Star. — London, England, 1814-06-24 00:00:00

forward, was the mess. One Gen ar (Mr. Tierney). ew of the business. hat he (Lord Cas- , would take every' aid be directed, to be its only object. on. Gentleman, as the Princess might ty's drawing-rooM. matter of right.— was ready to meet lister of the S A•e se for his conduct, rstopping its limits. appeal, for whet - . ',nose, that %star.; ew, their functions was of opinion - ar. country which thct ring to keep. will 4 :11 they were co&ttlei ie ; and Parliament stained leant touch: not practicUlly eie. iota misconception* 4 the. cite= of their anent to -detcvntio, Nothing could be the Princess • had a !expected to Rod this Ater which might be ,pecially in one of SO I 10 tIIV. Speaker. Her ta:oly tlse pace where t: , ;I.: Q seen, but still sort of the Sovereign. Id net by the Officer, and had her right Fere presented. Was r this or that peesost ice upon themselves-to ceive them graciously r not. This was a ju -1 which no Minister, tercise-; (Hear, hear. ) istitution that the So-' all. It depended upon as he thought best..... , 'ailed to an account as anceive, and the man prom to receive them, o him, that hoVing a. t discretion which the was free to exercise in sr.) It the Sovereign ionsible minister in the to act thus by him, on. 1 he should betive hunt the realm. He knew it i question now d ith e s t o With all, .suopteusion fne- King; and to shear *A ✓ Royal •Highnsus was i have been pursued con ies—be denied the lefts-. of the Prince had *non (which no man COOSI astlereaghl did), heal* nd * repeatedly met dm as, _after that 'squirt favour, while the ques. which that had left it., abject, he would ray ill who hal ebserred the ny that either design or ragsactions in which do assume an .appearance :h they formerly woe*. mule the vehicle of dimwit it was impossible to db. had been permitted to Is, who were detected in y-- (Near, hear,) theuttgb, the purpose-of aspers ing :ially the illustrious pee.' (.' these persons any attempt degrade the Prince, not subjects, but even u in 'Hear, hear.) He multi • r would view with calm efforts to sower it in she ing to the ordinary course of no instance where the eared had been reconciled is to guard against being err, to vilify and calum atement he flattered him be afflicted with these di*. be attempted to be con- ) do with each other ; and the last exclusion of the Drawing-room would not le same grounds on which Majesty were founded, admit her at Court, after e. He put it to the can- House, if the undisguisedwo : separation between the oint of fact, as complete, in the ordinary state of so there was any probability e question, could do any he separation thus, he did we the presumption to do, at the case Mist:An that', 11 in proof, that the King. :es in the same light, and as a misfortune, which, to put an end to, the. Aajesty had been, what nost likely to make this, ul to both parties ? The aware (as circumstances unnecessarily brought be emp instrument had been the Princess of Wales, in as also added the algae-. 0 ) of his Cabinet Ministers das formal as any deed o' c mr executed upon any His Majesty, knowing at se, did then go the length ity to this act of separa -1 Prince, and accepted by • . ‘ ~;, i the Princess, who then declared herself perfectly sa. tisfied with the provision made for her. He was by no means disposed to contend that the same pecu niary arrangement which was then considered satis factory, ought pow to give complete satisfaction. If, on account of the increased expellees of living, or from other considerations, there should appear to be a disposition in Parliament to peat the establishment of her Royal Highness on a more liberal footing, he did not hesitate to say that tie believed there would be found no obstacle. Whatever might be the feelings'' of his Royal Highness towards her in other respects, besets perfectly sure that it was never in his inten. Lion to visit them upon her in what repected her pe. enniary situation. He was perfectly convinced that there never was a feeling in his royal mind to make money a question between them. If his circumstances had allowed him out of his own means to have made her a still larger provision, he was sure that it would be pleasing to his feelings to have done so. As he was sot prepared to expect the precise motion thatthe Hon. Gentleman now appeared to confine his intentions to, he was not authorised formally to declare the sanction Of the Crown ; but he did not hesitate to say, that he apprehended no obstacle on the part of the Crmien to any farther provision which Parliament might think proper to Snake for her Royal Highness, within the bounds of proper economy. He should Dove state, that by the arrangement in 1809; the income of the Princess was 417,000 per annum. The Prime, however, finding that she was considerably in debt, and not wishing at that time to throw an additional pressure on the country by bringiog thorieeleinehe fore the consideration of Parliament, resolved to takt those debts, amounting to 449,000. upon himself, and also give to her an additional 45000 a year, out of his own incoine , to prevent the necessity of her contracting any more debts. All he required was, an assurance that he should not be called on for any future debts of her's ; and that if she contracted any more which she was unable to pay, they should be brought before the consideration of Parliament. All this ,arrangement we; founded on the idea of al ex. !sting separation. He should now state what was the • income of his Royal Highness at that time. :Ir.._ meat had settled on him 4120,000 per ammo. , was subject to the Property-tax that reduced it to 4108,000. Front• his regard to the chnge /of his creditors, he had. devoted £40,600 per annum of his Income to discharge his debts. It was therefore out of an income less than £70,000 a year that be had agreed to make to the Princess an allowance of 417.000 per annum, which reduced his income as 'Prince of Wales to about 453,000. When he after wards took upon himself the payment of her debts, be, gave up 410,000 a year more of his income foe this purpose, leaving to himself an income of but 443,000 yearly as Prince of Wales, and about 419,00 u from the Duchy of Cornwall.—(Ne ar.) —He believed that the House would consider that, . in these circumstances, the allowing 827,000 a-year for the Princess was a very liberal provision, and a urger. one than almost any other husband in the -country would have consented to. Notwithstanding 'all the calumnious reports that had been so-industn . .eniisliy. spread, he was perfectly convinced that his . Royal Highness harboured no feeling of a vindictive share,. and had no wish to disturb the enjoyment of her social feelings.- The arrmgnent which , he had dues-made for her minion WariDare hberaL than al moot any other husband would consent to niake r and ( , ...7,essetainly assigned.a greater portion of his income than : . * would be awarded by the Corot of Chancery, or any Court, in the case of a separation between bus . d and wife. He most firmly believed, that if his E o r al Highness had been able, out of his own means, to increase. her allowance, without Coining to ParliA =tent tor the purpose, or without appearing to con. pros** his honour, and to truckle to the clamours . .raised against him by a cabal, that called themselves . the friends of the Princess, it would have given him .the greatest pleasure to have extinguished at least all complaints oar want out of his own means It was true • ,• that the Princess was now out of debt, as the 410,000 per annum that the Prince had assigned for the .payment of those debts had now discharged them. 0 whee those debts, however, had been discharged, I bis Royal Highness thought that it was but justice to Lis own creditors, that this £lO,OOO a-year should be applied in aid of the fund for discharging their de mands. He did not see any moment of time in which his Royal Highness could have come forward to have • . • .. given her a larger . provision out or his own means. If be bid so sn the midst of the clamour Which was ' ' j Mind by those who called themselves the friends and advocates of the Princess, his cha. - would have been humiliated by so doing ; and " - ' _we been ' Teeter. :his.ginisters would have disgraced, if it were -supposed that they advised him to do so. Were they to have advised him to give money, when such an !attack was made upon his honour ? He, for his part, .always felt .convinced, that in Greatßritain, a country of truth and justice, a time would arrive .when cha racter would triumph over all these attacks; and he -would now say, that as far as money was concerned, :he believed there would be no difficulty, no obstacle on, -the riart.of the Crown, to any further provision for her •Royal Highness that Parliament in its liberality and • 'its discretion should think proper. He should conjure -the House by all the regard which they felt for that family which had brought peace and liberty into this country, and by all the respect which thty felt fur shim GOT0111134:11t that had. secured to them those bles sings, not to be made the instruments of degrading the royal authority, by allowing. the names of that illustrious family to be bandied about, and dragged before the House, in the manner it appeared to be the . l atention and wish of some persons to do. As to the precise motion of the Honourable Gentleman, he must object to it, as be taw no use in taking into their eon .sideration that letter wllicfi unfortunately bore the • name and signature of the Princess of Woks. He did not see any thing that could grow out of such a dis k:fission, except the seeds of fresh division and bitter Hess. It was impossible for him so tar to have fore siva the object of the present motion, as to have come ,d aw ri.with sufficient authority to give theformal con sent of the crown : hut he had no hesitation in saying, that it it was the feeling of the House that the situa tion of the Princess of Wales ought to be imprc,ved in a pecuniary way, he had no doubt that he should re vive authority to consent to it. He was sure that the feelings of his Royal Highness were most liberal—and ONTO could be no- greater proof of hthAn that in 1809, when his irritation might be this, the strongest, he voluntarily undutook to . Is• 1. , - allow, out of his own income, a much larger sum than had been agreed upon at the arrangement of the act of separation. If an increased allowance had not been made at an earlier period, it was because the conduct of those who called themselves the friends and advocates of the Princess had made it impossible that he should propose it ; but now, if Parliament should think it proper that she should have an in creased allowance, he believed that when that tines. tion should come on, he would be prepared to con sent to such an arrangement. Mr. METHUEN, in explanation, said, that the Noble Lord had entirely mistaken his meaning,.if be supposed that he had intended entirely to give up the claims of the Princess as to her right of being received at the Drawing-room. After what had fallen, how ever, from the Noble Lord, he'should at present feel inclined to withdraw his motion. • Mr. WHITBREAD said, that before be could COM* to the motion being withdrawn, he found it impossible •to avoid making some reply to many of the observations which had fallen from the Noble Lord. He thoUght that the Noble Lord had not done justice to the Prince Regent, to the Parliament, or to the people of this country, when he was pleased to describe the general feeling which- was every where displayed, as merely the effect of a cabal (Hear, hear.) When Imbed spoken of the friends and advisers of her Royal flightless, he had pretty plainly charged them with entertaining views and objects which they did not think proper to bring forward; and that all their machinations bniae for the real purpose of ob baistiag money. For his own part. he utterly dis- Ataitned having ever had seth.. an ofiect. On they part of the Princess of Wales, he could also, in ,the most pointed manner, repeat the same disavowal.— With the motion now before the House' he had no previous concurrence; but he presumed k sprung from the same motives which actuated himself and ethers in the progress of those painful events, namely, an eager and open desire to vindicate the honour and the innocence of an illustrious female from mean and unmanly persecution— (Hear, hear.) The Princess of 'Moles. required justice, not money—(Loral crier of Aker, hear.) She" would not barter for rights, or reeespmise her character for any income the Noble could Los d could propose—(Load cries of Hear, heart ) Here - he could 'nut refrain from expressing his asto-' nishment et the doctrine laid down by the Noble Lord, that the Sovereign, uncontrolled by his Minis-, ten, could use the public drawing-room as his pre. vate chamber, and there either receive or not receive, and in whatever manner he pleased, such persons as thought fit to notify their approach: Against such a doctrine be (Mr. Whitbread) would enter his protest. He knew of no public situation in which the Sove reign stood without a responsible adviser. He was the more surprised at this opinion having been broadly stated to the Howie, when he neolleettd that the Noble Lord (Castlereagh), in conjunction with the other Members of the Cabinet, had fors sally made a minute of Council, recording tbe innocence of the Princess of Wales, and had offiemlla advised the King to receive her Royal Highness again in public life.— (Hear, those same advisers now mean to renounce, in the concerns of the Prince, that line of proceeding which they felt it their duty to adopt . in the Cabinet of the King ?—(Hear).—There was ano ther part of the Noble Lord's speech to which it was At he should advert, he alluded to the questions oi' this subject which had more than once paseedta_tbe_, - House, and which were characterised in Rims o f great asperity. Did not the Noble Lord recollect how these questions were imposed from the necessity of the case ? Did lie forget how he himself, from inky; oration arising out of this mode of inter-communica -tiOn in that House, bad rescued the Princess of Wales from the grasp of a cabal formed against her honour and life ?—(Hear, hear.) —Did he forget, or was the country deceived as to the fact which redounded so much to the honour of the Noble Lord—that he had felt it his duty to tender his resignation to his Sove reign if those dark proceedings were not discontinued, and if a conspiracy then pending against her Royal Highness was not instantly relinquished ? (Hear, hear.) And when the Noble Lord also talked of the licence of the press, did he forget the manifold at. tacks which that engine was made to level upon the character of the. Pi incess of Wales in her-moments of calumny and rrii• fortune, at those moments when his (Lord Castlereagh's) interposition had the merit of rescuing her from the hidden machinations which Were then unauthentitally contemplated ? At that period of her Royal Highness's afflictiOns, whea de serted by.her old It lends who slimed themselves un worthy of that name, it was not surprising, in her secluded state, if she was approached by persons who also proved unworthy of her acquantance. was, however, unfair and cruel to visit upon her the misdeeds of others, and to do that in her case . which the justice of the country forbade in that of aay other iodividualinthe realm. (Hear.) Her Royal Highness prospectlia3 10 uF a termination of indirant priva tions ; her rights in every quarter were withdrawn or denied ; she was not, it appeared, cobs present at the marriage of an only child. Her Royal Highness sVal then the only person in the kingdom who stood open to persecutioo, and who was to remain wholly without a protector. Amid these scenes it was gra. tifying to contetnpl.ite the various blessings which at• tend that public discussion which the Noble Lord now. decries. To it alone' the safety and existence of the Princess of Wales was attributable.—(Hear, hear). — To himself it was ever a matter of proud satisfaction, that by an open communication in his place, he had• put the Noble Lied in possession of the existence of the cabal to which he bad already and folly alluded. Was it fair or pi oper, therefore, that he, (Mr. Whit. thread) should be told, in a plain and unqualified sense, that the object of the Princess of Wales, as; - well as of her friends, was to extort money under thu repeated statements. not one of which had been io any way disproved.—(Hear, hear). —The fact was 'the reverse—money was never their object. Money What sum, he would ask, could be tendered as n compensation for her Royal Highness's endurance during the last tea days ? Pecuniary recompence under such circumstance was worthless. When the Noble Lord talked of a vindictive spirit being afloat 'in this country, and being actively and factiously directed against a particular Personage, 'how would designate that tacit interference which prevented the nearest and oldest of the illustrious acquaintances Ad her Royal Highness from the intercourse which it was but natural she should have held with them in their visit to this country ?—(Hear, hear.) —Haw mml4 he ( Lord Castlereagh) describe that system, which in a moment of wide-spreading joy, left her Mal Highness the only mourner in the country e was now without a father, who had nobly fallen in the field, in the early progress of those achievements which had now so happily termi. tutted; and though* in'the midst of his companions in arms, and in the same city with her nearest ?vb. tins, all the consolations of their intercourse were withheld, and she alone in the community was con signed to solitude and misery.—(Hear, hear.)- -It was in vain, therefore, to assert that persecution was all at one side ; the country would not view ir in that light, nor would they consent that the Princess of Wales should be deprived of those rights which legitimately belonged to her. With reference to the impression which the statement of the Prince Re gent's payment of her Royal Highness's debts. was meant to convey, he ( Mr. Whitbread) meant to say little, it was far from his wish to impcach the gene rosity of h is Royal Highness ; but he could not re frain from thinking the credit of this transaction came rather with less grace, when it was consider. that the Prince of Wales himself had t xiee aulled to Parliament for pecuniary grants of his o:: a, and those not for the purposes of encreasinz t! , It splen dour so justly the attribute of royalty—during a pe riod whilst from year to year the esoence of the civil list WA!! annually.augmented. The Princess of Wales received no addition, at a time when the Public connived at extravagant repetitious which met the eye in every direction for purposes of general festivity. Her Royal Highness alone was stinted in her expenditure.—(Heor, hear.)—lf the Princess had once, owing to the want of due calculation,' incurred any extra debts, she profited by experi ence, she retrenched her expences, and met the growing necessity of the times.—(Hear, leaf. ) She was enabled in some degree to accomplish this creditable purpose by theaffectitinateliberalityof some of her servants, who had refused to take salaries ;';and, through a well regulated system, it now appeared her Royal Highness was not a single farthing in debt or in . arrear--(Hear, hear.) Can any of the Royal Fa mily present a higher or more creditable display ? The Noble Lord had vehemently deprecated any in terference with those august branches of the State ; he would however tell him, that as their conduct af fected all, so it was competent that it should be sub ject to the jurisdiction which presided over all. It was particularly time for Parliament to inquire into a sub ject which had been already publicly announced by she Sovereign Prince of the Netherlands as well as in the Princess of Wales's Letter to the House ; it %ins full time to know, whether the circumstance to which he alluded was so far matured as to be presented for the consideration of Parliament, even it the present late period of the Session ?—(Hear.) ,for his own part,-he much feared that this desirable uegociation was at an end, and it would not do to tell the pubic with an ambiguous air of authority, that . the rupture had no connection with the.other cir cumstances before the public ; his own firm persua sion was, that the match had terminated on account of the peculiar situation in which the Princess of Wales was placed in the country ; and from hence arose the great political importance attendant upon a matter with which, they were gravely told, the nation bad no right to interfere.—(Near.) It was impossible tti separate those persiinages from porsticaVraistenee.; It was true, no man in private life could be exposed, to this ordeal ; bnt the Royal Family were the pro , peaty of the nation. Private affairs are not thus obtruded, nor if they were could they have any ope ration beyond their own sphere. When speaking of the Royal Family, he could not avoid adverting to what had fallen from the Noble Lord, who had de scribed the House of Brunswick as the fountain of British liberties... The liberties of this country were established before that family had existence ( Hear.)' —They were called to the throne of these realms after its constitution had been fenced round and fully established.—(Hear, hear.)—The Noble Lerd's his torical information should have prompted a more cot.- ' rect exposition of the rise and progress of British rights. If dissatisfaction, as it is said, must ever follow the agitation of questions like the present, on the heads of those who provoke such discussions be the responsibility of their introduction.— (Hear, hear.) It did not become the Noble Lord, if he remembered the support and confidence which he received both within and without doors, during and preceding the late negociations—if he also felt the applause with which his opponents united in hailing his first en. trance into the House after his return—it did n i j he would say, become the Noble Lord to proclaim in one moment that to be a manifestation of ca bal which, in another, would be imputable to a more genercius impulse.—(Hear, hear.) Those feel. ings without doors, which the Noble Lord in the present instance so loudly assailed, should, as they were the most indicative as well as the most inno cent, bt at least tolerated when they appeared not quite so cordial as were sometimes to be wished for by the servants of the public. If the Noble Lord would recal to iris mind the length of time he conti nued colleague of a Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Perceval ) who had taken a decided part and assumed a peremptory tone-upon the affairs of her Royal High ,nessi.and also the cordiality which existed, and had stet Right Hon. Ger.tleman lived might .still have existed between them, he (I.ord Castlereagh) must see the inconsistency of arraigning persons who were in this question merely pursuing the course Which that Right Hon. Gentleman had vigorously planned.- -Mr. Whitbread continued- 4 4 I remember that a Right Honourable Gentleman, whom I lament that I do not now see in his place,and whose advice we should 'have all been glad to receive (Mr. Canning), on a for mer Occasion, when it was said that the time might .hereafter come, when it would be necessary to make some Parliamentary provision, reproached the Noble Lord with not having made an adequate provision for the Princess of Wales on the establishment of the Regency. Why, I ask again, did not the Noble Lord then advise it ? Was not that an opportunity ? Why did be not avail himself cf it, especially if he knew that the separation between the Prince and Princess of Wales was fiaal, conclusive, and irreme diable ? The Noble Lord had said a great deal to prove,the impossibility of these Royal Personeges ever re-uniting ; that an insuperable barrier is raised : we cannot but lament the fact, but it is nut what the country desires or demands: it is not for that pur pose that the House of Commons interferes—no ques tions of this nature would ever have been brought : i arward, if common justice had been done, or if com mon decorum had been observed, and all parties would this year have been spared the repetition, if the Prinie Regent, or his advisers,:from whom it is impossible to separate him, had not designedly put upon the Prin• cess of Wales an indignity, which an almost broken spirit could never brook, and the effect of which we are endeavouring to prevent. There are achings of the heart for which there is no remedy ; there are wounded feelings for which there is no balm—tor which all interference, all aid is vain ; but as long as in this House V." 2 retain a power of expres;ing our . sentiments, in spit • of all the taunts that may be thrown out, and all the odium that may be incnrred, I shall continue to give a vent to my feelings ; as long as there remains to Parliament, that power of succouring all, from the highest to the lowest, I shall, I hope, without fear, plead the cause of the injured: the Princess of Wales is an injured woman ; she is not so high as to be above the reach of Parliament, nor is she, nor can she be so low, as to be beyond its power to do her justice. These are the consider atinns th at have influenced me throughout my con duct. I have no motive but that of protect.ng the unjustly oppressed. I have uttered no word, and have been parent to no sentiment upon this occasion, which I shall ever disavow, or from the mainte nance of which I shall ever shrink. I shall be glad to see the House of Commons adopt the Princess of Wales, by giving her that protection which her innocence and her desertion claims : let it augment her income, but I protest in the name of justice, lagainst depriving her of any of the few rights, that may remain to her in her present forlorn and pitiable condition ; if the House does not make any provision for her, she must be considered in future as an un happy female, deserted by her natural protector% an 4 deserted by Parliament and the Country. What I tat quire for her Royal Highness is, that as long as site maintains that character which she has been pro. wanced from the highest authority to merit-.being innocent—l demand that she should be allowed the privileges of innocence. • If the House of Common! assents to a grant of money, I shall be rejoiced at thili testimony of its approbation ; but it shall not silence me it, on any future occasion, I shall think the Prin. Bess of Wales aggrieved I will not allow, ac far at I am concetned, Abet it shall bury all these traturact tions in oblivion, and, I will not consent en any aug. -noentation of theincome of her Rr'yai Highnets, on any other grounds than on those aka I have now stated."—(Hear, hear, hear.) Lord CASTLEREAGH in explanation--I "hope that the Honourable Member will not attribute to me any want of gratitude, for the distinguished favor e I have received from the Howe and the country i r trust I feel them as-I ought.—(Hear.)—lt is not my disposition, to impute to any Member unworthy feel ings and motives, still less to the HonourableGentle. man opposite. I am convinced that he never has had any sinister purposes to answer, but I believe most "conscientiously that he and others have been made the instrnments of a seicted cabal, and the channels for conveying insults to the Sovereign. (Hear; hay.) With regard to the seclusion of her Royal Highnea, I must say, that if visits were not paid to her by the august Personages at present in this country, it had not been prevented by any want of facilities afforded by the Prince Regent.—(Hear, hear.) —As to what had been said of the conduct of a young and-illustri. 4sus female. I am sure the House. will feel. thstle cannot be consistent with its duties or its feelings to enquire now into her sentiments; I may sately leave the Honourable Member hirnselt to Judge WITC/tree - Ii be fit that she should be made a judge and arbiter between the parties in these unfortunate transactions. (Hear, hear.) —With great personal respect, I hope the Hon. Gentleman will allow me to say, that sub jects like the present, in any view, he is not likely to bring forward again to any useful purpose. I was ( mistaken, if it be supposed that I said I was antho. tined to give the consent of the Prince Regent to any arrangement that might be made; but I did venture to say, from the knowledge I had of the principles which governed his Royal Highness, that money had never been any difficulty, and that if. it be the sense of Parliament that the income of the Princess of Wales should be increased, consent on the part of the Crown will not be withheld. As to any ford& con spiracy, with a knowledge of which I ant cliarged, I declare my perfect ignorance. Inquiries may be in stituted, independent of any conspiracy; and one of the happy consequences of the form of our Constitu tion is, that not even a conspiracy for the purpose of inquiry can cast an imputation ofguilt, unless there exist reasonable grounds of suspicion. I certainly was never acquainted with the existence of any thing that may be properly termed a conspiracy. After the statement I have had the honour of laying before the House. and after the result of previous discus sions has been seen, I really would entreat the Hon. Gentleman to inform me, whether further discussion in Parliament is likely to promote a beneficial coo elusion Mr. WHITBREAD—After what has fallen 'frdM the Noble Lord, I hope I shall be allowed to say a ' lbw words. I am much obliged for the personal ties. kty shewn me by the Noble Lord, but I can assure him that I shall endeavour to discharge my deg , . without being deterred (although I feel preat respect for him), by any fear of inclining the Noble Lord's diipleasure, or by any alarm of chi:Whirs that may be excited. No one can be mire averse to Tscussions 'like the presens than myself,' and I lament that they have been forced upon the House by a deficiency of good advice, in a quarter that might have ten dered them unnecessary. In whet I have done, I have acted upon the principle of absolute necessity. I concur in what the Noble Lord has observed te. garding the heiress prentim?tive to the Throne--; I have no intention. and never had, of obtaimng or promoting the interference of her Royal High ness ; I have •stated what I have the best reason in believe is the fact, and what 'I should assert that I knew to he the fact, were it not for the significant shake which I•observe of the Noble Lord's head.— The unhappy differences which have been carried to such an extremity as to be inem ..1 a Ile may, I fee-, be attended with political consequences, nut mu c •ii templation when the formal instrunstnn to which the Noble Lord has referred, was prepared and emo ted. To what the Noble Lord has asserted, that every tpaacyilitchTeiwr :issirs afro ot rd ce ed rena to on t y he to tst p r t ious inces stran i of r vas z their Royal relation, I can Cagy reply, that the universal impression abroad is directly in oppo.