Star. — London, England, 1821-03-03 00:00:00

measures? Did the Emperor of. Austria think that the Neapolitans ought to have given notice of their intention of a change in a country where there was no Assembly to discuss or relieve their grievances? Were the Carbonari to post up on the turnpikes and on the doors of the Churches their revolutionary in tentions, and serve notice regularly of such intentions upon the Courts of St. Petersburgh, Vienna, and Ber lin? Was that the way to bring about a change in Naples? Could it be done otherwise than by secret measures? Yet this secrecy, this unavoidable mys tery of proceedings, was made the corpus deliai of the charge against the Neapolitans. But the Decla ration went on to affairs of which it could not pos sibly have any knowledge. It presumed to say, that the Government which had been displaced at Na ples wai the best the people could have; that it was its object to reform abutes and concede improve ments. One of these improvements would have been to extinguish the Carbonari. The Austrian Govern /neat complained that the tranquillity which reigned at Naples for the four or five years preceding had been disturbed. What had preserved that tranquil lity ? Was it not the presence of an Austrian army, and could popular feeling find a vent under such cir cumstances? It was said the old Government of Naples were ready to listen to the complaints of the iseople; why did they not, then, remit the taxes— tliose taxes Which pressed so heavily upon the peo ple, after a season of war and exertion ? But why did not the Government give to the people that greatest of boonspersonal liberty? There were few, he believed, who would deny that great abuses existed in the Government of Naples, though he did not now mean to connect those abuses with the King. He could also assert that no disposition was shewn by the GovernMent to reform these abuses. One in stance within his own knowledge he would state, prin cipally.to spew what little regard was paid to personal liberty under the old regime of the kingdom of Naples. Four or five years ago there was great distress, ap proaching to famine, in that country, and a Minister of the Crdwn at the same time had a share in the monopoly of corn. It happened that an English General Officer lived then in Naples, and he had an application made to him from a quarter to which he was bound, from a knowledge of the person, to pay attention, to come and visit a person who was in rdistress. The Englishman, for the reason stated, st at no time in complying with the request, and he was directed to a prison, where he found his friend in a dungeon half fiiled with water. He had lain there for some time, but the reason of his detention he was utterly at a loss to conceive—he was con scious of no offence against the State, and the only thing which occurred to him as at all likely to lead to this outrage on his person, was a conversation which he recollected to have had with a friend some time previously, about disposing of some corn which lay on his hands. To this trivial Circumstance, and this alone, he attributed his imprisonment, and he judged rightly that the monopolizing Minister was connected with it. furnished with this clue, the English Officer bestirred himself; "he went without delay to the Mi riister—questiOned him as to the fact—received at first an evasive answer, but was at length told plainly. lay the candid Italian, that he bad no share in send ing the Neapolitan to prison. What did lie then do ? He returned to the prison, and learned from the jailor that the prisoner was, in fact, confined by order of the Minister. Again he returned to the Minister's house, but he did not meet him ; he saw his Secre tary, however, and this latter confirmed the infor mation received from the jailor. He learned, too, that his friend was not confined for any crime, but simply because the Minister wished to have him in A place of safety, where he could speak with him!— .The Neapolitan was eventually released by the inter ference of his English friend ; but he -(Lord Lens down") could not say how long he had been confined. Was this a state of things to be protected ? or were the Neapolitans to be treated as disturbers of general tranquillity, if they strove to get yid of it? Another reason assigned was, that the Constitution was forced upon the king; that, against his will, he was com pelled to give his unction to a foreign and aSpanish Constitution. With regard to its being a Spanish Constitution, be (Load Lanssiown) did not now, like. a Noble Friend of his (Lord Holland), on a Former oecation; feel himielf called upon to defend that c f pnstiiution. He would sot say whether it was, or was not, the most fit Constitution for Naples. He . would only say, there wis nothing extraordinary in the Neapolitans taking a Constitution from a people ho were of the same religion, and governed by a Monarch of the same family with themselves. The ritish Constitution they could not have, for the King had, two years before, refused it in ie case of Sicily. Besides, the Neapolitans had the sanction Of the British for their adiptinn of the Spanish Con stitution. Did not• Lord William Bentiuck, in IS 4, address to them this Proclamation, when he called I= the Italians to defend their liberties, and put t selves in the same position that Spain then was? His words were, " Warriors of Italy, assert your rights and your liberty: call upon us, and we will hasten to your assistance, and when our forces are joined to yours, we will make such an effiart as will again place Italy as she was in her best days, and what Spain is now." And in an earlier passage, " Portugal. Spain, Sicily, and Holland, attest the liberal prin ciples of Great Britain ; Spain, by the great under asking which with her Allies the accomplished," &c. What was that undertaking, but the recovery of her sberty? or what did the Noble Lord call upon the Italians to do, but to imitate the example of Spain ? And was it tOrgotten, that the Austrians, who now protested against the existence of that liberty even . an hour, were then parties to, and sanctioned circulation of that Proclamation ? The power *bids the Austrians now had, was owing to the re _ inks of those excitements to liberty which they had lzatberto sanctioned. When war was made upon 80. ;apart', his 'attacks upon the independence, and in. terference in the internal affairs of nations, was made a prominent cause. Yet the Austriar.s themselves . wont to war now, because some changes hid beta made in the internal goyernment of Naples. And - what were the circumstances in which they argued . . ykaac the interference of a foreign Power was defeq • p‘ almost every possible case. For, said the . mg.,.Peetaratian,'islaen a Rev ol utionwas brought &thatby a sect—an arittp:-by private rueetings, 7 -in a gaissry Thete public meetings were not permit. ted--where a Press was not muttered to exist- in all these cases the interference of a foreigo Power was jus tifiable. it possible to effect a Revolution by any other than some of chest means ? The Allies cetlainly had abstract ideas of Revolutions very dif fereht from corporal ones. Their reasoning reminded him of a passage in Swift, where Mat lima Scribkrus .and his fellow-pupil fall tological reasoning, and a., dispute arises as to the most abstract idea of a Lord Mayor : • " ]Yuri. Scrib.—l think so many things necessary to a Lord Mayor, that I cm have no idea of one, without a gold dug and chain." " go farther, for I cannot conceive a Lord Mayor if be has hands, eyes, nose, or legs !"—(il !awes). —So it was with the Austrians. They would admit of changes, but they should not be brought about by a sect, an army, by private meetings, or in fact by any of those means which were indispensably ne: cessary to such an undertaking. When Revolutions were accomplished in this way, their abstract ideas of them were gone, and they thought themselves called upon to interfere and crush them. But were they equally vigilant when liberty was invaded ? Did they interfere when Ferdinand of Spain overturned the Spanish Constitution ? Were no changes to be permitted but such as took place at the will of an absolute Monarch ? He was now come to the second part, namely, what would be the probable conse quences of the Allies continuing to act upon the principles avowed by them in their Declaration. If Austria failed in its attempts upon Naples, then would the principles of liberty on which the Neapolitans acted, extend themselves, perhaps, into the very States of the Allies:lE . If, on the other hand, Austria succeeded, he would ask in what way could their power be maintained, but by military occupation, and would not that in effect make Naples .a province of Austria ? The success of despotism could be but transitory; and the revolutionary feeling in Spain and in France, had been already much excited by the progress which had been made. In the former country, the Revolution which was accomplished without blood, was not likely to terminate so peace ably. At Paris, it had driven that party which were occasionally called the Liberaus, or the Jacobins, al most into an extremity of excitement. It was not yet too late for England to interfere ; in former times it used to be accounted. the fosterer of every spark of political liberty on the Continent. The greatest eu legium which •Lord Bacon passed on Queen Eliza beth was, that she assisted the struggles of the Hol landers for their liberty. The steps taken in the Low Countries at that time, were similar to those lately taken in Naples; the Revolution was brought about by a sect, misted by a military force. We should not then be too severe critics—let us only consider that the Neapolitans are engaged in defence of the most, glorious cause under Heaven—the preservation of their liberties. Let us apply to them what Lord Chatham said of the Americans: " Be to their faults a little blind ; Be to their virtues very kind ; Let all their ways be uncoufued, Nor clap a padlock on their mind !'j • It might be said it was now too late for our interfe rence, but that he denied. Although every foot of the Neapolitan territory should be in the possession of the Austrians, yet England ought not to lose any time in clearly stating her sentiments upon a question of so much consequence to all Europe. We ought without delay to put our sentiments on record, and r enter our solemn protest against the transactions of Troppau and Laybach. It was for that purpose he now proposed his Motion, which was— “ That an humble Address be presented to the King, to thank kis Majesty for having laid upon the table of that House a Copy of the Dispatch from the Minister for Foreign Affairs to the British Ministers at Foreign Courts, on the subject of all corn- Munkations made to them by the Courts of Austria, Prussia, and Russia, with regard to the affairs of Naples—to express our satisfaction and gratitude to his Majesty, that he had given his dissent from a proposition which was against the fundamental laws of this realm ; and to express a hope that, in his wisdom, his Majesty will use such decisive interference with the Courts of Austria, Prussia, and Russia, and take such steps, as to pre vent those proceedings, on their parts, which are only calculated 'to disturb the tranquillity of Europe, and check the progress of a system, which, if persevered in, will furnish examples injuri ous to the security of the independence of nations." Earl BATHURST contended that the declarations, of Ministers had already been explicit enough. If Ministers took a more decisive step, they would de part from that neutrality which they professed. The, Noble Marquis would do well to point out any step: by which this country could check the advance of the Austrian armies. if Austria thought herself ini danger from the commotions at Naples, he could not see why this country was called upon to interfere.— The Sicilians were unfriendly to the Spanish Consti tution, whith was forced upon them. The object of the Catbonari was not simply to effect the revolution of Naples, but to procure and encourage general in surrectionary movements throughout the Continent, and this had been distinctly proved by Murat's inva sion. They stated the resistance made to the Neapo litan Constitution, in Sicily, as an argument to prove the Nation was not favourable to the Constitution ; therefore, that this Constitution, being opposed by the King and a great proportion of the population, 'they had no right to recognize it. Ile thought this country ought not to depart from its neutrality; but if it did, he asked what were the measures that should be adopted? It was well known that in point of fact the Austrians had already entered the Neapo litan territory; but whether as friends or as enemies, remained to be proved. Suppose the former, if their Lordships voted the Address moved by the Noble Marquis, it would have the effect of prolonging the contest. The object ought to be to follow up that Address by war ; and the consequence would be, that many of-those men who would otherwise dis band themselves, would place themselves on the hills watching for succour from this country; and this en couragement to credulity, this half measure, would only have the effect of exciting false hopes, without giving effective succour. Lord ELLENBOROUGH had no doubt Minis ters were endeavouring to prevent, or at least to re pair, the injury likely to be done to the peace of Eu rope by the hostile movement of Austria to the South of Italy. If they did not do so, they deserved 'im peathnient•=4 Hear, hear).—But considering the situ ation Of Austria, and her interest, having no for tresses, and relying on the Mass 6f her troops, no movement could be more - fatal to Austria than a march to the South of Italy; and Ministers ought, therefore, to prevent or vepair the consequences of riaoyement. He thouglit. of Neapolitan trciops as aut cone, ind oft/14 - mila:ince they might make on chi first onset; Initivhst would be the coatequence, in France to see the military oast rah.= ofthit tota -1 try NY Atari:at troops for a perieroryaddr : lf'ottr. Government wished l i g preserve Owego% dynasty of France, they wouhl prevent stallion eacketraintin the minds of the French arniy, by suffering a.prittei- I ple to be carried into effect which was hostile to the (feelings of the people of all nations--(Afeor, At the same time, he could not think of a war under taken without the concurreneb of the people, and in which the hearts of the nations in alliance with us could not concur. But were there no more nteasanes than that of war to work upon either Austria or Na ples? Circumstances might occur which would make our interference with Austria valuable- to herself.-- .We bad engaged to Sicily not to suffer her to sot into' a worse situation than that in which we left her: but she had been put in a wor s e state, and we should, by arms, declare that Sicily should have no Constitution forced upon her but such as she might choose in'her ancient Parliament—(Hear, bear).—We might then negotiate with Sicily at our back, and we might limit the power of the Carbonari. Ile knew the attach ment of the Sicilians to this country. It was begun in mutual danger, and cemented by glorious battles. He hoped the House would adopt the proposition, to shew to Europe the determination of the House to fulfil the engagements of this country. The EarIofWESTMORELAND held it to be.ex traordinary to make a proposition of this kind, when they had been told, the last time they were assem bled, that we could engage In no Continental war, as sVe were so distressed that we were almost the laugh ing•stock of Enrepe---(llea►).—Ministers were very unfortunate in every measure ; for whether they made war or peace they could not please their antagonists. The Earl of DARNLEY contended, that, standing as this country does, it was bound to interfere, to protect from military occupation and despotism a countty whose only offence was a love of liberty. In an animated tone, the Noble Lord called upon Noble Lords whose ancestors had defended. those principles which the Holy Alliance was abOut to subvert, to in terpese between the People of Naples and the Allied Monarehs. His Noble I!ricnd had taken a fair view of the.consequences of this march of the Austrian ar mies. He would ask, by what means was Austria enabled to do this? By the money of this country? —(Hear, hear)—for Austria owes to•Great.Britain no less a sum than eighteen ►millions I—(Hear, hear)-- the principal and interest of a debt due for twenty years. The Austrian Government was, therefore, bound to pay respect to the interference of this cottn try—(Loard cheers).—He understood his Noble Friend recommended only moral interference, and, in that point of view, he would support his motion. Lord CALTEIORPE thought this country owed it to Europe to manifest its deep and lasting concern at the hostile measures about to be carried into effect against Naples—that we could, with some claim to attention, as stated by the Noble Earl who had just sat down (Lord Darnley), call upon Austria to desist, and thus save her from a dishonoured name, and this in friendship to Austria herself. He cordially con curred in his Noble Friend's motion.: The Earl of ABERDEEN said, that the Noble Lord, without any further information as to the grounds of the invasion of Naples,' called upon the House to depart from that line of neutrality, of which it had, by its vote, eo recently 'approved. He begged to be understood to espross no• approbation of the principles of the Holy Alliance, or its assumed right to interfere in the internal regulations of other na= tions. Austria, as a member of that - alliance had, no doubt, called upon the others to support her, and therefore he entertained no doubt that they would support her. Whether Austria can or cannot be jus tified in interference with Naples, or any other coun try, was not in the present instance the question.- - Although there was something captivating in the name of liberty, still that would not be a sufficient ground for our interference, merely on that account; although there was always something magnanimous in supporting the weaker party, still it-was not a ne cessary consequence that the weaker party was always in the right ; he should therefore oppose the motion. Lord lIOLLAND said, many reasons concurred to induce him to support the motion of his Noble Friend. The state of his health, however, would prevent his speaking at much length. , The Noble Earl (Aber deen) had stated to their Lordships, that his Noble Ft lead had mistaken or misrepresented the Manifesto, and had argued throughout on that fallacy, that the Allies (at least the Austrians); hid not understood our views. His No ble Friend (Lord Lansdown) had called upon the Hosise to pass the Reiolutions, not on account of the actions of the Austiians, but of their language. If the Noble Earl (Aberdeen) said he believed all the principles avowed by Austria in the Manifesto, would his Majesty's Ministers say that this monstrous—this disgusting paper—is in unison with the views of his Majesty's Government?— —(Hear, hear).—The only two pow ers th at have differed from those principles are the HOuse of Com mons in England and the Chamber of Deputies in France—(Hear, Hear).—The Noble Lord said, the only object of the motion of his Noble Friend, was to induce us to abandon our neutraity. He (Lord Holland) contended the contrary was the necessary consequence. A Noble Peer had said, our interfe rence would be an encouragement to the people to re sist ; and yet, at the first moment, Ministers had net hesitated to express their displeasure at the mode by which the Neapolitan Revolution had been effected. Was that, or was it not, he would ask, friendship to Austria ?' Austria had either misunderstood the views of this country, or had misrepresented them to Europe, and he defied the Noble Earl to get out of that dilemma—(Hear, hear).—The Noble Lord said, he believed Austria sincere, and there was no quarrelling with a man for his belief--(A laugh).— The Noble Baron then read the concluding paragraph of the Manifesto of the Allied Sovereigns, and' cha racterised it as the most atrocious, because, under the mask of hypoc'risy, it veiled the most tyrannical designs. It %las said in this Manifesto, that they, the Allied Sovereigns, were desirous of peace. Peace, in deed; Why, if - they were so, had they - kept up such large establishments? He denied that this motion recommended war. On the contrary, it .was desiined, in his opinion, to avoid 'year. There was no man „more anxious to avoid wir than himself. They. Were; 'not called upon to go to war, but they were odled upon to vindicate The sentiments of this country, Which wets imisrepreiented by Austria; and, what.; ever might he the coaselitences cif such ax►ruceediui, as that, he for tine. was prepared to meet th ein i t Wear, hear).—For these reason s h e would rote . ; 'favour of his Noble Friend's motion. The Earl of LIVERPOOL was glad, in o ne . nw to have heard the warm ebullition of hi s Friend, because it gave him a hope that they ; sr .. reuirnipg to the better principles o f f ormer day How often had he sat in this Hotrse and he ar a a ,, different doctrine from the Noble Lords on t h e side! Then, when the independence of &rift e d', of Holland, and of Spain were nvertomed, 1 7, was the language of those Noble L or d s ? p a ,..." 4 Peace too with a revolutionary Sovereign, *3 *as the charm which Revolutions had In th e those Noble Peers—(l/ear, Lear, Isep),_ . o °l 4 tended that, if this motion were successful, 611 in consequence of it, a Declaration were issued, t h; t i the country should be prepared for war. e nt da, a Man doubt that such would be the effect of them... 7 after the speech of the Noble B iron —He agreed entirely with the Noble Baron dislike of war, and though be was confident that there was a personal and domestic necessity f ee mak a policy now, the sinews of war would at this nb a be found in this country-( Hear, hear).....y ot , actha hour, he was convinced that the best and policy of England was a strict neutrality-4g; hear).—He was ready to allow, and he was p er convinced of this, that the most unwi se an d litic thing that Austria, Russia, and Prussiame r a was the issuing of the Manifesto to which the ale Lord alluded—(l fear, hear).—There was n o mu who could not plainly see that there were two pi p , ciples abroad in the world, both of which wen equally impolitic. He was sorry to see so g ram a disposition in some Noble Lords in this R owe ta countenance one of those principles. The two pi a . ciples to which he alluded were, on one hand, than of upholding all revolutions because they were lutions ; and, on the other, that of putting thai down from a similar motive. The existence (dhoti was to be lanieraed, because neither diserimtha t a between those 'evolutions which were forced co a State by its own exigencies, and those which vo te wantonly introduce) into it—(f/ear, hear).—And is that view he could not but think the existence of the Carbonari, which was spread far beyond the territory , of Naples, an evil to be lamented. He did not mesa to defend the Manifesto which was issued by the Allied Sovereigns ; but he did not put on it these= construction which the Noble Baron applied to ' Whatever it , contained could be taken only maim the sentiments of the parties who agreed to it ride Congress at Troppau. Now this country had no representative at that Congress with powers to p ri i. cipate iwits deliberations, and consequently Eaghaa could not be supposed, in any respect, inc la any part of it. There had been, moreover, a decli. ration of neutrality made on the part of this country to. the Allied Sovereigns, and they had expresid their entire satisfaction with it-:-(llear, hear , leo. He had also the happiness to add, that that dedira. tion had been received with sentiments of appribs. tion by the other States of Europe. With respect to die revolutions of Spain - and Naples, he thought iliac fair to state his opinion, that Ferdinand of Spain had provoked the revolution in that country. &bad not equally strong evidence before him that Penh , nand of Naples had provoked the revolution in he kingdom ; he was not friendly to the amides! &doe don Of a foreign Constitution by any onoriry. The great merit eons Constitution was its adaptatia os the peculiar circumstances and wants of the enemy which adopted it. Any thing eLe was a mere poper Constitution, which would not stand. He teak* bered to have heard Mr. Fox say, and it was wed the wisest things* had ever heard that grates utter, that " if yeti selected all the wisest men lido world, and placed them in a room by themsehm,for the purpose of forming a Constitution foe say psni. cular State, they would produce a Constittaile which would be absolutely unendurable." The Nobietaii proceeded to argue, that the proper •poliey ((Ibis countiy was a strict neutrality. If their objectives to maintain their' ttitude of respect in Europe,* could obtain it in no wit; so effectual ai that of pre serving a fair neutrality towards all the Potteries. cerned—( Hear, hear). The Marquis of LANSDOWN replied. Retie nied that lie had ever witnessed the aggmoimsif the late Government of France in Switaerhody* land, or Spain, without recording jug sow. against them. His only object was to get deb* to ogee to a real system of neutrality. If thrum/ thought the sentiments published at Tropp" Is, I.aybach, as contrary to inte r national law, it milk time that we should endeavour by every mellSB our power to prevent the effects of such swims and declarations. The natural and updeviatitSP licy of this country was to support free Goose ments wherever they arose. He denied, that 10101 ever been a supporter of all Revolutions, undo** ever circumstances they were brought above. Pi the Noble Earl not know, that if a tonstitutiot forced on a People, however good it might 14, 2 P tional pride and national consistency would mill them to reject such a Constitution? If there did*. f a secret society, what better method was consolidate and extend them than by teachisgdO that there was no safety but by strengtheaelf. aid extending themselves ? He wished for ranomellot. to save Austria, Naples, and ourselves, from W r " The unprincipled invasion Of Switzer/end by parte was the subject of several remonstrance Noble Lord himself, and yet it did not lead to a war. The Proclamation of Lord W. Al; thick, his instructions from Lord Castlereagb.,!"" *the king of Naples' Proclamation to his poor* held out a promise of free Constitutions to the ple of Italy. After a few , words from Lords HOLLIIVS and L 1111311 1t,.. 4 way of shilanatlon, the House divided, when there sifp•-• • `- Mot; tbe 'notion '• • • Atainat it Siajoarity Adjourned at Twelve . o'Clock. HOUSE OF COMSIOSi. Mr. Aldertnan S 31iTH obtained leave t< authorise.the repairing of Illackfriars Bridge. • Mi t BYNG•brottgbt in Bill for repairia Road between... London and Highgate Ga' Bill for. improving and lighting Mikrend 14 4 —The Honourable Mintbrealao brought ,ing and installing the. Act dt the late Burial-ground at Paneran.:-*-lite seven and ordered to he yea& a seConl thee A Bill was brought in, and read iliac the qty of Covent.? (iaa Light Courtly. 37 43 • -wit } . '*ll cave to left 'II 11 0 1 Bri . s4e. %w wield y r ing and e Gate-bosse; 0 1 1 and old Town. Or wought 1411 f i f Yin;, for rAI . ,13410 werg,P 4 ?! teptcrele, , int di** 4 11 r