Star. — London, England, 1831-06-29 00:00:00

• ! 1 Pi : Y. NI .i '! `~ 1 I ; i 1 Et Mr. ASTFLI. contend d that the East India Company had Lot withheld any information ; but they had no right to he cillttl upon as a body. Mr. S. WORTLEY, as sn many persons trust neces. sarily be examined, proposed that the question be referred to two or three CommitieAt. as in the present short Session of Parliament it would be impossible for one Committee to izet throuch the eviderwe. Mr. C. FERGUSON denied that any obstruction had been thrown in the wt' of oldaining information by the Company, but CO tilr c on-:try, that every facility was at tended by them by givtrg access to their :eports and other documents of the Uoad. Tee Members who rat in the Mouse daring the l.:•t Commitev.! had no authority from the Roaril to act. end conseipien:ly could not meet the Com mime with any pro) osition, or act in any way as if on the p.rt of the 13 d. lie approved of the directors being now called upon, r.. 11 they could rive a full report of all their policy tend mode of government. Ile reprobated the man ner in which Mr. Whitmore bad attacked the Company. Mr. WHIT NIOttE rose in explanation. 31r. rear to order. Mr. COURTENA V would wish to ask the question whether or not it WRS the intention of the directors to peti tion to be heard? If such was not their lion he would recommend them certainly to adopt re. Mr. CHARLES GRAN I was ad to acknowledge that the directors had not thrown any obstacles in the way, but he regretted to find that they were nut prepared to enter upon the investigation. Colonel DAVIS made a few observations, which were lost in the ennfusien of the House at the moment. BIT. HUNIE entered into an explanation regarding the last Committee, and said that the mover of the Committee should conic forward sith some direct proposition for the consideration of the Committee. Sir JOHN lIIALCOLM approved of the sugge-tion ofj Mr. Hume. lie w.:5 likewise of opinion that great IIeTViCC might be done to that vast empire by the separate considera tion of the question by different Committees. Sir C. FORBES hoped that the Commi•tee would not enter into the same digressions that they had done in the former Committee. Sir J. MACDONALD understood that the East India Company intended to petition that house for the renewal of the charter : this capacity if petitioners would oblige them to bring forward in support of their claim such a mass of evi tlence, that he had no doubt the obscurities and doubts which bad so long ovuhung this great question would soon be cleared up. After a few words from Mr. ItonixsoN, and front Sir J. 11.u.cot.st and Mr. C. FERGUSON in explanation, the com mittee was appointed, to co•isist of :T members :—Mcssrs. Grant. Baring, Astell, Wynn, Ferguson, Sir J. Mackintosh, Littleton, Thompson, Hume, Itankct, Irving, Whitmore, Courtenay, Labouthere, Wood, Sir J. Forbes, :Sir J. Mac donald, Sir J. Malcolm, Messrs. Knight and Protheroc, Lords Milton, Nugent, and a few others. SALARIES. %Ir. S. II'ORTLEY asked whether Government had complied, or intended to comply, with the reduction in the office of President of the Board of Controul, proposed by the Committee on Salaries? The Committee had proposed to reduce the salary from 5,0001 to 3,3001. He considered that such a reduction would throw that most important of- fice into inferior hands. lf, therefor:, the answer of Go vernment was in the affirmative, he would on a future inca ution submat a motion to the Hausa on the subject. Lord ALTHORP was ut•.tlerstood to answer that the de cision of the Committee had already been complied with. Sir H. 11 AR DI NGE asked whether General Officers, when occupying civil offices, were to be deprived of their re giments ? He considered it extremely hard that officers, :.tier purchasing their commissions, should be deprived of them by the casual possession of a civil office. This was the first time since the lime of Marlborough, that a Committee hail proposed such an innovation. Lord ALTHORP said no decision had as yet been come to by Government on the Committee's proposal. He de clined giving a pledge on one side or the other. HUME believed no salary had been fixed after more consideration on the part of the committee, than the salary or the President of the Board of Controul. The patronage attached to that office, and to the civil offices occupied by general (Mars, amply compensated the proposed reductions. After a few words from Mr. KENNEDY and Mr. COU RTE NAY, Mr. J. WOOD hoped Government would comply with the requests of the Committee. As a member of the Com mittee, he could say that it had decided on both points in question after due consideration. Mr. GOULBURN rose merely to protest against an ar. gument used in favour of reduction of salaries by the mem bers for Middlesex and Preston. They said the holders of offices compensated themselves by distributing places to their relatives. Now this was a most dangerous principle to lay down. Public servants were bound to use their patronage according to the interests of the country, and not for their own private emolument. Mr. C. FERGUSON said, if the Committee had reduced the salary in question, because it supposed that little labour was attached to the office, he was certainly mistaken. There was no office requiring more industry, intelligence, and in. formation than that of President of the Board of Controul. iVith respect to the other question, if general officers were to retain their regiments, together with their civil offices. it was a great hardship on subalterns on half pay, that they should be deprived in similar cases of their military al. lowance. Mr. WYNNE had always thought it his duty, while President of the Board of Controul, to dispense his patron. age, not to friends or relatives, but to persons who by their own services, or by the services of their connections, were entitled to its benefit. He took no merit to himself for this, because it had been the rule of his predecessors. He feared the redaction of this office, which he knew from experience t. require much information and industry, would make it an l iifenor one, and a mere step•stone to other function,. Sir H. HARDING E would say. in answer to the re marks on the emoluments of the public service, that he had vetted from it poorer than when he entered it. After thirty years' service, he had retired with scarcely 3001. a year, which was barely the interest of the purchase money of his commission. (Hear.) He, therefore, had not turned his pa tronage much to his account. His son, whilst President of the Board of Controul, had divested himself of a great part of the patronage of that office, by annually giving up • , writership to India to the Westminster scholar who had most distinguished himself during the year. After a few words from :Mr. TRANI, the subject dropped. CANINE MADNESS BILL• 'Mr. WOOD said, the state of the metropolis, when he introduced this bill last session, was most alarming. In one , hospital, in the course of four months, there were no less' than filut hundred cases of hydrophobia. Ile had received reclntly several letters which seemed 'to indicate that the disease had of late increased.—lf, therefore, any member op posed the introduction of the bill, he should certainly take the sense of the house, and see whether honourable mem bers were more attached to their dogs than to the hu man species. heave was given to introduce the bill. LAW or in' TLEsizer. Mr. WEYLAND rose to move for leave to bring in a bill to explain and amend the law of settlement, by hiring ' and service. His object was to do away with the present I impediments to the circulation of agricultural labour, and to relieve parishes front much litigation and ttnneussary bt r :hens. The motion having been seconded by Mr. ADEANE. Mr. SLANEY contended that the urgency and impor tance of the question was such that his Majesty's Minis ters ought to take it up. :Many of the evils of the present law of with ment grew out of a maladministration of the poor laws. He trusted that at no distant dos ,the Right Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer would take up the question— the distress existing in the sixteen southern counties of Eng land especially called for such a step. He was of opinion that three years industrious residence ought to entitle a per son, to the benefits of settlement. Mr. HUNT trusted that his Majesty's Ministers would lint be in haste to give their support to any measure which took sway the benefit of settlement irons servitude. •Mr. BENNET eontended that the charge brought against the southern counties could not be applied to those who had the administration of the law in those counties, but to the system itself. Mr. T. P. COURTENAY asked of the noble lord (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) if it were the intention of his Alaj.•sty's Ministers to institute any inquiry relative to the state et the Ishouring poor of the country ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, that though'hir Majesty's Government was deeply alive to the importance of the question, PO step had yet been sufficiently matured to ley it before the House. He bad no objection to tho Rill proposed by the bon. member. Mr. COURTENAY explained. Mr. SADLlCltobserved, that Dalton on the Poor Laws had laid it down that the object and end of these law/ was to relieve the poor man-of a surcharge of family ; such he was able to peeve from the writings of Locke and other phi losophert, who all came to the same conclusions. The ori ginal principle, however, had been departed from, and he was prepared to prove, that in those counties where a mal administration of the poor laws was most conspicuous, mar riages were less frequent than where the first design of the institution of the poor laws was adhered to. Mr. SL A NEI and Mr. SADLER mutually explained. Mr. A DEA NE was convinced that beneficial results were only to be obtained by stow degrees ; and it gave him much satisfaction to know that his Majesty's Ministers would adopt any change in the present system of poor laws with great caution ; he was sati3fied that much disadvantage'rose from giving a settlement upon one year's service. He should go as far as to say, that there should be no settlement but by birth. Mr. PAGET contended, that the most beneficial results would arise if the burden of taxation was more generally applied. JAMES said a great portion of the evils arising from the present poor kiwi originated in the select vestry system. Mr. WEY LA Ni) said a few words in reply, and leave was given to bring in the bill. xtso's pawns. Mr. HUME nne to .move for leave to cbtain a re nppointment of the committee of last sessior, for the purpose of in:l:thing into the patent and duties of King's printer; viz. by what authority the patent was granted ; how far be neficial it was to continue it ; what drawback was allowed un paper used fir printing at the Universities ; and if the print ing for both Houses of Parliament could be managed with more economy. After a few words from Mr. GOULBURN the Com mittee was rc-appointed. Mr. SLA NEI' moved for leave to bring in a Bill for better rating tenements under a certain value.—Leave given. TAX OX STEA 11-XNGIXES. Mr. RUTIIVEN said sictun-tngines had displaced so large s portion of human labour, that he thought they ought to be subjected to taxation. The Hon. Gentleman con cluded by moving for an address to his Majesty for a return 'of all the steam-engfues in the United Kingdom, and the vessels belonging thcteto. Lord ALT HORP said, it might be very desirable to have such a return, but there was no power of making it. No officer had a right to require any gentleman to tell whether he had a steam engine : (heat, hear.) Mr. HUNT said, the hon. gentleman should move for a return of all the water mills and the wind-mills: (a laugh.) Mr. HUME said we were running a race with all the world in manufactures ; he would put it to the hon. gent. whether, if he were to run s race with another gentleman, be would think he should have any chance ifs log were tied to his leg—(A laugh.) Besides, government had no means of making 'he return ; no man had a right to come en his pre mises to see whether he had a twenty-horse or a forty-horse power—(A great laugh.) Mr. ItUTHYEN withdrew the motion, and moved for a return of all sums of money bequeathed for charitable pur. poses in Ireland, of which corporations in that country were appointed guardians.—Agreed to. SUPPLY. Mr. BERNAL brought up the report of the Committee of Supply. Mr. COURTENAY asked when Ministers proposed making a provision for the Queen, which was left undone in the las, Parliament. Lord ALI'HORP said, it would have been mentioned in the King's speech, but it was his Majesty's wish that in a Session so important nothing personal to himself should be introduced in die speech.—(Hear, bear.) The matter should be properly attended to. Sir J. GRAHAM said he had to state to the house an act of splendid liberality on the part of Alr. Marsden, Secre t:sly to the Admiralty, during a great portion of the war. from which he retired in 1807, on a retired allowance of 1,5001. a year. That allowance he now resigned to the pub lic. The lion. Baronet read Mr. hlaraden s letter to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, stating that he had now suffi cient means to provide him with every comfort for the re mair.der of his life, and he should not longer trespass on the bounty of the country, for which he was very Crateful. The Report was agreed to. Lord ALTHORP gave notice that on Thursday he should bring in a bill to amend the Game Laws. (Hear.) The other Orders of the Day were disposed of, and the House adjourned at Oma O'CLOCK. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. BRUSSELS AND GERMAN PAPERS. EXCLUSIVE EXTRACTS. RECEIVED THIS DAY. BRUSSELS, JANE 25.—Tbe Regent will to morrow review the civic guard of Brussels and its district, as well as a great number of troops of l the line, infantry, cavalry, and artillery, from the neighbouring garrisons. The total number to be reviewed is estimated at 20,000 men. Generals Goethels, Daine, Tieken de Terhone, and Mal herbe, who had been for some days in this city, have received orders to leave it immediately, and return to their posts. They left Brussels last night; Gen. Goethels took the road to Namur, Gen. Tieken to Antwerp, and Gen. Daine to Hassell. The Belgian Moniteur contradicts the report of the resignation of Generals Tiekin de Terhone and Malherbe, which we copied from Le Belge. Arms were distributed yesterday among the first Ban of the civic guards of a great number of the neighbouring communes. The distribution will continue without interruption, as the arms are re ceived at the War-office. The Courrier of this morning says, that the Sections of the Congress are very busily employed in preparing the budgets of the different departments, in which it is hoped great reductions will be made. It appears that our finances are in a pretty good condition. No more than about three millions of the forced loan have yet been paid in. The treasury being sufficiently well supplied at present, the Minister of Finance has thought there was no necessity for forcing the payments, which are in fact more sure when a little time can be allowed to the contributors. The Journal of the Government OfAix-la- Chapelle has given notice, that the landwehr will not be assembled this year to be exercised. The High Military Tribunal has decided on examination of tha evidence in support of the ac cusation against Major Kessels, that there was no thin!,: in the evidence to support the accusation, and consequently there was no ground for farther proceedings ; he is therefore to be immediately set at liberty. _ _ . ANT W EUP, JUNE 24.—Some persons persist in asserting that the works for the attack of the ci tadel are continued at Kiel. We can assert that these works have ceased. It was reported on Change, that Prince Leopold had accepted the Crown of Belgium on the follow ing conditions : The left bank of the Scheldt to remaid to the Dutch ; a part of Venloo to be ours ; Maestricht to be garrisoned by neutral troops; Luxemburg and the division of the debt to be the subject of negociation. We think it will be pru dent to wait for the return of our deputation, before we indulge in hopes that may not be realised.— Brussels Papers, June 26. FRANKFORT, JUNE 22.—A letter from Corfu,' dated May 11, reports that a merchantman had met a Turkish fleet of thirty sail steering its course to the Adriatic Sea. It will probably go to the coast of the Pachalick of Scutari. The cholera has again appeared at Ribinsk on the Wolga, in the tiovernment of Jaroslaw, 330 wersts (220 miles) north of Moscow ; and also in the Government of Mohilew.— Frankfort Papers, June 22. THE PARISIAN JOURNALS. ON THE OPENING OF THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT. Le Messayer des Chambres refers to the King of England's address from the throne, as partaking of the same character of moderation and reserve which distinguishes the speech of the French King, and thence takes occasion to expatiate on the in justice of the reproaches made by the opposition against the latter. It alludes with satisfaction to the formal recognition of the independence of Bel gium by the King of England, and sees in the manner in which Portugal is spoken of, a fresh proof of the firm friendship and good understand ing existing between England and France, on that as well as on everj other subject. LA FRANCE NOUVELLE (Journal de Paris) says, that the Speech has disappointed the expec tations generally entertained of receiving more spe cific information on the political situation of the country. At the same time, it considers what is said is good, and particularly refers to the passage relative to the distress existing in some parts of the empire, as proving that the similar distress exist ing in France is not the consequence of the Revo lution. This Paper (the organ of the Administra tion) makes no remark on the passages of the Speech relative to foreign affairs, except a general expression of satisfaction at the King of England continuing desirous of peace. Le Journal des Debuts says—The speech of the King of England was expected this year vs ith a lively impatience. Never was parliament opened in the midst of circumstances more grave, both without and within ; and notwithstanding the dis appointment elich nearly always succeeds the pub lication of that kind of document, we could with difficulty prevent ourselves from hoping that the language of the crown would raise a part of the veil which conceals the future from our eyes. We are far from imputing to the English ministry as a crime the reserve with which they glide over the greater part of the questions which pre-occupy England and Europe. In that which touches Re form, it was most suitable not to permit any allu sion to the presumed mind of the new parliament. The reformist majority will soon declare itself in the House of Commons, and it was not for the Crown to proclaim its existence. As to the European questions, we know well that it is delicate to touch in a language sufficiently solemn, negociations still pendant, and we are astonished less than we are afflicted, to see that the speech of the King of Engand does not authorize a more founded hope of the prompt solution of the affairs of Belgium. The 30th of June ap proaches, and it is grievous that the difficulties which still delay the recognizance of Belgian inde pendence, should not be sufficiently smoothed, to announce that there is a hope of triumphing over the late obstacles. We expected some allusions more direct to the heroism of Poland, and the ne cessity of putting an end to the effusion of the blood of its defenders. We are far from concluding, from the silence of the crown, that the interests of policy and humanity, which attach themselves so power fully to that question, have remained foreign to the solicitude of its cabinet. But the parliamentary discussions will necessarily bring about more ex plicit declarations, and we shall await them, in order to judge the probable efficacy of the efforts which claim, everywhere, the ardent sympathy of nations for so fine a cause. Le Constitutionnel says, that the cold tone of the Speech has disappointed the whole country; and adds, that even on the Reform Question, the King, by referring it wholly to Parliament, and renouncing the privilege of being himself the ori ginator of it, has ceased to be the popular mo narch which he had at first shown himself, and becomes again merely the first lord of the king dom. " It would have been a noble as well as novel spectacle," it continues, " to see a king al lying himself with the nation to accomplish a revo lution called for by the popular voice." This revo lution is inevitable ! May the King of England feel the necessity of acting in concert with the people, and thus avoid the necessity of leaving them to accomplish it alone. Le Journal du Commerce —" The tone of this speech, which is much more remarkable for what it does not, than for what it does say, is by no means calculated to tranquillize the public mind. Had it been framed with the presentiment of an approach ing accession of the Tories to power, it could not have been framed differently. The cold manner in which refce m is mentioned gives consistence to the reports of dissensions existing in the Cabinet." It then animadverts on the absence of any expression of sympathy for the Poles, and on the slight man ner in which the injury inflicted on the Belgians in the last royal speech is repaired, by the limited re cognition of their independence. It concludes by observing, that the intimate alliance of France and England for the support of civilization and general liberty, ought to be the wish of every friend of humanity ; but that the principle of con cession on every point, adopted by the Wrier ad ministration, is wore calculated to destroy than to strengthen it. Le Aational says, that the use of the word " contest" respecting Poland proves that the strug gle is considered by the British Government as being between nation and nation, and not between sovereign and subject. It then eulogises the King for his conduct respecting Reform, and remarks, that on foreign affairs the Speech must no longer be considered as emanating from WiUiam IV. but from the Conference of Diplomatists, the new Holy Alliance. In conclusion, it observes, " The Speech is distressingly insignificant. It is dis- I coureging for Italy, for Belgium, and for Poland, and gives us little to hope from the energy of Lord Grey's Administration. Under circumstances of similar excitement, Mr. Canning would have adopted a different tone." Le Courrier Francais says, that the hopes en tertained (notwithstanding ten years' experience of the nullity of the English speeches from the throne), that the present liberal ministry would have some what changed the old system of saying nothing, have been completely disappointed ; and while it appears clear that Poland may be destroyed, with out an arm being lifted or a voice raised to assist her, the Belgian affairs are merely mentioned in a tone echoing the Protocols of the Conference of London. " Canning," it adds, " would have acted differently." Le Globe.—" The King of England's Speech on the great question is in the style of a Protocol. It is useless to comment on the language of diplomatists." Le Temps.—lt is useless to analyse the speech of the King of England. Amidst the diplomatic negociations of which the British capital is now the theatre, and which are involved in inextricable confusion, the royal speech must necessarily be even more carefully framed than usual, so as to avoid committing the Ministry to any particular course. La Tribune says, that there is nothing in the speech which gives any reason to hope that the new King of England has any intention of abandoning the egotistical and antique system of policy, which, if it has sometimes been advantageous to the com mercial interests of England, has much more fre quently been a source of dishonour to the nation. In conclusion, it remarks, that " William IV. shows himself to be no more friendly to the propa gand than Louis Philip; and though his own sub jects may owe him some thanks for the manner in which he has treated the Reform question, ho has acquired no claim on the gratitude of the patriots in the other nations of Europe." La Quotidienne.—The King of England's speech is a rare specimen of nullity. There is no thing in the royal address of the Cabinet of St. James's, and with more bombast there will be, if possible, less in that of the Cabinet of the Palais Royal. Nullity is the chracteristic of the epoch. L'Avenir.—Our readers will learn nothing from the King of England's speech. The Sovereign mentions all the questions which now agitate eu rope ; but what he says is so unimportant, that he seems only to have addressed Parliament as a matter of form. We do not, however, mean to re proach him for this brevity ; in a representative government, a dumb Sovereign is a thousand times better than one who is never silent." It then re grets that the cold manner in which the Poles are mentioned affords ground to fear that it is intended to abandon them to their fate, although it is impor tant to observe, that there is no such approbation expressed of the Emperor of Russia's conduct as was bestowed on the King of Holland in the last speech. In conclusion, it points out to the atten tion of the French Government the fact of a di minution of taxation not having produced a defal cation in the revenue, and call s on Ministers to try the experiment. EVENING STAR. LONDON. WEDNESDAY. JUNE 29. This day the KING held a Levee at Saint James's Palace, which was attended by the whole of the Cabinet Ministers, and a numerous traiu.of Nobility and Gentry. We can state, on the best authority, that His Majesty's Government have determined to send, in future, all convicts exclusively to Van Diemen's Land, and to encourage free emigration to Sydney, and the other settlements, on what may be termed the Continent of New South Wales. On the sub ject of emigration we wish not to be misunderstood: we approve of the encouragement given to it by the Government, and we recommend it to those who find it difficult to enjoy comfort at home. We only think that, as a remedy for the existing dis tresses of the labouring poor, it will be found ineffectual. Scarcely a day passes that we have not the op portunity of laying before our Readers Continental Intelligence of importance, exclusively to be found on the day of publication, in our columns. Such of our Readers who enjoy the opportunity of com paring the STA It with its Evening Contemporaries, must know the truth of what we are now stating. Thus, yesterday we published, exclusively, the Address of the Hungarians to the Emperor of AUSTRIA, which to-day appears in the Times, with such long comments. Wo have now to call the attention of our Readers to an article in a subsequent column, under the head Italy. The fate of MENOTTI has called forth some eloquent remarks from the Editor of the Courrier Francais—every word of which well merits attention. Princes who still adhere to the dogmas of despotism, might well have some of its sentences written in their Prayer-books.— Blood drawn—draws blood ; and who will regret a Duke of Modena when his day comes ? We are advocates "for the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill ;" and we lament, that in consequence of certain changes, we consi der it our duty to sound the tocsin of alarm. Some sinister influence has been at work, or two altera tions of vital character would not have been made ; and we feel it proper to state, that if these correc tions are not forthwith announced, it behoves the Reformers throughout the empire to re-address parliament, and once more exhibit the will, voice, and majesty of an aroused people. In the 24th section of thd bill, under which the people exerted themselves during the late election, the important franchise for voting in boroughs is thus clearly expressed. It is the sheet anchor of the people, and the fundamental principle of the reform : _ And be it enacted, that in all elaetions of members to serve in any future parliament for cities and boroughs, every male person of full age, and not subject to any legal inca pacity, who shall have occupied, as owner or tmant, foe six 1 1 calendar months next previous to the day of in the present year, or next previous to the last day of August In any succeeding year, within any such city or borough, any house assessed to the duty on inha bited houses upon a yearly value of not less than ten pounds, or any house, warehouse, oe counting-house of the clear yearly value of not less than ten pounds, or lowa fide subject to a yearly rent of not lees than ten pounds, or which shall have been for the lame time rated to the relief of the poor upon a yearly value of not less than ten pounds, and in respect of which house, warehouse, or counting-house respectively all the rents, rates, and taxes then doe shall have been paid, shall, 11 duly registered according to the provi elms Itembwiter contained, have a right to vote for such city or borough ; and that no persons other than such occu piers as atoned& shall have a right to roes at any such election : Thin fellows a proviso for the Reservation of the present rights of frames during the lives of the patios, but requirieg residence; and for the Reservation of other rights of voting during the lives of the parties. But, in the bill now laid before the house, the following very extraordinary proviso has been in serted—formally inserted—and wo may hope ignorantly inserted ; but so operative as to reduce the voters to one in ten, or even to one in one hundred, and in fact tending to destroy and viti:lto the entire measure : " Provided always, that no tenant so occupying such pre. mites as aforesaid, at a yearly rent of not less than ten pounds, shall by reason thereof acquire a vote in the elec tion for any city or borough, if such rent shall be payable more pequently than once in every half year, or if by any agreement or contrivance, or lay virtue of any local Act of Parliament or otherwise, the landlord shall be liable to the payment of the rates for the relief of the poor in respect of such premises: provided, nevertheless, that where by virtue of any local Act of Parliament, the landlord shall be liable to the payment of such rates, it shall be lawful for any such tenant to claim to pay such rates, and upon his actually paying the same, to acquire the right of voting as if landlord had not been so liable for such rates." Now we take it upon ourselves to declare, that if diligent enquiry were made, it would be found that at least on nine houses in ten, the rents are made to be payable quarterly; and that nearly in all of them, the rents are collected and paid quay. terly. The writer of this paragraph has occupied houses from £3OO per annum down to £4O, and in all his experience ho never heard of half-yearly payments; and he has been a party of many leases, and he never saw a single case in which other than quarterly payments were stipulated, with forfei ture on non-payment within twenty one days. In truth, a house held on half yearly payment; would be an anomalous tenure; and with or with out agreement, a landlord could seize at the end of a quarter for his rent, though nothing had been previously settled about the term. What perverseness, or whose ignorance could therefore have introduced such a clause? Some one so ill-informed of all the usages of the country as to be utterly unqualified for its legislation ; or one who holds the judgment of the people in such con • tempt, as that he supposed they would not discri minate his perverse design. And let it be observed, it is not a mere word About which we are raising a question, but a clause deliberately drawn, and asserting a principle at full length, knowingly and advisedly. It becomes, therefore, of consequence, that it should at once be inquired into ; and if it is a mistake, or owing to the ignorance of some inferior agent, that avowal is indispensoble. But, on the other hand, if it i; a principle put forward with an intention to be supported by any persons avowing themselves friends of reform, in either House of Parliament, the people must regard themselves as baffled, and hopes of salutary and efficient reform must, in spite of all that has passed, be postponed till another age. We considered the 101. franchise as the key stone of the bill of the last sessions, and that the right was to be conceded to the occupier of the house for twelve months before the election; and therefore we consider any requisition as to how, where, or when, he pays the rent or rates, or whether l►e has paid it or not, being in bona fide occupation, and equally liable, is no affair of legis lation—no question relavent to this franchise, and one which ought in no way to be allowed to mingle with it. It is quite sufficient that the voter occu pies, resides, and is rated, and the exercise of the franchise ought not to be made instrumental to the collection of • rents or taxes. Again, we are by no means satisfied with the change from 14 years' leases of 501. in land to seven years. The change renders the Tenants so depen dant on Landlords, that it would add dangerously to the influence of Great Proprietors. Twenty-one years was the first and wisest plan, and that which specially recommended this franchise, with a two years' conclusion. It was not improved by lower ing the time to 14 years ; but seven years, and one years' conclusion, would render Great Proprietors, or any two or three of them, masters of a County. We object, therefore, to this alteration as one of principle, while it has been constantly reiterated that no change of principle would be made, and the People have confidence in this pledge. 1 The TRUCK SYSTEM met with severe repre hension in the House of Lords, and Lord Wu A RN currE, with that public spirit for which he is so pre-eminent, brought in two Bills, which were read a first time. It would appear that Mr. LYTTLE row, wearied by the slow progress of his Bill, has preferred the more prompt legislation of the Upper House, and transferred the duty to Lord WHARN CLIFFE. In the House of Commons there was much inte resting, though fruitless discussion ; but the 150 new members still preserve their taciturnity, with the single exception of Mr. PAGET last night. Mr. HUNT presented a Petition from the " Nationai Political Union," against the continu ance of the Six Acta ; and this called up Captain GORDON, who produced " The Poor Man's Guardian"—and " Carlile's Republican," as a proof that they were still necessary to repress such opinions as he quoted. He thought they deserved the immediate attention of the Attorney General. Mr. HumE treated this notice of the " Poor Man's Guardian" and " Republican," as an ad vertisement of them, which would cause them now to be read by thousands who had never heard of them. For himself, he considered the Six Acts a disgrace to the country, and wondered that the present administration, who bad opposed them when they passed, bad not moved for their repeal. The