Star. — London, England, 1817-03-04 00:00:00

N . • '': - l : .. I . •, i / . • ftm.. ) • - • 4 ..k , 4 0' ••.. - .. ". ...e . ot . . .. b . A., •0 9es'F fi'c. I‘-' . Z -. ') ' f -. • • , • Ili ' , 4 40 01.0 1- V/U 00 .3 . 1 -f.! . ' • , C.. .. 4 . 'll 4 l - at. ... 'L . , a* ... . .......„. ... .moky fp . I C • .. ' .. . _ „,.......,........... Rm. ......., Too ........m... • q.v.... -..........................--, .: -.— _____,._, I all] tiled tho, op E.' TUESDAY, MARCH 4, 1817. V, n:'' 936.3• PRICE S E.VEv- l'ENs. E Ife,eor to :he IOR OF EXETER. TOR SALT. EY AUCTION, PARLMMEATARr PROCESDINGS. ib,,n HOUSE OF LORDS, MARCH S. ' COMA wtre heard reatxc ing tke Writ of E►ror Appeals' Johnson qt. Hubbard, and Lord Kennington ti. Phillips. Their Ladskipe judgment upon the former cause was indefinitely postponed ; and upon the latter till Wednesday. Two private Bilk were brought up from the Comment by Mr. Donna Le and others, and read the first time. The Annual Accounts from the East India Dock Company were presented by Mr. PARIttN. and laid upon the tabor. *1 he Earl of LAUDERDALE presented a Petition from the Borough of Breath', in the County of Forfar, ha Scotland. SUSPENSION OF THE HABEAS CORPUS ad. ~r ; ~. H.:.1 THE GENERAL SERVICE CLUB. BSI. MEMBER S of this C LUB intend.DINING I together at their Thraperary Club-Room, No. 6, Arundel opventre.oreet, on Toyama'', .the 6th of Mara next. An tar:) , appikatinn for 1 Fekets is requested to be made (*Abe eVI:Ary. By Order of the Committee, No. 6, At undel•strer, P. F. HALL, Capt. and See. Nventry street, Feb. 26, 1617. 71IE ARMY. The following honourable Testimony to the Ser of the STAFF, lately stationed in the City of Gott-' has been transmitted, by the Mayor and Corporation, to I.43tenant-Colonel MORGAN, the Chief of the Department, w:v fixecrat Coventry : SIR--Ai'ter having witnessed, with the greatest satisfaction, :!!e mt.:mint) which you have uniformly shewn to your military and experienced your gentlemanly and soldter•like con !,.:t on aU occasions, when called upon to assist the Civil Power, lurieg thestinewears which the Staff; over which you presided, tmaine'l in this City—the Corporation of Gloucester feel, that ,n your leaving this City, they should not discharge the duty they me to you a, an Officer, and a Gentleman, without expressing heir ackuowledgmente for your invariable attention to the inha i,:nf, and their hearty wishes for your happiness and prospe y, it whatever station you may hereafter be placed, in the ervice of your country. In the name of the Corporation, Sir, beg to crnimui:icate to you the expression of their sincere re • and ; t 3 which lam most happy to add my own individual ae tiowledgmtuts. 1 have the honour to be. Sir, your very obe "em servant, THOMAS WASHBOURN, Mayor. Dated at the Town Hall, this sixth day of February, lill7. To Litotes:lint-Colonel Piloaciaw, Coventry. To this Letter Lieutenant-Culouel Motown Las returned au Answer, of which the following is a Copy Coventry, February 10, 1817. Ste—Yost letter of the 6th inst. conveying the thanks of the Corporation of Gloucester on my cor.duct, has &came the greatest satisfaction; and for the honour they have conferred upon me ' I beg they will accept my most grateful thanks; and rest assured that I shall ever retain the highest regard for their favourable situation. With best wiNhes for the emulous' happiness and pro:perity of she Cit , and with all due personal acknowledgment to you, for tie poi e and obliging style of your communication, I have die Lenaur to be, Sir, your most bumble and obedient servaat, .101114 1 RIGUE MORGAN, Lloui..Col. I. CO. Ts the Worshipful the Mayor of Gloucester. lil.e To thel , rtvt alt .1 PrDtST urid :cried ye, :I e rtiv nnks Liking .`Wil clank wge *lO pines ir bI'ATZA! Taken-11 Taken-1 roy fa IA r.rt- Taken—i I Taken-1 ud 5, L Taken-1 '1 alien-1 fir 1 aken—i if ..t THE !!e Literar • in teresti se of the A relative for the • The col be atter Py drag r• cliscour :I', Priests Arts, 21 ; and Rt ender would sores tl ton to r, tive pri On 1 • Ticker T. Bis and ki • again pital are get clltie 1 S 4,7 The fr receive either ring CI tinues dis:ing SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. PrDtSTRIANISIC—A Military Ofßeer, named YntsoaLL, reed yesterday, at the village of Sint, in Hertfordshire, to tie milts in ten days. He has performed some great untie% ;Mg-, and umpires are heed on each aide, with a third of their choice, to see that the ground !suns. 'l'be numb b for guineas. 'ATEhdENT OF . THE ODDS ON THE DERBY, OAKS,' Br.c. INA tat S. DEW BY. 4411e0-11 to 1 apt e. ky Olivine, out of Momentiihn 'Laken—ll to i agst Brother to.Smolentko. 11 to 1 apt Brother to Crispin. . . . 11 to 1 agst Guar: by Sorcerer. J 2 to 1 agst D or Retland's e. by Singe • 14 to I apt any other. OAKS. .9 to I agst Trie•trae, by Dick Andrews. 9to I agst Mr Watson's Nets. • , 11 to I apt Mr. Blake's Selina. - ten—ll to I apt Sister to Sir Joshua. lilts I agst f. by Ruben., out of Parfait. £OO GUINEAS STAKES. -I v s , 9 to 2 apt D. of ItutLlnd's c. byr Sam. • • eaten-9 to 9 apt Brother to Smolensk°. aken-6# to I apt Brother to Crispin. THE LITERARY Gazerre.—The attention of the ,iterary World has been much drawn towards this iteresting Publicatiqn, by Ole discussion of a proposal If the Abbe Gamma end Sir CHAS. MORGAN, &C. dative to the assembling of a LITERARY CoNOREIS ,or the advaicement of Science and Civilization. T!.e consummation cf such a plan would - doubtless be attended with incalculAble benefit. Herodotus and vythagoras, travelling through foreign countries, and iscoursing•with the Philosophers,of Thebes and the 2ricsts of Memphis, concerning customs and man gers, afford an image of what Historians, Antigua. 'jails, and Philosophers would perform at the Con ; of what DU THOU FLEURI, GUiCHARDINI. nd RoBEETHIN woold have done, had they lived I %ler the proper circumstances. The Fine Arts would also live their representatives; and the plea -I,ires they afford would render them a general relaza •,m to all, no less than an occupation to their respec ,ve professors. On Smurday last the Small Lottery, of only 3,000 Tickets, was all drawn ; and it gives the Contractor, T. BIM, the greatest pleasure in acquainting his old rid kind Patrons, the Public, that his Offices are (gain pre-eminently successful, as the following Ca pital hires shared and sold by hies will prove, which are greater in NU14222 and VALVE than those sold at cllthe other Office 1 put byther, vit. : 9,382, the htglsest and only Palter of X 15,000 347, the only Prins et - 2,000 959, a Prize of - - - . o r SCO 1 199 . . X 9001,692 - . £2OO .. 206 - . SOO 1,099 - - 900 7)743 • . 300 2,442 - - NO The fortunate holders of the above NUIIIIOIIII any. receive the amount of their Simms isomsdisody, at 'tither of 'l'. Butt's Offices, 4, C.orobill. 411 9, Cha fing Cross, where all butane is the Polk( but* eon. tinues to be transacted with that iesegriti which has ch s :inguidictl his establishment for so roomy you& er tti „r t!..ifer flt Ly oda.« Kr of .•- - - v Onto.. r 4 11011,urabl. , Commissioners of i 7, at Ctivoniv, tm I g luny, the Ith day of March,llli7, at L kv en "'Clock in the kort:titi9ll, at the Custom-house In F . ..zeter. 11-I.E'.GOODS UNDER-MENTIONED, VIZ. • ' 'O3 Hoar coNsustr now. Brandy, 314 Gallons Geneva, 52 Gallant) and :it Gallons I•rrnch Wine, subject to duty; 1d Ells Duct 1 cut. 10 lbs. Starch. rot( Linos TATION. tenrteen East-India Silk Handkarclalefs, 130 z. Sew:ng Silk. FAIT oDAY, the following day, at the Curom-house in Top sham, at Two &Clock in the Afternoon: 41; G3nOUS Brandy and 281 Gallons Geneva, subject to duty. And on Nlort6ze following, at the Watch-house at Ezmouth, • at Eleven o'Clock Ic the Forenoon About SO Dozen Hag Slate, and 100,000 Patistow Slat* will be put lip in LOU, and Sold to - the highest Bidder. ACT. Lord HOLLAND, after briefly adverting to the Amendments made by the Commons to this Bill, end animadverting on the great nneontrouled power the measure tended to vest in his Majesty's Govern. meet .over the liberties of their (chow subjects, ex pressed his wish to b exptly informed, either b the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack, o r some other Learned Lord, how the law would stand 1 with respect to the well-known right of the subject to, petition either his Sovereign or the Legistiture ; that is, whether those persons who were detained in cus tody under the Bill, should it pass, were to be debar , red from their rights of addressing, in the humble form of Petition, either their Sovereign or the Legis. lature of their country ? This was what he thought the House and the country had a right to be inform ed of ; and, as to the Noble and Learned Lord on 1 the Woolsack, he was sure of his readiness to give every information in his power on a subject of the kind. The LORD CHANCELLOR wished the Noble Lord to be more explicit as to his question. Lord HOLLAND stated that his question was, Whether the persons detained under the Act had not a tight to petition, or whether they were to be de barred from the exeicise of that right ? The LORD CHANCELLOR said, that to a general question his answer must be also general.— He did not find any subject of the country who, en. der this Act. had not, a right to petition either his Sovereign or the Parliament. Lord HOLLAND observed, that he understood, in some prisons, it was the practice for the gaolers not to allow the use of either pen or paper to certain of the prisoners ; but these persons had afterwards an opportunity of appealing to the puhlic through the medium of a Court of Justice; persons however, detained under skis Bill would have no such opportu nities. In that view of the case he would ask, -whe ther or not gaolers would be entrusted by law with a power, under this Act, to withhold the use of pen, ink, and paper ? The LORD CHANCELLOR stated, he had no difficulty in saying, that every person accused of crime bad, by the raw, the presumption in favour of his innocence; and wits, therefore, left at liberty to use every opportunity of making application to Par liameat, or to his Sovereign, that may tie consistent with the safety of his person. He knew of ,no law that did not so entitle the subject with the reservation he had mentioned. _ Earl GREY seemed to think the statement of the Noble and Learned Lord, clear, distinct, and satis factory ; at the sane time, he observed that the ab stract right was of little importance, it individuals ;were deprived of the means of exercising it; and he must think it a high breach of duty in a gaoler who should withhold from any'prisoner the means of pe titioning either the Legislature or the Sovereign. Their Lordships then proceeded to take the Amendments made by the Commons to the above Bill into consideration. The Earl of DARNLEYcensured what be Item mjstliphurry and precipitation wide which his Ma lemes;Miniuers pressed the measure through that itlAtsse.-- He must think that no real necessity existed Itis,the,nieasure. A great deal of discontent oath tiill4.4tose from the distressed state of the country, and there may be some who were prone to take ad vantage of such a state of the people's minds; but nothing was effected but whit a proper application of the existing laws could repress. The state of the country certainly was such as to have rendered it the dirty of Ministers to have assembled Parliament early, and to have taken the advice and assistance of the Legislature with respect to the most constitutional and practicable measures for allaying the discontents of the people, and repressing whatever improper practices might exist. Thinking thus unfavourably of the measure altogether, be would move, that in stead of now, the amendments made by.theCommons be taken into consideration that day three months. The Earl of • LIVERPOOL - observed, that after the full discussion the general measure had under gone, he did not feel himself called upon to enter into any farther debate upon it. Two points, which fell from the Noble Earl, he could not, however, avoid noticing. First, as to the charge of precipi tancy, he had to state, there was no former instance of a similar measure being introduced, where the Bill had not been read three times is one day. Secondly. as to the assertion that no case had been made out, he nust pointedly deny it, as the Report of the Com mittee on its deliberate view of the case, and a great majority of the House, on, a deliberate discussion, rendered it unnecessary for him to go farther. As to his own conviction upon the point, it was, that at no former period whatever did there exist a stronger necessity for the adoption of the measure than the present occasion presented. Earl GROSVENOR briefly argued, that a sense existed in the country againt the measurera that numerous Petitions were in preparation. * particularly adverted to a Mating which lately wok place at Chester, where a Petition against the isat was subscribed by an immense number of peruse, most of wboas were.of high respectability. The Bishop of CHESTER, to a curtain event, mated what bad fallen from the Noble Earl' that the Petition alluded to was very numerously seoctioned ; but, the Reverend Prelate observed, that a cousiderabie portion of the most respectable riarroborated inhabitants of the City ii questidh tiiitertained con trary sentiments. , • The Earl of GROSVENoR admitted that there are many highly respectable persons who may not have signed th e Petittori. The Earl of DA R.NLEY shirtly repeated his con viction that there were not sufficient grounds for pro posing the measure; and he was Money of opinion, that, whatever advantages may arise from it, would be more than counterbalanced by the discontent which its adoption would spread throughout the country. The Earl of ROSSLYN disapproved of the ori ginal framing of the Bill, which placed the liberties of the people of Scotland in a very different, and still more precarious f o oting th an i t did t h ose o f Eng land. In England no individual could be detained under the provisions of this Bill, unless arrested by a warrant signed by a Secretary of State. or six Privy Councillors, on their responsibility; whilst in Scot lana individuals might be arrested by any interior Magistrate, without responsibility, and could not be released, or put upon their trial, without a warrant signed by a Secretary of State or six Privy Council. lnrs. These enactments, svltich placed the people of Scotland in a much worse situation than those of England, and for which no reason whatever had been assigned, had been altered by the amendmeut made by the Commons, and that amendment he hailed as a most material improvement. He did not. however, the less object to the Bill, which he considered to be wholly uncalled for and unnecessary. . The LORD CHANCELLOR said he had wished to have merely given his support to this Bill, by his silent vote, for which, however, he was just as much responsible as if he had publicly declared his opinion. But what had been urged by the Noble LGrd with regard to the amendment, rendered it necessary for him to say a few words.. In 1794, when a similar measure was proposed, he himself had a considerable knowledge of scots law, from having been employed more than any Englishman before his time, in Scots Appeals, at the Bar of that House, and he framed the Bill, in concert with the late Lord Loughborough, who then sat on the Woolsack, and who, joined to an intimate knowledge of the Law of England, had also a peculiar knowledge of the 'Law of •Scotland. That Noble and Learned Lord approved of the Bill as then drawn. and no objection was made to it—a similar Bill had subseqnendy passed, and the present Bill was a transcript of those. He thought then that the Bill was right, and be still thought that this Bill, as originally introduced, was right; he would hot, however, object to the amendment, because rather than any further delay should take place in the passing of this Bill, which, in his conscience, he be lieved to have been never more necessary upon any former occasion than at the , present moment, lie would agree to the Bill as amended. He could not help, however, saying. that in his opinion the amend ment mide the Bill infinitely worse, both as it re. pitted the situation of the individual and the Magi strate in England and Scotland. Lord HOLLAND said, the House had been very hardly dealt with in the proceedings with regard to this Bill. No satisfactory explanation had been given with respect either to the Bill or to the particu lar clause which had been amended, or why the House should be called upon to pass the Bill with such an extraordinary rapidity ; nor even now, whets ssdi the Noble and Learned Lord declared the a meat made the Bill worse, had he condescended to state the reason why it did so. With respect to the' haste in which the Bill had been passed, he was aware that there were precedents for it, but what availed precedents when the seasons for them had ceased to .exist. and no maw whatever had been stated independently of mere precedents, why the Big should. be passed with such extraordinary rapi dity ? How did it happen that only two days should hoe bait allowed to that House to pass the Bill whilst a week' had been allowed in the Commons ? what became in this case of the pressing and urgent danger f But why hurry the Bill through with a clause placing the people of England and Scotland me a different footing without the least explanation of such a clause ? Surely it was not only dealing hardly generally with the House, bat still more hardly with those Noble Lords who bad supported the measure, fir* to call upon them to agree to the Measure as ori giaally drawn, and then to say. here is an amend ment made in a most material part of the Dill, which makes it much worse ; how it makes it worse cannot be explained, but still it is necessary-the Bill should pumas it is. Surely the House had a *right to ex• pect that the bearing of the clause and the amend ment should be explained. So far as appeared the amendment was a most material improvement, and certainly it had his entire approbation. What ano maly there existed to make it otherwise he was un able to discover. With regird to the Bill itself, his opinion remained unalteyEd, no sufficient reason having been urged to Faye its necessity;' the only good part of it was the omission of Ireland, which he certainly rejoiced to see, and he trusted it would have a good effect in promoting the tranquillity of that, part of the United Kingdom. The Earl of LAUDERDALE also contended, that no reason whatever appeared sufficient to autho rise this measure. Whatever• he bad been able to ascertain, tended, on the contrary. to prove no sm. ceuity existed for such a measure is the resent. It was not because some poor wretches chose-to set•up for conspirators, that the whole people of England andiSeotland were to be deprived of their liberties. Adam Smith had justly said, that the desire to have any fhing did not create a demand for it, unless there were the mesas to procure it. So with respect some low and illiterate men. they might desire to be conspirators. but where were their means ? If they possessed so means of 'carrying their conspiracy into effect, how could they became formidable to the State I In Glasgow, for instance, where much bad latokbeen said about arrests, who were the people arrested I poor and illiterate men, who bad no means . whoever of doing mischief, atleast that might not I be effectually counteracted by the ordinary hews. C f this description were the dangers which lee ere urged as the pretext for this Bill. With respect to the amendment he thought it a little .:notrlar that the Noble ana Learned Lord shonli refuse to enter auto any exolanvion as to why it made the BM worse; t e (Lord Lauderdale) so far as he could judge, on the cnotrary, thought that it WAS a TAt2lial irno-eve meet with regard to the people of Scotland .. hy 'at least hot placing them on a worse leering pith re gard to their liberties than the people of England. Earl BATHURST defended the Report of Ow Secret Commitzee. It was a Report which had been unanimously agreed to, although the Noble Leeds of whom the Committee had been composed were of different political opinions. The same was the case with respect to the Report of the Secret Committee of the House of Commons. Both P.epor.3 stated distinctly that the existing laws were nit sufficient to repel the danger with which the public pease ens menaced. The question, therefore, was as to the degree of sedition in the country, all agreeing that • sedition there was. Was it of a mageisude sellicint to require a measure of the kind which had been ? In his opinion it decidedly was. T'le Noble Earl had said that an offer had been made to disprove at the bar the facts on which the Repots was founded. This he denied. There WAS nothing in the statements adverted to which affected the char..c ter of the Report. With respect to the London Union Society, although it might not exist at pre. sent, its printed resolutions were spread and adopted throughout the country, in which it had formerly es tablished an extensive correspondence. The proceed. ings of the Sheffield Union Society were proof of this. The Noble Earl, in speaking of the amend ment, had argued as it it exhibited great inaccuracy on the part of their Lordships to allow such an error as that which the Noble Earl described to have pasted in the Bill unnoticed. The Noble and Learned Lord 'on the Weeilsack• had, however, told their Lordships that the provisions of the Bill, when it left their Lordships' House, were the same as they were in the Bills for the Stop:moon of the Habeas Corpus at for. mer periods. The Nobl: Earl had closely attended the proceedings on some of those • former Bills, and yet, somehow or other, this gross error, as he termed I it, had always escaped his attention.. Nothing had been stated to skew that Scotland had particularly I suffered from the former Bills; and certainly, 0-.ere fore, the renewal of the same proeisions in the Bill which had lately been sent from their Lordships to the Hoist/ of Commons, and which was now irtuilied with amendments, afforded tio proof whatever , 4 cen surable hurry. • .. . Earl G KEY had, on a f i rmer occasion, given his opinion, on the general merits of the mea su r e b e l ow their Lordships, and that opinion had by no means been weakened by any thing he had since beard. He wished to make a few remarks on what had just fallen from the Noble Earl, and a few observations on the immediate subj-ct tinder their Lordships' vt- - sideration. The Noble Earl 'teemed to think, with feference to the circumstances in 'which the suspeu. sion of the Habeas Corpus orginated, that the, only question was one of degree, and that it was on all'• sides admitted that a danger existed in the country which required that the Istulds of the Executive Go. vernmenc should be strengthened. It the Noble Earl in ibis remark alluded to what h: (Earl grey) had said eta a former occasion, the Noble Esil had entirely misapprehended him. Certainly, he had never said that there was no danger; but the whole drift and tendency of his argument bad been, that' while he admitted the existence of danger to the fullest extent in which the Noble . Lords opposite were disposed to assert its existence, hesohtended that the clanger was not of a nature to call for any new legal • provisions, and last' of ill for the adoption of a mea sure-which in its effect silspended for a time the en.. sire liberties •of the people of England. To this opinion he adhered; notwithstanding what had been said by the Noble and Learned Lord who maintained that great•as was the danger in 1794, the prevent danger was of considerably greater magnitude—that great as the danger was in 1715, or 1722. or 1745, when the Habeas Corpus was formerly suspended, it was infinitely surpassed by the danger of the present period. " For (said the Noble and Learned Lord)... • we are not now called upon to consider whether this or that family shall sit upon the Throne, but which Cher all law, power, and authority in the realm shall or shall not be maintained ?" He would ask the Noble and Learned Lord, and he would ask their Lordships, whether that was the way in which the dangers of 1715, 1722, and 1745, ought to be stated ? Was it merely a contest at that period as to the per son of the Sovereign ? Was aot the danger of de.. stroying the principles on which the Revolution had been founded—principles, passing by the claim of • legitimacy, of which so much had lately been said, in favour of a much better claim—greater than could have resulted from the mere substitution of one fa mily for another ? Would not the success of the de. seendints of James the Second have- occasiened no thing lest than the utter eubversion• of the laws and liberties of the country ?. The Noble and Learned- ' Lord, as one of .the causes .which, in his opinion, threatened so much danger at the present moment to • • all law, authority, add government, in the realm, had 'spoken of the seditious publications eakulated to deadenvlt sense of meiralityeand • religion, without which,the Noble and Learned Lord truly obser vett,. no law. authority, and government could continu e to exist. He (Earl Cd'eyt was very far from under. rating the evil of such p licitions ; but wha t l i e con tended was,thit the Idiot et:threatened by those m e ans IS might be met hte.the lawns -it stood, and was not such as required theltispension 'of the Habeas Cor pus...or which that measure was at all calculated to meet. Bto was it true that this was a period pecu liarly irreligious ? 'He had heard of the evil'ari s i ng from the increase of Methodists, and some of the , Reverend Prelates. opposite had expressed much s etledita at the great diffusion of Bible Societies; but I