Star. — London, England, 1831-07-09 00:00:00

DAVID RICARDO, ESQ. M. P. From Sir John Sincfoir's Correspondence. LL It• UN Sir John Sinclair, who yields to no man in correct views relative to monitory questions, juglv estimated the overrated pretensions of the late Mr. Ricardo, whose false calculations and theories misled so many unthinking men, and justi fied them in doing such great mischiefs. The tollowing letters and observations are at once cu rious and illustrative, and do credit to the perspi cacity of the Right Honourable Baronet. Among the authots who have of late distinguished them wires in the department of political economy, there is none w ho h.ls displayed more acuteness and ability than the late Mr. Ricardo. We disagreed, it is true, on several particu !Ars. and in some points of considerable importance ; but this did not prevent our carrying on an intercourse together on friendly terms, being convinced, that whatever might he the diff, fence of opinion between Ili, both were equally anxious to promote the public good. As the communications of PO distinguished an author, on so momentous a subject as circulation. are peculiarly vs. luable, I think it right to insert them in this collection, with some occasional remarks, that the public may have an op portunity of judging for themselves, regarding the points se discussed. I had conceived the idea, that much information on the subject of circulation might be obtained from the members of the Stock Exchange, and had requested Mr. Ricardo to inform me, who were the proper persons to apply to. In answer to that application I received the following letter from Mr. Ricardo. The names of the gentlemen he mentioned are left blank, to prevent insidious comparisons. Gatcomb Park, 11inchin-Hampton, 31st October, 181 d. Dear Sir—l have not quite given up the Stock Exchange ; but for a few months in the year, I mean to enjoy the calm repose of a country life. Though I have a few acres of land in hand, I am not yet become a farmer. I leave the management of them wholly to others. and hardly take sufficient interest in what is going on. to make it probable that I shall be conversant with agri cultural subjects. The Stock Exchange is chiefly attended by persons who are unremittingly attentive to their business, and are well acquainted with its details; but there are very few in num ber who have much knowledge of political economy, and consequently they pay little attention to finance, as a subject of science. They consider more, the immediate effect of reissi-g events, rather than their distant consequences.— Amongst the most enlightened, I should name Mr. Mr. and Mr. ; but I cannot answer that they will be able to affiord time, or feel sufficient zeal, to engage in financial discus. !•ions. lam going to write to my brother, Ralph Ricardo, who is a member of the Stock Exchange, and I will request hint to mention your wish to the above gentlemen, so that they will be prepared for any application you may make to them. I am, dear Sir, your obedient and humble servant, DAVID RIC•RDO. 11th May, 1820. - - • • • - - • . Sir— I agree with you on the benefits resulting from a payer, instead of a coin circulation, and I never wish to ace any other established in this country ; but we differ on the means of regulating its value and amount. That I think is to be done best, by making it exchangeable for bullion, at a tixtxl rate. Ido not deny that the public has suffered much pressure horn the limitation of circulation, but Parliament is not responsible for more than about five or six per cent. of that pressure, the limitation having taken place, and the currency having risen in value, to within five or six per cent. of the Mint value, before the rank Committee was appointed. An increase of currency now, would undoubtedly lower Its value, raise all prices, and very much lighten taxation ; but no measure could. I think, be mote impolitic. It sould be unjust to all creditors, and proportionally ad vantageous to debtors. If the payment of the interest of the national debt is a greater burden than we can bear, which I think it is not, and cannot well be, the fair way would be, to compound with the public creditor, and nut make him only a pretended payment. Respecting the paying off the national debt, we do not materially differ. I would pay it off entirely, and never allow any new debt, on any pretence whatever, to be con. tracted. You would only pay off a part, and would not ob. jest to contract a fresh debt, on any pressing emergence,— You would not exempt foreigners from the necessary contri bution. I would. You calculate that we consume as much corn, and other things, when prices rise from a scarcity, as when they are cheap from abundance. This I think impos sible. If there were an equal consumption, there could be no scarcity, and consequently no rise of price. You would give the home grower of corn the monopoly of the home market, while the operation of paying the debt is going on. I would, when it was completed, take off all restrictions on importation. I would leave the law as it is during the paying off, anti would gradually take off all restrictions afterwards. To induce capital , by a monopoly, to go into agriculrure, and then remove it afterwards, would be attended with ruin to the agriculturists. The restrictions, 1 think, should not be:increascd,with a view. finally, to get rid of them. I fear that no plan for paying off the debt will receive any countenaEce from Parliament. Men do not like to make an immediate sacrifice for a future good ; and they please then). selves with imaginary riches, from which they really derive ru advantage- Are not those imaginary riches, front the possesssion of which we only derive a revenue, which we are mmadistely obliged to pay to the tax-gatherer ? I remain, Sir, your faithful servant, DAVID RICARDO. Sir John Sinclair, Bart. REMARKS.— This letter refers to a number of important particulars, which cannot be fully discussed in a publication like the present. I must therefore restrict myself to some cursory hints. I. I agree with slr. Ricardo, that we should have nothing but a paper circulation, exchangeable into bullion at a fixed rate ; but the question is, at what rate ? It seems to me in the highest degree impolitic to return to the old rate established in the reign of Queen Anne ; for the value of the preious metal ought to rise, like every thing else, and the higher it can be made the better, so as to promote abundant circulation and high prices. 2 It is not denied that the value of gold has risen to within five or six per cent. of the Mint value, before the Bank Committee was appointed ; but this was altogether owing to the Bank Directors being compelled to purchase gold, from their apprehension of the proceedings of the ap proachill Committee, and the measures it was expected they sould recommend. Besides, it is quite a mistake to sup pose, that the fall in prices entirely depended upon the fall in the standard price of gold. 3. It seems to me another mistake to say, that it is better to reduce the interest of the public creditor, than to pay him in a depreciated currency. When he is paid his full demand in a depreciated currency, the loss is not materially felt.— The creditor who receives it pays his taxes, his servants, his medical, and various other expenses, in that currency, with. out any loss. If he has any other property, in lands, or houses, or mines, &c. the income he derives from them is augmented—the stock he holds is increased in value. In short, he loses hardly any thing by the transaction ; whereas, if his income is diminished, he loses, in all these respects, in the same proportion. 4. The effect of borrowing money, instead of raising the expenses of a war within the year, seems to me to be of great advantage, and is fully explained in the History of the Revenue, vol. 1, part 2, chap. 2. The plan may be liable to some objections, but so are all human regulations. 5. It is a mistake to suppose that i calculated that corn, and other commodities, were consumed in u great quantities, in times of scarcity, as in times of abundance; my calcula tions were of an average description. 6. The cot eluding ph in Mr. Ricardo's letter is highly important ; anr; a lt i v i e no doubt, that no objections would be made to the payment of debt, if the taxes were, at the same time, proportionally reduced. An " Adventurer" has eloped with a young lady, which has excited an extraordinary sensation in high life. We decline further particulars at present.—Morning Paper. On Wednesday a dinner was given at the City of London Tavern, by the Honourable the East India Company, to the celebrated Bramin, Ramo hun Roy. About eighty sat down to a very sumptuous entertainment. It was what is called a Lundy dinner, in contradistinction to the grand feast given upon the eve of the departure of a Governor for India. The Chairman of the East India Company presided, and the Deputy Chairman filled the opposite chair. Lord Caledon sat on the tight, and Ramohun Roy on the left, of the Chairman. TO THE EDITOR OF THE STAR. MR. owEN's SYSTEM. SlR—Agreeing with you that to investigate the cause of, and the remedy for, the evils which, if not speedily remedied, threaten to overtake the civilized world, is the business of the profound po litician, and ought now to engage the best faculties of every statesman who has the public interest at heart, I thank you for drawing my attention to the very well written and imagined letter of your Cor respondent, signed "AN ENQUIRER," in your paper of the 4th instant, which has just been put into my hands, and for offering room for a reply, of which I readily avail myself. I am, sir, your obedient servant, R. 0. TO AN ENQUIRER. M Y DEAR have read your communica tion addressed to me in the STAR of the lst of July, with the deep attention which it deserves ; and I at once admit that tI e conclusions to which you have come, relative to my proceedings, are those which now pervade nine out of ten of all those who reflect upon the subjects touched upon in your letter. Under the circumstances in which almost all individuals are now placed, these con clusions are most natural. My experience, how ever, compels me to feel other impressions; all I have seen, and all I know, have formed a convic tion in my mind, that a mighty change in the des tiny of the human race is near at hand ; that all things portend it ; that necessity is about now to accomplish it; and that the powers of the earth cannot much longer retard it. They may indeed de sire this change to be at an immeasurable distance ; but the signs of the times give evidence that the world is approaching it at an incalculable speed— even with the velocity. of the steam-carriage upon the rail-road. Do you ask me why I think we are so rapidly advancing to this glorious period for the emancipa tion of man from ignorance, from poverty, and divided feelings ? I reply, because ALL the ma terials for the change are before us, ready for our use, and because it is the desired interest of every individual of the human race that the change should now be effected. Are not these reasons decisive of the question ? YES, you will say, if you can show us these materials, and make the in terest palpable to those who now influence the world. 1 will endeavour to do both. The mate rials required are those which, when properly used, will enable the population of all countries to pro duce the most valuable wealth abundantly—to dis tribute it advantageously—to form the best charac ter for every one—and to govern themselves with out difficulty, beneficially and satisfactorily to all. The materials to effect these objects abound in all countries, and the sciences of mechanism and chemistry offer their unlimited power, to combine and mix these materials to any extent required. Mechanism and chemistry, united, may now be made to create, with ease, as much new scientific power, annually, as the whole manual power now employed to produce wealth in all parts of the world. It is the folly of ignorance alone that renders it necessary now to set value upon individual posses sions of wealth ; for national wealth may be mul tiplied annually, as much beyond our wants as water is now supplied to the whole inhabitants of the country. But no experienced person can doubt the power of society to call into existence ten-fold more riches for the use and enjoyment of mankind, than the population of the world, trained to be ra tional, would desire to consume, or could advan tageously consume. The power to create wealth is unlimited, and whenever the governments of the civilized world shall consent to admit of these powers being applied in the best manner for the real benefit of all classes, poverty, or the fear of it, will cease to be known as one of the evils of society. Under the present ruinously wasteful application of human and scientific power and of capital, all may perceive that a few men employed in agri culture, in manufactures, in building, or in any thing else that is useful, will produce a superfluity for many ; but if such abundance of productions can be brought forth under such a wretched system of production as the one in practise, what could not be effected under a properly-arranged scientific system of production ? Men are at present, how ever, greatly too ignorant and inexperienced to form any thing like correct notions upon the sub ject. Whenever the time shall arrive when their minds can be expanded, to comprehend the prin ciple and practise of creating a superfluity of wealth for all, they will be much surprised that they had so long consented to live amidst all the evils of poverty, and to subject themselres to the dominion of ignorance and violence. I have said it is not the interest of a single individual of any class, that the existing sytem of error, in principle and practice should, be continued for one day longer. Are the sovereigns of the world benetitted by its continuance? Look at the sovereign families of the civilized world—examine their position—their education—their associates—their temptations to act in opposition to their nature—their daily and hourly disappointments—the hypocrisy which sur rounds them on all sides, and the constant dangers to which they are liable—no one who has powers of mind steadily to look through the outward show of royalty, to the men and women who are bur dened with its trappings, would envy their feel ings or their condition in society. How many of the best of them sigh in secret for the more quiet hap piness of a private life ?—how many, if they had been trained to have resources of happiness within themselves, would willingly exchange the pomp and power of state for a rational mode of existence, in conformity with their natural feelings ? But surely it will be said the aristocracy of England, who have all things at their command, could not be bene6tted by the change to another system. Yes, I contend the aristocracy of England has a ' direct and extended interest in bringing about the change from the existing irrational to a rational state of society. Who is there from his birth so liable to be injured as a human being, as a young duke, marquis, earl, or lord ? Flattery is his food, effeminacy his constant habit, and the ignorance of a very limited circle the only knowledge he is ge nerally permitted to acquire. He is taught directly and indirectly that the world is made for hint— he has nothing to do but to pluck and eat, to live and to enjoy—he knows not how any thing is provided for him—who provides it—or what are now the wretched conditions by which this superfluity soli cits his waste of it. He does not know what an unnatural being he has been made to become—how little he knows of himself or of human nature—and what artificial and deteriorated beings all around hin► have been trained to become. He is altogether unconscious of the unspeakable delight he would experience from being in the midst of a population, all of whose powers and faculties, physical, mental, and moral, were fully cultivated, well displayed, brought into full action, without being bowed by an. perstition or the fear of any human being. When the expression of every eye will be full of intelli gence, experience, and good feeling ; when every movement of the external frame would be unavoid ably an action of grace and dignity,expressive of the inward feelings, uncontaminated by effeminacy or hypocricy, and when, consequently, the pleasure of society would be increased immensely Can the aristocracy enjoy much inward satisfaction while 1 they know they are unjustly living upon the labours of the miserably poor : while they are conscious that the producing classes are opening their eyes, and are inquiring who creates this wealth and luxury, and why do we continue to create it ? The aristocracy must be now alive to the real position of their con dition, and the prospects of their posterity ; and when they become truly wise, they will discover that their safety and their happiness, and more e specially the happiness of their children, will depend upon the speedy introduction of the rational system of society. But, it will be said, that the members of the pro fessions can have no interest in this projected change of system. Yes, every member of every profession will, by the change. effect a most im portant step towards his own happiness. All the professions have been founded upon fallacies; all of them require great injustice to support them ; all live by the evils of life ; all are opposed to the well doing and well-being of the industrious producing classes. All of them will cease when mystery and hypocricy shall terminate. Practical mea sures will be adopted to prevent the existence of the evils which the professions are alone eaten- Wed to create and perpetuate. Instead of these systems of secrecy, hypocricy or oppression, which alone are sufficient to destroy the happiness of every sensitive mind, plans will be arranged to enable all to act an honest and a useful part, and in the daily execution of which, mind will meet mind without disguise, and each will be the open and sincere friend of all. The existing system of commerce is the worst that can be devised for the happiness of the human race. While the individual shall be carefully trained to believe that he is doing very right by endeavouring to buy cheap and to sell dear, and it shall continually appear to be his interest to do so, what can be expected but a character formed of every kind of baseness and deception. No mind•of a superior order can be formed under a system so opposed to all the higher qualities of mind, and to the cultivation of the best feelings of our nature. Tie le and commerce, as now carried on individually and irrationally,is directly calculated to call forth all the inferior faculties and feelings that can be cultivated in man, and this spirit has been long since diffused through all ranks ; it is now as pro minent in the pulpit, at the bar, in the senate, and among country gentlemen, as among the merchants, traders, and bankers. The British mind, through this mistaken notion of acquiring wealth, is formed to be the mind of a pedlar, putting on the appearance of religion, to enable , him the more readily to sell his wares and deceive his customer. Who gains by this I covert system of deception but of real hostility, among those who ought to be friends, and the more deeply interested in each others well-doing ? Not one single individual in any class of life; for it is a system for carrying on the business of life by which the least valuable articles of wealth are pro duced, and which the least in amount is created, — by which that which is so created is distributed in the worst possible manner,—by which the most in ferior character is formed for every class, from the Sovereign to the pauper,—by which the world is kept in a state of perpetual infancy, and by which the human race is prevented from attaining a knowledge of its highest interest, or of the means for securing its permanent happiness. No! the existing system of the world cannot be supported much longer, because it not only is, but because it must now soon appear to be, for the interest of, every individual, that it should be changed for the better. But. Sir, you seem to think that the elements for this change do not yet exist. I must presume that you are a novice in the great transactions of the world ;—that you have not travelled much ; that you have not confidentially communicated with the leading minds of the various classes, or you would come, 1 think, to a very different con clusion. To me it appears that the elements of change upon the most gigantic scale superabounds eery where. Let us begin with the Holy Alli ance, the last card that Sovereigns had to play for their *Lori existence as a despotic power over the people of Europe. This alliance is rapidly decaying by its own oppressions. Look now to the union of the industrious classes, of the real producers of ealth—see th e m acquiring a knowledge of their importance in society ; see them proceeding step by step, even unknown to the great majority of themselves, to that point where they will be enabled to say and will be justified in saving, " Gentlemen and ladies of the nun-producing classes, we have' now discovered how to pioduce and how to con sume beneficially for ourselves. We request you to make the same discovery (Jr yourselves, and to act accordingly. We will assist you, as friends, to acquire thit now must necessary knowledge fur you. but we will no longer be either your slaves or your servants." Look to the progress of scientific power con cerning manual labour, of little, and in many in • stances, of no value. Look at the daily increasing luxury of the few, and tl.e hourly incrtasing mi sery of the many, iu consequence of this progress in mechanism and chemistry. Then turn your atten tion to the advance of real practical useful know ledge among the mechanics and others of the in dustrious classed, and contrast this progress with the useless learning with which the upper ranks are overwhelmed from infancy, and what truly helpless beings they appear to be when called upon by circumstances to introduce any practical mea sure for the well-ordering a good government of the population. If they exact any laws, or dire: t any measures for practice, they are almost sure to be inefficacious or injurious until thos ewbo feel the effects of their inexperienced interfering, call out, " Let us alone, fur bad as our own ignorant mea sures are, your's are much worse." An universal dissatisfaction therefore, prevails against all go vernments upon the present erinciples of govern ing, and surely nothing can be worse, fur with the most ample means at their disposal to pro duce a superduity of wealth—to create a very superior character—to make the moat useful know ledge to pervade the world, and to unite all people and all governments; they increase individual po verty—they permit, without interfering, a most pernicious and inferior character to be generally formed for the people. They direct the public mind to the acquisition of the least instead of the most useful knowledge, and they are actively en-' gaged only in measures to divide the people of most countries. and to oppose government to go-1 vernment. With these proceedings all the reflect ing and well-disposed part of every population is dissatisfied; the element for the change, then, every where exists in the greatest abundance Admitting with you, that " to-day is the child of yesterd , iy, and the parent of to-morrow," I believe that the offspring of to-day will be the ra tional system of society to-morrow, and that to morrow will arrive much sooner than vou and many deem so great a change practicable. My reasons for coming to this conclusion are two-fold ; first, moral ; and second, commercial and political. Ist. There is now a moral contest in full activity between the supporters of the notion that every individual, somehow or other, forms himself to be what he is,and consequently that he is a being to be best governed by a system of individual rewards and punishments here and hereafter, and resting for support on some one or other of the va rious religions ; each individual claiming supe riority for the one in which he has been taught, and another party who advocates prin ciples directly opposite to these, that is, that the character of every man is formed for him, that with the know!edge now acquired it may be well formed for every one; that individual rewards and punish. ments, although they have been made to have some influence in restraining, in some cases, and in some degree, the wretched propensities and ha bits which so pernicious a system of error almost universally generates, yet that their beneficial re sults bear no comparison with the permanent good effects that a positive system for well forming the character of every child from birth, would have upon the whole society. All the opposing religions now producing every where persecution, hatred, and anger, would cease to torment the human race, and to render them irrational animals, instead of rational beings ;...would cease to form them into talking existences about non-essences, which they can never comprehend ; but, on the contrary, the rational system of society, would train them to un derstand all the practical arrangements necessary to insure the best original constitution, and the best matured character for each ; and to adopt de cisive measures to remove ignorance and poverty, and crime and misery, for ever from the earth. Now between these two opposite parties in mo rals there are no intermediate steps : for it is evi dent the character of every individual is either formed by himself, as all religions presuppose, or it is formed for the individual, as the party opposed to the former notion assert,—and one or other of these conclusions must be true : the world will decide by the examination of facts ; and as all facts demonstrate that the human character, whether affected by internal or external influences is, in every single instance, formed for the indi vidual, and as this knowledge will point out the means by which every human being may have a virtuous and happy character formed for him, and most beneficially for himself, as well as for all his fellows—no one can doubt the speedy conclusion that the world will come to upon this most impor tant moral question that has ever engaged the at tention of mankind. 2nd. As to the commercial and political reason for the sudden and extensive change in the con dition of the human race. During the past ages of man's existence, his productive powers were unequal to the full supply of the wants of his nature, especially in the state of division in which he was retained under the be lief that he was an independent agent, forming by his own will his feelings and convictions. Thus the fear of want, and the impossibility of uniting men for any length of time, in any general measure, for their benefit, created, and until now main- I tattled, the individual system for creating and con suming wealth, and thus , in a g r e a t measure , ' raising every man's hand against his brother, en gendering civil warfare throughout the world, in addition to public and national wars. This divi sion of individual interests hasbeen increasing as the ' new powers of producing wealth have increased,until the f ower of production has, under this system, be ! come a much greater evil in practice than was the want of these extraordinary scientific powers before they were introduced within the last century. They I are now employed in direct opposition to all the f best interests of society. They press with an over I opyression upon all the productive chai r sea ; they have reduced the value of labour, the only thing the producer possesses of value, under the existing system, below the means of comforta ble subsistence. These new powers hate eugen ' tiered a deadly hatred between the producers and ! the non-producers ; they have altered all the for titer relations between master and servant; they have destroyed the amenities of life, and instigate all to scianible for what they can get. Honesty and fair dealing have no chance for success in this new order of things ; the lucky few attain all, and the remainder are in a fair way of Lecoming theii ighorant, vicious, and afject slaves ; and their slaves they ever would be, wcre it n it that the knowledge of the new morai kad the , opulatiun of the would to me,ther and a ino:e I happy result, will shew them the p, Mei* of union and its value, and the practicability of turning thit enormous destructive power of competition with their labour into another channel; into a Hew course, in which it shall aid their labour, and for ever here after shall add to its vali,e—shall give tit m the fulness of happinesi in exchange fur the dregs 4.1 misery to which they are naw coin relied to submit. And here again, my wo: thy friend, there is no half-way proceeding • ; no •' bi, by bit" advance —nu i rise distant e" between the present misery and future happiness. Machinery and chemistry, and the arts general,y, most work against or fur the producing classes. If the rulers of the world, contrary to their in.iividual and ge neral interests, shall exert their influence to keep this power in opposition to the web-doing and will-being of the productive classes, all the hor rors of a forced revolution will eventually billow, and the change will be thus made. Or it' these powers acquire wisdom from passing events, and give their aid and influence to effect a change in the direction of these new scientific creators of wealth, in conjunction with the change of the great moral principle of society, then will the world, in deed, attain to that state of happiness, of whic the wise and good of all past ages have had some presentiment. Then, with ease, might all lands be made " to flow with milk and honey," and each individual be so trained and placed, that he should " sit under his own vine and fig-tree ; there shall be none to make him afraid," and there is no human power that can now stay till:: course of events. All na - tions and all people, unknown to themselves, are now busily occupied in creating the excitement which will render this great change for good inevi table. I cannot now entor upon that part of the sub ject relative to pulling Gown and building up—all reformers are engaged in pulling down old insti tutions, but not one tlvit I know of under stands any thing of building up new ones— ' and without a knowledge of the latter, the former can only continue to keep the world it. the midst of violence nod confusion, of crime and misery. lam engaged in preparing for the latter. For these reasons, and innumerable others, if space and time would admit, I reply to your con cluding question that, most conscientiously, I believe, I am, ho my present proceedings, doing the greatest possible quantity of good in the Lealt possible time. 1 am, my dear Sir, your sincere friend, ROBCRT OWEN. 49, Bedford Square, 7th Julr, 1831. TUE lIE i( E.% 1) /1011 a .t I' TAr LOR. TO THE RIGHT HON LORD VISCOUNT MELBOURNE. HIS MAJESTY'S SECRETARY or STATE FOR THE MOMS DEPARTMENT. MT Loan — Your Lordship is doubtless fully acquainted with the call- of the R, v •rend Hobert Tajlor, now a prisoner in Ilorsernonger.lene Geo'. The governor of that prism: acknowledges, thst Mr. Taylor is treated " as a felon, with the exception, that a felon can see friends only once a week, whereto,* Mr. Taylor may see friends six days in the week." Your Lordship is respectfully informed, that Mr. Taylor is, by birth and education, a gentleman ; and his friends are afraid Ciat, being a man of acutely sensible feelings, he will be attacked by some sort of nervous fever if he be ninny days detained with. out books,—without any food but gaol allowance,—and without any of toe conco is to which he has been accus tomed. Your Lordship is well aware, that 31r. Taylor has not offended against moralty, nor against any law of pro perty, yet he is confined in a yard, with the most wretched of human beings; and he cannot speak to his friends. except throagh a double row of iron bars, at a distance of about nine feet, so that (otter prisoners speaking at the same time) it is difficult for his friends even to hear his voice. It is to be hoped that, coc sidering Mr. Taylor was prosecuted by a Society arrogatirg to Itself powers which ought only to belong to his Ma jesty's Attorney-General, considering also the ex cessive severity of the sentence infiicted,—and considering also the injury which Christianity will receive from this vus. lation of the doctrine of toleration,—that, considering these things, your Lordship will shortly recommend to his Ma jesty to grant Mr. Taylor his Majesty's gracious pardon. In the mean time, the least that your Lordship (as a humane man) can do, is to order immedimely,—first, that Mr. Taylor be allowed to see his friends four hours in the day, and In a place where he can shake hands with them : secondly, that Mr. Taylor be allowed to send at d receive letters, without their being opened, and that he be also allowed to receive hooks and newspapers, and to have a writing desk with a lock and key ; and thirdly, that he be slowed to purchase tta and coffee, and other artit les of food and also sheets and a pillow. Surely your Lsttlibip will no - refuse these very harmless requests. Your Lordship's obedient humble servant, JULIAN H I BBERT. 17, Duke-street, Foley-place, Tuesday Evening, July A, 1831. Ma. COBBETT'S TRIAL.—WO learn this day. that a detailed account of this gentleman's trial is about to be published in a cheap form, with a pre face, explanatory notes, and an appendix, for ex tensive circulation. This is the consequence of au unnecessary prosecution, and will doubtless have an effect on the public mind directly contrary to that which was contemplated by the Attorney- General. In the present House of Commons, Mr. O'Con nell has, beyond question, the most powerful mind. His moral influence, arising from his admitted sin gleness of purpose, is very considerable; and his varied intelligence and erudition confer ou him comparative sups iority. Then be is a mau of business, and of a grate and impres sive exte• for ; while, as au argumentative speak er, he resembles Fox ; and, in tone and easi ness of manner, Sheridan. If he allowed his bene volent principles and feelin:'s to expand to other countries, besides his pet chi!d, Ireland—if he would plead for the Poles, the Italians, and other oppressed people, he would be a perfect British senator. Nothing, in tine, but his own exclusitil nationality, prevents his being the most useful public min of his age, and the real leader of the House of Commons. In figure, M Hume is twin-brother to Mr. O'Connell, with a mind equally capacious, anu comprehending the true interests of humanity. Through different sources and channels they have arrived at the same ends, and are led to pursue the same philanthropic objects. The one is a political ecaino,i,ist, and depends un the determinations of his head, depending on his unwearied industry ; w bile the other derives his principles from phbosophy and his determinations from the dictates of his heart, depending on his natural eloquence, Both, leuwiver, by a wise direction of their powers, ar riie at similar results, and always appear foiemost as chanqiuns of joatice and liberty. Together they make up a perfect mind—fact and tentiment— head and heart, and while united in votes and objects, no two men are more calculated to give sound direction to the British Government, and inspire more confidence in the people, We used to have an annual motion in Parliament on the State of the Nation, and it always elicited Jetue useful views. But good customs are neglected by the ii.arch of intellect, and uniortunatelv nu thing better substituted. There never was a pe riod when such a motion would be more acceptable to an anxious and disappointed people. Those Tory Members aho retired wilt one of the apposite part• during the late division, are sai,i by •' the wags"—not to have paired off, but to nave Peel'd off. lISS LINN °OD'S EXIIIIIITION.—On Tuesday her Royal Highness the Duchess of Cambridge, toe young Prince George, mid a huge party of fashiunables, visited the above grand exhibizion in Leicebter-square, and after reatakiog more than All hour, tle?arted highly delighted with the new ~ I cture of " Cain's Judgment." , . . „F.• ; il i • 1 , . . • ! ' i I • :, I 1 .J I 1 , i i , 1 1 . i .p ' 4 t 11'1 , , . . 1 , I 1 ; I . 1 , . 1 t 1 1 11 , , i ~ ;II 1 41- '3l II 11 ,t. , r . . t 1 ' ' i i i I t i ; , s .' . i , t . , , i ,