Star. — London, England, 1821-10-26 00:00:00

-s ‘ .1•, e•Nb .414 reigns of Europe thastbllshuthwtiotti they had honour ed and rewarded bad been degraded by Government, at4d teAerted s by•the P le of this country? is- dkl; they' woad r call us Great Britain, but Little Britain. We should no longer be consi dered as the magnanimous descendants of those he roes who obtained Magna Charta, and who brought ablut the glorious Revolution of 1688 —(Hear). , — He would not now enter more largely i n to this sb jk ct, as their Honourable Chairman had pledged himself to a Padiamentary inquiry on the subject. Bat he could not help expressing his regret at the at,empts made to degrade the British soldier into a police officer. This was one of those sad symooms which shewed that unless the People were feelingly alive to their interests, the spirit of the Constitution would be endangered. The sad results of the pro ce*dings on the 14th of August were owing to some petty advice given to prevent the Lord Mayor and Corporation of the City of London from paying those last honours which they conceived due to the remains of an injured Queen. He need not say more upon this subject, as the Meeting would be addressed by the Honourable Gentleman who ought to have moved them, which honour was conferred on him as an old citizen. It would be sufficient for him to inform the Meeting, that the Gentleman to whom he alluded' was the Hon. H. G. Bennett—(Cheers).—He con cluded by reading the following Resolutions: " That the dismissal of Sir Robert Wilson from the Army, without inquiry, trial, or even the statement of any charg e against him, is a wanton act of arbitrary power, under the plea of prerogative—a daring inroad on the principles of the Consti tution, and a cruel injustice to a brave, humane, and m..ritorious Officer, whose distinguished services to this country and her al lies have bv.n repeatedly and solemnly recognised by every Power in Europe. " That this Meeting, as friends of Public Liberty and the Constitution of their country, as established at the Revolution, willingly embrace this opportunity of avowing their disapproba tion of any Administratien maintaining a large standing Army in time of peace, and endeavouring to make its Officers thentere ereatutes ot the Minister for the time being. " That this Meeting views with great satisfaction the manly and liberal manner in which so many cm the best and truest sup port.; of the liberties of the country have conic forward to unite with their fellow-citizens in marking their indignation at such an attempt, as equally dangerous to the Constitution and &grading to the Army—threatenirg the one with subversion by a military force, and depriving the other of the noblest birth right of Englishmen, that of freely discussing the measures of *the Government under which they live. " That the Subscription set on foot by Sir Robert Wilson's Constituents shall have the best support of this Meeting, It having for its object to protect Sir Robert Wilson against the effects of Ministerial vengeance, and to shew to the world, that as often as the Advisers of the Crown shall contrive the means of oppressing those public men who support the cause of the People, the People will stand forward to frustrate all such un worthy attempts. " That the whole of the Subscription already raised, and to be raised, shall be vested in five Trustees, to be by them dis of in the way most beneficial to Si; Robert Wilson and is family." The Hon. H. G. BENNETT then rose to second the Resolutions, and was received with the warmest gra tulations by the whole assembly. He said, he was conscious that he had little claim to their attention, and indeed had very little right to be there at all, as the Meeting was one composed of the Inhabitants of a City of which he was not a resident ; but he came upon the invitation of the Committee to meet his fellow-countrymen, and however small the claims he might have to be heard on his own account, yet having known fur a long period of his life the gallant Officer who had just met with such treatment from the Ministers of the Crown, as that which had been the ground 01 their assembling on the present occa sion, he was anxious to support, by his limited means, by his opinion and his purse, the principle whiff% had been violated in the person of that Gentleman, and to shew his sense of the robbery and injustice which bad deprived him of his property, and attempted to ruin his character—f Loud chrcrs).—lt was now about 27 years since, being himself in the Army, he bad the happiness of becoming acquainted with that excellent Officer. He was an eye-witness of that early triumph of his which did him so much credit, when he rescued, or, rather, prevented the Emperor ot Germany from being taken by the enemy, on which occasion he received at his hands the first honour and fist medal that he bestowed on an English Officer— (Applaese).—He could state this with pleasure and pride, but he regretted to be obliged to say, that his friend's merits and successes had obtained for him honours and rewards in every country but his own— (llear, kcar, and cries caf" Sham !").—He had, in deed, met with some honours in England, but they were not from the Government, but from the People —(Cheers).—The People of Southwark had elected him as their Representative. They had looked to Civitians and to the Army, and they found him to be one whom they must admire as a distinguished leader, renowned for talent and character and covered with honours, and whom they knew to possess the prin ciples and the heart of an Englishman—(Loud ap plause).—He (Mr. Bennett) had sat night after night beside him in his place in Parliament, and, with the exception of a single vote, had agreed with him in every instance, and received the uniform impression from his conduct that be was a friend to the People —;Applause).—He took that decisive and honourable part which was worthy of the cause and the advocate or the People, but had not found in his adversaries the sense of justice and honour upon which he acted. He (Mr. Bennett) told him, when he stood forward t.) interpose between the injured Queen and her op piessors, that he was heaping coals of fire on his own head, that he was exciting a spirit of malignity which would never cool, and raising a storm which was not to be laid. But he knew that there was but one line for an honest man to take, and he took it—(Cheers): the consequences were such as he (Mr. H. G. Bennett; need not further explain. He was not to be dis suaded from paying the last honours to the remains of an injured and insulted woman; he had stood by her in her misfortunes with the honesty of a patriot, and the chivalry of a soldier, and in the same spirit he followed her to the grave—(Loud approbstion).— He (Mr. Bennett) joined him in that mournful pro cession, and though he was not himself as active in his humanity as his Hon. Friend, who put himself in the trout of the battle to stay the effusion of blood, he could say, from his own knowledge, that he did no more than his duty—(Applause). Government had not put forth their case, although one of their agents had promised it; but the fact was, that they had no case to shew. They might, indeed, have some such tale as that which had been deposed to beture a Police Magistrate; they might have affida vits, such as had been made before Sir lt. Birnie, and which all knew to be false, but which went near' depriving an honest man of his' bread and his license: --(Cries of" Shame!") No doubt the police offices were crowded with snch affidavits, but it was evident that Ministers themselves did not believe 'them, as they struck the blow before they heard the evidence. (Cheers). They had. punished Sir R. Wilson, lie would not say on anonymous evidence, but certainly on evidence the next to anonymous, as they dared not bring it before the Public, which step they were bound to take on every principle cf justice. The victim of their oppression was a soldier, covered with honours, of character untouched and unsullied—one whom PROVIDENCE in its wisdom had not made rich, who had but little but the profession i►► which he vested his property, and who was by this act turned out of his profession, and robbed of his property — (Loud C'heeringl. And in whose cause did that hap pen? Was it in his own? No, it was in that of the People—( Acclamation );—it was in the cause of the hundreds and thousands who might have perished like the unfortunate men Honey and Francis—(Hear, hear) —w hen the military, losing all coutroul, fired on the People, and be interfered to check the sol diers, to .hew then► the duty which they owed to their Commanders and their country, with the honest and glorious object of preventing the wanton waste of innocent blood. If any one doubted that his punishment arose from his having checked the abuse of military power, let him couple it with another act that would give it a complete explanation—he meant the dismissal of Sir Robert Baker, that Magistrate, who, it might be fairly stated, had been deprived of office, because he would not carry the funeral of the Queen over the dead bodies of his countrymen (Repented cheering). Now, there was but one part for Englishmen to act—let every person, accord. ing to his .zneans, lend his aid and support to keep Government and the Court in subordination to the wisdom of the country, and the honest and just feeling of the People, and then they would not deprive a man of his property who did not deserve to lose it. The People should, on this occasion, in the first instance, open their purses, to make up the property unjustly taken away ; and in the next, they should unite to resist, by every lawful means, the incroachments of Ministerial oppression. A subscription such as the present carried nothing discreditable with it to him who received it, and they should be the last to call it discreditable, who always had their hands in the public purse-,-(Cheers and laughter).—He did think that great Meeting would shew to the disingenuous and grovelling persons in power—for however high their stations, they were of low minds—they would shew that they had a spirit which would not brook military tyranny, or allow one of their best friends to be oppressed, without giving their aid to succour' and defend him—(Cries of " Bravo!" and 66 We will!").—Having said so much on the immediate ob ject of the Meeting, he would beg leave to add one word, as an appeal to their benevolence, on another subject. They all knew that there were .11ree or four persons, the relicts and families of the men who were slaughtered on the 14th of August—(Che.rs)—and the same might have been the lot of the person who was then speaking, or of any who heard him. Those ' unhappy persons of whom he now spoke had lost,' under PROVIDENCE, their best, and perhaps only sup port, and were left in a state of beggary and destitution. A subscription had been entered into by a few per sons for their support, which amounted but to a small sum, and it was not too much to ask them to com bine this object with their great work ; and while they gave their honourable aid to an injured country. man of their's, as great as his Hon. Friend, they would not forget the poor and humble, whom the public calamity,which they all deplored, had brought to that condition—(Cheers).—Had they witnessed what he (Mr. Bennett) saw on that day, they would not think it required any apology for bringing this subject under their notice. He had now to thank them for the attention with which they had heard him, and would conclude by requesting them to bear steadily in mind, that they lived in an order of things in which Government was ever ready to pounce on its prey; he requested them to be temperate,vigilant, , and disciplined, but zealous, and never to lose sight of the main object, which was to do justice to them selves, to force Government to do substantial justice, and to defend the freedom of their country with the last drop of their blood. The lion. Gentleman then sat down amid loud and continued cheering. The CHAIRMAN then read the first Resolution, and was proceeding to collect the sense of the Meeting upon it, when two claimants upon the attention of the Meeting suddenly presented themselves, one of these was the celebrated Mr. Gale Jones, who had contrived to make his svay into the midst of this re spectable assembly, and actually succeeded in getting upon the table before any one was aware of his pre sence. It is needless to say that the moment he was recognized, he was compelled to retire, though he afterwards made some impotent attempts to obtain a hearing. The other was a meek looking elderly Quaker Gentleman, who wished to lay before the Meeting some chimerical plans respecting the slaves at Algiers. He was, however, easily dissuaded from persevering to distill b the proceedings. On the shew of hands, it appealed, that the Resolution was carried unanimously, as were the next four in succession. The following Resolution having been moved and carried: " That the Marquis of Tavistock, M.P. Sir Francis Burdett, M.P. John George Lambton, Esq. M.P. Edward Ellice, Esq. M.P. and George Weatherstone, Esq. be requested to act as such Trustees"— Mr. LAMBTON, being one of the few Trustees who were present, begged leave to thank them for the ho nour done him, and to state that he would undertake the office with the greatest pDssible pleasure; and he would take that opportunity of stating that it was intended to appropriate the sum raised to the pro curing an honourable provision for Sir Robert Wil son, and after him for his children—(Applause)—and he considered it not the least part of the honour of this donation, that it was not given by Kings or Mi nisters, but by his grateful countrymen (Loud chars). The following Re:olution was then put by Mr. FAVKLL, and carried by acclimation : " That the Thanks of this Meeting are eminently due to John George Lanibton, Esq. U.Y. [or having originated this Sub scription, anti for his utiwertird zeal in this cause; particularly for having attended the Meeting of this day." Mr. LAMB row again rose and said, he felt it neces sary to prevent himself once more to the Meeting, to thank them for this additional proof of their kindness, and to assure them that he was amply repaid by the honour which they did him, for any trifling imam- niencewhich his attendance there that day might have occasioned him. lie would be always glad to meet his fellow-citizens on subjects of such public interest, and to express his attachn.ent to that cause, of which he could only claim the merit of being an ardent and zealous supporter—(Grent applause). The following itesoltniutis were then put and car ried unanimously : " That the Thinks of this Meeting be given to the Marquis of Tavistock, M. I'. to Sir Francis Burdett, L'art. M. P. to John George Lanibton, Esq. M.P. to Edward Ellice, Esq. MP. and to George Weatherstone, Esq. for having accepted the °Me: of Trustees to the Subscription Fund for indemnifying Sr tto. bert Wilson. " That the Thanks of this Meeting be given to James Bar nett, Esq. for having kindly accepted the Office of Treasurer to the said Fund. "That the Thanks of this Meeting be given to the lion. Grey Bennett, M.P. to Edward Ellice, kisq. M.P. Joseph Ilume, Esq. M.P. 11r. Lushington, M.P. the lion. William Powlat, M.P. T. S. Buncombe, Esq. J. B. Monck, Esq. M.P. Janice Barnett, Esq. and T. B. Beaumont, Faq. for their very liberal support of this Subscription, and fur their attendance this day." Mr. Hume, being loudly called for, came forward to return thanks for his being appointed one of the Committee. He had hoped, he said, that the busi ness of the day, which had gone on so well hitherto, would have ended without his being called upon to address them. This Resolution, however, had made it imperative upon him to come forward and return his thanks. He assured them that no man was morel anxious than he was to support, to the full extent of his abilities, all the rights of Englishmen—( Cheers). —No man in a public situation was more desirous of discharging his duty to the People with fide lity, for he must .consider himself an exception to Scotch returns!—(cheering and continued knitter). — He would feel it a disgrace, if, on such an occasion, lie was wanting in zeal to give the object in view his humble support. lie fully concurred in what had been stated by their worthy Chair man, arid by those who moved and seconded the ,Resolutions ; but he hoped the time was not far distant when the country would, from one end to the other, testify its abhor rence of an act, which was nor merely an act of in justice to one person, but an outrage to the civil rights of Englishmen—(Loud applause). He could not look back upon the events of Manchester—(Hear, hear) — and those of the 14th of last August, without coupling them as acts of that one spirit which animated an arbitrary Ministry—(Cheers).—He could not, in this point of view, separate the proceedings at Manchester from those at Cumberland-gate; but the latter in volved a question of the greatest importance, and they were about to determine whether the Crown could exert a despotic authority over the interests and property of one individual, who was one of 50,000 Officers, for he (Mr. Hume) had taken the trouble to ascertain the number—(Cries of Bravo ! and laughter). He knew not to what to attribute that expression of approbation; but one .thing was certain, that he wished, whenever he could, to prove his positions by figures, and to rest all his positions on facts, instead ) or vague evidence—(Hear, hear)—and he would nowt put it to them, whether t hei plea of prerogative onl which the disinissal of Sir R. Wilson was defended, could be upheld ? To ascertain this, they should see how England stood in this respect in former times. He had taken much pains to inform himself on the subject, and he could assure them there was but one case at all similar to the present, relative to the dis missal of Officers on half-pay, and which formed the only exception to the general rule in the last 20 years. He alluded to the case of three individuals of the 55th Regiment of a Garrison Battalion, who were dis missed without trial, and without any opportunity being afforded them of shewing their innocence. Sir R. Wilson was another instance, and he (Mr. Hume) was prepared to shew, that the prerogative claimed by the King was one which he did not possess—(4 kuse). This was not the time for entering at large into the discussion of this question, nor was he pre pared to argue a point of great national importance, as a mere lawyer might be disposed to view it; but upon the principles of common sense and common reason, the foundation of all Government was the of the many. This was the definition adopted good Locke, Blackstone, and other constitutional wri ters, and hence it followed that the King possessed no prerogative but for the public good, and only to be exercised when the laws of the land were silent. In this case the King had been advised by unprincipled Ministers, for he must call those men unprincipled, whether Whigs or Tories, who could support such outrages against the liberties of the People, as those which had been committed at Manchester and at Cumberland-gate. The profession of a soldier was one which he could not but look upon as one of the most honourable character. It should never be for gotten, that soldiers were men who risked their lives and embarked their property in the public service; who were ever ready to defend those whose local interests kept them at home, and to support the honour of the country abroad. This was a class of men, therefore, which the people of England were more especially bound to protect. Was it not monstrous, that a body .of nineteen thousand men, for that was the number of Officers on half pay, including the half-pay list of the navy, which amounted to 7,500, should, as soon as they had re tired from the arduous duties of their profession, and recurred, according to the constitutional doctrine, to their rights, as citizens, be rendered the dependent slaves of Ministerial caprice, and degraded from their rank, if they presumed, like Sir Robert Wilson, to act the part of a good soldier, and to defend the In- Istitutions of the country as by law established? If the half-pay Officers, amounting to a body of 19,000 men, were to be made slaves to the Minister of the day, what an engine would be at once established against every attempt to support those principles of liberty and independence which all good citizens were interested in maintaining. Oa this most im portant occasion, the present Meeting had very pro-, peily taken the lead. The blood of their unfortunate fellow-countrymen, Honey and Francis, cailed upon them in a more especial manner to take such mea• sures as might have the effect of hurling the au thors of these detestable proceedings from the power of doing further mischief—(Hear, hear, hear) We could no longer be said to live in a country which t i o f i s t oo w d e re ou i t is enjoyed odyteedmati c ivil o co f nst i tuti duty on, a t h s e t a p n o di v n7 a a r o m d y, w tot i a tlsecret k i e oi, oordersthemselves to disr e gard the charge the civil power,keepi n g :he peace, in oppo.ition to the laws of the land, winch compelled them to act in subordination to the civil. magistrate. What would our Legislators, what would Hume went °nbtec;t'aliiTecitize our Judges say, if the military were thin • ed to take the law into their own hands? He wa s . pared to prove, upon a proper occasion, tho u t h e 0 %; rages of the 14th of August were committed n o . otdy without the sanction, but against the express • and opinions of the civil magistrate- 4 A pee 7 141 ." the room said, I'll prove that they acted ag a t, - ;: t n the m tr S e ir m li bl ° e ert d.: civil magistrate. ]—Mr. he was at the Queen's funeral, a c i o ul w th a e Wilson was not out of his sight ten minutes Bu rin that day. Sir Robert N 1 ilson was entirely innotent of all the attempts which Ministers insinuated againt him, and there would be an inquiry after all, far i 6 People would have it, if they spoke but togeth Litalteeolyuldwbheetailt‘lll.eayPse:op.leHsepohkoep,ed thir ds letting would be followed by similar ones throughout England. k behoved the O ffi cers on half-pay especially t o i„ k this affair; because henceforth they will slaves of the Minister. In the case of G enera l /kr , it wa s declared that O ffi cers on halt:p ay wen not "' subject to martial law. A half.pay Wire r wa s as h tizen, and ooplit not to he deprived of hi s right,.._. II re was a great violation of private rights, w hi c h ought not to be overlooked. He had felt it his duty to make these observations; and with regard to rh e present subscription, he trusted that if there wereany surplus, it would not be confined to the object of in. demnifying Sir Robert Wilson, but extended to t relief of those miserable objects, who, though humble, did not the less call upon them for their protedo e and support—(Hear, hear). He trusted their fuse would be found amply sufficient for carrying whole of these objects into effect. The Honourabl e Member then alluded to the decay of the old miry power, and noticed the attack upon Mr. Shnii Waithinan. In other times such an outrage wo r d/ have brought the Ministers to the block—(Cries Question ! question !") He begged pardon for ix. traducing other topics; he did not allude to A. or B, but to the office only. Having again expressed hi t thanks, the Honourable Member withdrew maids loud cheering. Dr. LosiiiNorox assured the Meeting that it ve not his hitention to have trespassed upon them by any observations that day, had he not been called tipro by the Resolution which was last put from the Chain for he conceived that the statement which they hat heard from his Honourable Friend had embraced all the topics for which the Meeting was particalarlyco vened. His Honourable Friend had stated, with grey eloquence, and with great warmth of feeling, that tie case of Sir Robert NV ilson was the case of the haply and that to support him, therefore, was the bounties duty of every one who wished to uphold the Cost. tution of the country, and to save from oppressie and destruction those who were the friends of the Pea pie. Most cordially did he(Dr. Lushington)uria in that sentiment; for, when he considered the arts( which his Majesty's Government had been guilty, it dismissing Sir Robert Wilson without trial, %titbit any avowed accusation, and without daring tomb any public authenticated statement of the lan; he could not but regard it as an act of pure do potism and unmixed tyranny—(Cries of Hear, heart To what a state would the country be reduced, ifil the Officers who now composed our numerous am —an army more numerous than had ever been knots during a time of peace—were liable, arithoatcharge, without accusation, without trial, to forfeit all those claims which they had acquired upon the Gouts.. ment and upon the nation, at the mere lire dint ci the Minister of the day. The consequences we mai important to them all, in a politiCal pointuf view ,as to Sir Robert Wilson, who had been made the rims of Ministerial vengeance; for, if once this comfy were to view such an act in silence, without t. strongest expressions of disgust and the consequence—the example wou) fear of similar treatment would - upon the minds of all who now coin and they would either become the ment, or at least shrink from the of their political sentiments to sat ruin and disgrace—(Loud applause, .which was the greater evil, or wh avowal of sentiments hostile to the more desirable for the good of the then they would have open and as contend with, instead of that sect. cence—that abstinence from all exert us doubtful as to the opinions of gives the strongest and best support tration—the support of silent consent It was, therefore, their bounden tit they owed to themselves, to restore son to that state of independence, stitution of Britain were sound, be , a General Officer in the King's serv , the Constitution were sound, for say, in England at least, that Officers ought not to be as independent as any . living upon property of any description, their 14* cal sentiments ought to be as free; in thormilital capacity alone they were bound to pay inipfatohe dience to the Crown; is their civil catactr! dg ought to be free from all controuL Why a~ Robert Wilson selected for this sacrif Lushington) felt the strongest indignat lection, but he confessed that in his mind . , surprise. They had selected an individv had extended to every quarter of the who had shewn himself in battle bold, himself the kindest friend even to a r Through all the extensive warfare in been engaged, he had ever raised tect the fallen, and shared his purse enemies in the depth of their affliction more particularly, to his exertions to lease of Destiouettes, the Physiciat French forces, and to the donation the enemy in the extremity of their di conduct which he hailed with admix- conduct worthy of a man and a those who opposed him, and mercif his prowess had subdued. Let them other parts of his conduct. With( the Government of his country, w of favour than the liberty of pure! missions, unadorned by any of those inat tinction which were due to his extraordinary isfert: be returns in a period of peace to the boselo, l % t country, and is elected into Parliament by the bought suffrages of the Electors of Southwath . : them view Min in his Parliamentary cap aolt U where, he would ask, was an individual to be' ,ce, or without ct a abhonence,sal 'ould take root;de necessarily ocee composed the and, le slaves of Com e public mirk's' ive themselves tsse).—He knew whether the pea a he People weted se country, hems e avowed enemies . 2 cret, silent acq tertion—which I the individual, nt to a bad Ad • isent and adheres duty, a duty w :ore Sir Robert e, which, if thee • e had enjoyed, sy service. He will • ✓ no man oughts fficers in the All as any indiridwl il. Whro g :rifice? Lk? , ;nation it at tint G • nind, awes idual,wheseiz sg le civilized gket. d, who had shy fi conquered ((4 1 in which he his hand to r. , rse even witi lion; he dam'' to procurer a tn. General a w which he ga lO distress. ThIS2 . 4 c l iration—this "" Briton, brawl rul to tho se ift° k themlook a t 1 ' C tout reward fro , ith no other 1 1 : 3 ! !ii :11;bing 0 his C r/ t .nen 111111 Ics 01