liament of the state of those accounts. Sir C. POLE and Mr..l. Shinn spoke in favour of the Bin, and it was ordered to be reported to-morrow. Mr. HOLFORD brought up the Bill fur the better regulation of the Jails in the City. Sir W..CURTIS did not mean to oppose this Bill, unless it were found to infringe on the privileges of the City. The Ind was read a first, and ordered to be read second time on Monday next. The Exchequer Bills Bill we passed. Several Petitions were presented from various parts, praying for the Abolition of theStavel rade.—Ordered to lie on the table. FEES IN CotniTS OF JUSTICK. Sir J. NEWPORT believed it to be the bounden duty of the House to exercise a proper regulation and controul over the fees in the Courts of Justice ; with out which the suitor would be liable to be treated with great injustice. Since 1798 no controul of this kind had been exercised. The periods antecedent to that time, when this controul was exercised, were 1732 and 1753. Although he had thought it necessary, in the exercise-of this controul, to move for the returns of Fees in courts of Justice, yet he could assure the House he had not the least intention of impUgning any particular officer of any of the Courts. He then moved, that the various Returns of Fees made at dif ferent periods to the Parliaments of Great Britain and Ireland should be entered on the Journals, in order that every Member might have an immediate refe rence to them whenever he should please. He also moved, that a Commission„similar to that of 179), should be appointed ; and that an Address should be presented to the Prince Regent, for an Account of la/1 Proceedings under the Great Seal in 1799, with , respect to the Fees of C ourts o f J ust i ce an d t h e o ffi ces attached to them. Mr. LAW did tot sonceiverthat the Honourable' Baronet had been actuated by any personal feelings in bringing forward such strong personal charges against some Law Of f icers; he still thought he had brought forward those charges without having shewn any foundation for them. A charge had been made against the Chief Justice of the Court of King's bench, that he had allowed the Marshal to increase his fees. The only way in which the Head of that' Court could answer that charge, was by a simple de nial t> its truth. Those fees were established by usage, and mere taxed by the Master of the King's Bench, and subject to the revision of the Bench of Judges of that Court. No alteration had taken place in those fees since 1732, except some fees of forms. With re gard to the Clerk of Nisi Prius and Clerk of Court (Mr. Lowten) he took only the same fees he had done thirty years ago. The general ratio of.fees had not increased since 1732. It was very right ti at parliament should have a COMFOIII over the Courts t Law, whenever sufficient grounds were laid to thew that there was any abets an them ; but voting this Address might have a very dangerous erect as to t?..• character And respect due to the Courts of Justice.— said, He L to d u c l d i , ‘ therefore,srLtßF. 71 oppose themotion. the House was en. • titled to have expected that some ground of abuse should have been laid before any motion of this slate." should have been made. The Hon. Baronet was my : in posssession of the return of fees from all our Courts, but he seemed to have found out no particul ir abuse in any of them. - He, therefore , felt the strongest desire to oppose this motion ; at the same time he could as. sure the House, that he had no wish to screen any case of abuse where such could be pointed out. Mr. PONSONBY contended, that no imputation would be cast on any of the Courts cf Justice by the motion, or uny enquiries proposed by his Right Nor.. Friend, any mort than had been done by the former similar motiops on this subject. The opinion th.it imputations were cast on Courts of Justice, would be best answered by submitting readily to every enquiry ~ that could be made into their fees and other matters. He did not believe there was an honest Judge alas would shrink from any enquiry being made into has conduct. But the character of the Judges was not at all implicated by the motion of his Right Honourable Friend •, for they only concerned the Officers of the several Courts, and not these wt.° preside over them. For these reasons he should vote for the motion. Mr. BATHU RST opposed the motion. He con. tended, that it was too much to throw an imputation on any person, on the ground that when I„is conduct was enquired into, it would be found more pure than ever. Nothing, in his opinion, would justify such enquiiies, except the laying sufficient Parliamentary grounds that abuses existed in those deputments. Mr. STEPHEN said, that in his opinion nothing could be more improper than to treat Judges in the way they had been, without bringing 4ome speciCc charge against them. The Hon. Baronet in moving for returns of Fees in Courts of Justice for 20 years past, had hinted, that he should discover some abuses. It appeared, however, be had made no such discovery; but, for all that, he had moved fur a commission of enquiry on the Courts of Justice, which, to persons out of that House would imply, if not a discovery of any absolute abuse, at least of supicion that some exist ed. This was not treating the Judges with that re spect which was absolutely necessary for the due ad ministration of justice in this country. He defended the Accountant General of the Court of Chaniery from any charge of applying the money of suitors to his own partial use for a time; for he never received or Paid any of that money. It was paid into and kept in the Bank ; and he had only the direction of at. That enquiry which was formerly made, had proved as much ; but the Right Hon. a ironet, not content ed with that, had now attacked the Judges with as 1 little reason.. He, therefore, hoped the motion might be negatived. Mr. W. SMITH slid, it was very possible, that by the lapse of time the Fees in some instances might have become too small, and in others, have grown enor mously too large for services performed. Would not then such matters as these come put uo a commission of revision of Fees taken in Courts of Justice, and Le corrected without any imputation being cast on any person whatever. His Right Hon. Friend said, he had no intention of casting imputations on any offi. I cers ; but, he had heard it asserted, that in certain offices (and it was matter of great notoriety), there was a practice of taking what was called Expedition rtes. This surely was very detrimental to the regular course of justice. He saw much benefit; but no incon venience, that could result from the motion of his Right Hon. Friend, and he should, therefore, vote for it. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said, that there were guards over the Fees of professional men that no others were subjected to. If any Officers of the Courts made an exorbitant charge, the Attorney would be sure to tell his Clerk that he bad paid too much. There was another guard over them, and that was by taxing the costs. In short, it was impossible that any extortionate Fees could be taken without the Judges in open Court making themselves parties to the extortion of their Officers. He, therefore, asserted, that nothing of the kind could happen. As to thee*. pedition fees, there were none. It was tree that there was sometimes additional money paid for additional hands, merely to get business done, which could not otherwise be got ready in time. Far thew reasons 1 he opposed the motion. Mr. HAWTHORNE said be bad inquired, ant found that there had been a considerable Manse of Fees in the Courts of Ireland. . Sir SAMUEL ROMILLY said, that there was no imputation cast, or intended to be cast, on the Judges ; but a proper and Parliamentary proceeding should not be lost on account of a mistaken notion or indiscreet expression. In his conscience, he believed there were Officers who took Fees few expediting the business of suitors, though it might be difficult to prove it.--[The ATTORNEY-GIL/MAL said across the table, 44 As Fast"]—He did believe it existed as Fees, and that too in many offices. How mischie vans such a practice must be, was evident; for that expedition which was purchased by the rich-suitor, was taken from the poor one. As his Honourable and Learned Friend talked that it was impossible that any abuses in Fees could exist, be wondered what had so much altered the times for the better now. There was nothing new in the motion of his Right Honourable Friend—it was only similar to that of 1798, and therefore he should support the motion.— He did not believe that abuses existed with the know. ledge or connivance of the Judges. Mr. &Trims and Sir SAMUIL ROMILLY mutually explained. The BOLICITOR-GENERAI. said, the Right Hon. Gentleman had said, be believed there was something wrong in the mode of coll ec ti ng the fees l in Courts of Justice. If such was his opinion, the Right Hon. Gentleman ought, as he might well have done, to have pointed out some particdar instances. This 1w might easily h ave d oes , as a ll t h ese fees were publicly taken. And n e v er during the whole course of his practi c e i n W estm i nster Hall. had he ever beard of a single instance of abuse on this subject ; and than h e s c o th n i l s d s tak ub il jec u t i : t h ee i ims to o an a d tha t aate that there tber w e as w n a o s nothing in whi c h the Judges were more particular th evil for which a person might so said b ' y_o tam redress as for a wron g o f t hi s description. He thought no grounds w4ittever had been laid for this d motion, ar. therefore he should oppose it. Mr. ABERCROMBIE was in favour of the fro. tioa. He could not perceive any objection which the -- 'T Judges could have to Iparliainensary em if all was correct. WOsW ultimata', taw their bond*. Mr. GORDON did not nseatt to imp Striotiper to the high Officers of the Coot but he was in favour of the motion, becatil it might lead to a mode of paying th Officers in Courts Of Justice in a aunt pourable to them. Mr: WETHERALL thought the grounds for the motion, to be found in made to the House. From these it wa increase of Fees had taken place either • gench or Court of Chancery ; and he Honourable Baronet would have had grounds for his motion before these Suade to the House. Sir J. NEWPORT replied, and e. had made out a case for Parliamentary denied that any imputation would be Judges by such an enquiry—an enquiry the duty of the House to institute from The House then divided—For the Against it, 48—Majority for the moti.. TUX SLATS TMADX. Mr HORNER moved that the A House to the Prince Regent of-the Sd his Royal Highness's Answer, be read, been done, the Honourable Gentleman Moving for the eocements which he sh.. in the conclusion of his speech, he di any final determination, but merely to . in possession of information previous consideration of the important subject came before them to-morrow. He re taut Treaty which, slier 20 years of w. peace to Europe. Many and moteim the 'circumstances embraced by that T dee was more so than that of the al Slave Trade ; and with respect to this net mean to say that the Noble Lord, charged such important duties on this . country, so honourable to himself, bad which could be done on this subject. He t 6 deny that peace *at impracticable wit cession; but he must have much fulle before he couldbelieve such to have been he must have more time before he co self to decide whether war would not It ferable to peace, with such a provision He understood the Noble Lord last n ' ould have been highly impolitic to h this question of the Slave Trade with t . htoration of the colonies. He must see no such impolicy. In his opinion, have united the two questions ; and up the colonies without some undertaki of France to give up this abominabl giving op those means which the even had given us of carrying a very tavotei this kingdom. The Noble Lord's have been correct ; but he did think tl 'ions to going into a discussion of the portant question of the Treaty. should '• session of documents to prove that every opportunity, in corjunction WI to obtain this desirable object. He m peat, that, in his opinion, without ma ing up the Slave Ttede the der rid the giving up the Colonies should hav wed. prod entirely upon this concessio of the Freoch Covessunent. Was aware .of the proportion which the Trade bore to that of the other Po uestion was first taken tip by the &i • t that time the population of dip ndia Islands in Slaves was 800, ber required to keep them up was 40, ..—This then would be the first effect of measure ; but this was not all, the F , have that population also to replace. Cells during the last IS years, we had the whole northern coast of Africa 1. Trade : but by the restoration of I Ito the French, we had thrown open • of coast to the French and Portuguese and all its horrors ; and this was the int of this Treaty with the Bourbons. No case in which the House would be sa • word of i Minister, that he had wed done all in his power on this occasion case in which the House would think p a confidence in the word of any Min - for no written documents—and that, , when the production of such document tended with no inconvenience ? The observed, the Noble Lord had said the appeared to be wedded tb this object any other; and that they would by no bp : this was so contrary to'the gen and conduct of the French nation, that to be credited. Considering, therefore, Lord had so greatly disappointed the pectations of the House and the Co bead ; considering that the Noble Lc. the other potentates were anxious this be carried ; and considering the re which France wac, it required more he possessed to believe all the exertio been used on this occasion. He conci ing an Address to the Regent for c monstrance' made by this Govcrnm and of the communications made to our Ministers on the subject of the Trade. _ Lord CASTLEREAGH said, the ( the Hon. Member was certainly fair, In .1 sense. Thrugh it was impo!sible for see that in this covert way a charge ss be brought , against Ministers for havi ing in their exertions to obtain 'hi. thought he might be allowed to ask appeared in any pact of the conduct c present Government on this important could cause such suspicion to be ente that they would be found failing In when exertion would have been most must, howevrr, he allowcd to compl. nouraLle Member ou the pcint of tinit: selected fir bring 3g h:s notice, - evening preceding thataprointed fur tof Tteaty involving the most imp of this country and of Europe. TI.I mon before be brought forwArcl Lis ought to have been in possession cf • be. A arinr NOV* to- hive otinsio •• . •