Star. — London, England, 1831-09-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THIS DAY'S JOURNALS. TI II ES.— Donets!** L true to the crisis. Public meetirgs begin aheady to be held in all quarters of that once Tory county. From the manly spirit and clear intel ligence which braids, through the adverdsements of reform reseladens and requisitions, we can announce that all goes right, and that the Dorsetshire patriots " answer the helm." A specimen of " that public indifference to reform" which :lie Tor;rs have made the burden of their daily and nightly •ong, will be found in the advertisement of Tuesday's meeting at Lyme Regis. The electors of Dorsewhire have, nevertheless, no reason to be offended, if we re mind each of them individually what a stake his county ~as now wagered on the consistency and energy of his rolitical virtue. It almost seems as if the borough demon, • bo, like other fiends, delights to entrap his votaries and :ten betray them, had suggested to the Tories this mad libel on the nation ; and then made en the instant a fit oppor• tunity for refuting it. The men of Dorset, sure we are. will not draw upon themselves the reproaches of the whole body of their countrymen by an act of treason to the empire. Had they returned Mr. Ilankes at the last election, and on a si wilar vacancy to that, caused by the melancholy death of Mr. Calmat, declared their readiness to choose another Tiny, hey might have been charged with stupidity, with servility, with want of +yutprtlty in the otherwise universal feeling of :!le people, but nothing more—they would have been only unripe for freedom : but if they now elect an anti-reformer, they we downright renegadoes and traitors to the cause. According to the issue of this election, we do not hesitate to renounce that a " Dorsetshire freeholder" will be a title of diary or of shame, from Caithness to Cornwall, and through.' oat successive generations. But such an alternative is a flute chimera. The patriot committees are already up— have buckled on their armour, and are in full activity. No t ring need be done but to recomise the arrangements of five months ago. bet every man be his own canvasser, and his own conductor to the hustings—that is to say, if a Tory candidate shall dare to approach the hosting. Right.and. tarty hours will settle and good government—of cheap elections, and of real reapon sibily the representatives—will have earned a long holy day for themselves, and have ensured 'a precious heritage to their children. POST.—The repeated defeats 7which the Reform Bill faction have received at popular Elections, since the real nature of the Bill has become known through the discus sions in the House of Commtms, are so seriously felt by the Ilinisterial party that they are at sheir wit's end lest Dor setshire should add another to the list. They have not even the sagacity to disguise their trepidation, and, like fright ' red children, cry aloud before they are hurt. No doubt there is ample cause for vexation, as even the necessary pre liminary of a candidate, about whom they may rave and hapsodise, is found to be exceedingly difficult to get over. It wu thought that if Mr. Ponsonby's name were started .n the Newspapers it might have the effect upon his sanity of seducing him Into so imprudent a step as that of starting for the County ; and accordingly the Times announced the candidate, but Mr. Ponsonhy vim not to be •u easily hooked into so unpromising an affair, and sheikhs is employed to draw the candidate of the Times gently out of the field. It Is pleasant to see the uproarious faction of last May in such distress, and most gratifying to witness this among many other evidences that the people of England ate becomirg themselves again, and seeing through the frauds by which they were beguiled. An immediatedeclaration on the part of Mr. Bankcs will make his success certain, and we look forward to seeing him within a very short time once more in the seat which lie so long and so worthily oc cupied. The Globe. wi h its accustomed adroitness, seeks to prevent the people of Dorsetshire from voting according to the views which knowledge of the Reform Bill has opened to them, by insinuating that they have been and would be accused of " fickleness." This may be very eun ning ; but it is also very untrue. No one has accused the people of fickleness, though there has been abundant reason to accuse some Newspapers of that fault. The people of England were misled by frauds and falsehoods industriously ptopagattd respecting the Refonn Bill; they became en. thusiastic in its favour because they did not know the base ness of those who told them lies about its nature and its effects. Now they are much better informed ;it has been proved to them that this Bill is full of the very faults which they were told it was to eradicate, and they plainly see that under the pretence of a grand national im provement a scheme has been brought forward dexterous in nothing but its adaptation to the selfish interests of the party in power. There is no " fickleness'" in a change founded upon knowledge : this knowledge the freeholders of Dorset. shire have obtained, and to them more especially it has been fearfully illustrated. From what we know of the present state of Dorsetshire, we look upon the return of Mr. Banks as certain. CH RONICLIL—Wbat if the Lords, Barbed with their number., do throw out the bill at once, and disdain to effect their object by indirect mean.? We know what the Anti. Reformers think ;—they think, no doubt, that mi. casters would be such arrant fools, having a Houseot Com. mons and the people. to support them, as to shrink from these doughty Peen, and resign the state carriage to them. They are miserably put of their calculations. We know, front what was intended before the last ministry quitted office, what they would attempt were they again in power. They would plunge Europe hi war, and attempt a reign of terrorism and; coercion, at home. The immediate come. quences of such an attempt would be disastrous to many worthy and deserving men, whatever the final result might be, and, therefore, we should view ministers in the light of deserters, were they, from an absurd fastidiousness, to de. prive the reformers in this great crisis of the support and protection which they can derive from the powers of Go vernment being in honest hands. Who that thinks se. riously for a moment would be discomposed by the deterwi. nation of a few imbecile peers, who cannot read the signs of the times ? Leuthem at their peril oppose themselves to the representatives of the people and the nation. The Constitution has provided a remedy—an easy remedy, for such an opposition to the will of the nation. When a nation is determined, there is no remedy but acquiescence, or the over. throw of the Constitution ; but, thank Gon, the peers can he managed without exceeding the limits of the Constitution. The ranks of the people can supply any number of Peers which the emergency may demand. The nation have, therefore, a claim on Ministers to stand by them to the Las . Merchants, bankers, and manufacturers, ehopkee. pees, artisans, and faunas, the whole of the active part of the community, have much to lose from such popular agitation as would follow the return to power of the Anti-re. farmers. So long as the powers of Government are wielded by • Reform lllinis:ty, the Anti-Refermen are merely so many individuals, s i bout following in the nation. But give them the disposal of between fifty And sixty millions a year, and they might have power enough, though not to coerce the nation, yet to throw things into confusion and to produce unspeakable calamity. No honest reformer of sar.e nittid ought, therefore, to abandon any advantage he at pie. sent possesses. In politics men cannot afford to be romantic. It may be very well for a powerful man to tie up one hand to show hie superiority to a feebler adversary ; but in politics, the greater the auperiurity the less the mischief. The Reformers are strong, but they are still stronger with the powers of tiovernineut on their side and not against theni. Tllll ES.—The majority of the House of Lords, within 24 hours of their rejection of the bill, and more particularly, we make. no doubt, the individual Peer who may propose that motion, will feel about the same degree of comfort as General Osacoyne and his Tory supporters enjoyed, after their " victory" over the Mini.ters for we suppose it may be assumed that no resignation of Lord Grey's Ministry *red be looked for as the consequence of an adverse majority on the second reading of the Reform Bill. What is there to prevent an immediate prorogation of the Parliament ? re prorogation, not until the Ist or 2d of February, as usual —that would never do.; the country, heated as it is, would be on tire and burned to ashes in such an interval : but we can imagine a short prorogation, just long enough to termi ng e the present session, and to ensure that when next the legislative body meets it commences another session. Very well. A very few weeks, possibly a fortnight, would be long enough for such a constitutional punctilio. And what next ? Shall the King's prerogative lie idle in the cause of English liberty ? Can the King's prerogative be by possi bility employed to an end more wholesome, honest, and ac ceptable, than io providing an antidote for the disease by a fresh creation of Peers co.extenaive with the national emer gency—that is to say, large enough io secure the bill from all future.danger ?--Of course, in quiet times, and in ordi nary eases, the people would look, as we should do, with jealousy and no small repugnance at a sudden multipli. catkin of the Peerage ; but the motive is every thing.— If trimmed for any vulgar object of Court patron. age, um often the instrument of a coospincy against the .people, the Minister who cheapens the Upper House ot Parliament by a simultaneous admission of many Peers deserves impeachment for the abuse ofwer. But let us ask, is there • single county in England that would suffer is representatives to censure Lord Grey for calling up or 11 treating Peers enough, where the manifest purpose is to carry that measure, whereby elope the people can be made independent, and whet no other means exist for mom plishing so vast a benefit but by such a use of the. King's constitutional preroptive ? That is the way t• try dB, merits of the propoeitiou. Would the country approve of it or not ? If the Tory faction say no, let them move an impeachment, and see what they can make of it. Never theless, we do not wish to see any Government driven to so bold a measure. It is better—incomparably better—that the anti-reform portion of the House'of LOrds should be persuaded beforehand, than overpowered afterwards, even by a newly generated majority of their own illustrious order. Better for them to be admonished by the people, than over borne by the Crown. HERALD.—Toe steady, consistent, and zealous' sup porters of Reform, from the opening of that great question to the present hour, we cannot but regret to see so good a cause injured by pretended friends employing the language of violence and revolution. Our Reform, to be truly Re. form, must be constitutional, and brought about by consti tutional means ; and it is not by exciting the worst of the multitude, by reviling and menacing a branct a r ti n s: Legislature. or by addressing appeals to the soldiery, that any patriot can expect to accomplish a healing and beneficial measure. On the contrary, such means are abhorrent to R form, and •he latter in an especial degree directly revo lutionsry. wint no allies of this kind : the solid force of public opinion, the sense of a nation calmly expressed, are irresistible ; and to attempt to enlist on the same side with these the principles of anarchyand blood is a monstrous abuse of the English press, and a gross outrage upon the understanding and character of the English pe op le. TM Reform trip has gone thmugh its ordeal in the House of Commons, and will in a few days be sent up to the Peers, whose bounden duty it is to afford it the most immediate consideration and the gravest discussion. All that we have to require of that elevated body is, that it will permit no parry intrigues to delay, improperly, the consummation of the measure ; but to speak of so important a part of our mixed Government as having no right to exercise its delibe rative functions upon one of the most momentous questions ever propounded to it, is equally foolish and mischievous. We trust the Lords will deal honestly by the bill; and, in deed, if we may .depend on information derived from high authority, we would anticipate that, except on two or dome of the clauses, there will be no determined stand made, even by these who are adverse to the general proposition. It is probable that an effort will be made to raise the ten-pound qualification ; and a still stronger attempt to remove the' qualification obtained by rent paid weekly, or at very short periods, entirely from the bill. Now, with the sentiments we have all along expressed upon these points. and to which we inflexibly adhere, we can see neither harm nor danger in the Lords debating them to their hearts' content, and, if , their wisdom enable them, amending any part ; and far less , 1 grounds for the inflammatory course which some of our con temporaries seem so eager to pursue. And one of our rea sons for acquiescing in this matter is that, in fact, no time will be lost by it. The Scotch and Irish Bills have yet to pass through the Lower House; and it is estimated that they will occupy at least five weeks. If we are rightly informed, the Irish Bill will not need nor proeoke any long discussions; —the election machinery in that country being so tecent as to involve no complicated interests. But the very reverse is the case with Scotland, and we understand that the bare business of simplifying end adjusting the franchise of that country will of necessity require considerable attention. While, therefore these adjuncts to the main bill are going through the Con:mons, the main bill itself will be debated by the Lords ; and we presume that the whole may he ma tured and completed, without clamour or confusion, as speedily as the real end rational reformers of the country have anticipated. But, above all, we would set our face against the perilous and desperate doctrines which have within these few days been so odiously disseminated; they are nu well-wishers to Reform who endeavour to enlist vio lence and rebellion in its sacred cause. IMPERIAL PA RIAAM ENT. HOUSE OF WRDS, SEPT. 14. E W Lord Howoix, LoidKZNLZI;H, Lord OAKLEY, Oaf Earl Cadogan), and Baron SHEWWORTH, (late Berl Meath) were introduced upon their new titles. BILLS. Mr. BCIIWAL, Mr. F. E.iiwTs, and other members from the Commons, brought up the Coal Trade Regulation Bill, and a private Bill, which were read a first time. TATE IS. Earl GRET informed the house that the papers to Portugal were not in a formal state ; but no tintertitt be lost in laying those documents before the house. With to the production of the opinion given by the King's respect on the ships seised in the Tagus, the noble Earl had understood that it was not usual to lay before Podia. sent the opinions of law ofilcers ; but having consulted the King's Advocate, that learned person did not object to his opinion being produced provided a cast was made out to render it necessary. Under those circumstances he (Earl Grey) was willing to lay the opinion on the table. The Earl of ELDON said, the noble Earl had °mealy stated the rule which had been observed. It was invariably the opinion of former governments, that the opinion of the Attorney-general should not go forth. Sir Fletcher Norte.. who was a little self-willed when his opinion had been pro. mulgated, said he would never give an opinion again. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY felt ninth gratitude, to the noble Earl for consenting to produce the opinion, W- I cause it would throw some light on a ptoceedlog which he considered disgraceful to this country, inasmuch as &French fleet had been allowed to carry of as prise the whole of the Portuguese fleet, which being in the port of Brest, l would, doubtless be manned and sent back with enemies to the existing government of Portugal. When the papers were produced, he should enter upon a full discussion of all those transactions. The noble Marquis had served in the Peninsula, and he could not forget that the Miguelite party rallied round the English and forced the French from Portugal. He was anxious to defend that party, and contend that it had a right to the support of England. He wished to ask the noble Earl whether two line-of battleships had been sent to the Tagus, and whether there was any fresh grievance or complaint against the Portuguese government. The noble Marquis understood that a serjeant Veto, who bad excited a regiment to revolt in Portugal, had been allowed to reach' this country in the packet. As no one could sail in the packet without the passport of the British Consul at Lis. bon, he should ask his Majesty's Government whether the Consul had done his duty in allowing such a person to have • British passport ? The noble marquis then adverted to the letter he had received from Sir John Campbell, contain. ing chargesagainst Mr. Hoppner. the Corral at Lisboa. That letter he had sent to the Secretary of State foe the Colonies, and received for answer that he (the/Marquis of Loodundeery) was mistaken, in suppoaing that any charge had been made against M• r Hoppner. He should contend, notwithstanding that answer that the charge was made in a letter from Gen. Sir John Campbell to Sir Herbert Taylor, who communi cated the same to the noble earl. It was, therefore, cleat. that the other members of his Majesty's Government knew of the charge, although it might not have reached the Seam tary for the Colonies. Earl GREY said, it was possible some mistake might have occurred with respect to the letter alluded to by the ?guide Marquis. They were all liable to mistakes, except the Noble I%larqui., who appeared to believe himself ex empt from the common lot of human nature. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY—That is personal. Earl GREY continued.—He had no objection to answer the Noble Marquis's question. It was true a letter was communicated to hint by Sir Herbert Taylor, but he had not received the letter at the time the subject was men tioned iu that house. Tits Noble Earl added, that if he had seen the le ter it would have made no diffesence with respect to his opinion of Mr. Hammer. The letter from Sir I I John Campbell did Dot weaken the good opinion be eotertain.l ed of Mr. Hoppner. He considered it a letter founded upon hearsay, and did not transmit it to the Secretary of Sate for the Colonies. It contained general charges against Mr. Hoppner, mixed with eulogy on the private virtues of Don Miguel, and the excellent acts of his government. In the panegyric upon the public and private qualities of Don Mi guel, the writer said there might be 0,000 persons confined in state prisons for political offences, but that circumstance constituted no charge against the Portuguese gownsman. Had they not, in France, prince Polignac, catfloed in the forum of Ham ? (Laughter) With respect to the question about the ships sailing to the Tagus, it was not usual when ships were ordered to sail for the government to give any in. formation, and though die noble Marquis might ask from day to day, he wadi glee Iden so informations but when the noblejlilarquis denisaded whether new eseepiebis bd been made against the Peeingeme gemming. hoshosiM so• ewer yes—many complaints beg besa wade, net rely from the British Consul but from Edda merchants sad einem et ships in the Tagus. There were complaints. The aside earl pointed out to the noble marquis the uncertainty of the rumours and the insonsistency of fitting upon lowie informs. ;ion. A few days since it was stated that French ships of war had been sent into the Tagus, to procure for France commercial advantage. Inquiry had been made upon the subject, and the French Minister returned for answer, that it was with the greatest surprise he heard of it, for no each attempt had been made. (Hear, hear.) The Marquis of LONDONDERRY complained of personal attacks on himself, but was disposed to pass over the same in sikoce. The papers would show that be bad not taken a mistaken view of the political state of Europa The views taken by himself, and other noble Lords on the Opposition side, had produced an effect in the policy of Ministers, and changed the tone of the negotiation with Belgium. He would ask whether the statement of opinions on his side the House had not induced the noble Earl to come down with new intentions respecting France. His hope was, they would take his council with respect to Por tugaL Until ill" followed his council Portugal would be subject to French intrigue. Earl GREY was not aware of any thing the noble earl had to complain of. He bad made no allusion usparlia. mewl. but the noble martial( should recollect that lie bad used strong terms. It bad been said, that the conduct of his Majesty's Government with respect to the seizure of the ships In the Tagus was dishonourable to this country. (Hear.) The noble marquis appeared to feel that great advantage had been obtained by his interlocutory debates, and that Go vernment had followed his council. The noble marquis might be an able and discreet councillor; (laughter) but judging from the council usually given, he should say it was only calculated to involve the country in war. (Hear.) In every allusion made by the noble marquis, he con tinually taunted the tiovemment with language offensive to the honour of the French Government. (Hear.) In silo ewer to these taunts he would say, the Governments of France and England were more united than ever. That union bad been strengthened, not in consequence of one atom of any thing the noble marquis had raid. He had no ob jection to the noble marquis flattering himself that he was the dictator of foreign pulley from the opposite benches; but he certainly did not act upon any thing the noble marquis said. There was something in the tone and manner of the opinions expressed by the noble marquis, that if be (Lord Ore)) should be tempted at any time to concur with the noble marquis, reflection would induce him to re-consider his opinion. He Mauled the noble marquis that what he had said had no effect upon his mind. Things had gone on Just as they would have done if the noble marquis had not said one word. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY explained. The LORD CHANCELLOR said, from the moment he came into that house up to the 14th of September in the present year, he had formed but one opinion of the noble marquis. The noble and learned lord defended the conduct I of Mr. Hoppner, whom the noble marquis—misguided and deluded—had censured in the tone and manner of a minister under Don Miguel. Sir John Campbell, whom he believed was an Mien in the Portuguese service, had written under strong prejudice. That officer appeared opposed to Mr. Hoppner, because that consul had resisted tyranny, and protected British subjects. General Campbell supposed that Prince l'olignac and others found guilty of a crime, and con demned after trial, stood on the same footing as 0000 unfortu nate persons torn from their homes in the dead of night, upon suspicion of opposing Don Miguel, and confined in prisons without trial. There was something like aberration of mind in those who could express love for the system of Don Ali gueL The noble and learned lord could not account fur the sensitiveness of some to the virtues of Don Miguel. He himself had been a party man ; he had given suck to party — (laughter)—and knew hoe tenderly the bantlinp of party might be loved, yet he would tear the nipple from its boo.- less gums, and see it die in agonies rather than give it for its rattle—the praise of Don Miguel. Praise him or any of his class he would not in the most ardent feeling of the most factious times. It was too much for the noble mar quis to suppose he was promoting foreign policies by abusing fr rance. The consequences of the line pursued by the noble marquis might be perilous. All his attacks had been founded on a supposed crime. The government of England, in the opi nion of the noble marquis, was too favourable to the King of France. The object was to produce an opinion abroad that there was a necessity for warwith France; but the minis ter who would plunge his country into an unncessary war, would deserve to lose his head. In England the principle: of the noble marquis were not dangerous, but in France they knew the noble marquis was a prophet in his own country, the brother of a celebrated Minister, and a leading Member of Opposition, and when they heard of his they said, " Oh, there is a great war party in d. The high Tales, with the noble marquis at their are prepared to break the peace of Europe ; " and the fact was, that many were trembling on the Continent with dread of a disturbance in the repose of Europe. Their toed. ships would have no reason to complain of what be was about to add. " I solemnly believe," said the Lord Chan cellor, " that a breach of the peace of Europe, all over Eng land, Scotland, and Ireland, would be met with hatred of the Government, and that it would draw down on it, unswing execration, which it would merit by so unwise and criminal, & course. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY complained of the severity of the stud made by the noble and learned lord.— He was not so learned as the noble and learned lord, but he would apply to him the words of Sbakspeare-- " Why, man, he doth bestride This narrow world like a Colossus, And we, petty men, crawl Under his legs." (Laughter) He believed the .noble and learned Lord had been brought into the house es s champion to enter the lists of argument, and bear down all comers. Lord HOLLAND rose to order, and observed that the noble Marquis should check his desire to prolong an irregu lar conversation. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY explained, and the subject was dropped. After some routine business, the LORD CHANCEL. LOR proceeded with an appeal muse, and the House ad. jounle HOUSE OF COMMONS. Mr. BRISCOE preowned a petition from Battersea, for the liberation of the Her. Robert Taylor. Mr. CHAPMAN presented a petition from Meath, for the establishment of poor laws is Ireland. COIN LAWS. Mr. HUNT gave notice that he should, to.morrow, bring forward his motion for the repeal of the Corn Laws. Mr. HUMS presented a petition from Nottingham, com plaining of the conduct of the Magistrates of Hampshire towards the Dead* family. Mr. HU 31E presented a petition from certain traders in London, praying that trading on Sundays might be pre. vented. Mr. O'CONNELL ptesented a petition, from a parish in Galway, against arming the yeomanry ; and a petition from a parts' b in the county of Tipperary, for the application of church property to public purposes. Sir K. VIVIAN asked what the petitioners meant by church property? Dlr. O'CONNELL said be had no doubt they meant what be meant, all the property given by act of parliament to the established church. salty It stated in newspapers that the bon. number fur Kerry bad said that two-thirds of the bene ficed clergy of Ireland wereannuesidents rthe fact was they were as much residenk.as the English clergy. The este. Wished church in 'Mend mu weak, and therefore It was attacked. Church property was as sacred as any private PruPcTIJ: Mr. al U&IE said he was neither a Catholic nor an Irish. man:; but he thought all people should pay their own clergy, end that the people of Ireland ought not to be eon. tent while they were paying the clergy of another church. Sir J. SEA BRIGHT said, like the honourable member for Middlesex, he was neither a Catholic nor Irishman, but he knew that if there were a few Catholics in a parish in England, and that if the Protestants were taxed for the support of their clergy, they would not be content, and they ought not; and why should the people of Ireland ? He bad been in many countries in Europe where Catholics and Protestants agreed cordially together, and he was ashamed of the bigotry he at often witnessed in that house. (Hear ) He tWtqht the people of all religious persuasions should support duir own clergy. (Hear, hoar.) Mr. o'CONNELL said he would oppose the establish ment of the Catholic church in Ireland more, if possible, than any Protestant, as be knew it would render them less efficacious. He did not wish to have the church pro. party taken from the present possessors during their lives.— (Hear, hear.) Mr. O'CONNELL moved, that ra tutt onisted. rned debate on the petition of Richard (hussy be ldr. O'CONNELL argued that the petition, which com. &Owl that cons had been given against the potishooor for Wei prissourd a frivolous election petition, and that he was preelaied4ey the conduct of the from recovering a moiety of the cans Sun hie oe.petitiona, sad praying I that the matter might be referred to a Select Committee, deserved the attention of the House, and moved that the petition do lie on the table. The SPEAKER enteral into an explanation of the case se k was affected by the Grenville Act, which took juris. diction is demise petitions from the whole house, andgave it to a Committee. • Mr. O'CONNELL said, after the explanation of the right bon. Speaker, he thought he should ask leave to withdraw the petidoo. The petition was withdrawn. Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice that tO-11101101/ he should move that the house be called over on Monday. SUGAR RETINZIT. Mr:BURGE asked when the Chancellor of the Ruche qua meant to bring forward the report on the Sugar Re. finery Committee. He meant on that occasion to move for a Select Committee, and hoped the noble lord would ap point a time for bringing up the report, when there would be a full atttendance of Members. Lord ALTHORP said due notice should be given, but he could not yet name the day. IZIVIIK. Lord ALTHORP moved the order of the day for taking the report of the committee on the reform of Parliament bill into further considcration.—Agreed to. The clerk proceeded to read the report, beginning with the 31st clause. Lord A LTHORP, as the different clauses were read, moved several verbal amendments, which were agreed to. A long conversation ensued on the clause relating to the voting in counties, but the verbal amendments were all agreed to, and the clause admitted part of the bill. All the clauses having been gone through, The SPEAKER inquired if any hon. member had any additional clauses to propose. Alt. Alderman WOOD roue, and proposed a clause. making it imperative on the; clerks of the different compa nies of the City of London to make out a list of the livery men entitled to vote. Lord ALTHORP agreed to the proposition. Mr. OOULBURN objected to it, u being a deviation from the provisions of the bill. The clause was brought and agreed to. Col. SI BTHORP then moved that all freeholders whose freeholds In the county of the city of Lincoln are si tuated on the northern side of the river Witham. shall vote in future for the representatives in parliament for the diet. Ilion of Lindsey, in the county of Lincoln ; and all freehold. era, whose freeholds are situated on the southern side of the aforesaid river Whitton, in the said city, Including the four parishes minxes, by charter to the said county of the city of Lincoln, shall vote in future u freeholders for the represen. tatives of Kesteven and Holland, and that the same rights and powers of exercising the elective franchise, inasmach as applies by the present bill to leaseholders and copyholdess in counties generally, be extended to and exercised in future by leaseholders and copyhelders within the city sad county of the city of Lincoln, with regard to the proposed respective divisions. Lord A LTHORP opposed the proposidon on the ground that the city of Lincoln was a county of itself. Mr. WILKES opposed the motion of the gallant Colonel as it would entail inconvenience on the voters. - -- - -- ----- Mr. CROKER supported the motion. Lord J. RUSSELL had meson to believe that the inha. blunts of Lincolnshire, whom the motion affected, were ea. tisSed with the present man t. Colonel SIBTHORP said he should postpone Isis motion till the third reading—Motion withdrawn. Colonel SI BTH ORP said be bad another motion to make. He had heard with astonishment the Secretary for Ireland, who pretended to be the enemy of corruption and of sub serviency at elections, assert on a former occasion, that the Government had a right to insist on sup pon from its depen dents. He now saw ♦hy Ministers had given the elective franchise to such Placores ljeptfad•and iVoolwich t it was because they contained numerous dependents on Oovernmenk over whom Ministers intended to exercise a control. He `contended that such control was unconstitutional. He would move the insertion of a clause, disqualifying front the elective franchise all persons holding situations during the pleasure of Government. The clause having been put, Lard J. RUSSELL said the question involved in the motion of the Gallant Colonel was one of great im portance, but it had no connection with the lietorm bill. He should not, therefore, enter into It at present. Whenever the Gallant Colon el brought forward his clause as a clause of a separate bill, be should be ready to consider it with that attention which it deserved. After a few words from Sir C. WIITHERELL, Mr. SHAW. and other Hon. Members, Colonel 131111'HORP said, be should withdraw his modes, and bring it forward as part of a separate bill on future =Woo. Motion withdrawn accordingly. Mr. CHOKER moved, that the Inc clause the words That the boroughs enumerated in schedule A shall cease to return Members" should be omitted. He should not press his motion to a division. (Heir, bear.) His object was merely that his motion should be rmedsd on the jour nals of the house, and that their successors might see that up to the last moment, sad in rem stage of the bill, oppo. sides had Leen oared to the &tram:hi/sin of boroughs. Motion neptind without &division. Mr. CHOKER moved, that in the snood clause, the weeds 64 That the boroughs numerated in schedule B shall return only one Member each," be omitted. Motion negatived without a division. Lord ALTHORP moved the insertion of mina words in the 13th clause, making the maths use , of Cannerdwm and Denbigh return two members eneb. The motion woe to, a shalt cenvenatien Mr. KNIGHT, dense 14, whkh severs the Isle of Wight from owl mikes the Sherilrof the blend the returning Aar, said he doubted whether the Isle of Wight, which bed never been a separate county, had a I Shea: Lied ALTHORP said he believed the Gomm of the bleed wee the &era firm covenants ensued, in which the Atteeney.Genersl, Mr. Goulburn, Zile. Cuter, and 111. Cuter, took a pert. Lord ALTHORP moved verbal amendments in clauses 16 sod 33, which were agreed to. Lord J. RUSSELL moved fa clause 42, the insertion of words empowering the Committee of the House of Com , moos to amend the registers of voters. The motion was agreed to. The clause containing schedule A being read, Mr. T. DUNCOBIBE said he should not persevere in the notice he had given of moving to restore the borough of Aldborougb to schedule A, if he thought It would damage the great measure of Reform, of whieb the most popular part was schedule A.—(Hear.) When the Bill was first introduced, schedule A bad the borough of Aldborough first on its list; it was since removed to schedule B, but by what doctor's prescription he was unable to determine.... The way be understood it was done, was by bringing 80. roughbridge in addition to Aldborough, though there was no necessary cosmetics between them ; and be believed the greater past of the inhabitants of Boroughbridge had neva seen Aldborough. He did not wish to deprive the county of York of one of its lumbers—the house might give a member to Deocaster, to which it was entitled ; but if they persevered in giving a member to Aldborough, he would defy the Parliamentary Comaikwienees to find &constituency for Aldborough. The borough of Aldbarough bad been too bog a polemics in the repressmaties of the country. He did not know on what prindple it was to.be continued, unless on that by which a number of houses of Mamie were allowed to rem a in in Vienna while other was erecting in the suburbs. If that were the case certainly Aldberough was as likely as any other rotten borough could be to disseminate its poison over the constituency of the country. He did not wish to allude to the Duke of Newcastle, the patron of the borough, more than to say that he could not adorn his station by sup porting the rottenness of Aldborough. (Hear.) ,He did not know what support be was to receive on the present question ; he knew of course that all and-reformers, and sham reformers must oppose it; but be hoped his Majesty's Ministers would nor oppose it—tbu they would at lust act on their foreign policy. and observe a strict neutrality.— (Hear.) As a reformer be would do his duty, and move that the borough of Aldborough be added to schedule A. Sir W. INOLEBY seconded the motion. While MEM. nation boroughs were continued Aldborough might be al lowed; but it would become a nuisance in the neighbour. hood, if it were to be continued when nomination WOO to be done away with. Lord J. RUSSELL said be put the mos simply on the rule laid down that boroughs having 2,000 inhabitacts should be allowed to return me Member. On lea being found that Aldborough came within that rule, it was taken from acne. dole A and placed in schedule B, and from the result of in. quids made en the subject, it was not doubted that a eon wdhimsy of 30Q could be found. Mr. CLINTON must oppose the motion, merely because the borough came within the rule laid dews, the perish coo. 'going upwaide of 2,000 inhabitants. • He had no interestl is the question, as opening the borough would entirely take it out of its present influence, and he should never again it pest to be its representative. After a protracted discvssion between Sir C. Wethertll, Sir J. Johnson, Mr. Croker, and Sir 0. Warrendcr, the house divided, when there ap peared— For the motion .. Against it Majority for Ministers 85 The Marquis of CHANDOS then moved that the borough of Evesham be transferred from schedule B to schedule A. Lord J. RUSSELL could not accede to the propointim of the noble marquis. After some further observations, the original propoiltiv. au carried. ••• ... 149 Mr. CHOICER then moved that the borough of Down. ton should be expunged from schedule A. Lord A LTHORP opposed the motion. After a few other observation., strangers were ordered to withdraw, and the house divided, when there appeared, For the motion Against 1t.......96„ —. Majority for Ministers .. ... 53 The further consideration of the report was then postponed till to morrow (this day.) The Orders of the Day were then disposed of ; and the House adjourned at a Quarter past Two o'Clock. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. FRANCE. SIPT. 13, 1831. SlR,—Tbe news of Poland, which arrives by different wave, throws but little light upon what has really passed near Warsaw ; but all of them speak of some check which the Russians have ex. perienced, and of a retrograde movement of their army. If the Poles by their energy alone have succeeded in removing the enemy from their capital, the bad season will be a most powerful auxiliary to them. Tbe rains, if they have not already commenced, will soon set in, and the over flowings of the rivers, which often cause such frightful disasters in that flat country, will, by rendering the roads impracticable, be severely felt by the Russians, and render the position of their army not tenable. The plan of Pukewitsch, who flattered himself, that by daily confining the Poles in narrower limits, he should bring them to submission, will then be completely abortive. The terrible exasperation which has been mani fested by the population of Warsaw, will exclude all idea of a voluntary submission. A people like the Poles, thus pushed to despair, may be extermi nated, but they never will surrender. If the events which have stained the streets of Warsaw with blood, afflict the friends of liberty, they reveal at the same time to what a point is pushed the impla cable hatred of Russia, and the resolution of not submitting again to its yoke. Too many causes tended to bring about that catastrophe. The in action of General Skrzynecki who, placed at the bead of an army full of ardour, allowed the Rus sians to complete the investment of Warsaw, is inexplicable ; for could worse have happened if even a battle had been lost It may be convenient for those who were luke warm in the Polish cause to exclaim against the popular effervescence at Warsaw ; but there is something better to be done; it is to profit by the lessons which they contain. The Berlin Gazettes which are famed for sup pressing every thing which is favourable to the Poles, and magnifying all the advantages of the Russians, begin to alter their style, and, indeed, every thing gives reason to suppose, and it is the general opinion here, that the bravery and perseve rance of the Poles, joined to the justice of their cause, will enable them to weather the storm, and set at defiance the barbarous manifestos of the Emperor Nicholas. The Gazette de Prusse makes mention of some brilliant advantages obtained in a sortie of the garrison of Lamosc ; in which they took from the Russians a great number of can non, and committed great havoc amongst their troops. It adds also, after a letter from Lem berg, that General Kaisaroff, who invested that place, had taken refuge with the wreck of his army upon else territory of Gallicia, when he had been disarmed. Should this information be confirmed—should the reported victory over Ho diger, which obtains credence in several quarters, be confirmed—there is every reason to hope that the cause of Poland will triumph unaided. As to negotiations, no reliance is placed in ' them. Paskewitsh would never treat with the Poles, unless his situation,was desperate ; and the Poles ate too keen-sighted not to be aware of his position, which by the most recent accounts ap peared to be critical. The question of the evacuation or non-evacu• mints of the French troops from Belgium, is at this moment the theme of all conversation in Paris. Various reports are afloat upon the sub ject, and it was even said yesterday, that a tele graphic despatch had been forwarded to arrest the retrograde march of the troops. I have made every it quiry upon till' point, and cannot trace it to any respectable source; and, therelore, have every reason to believe it to be without foonda tion. The Journal de Paris, the organ of Casi mir ?trier, ridicules the idea of the Belgian ques tion involving the seeds of war, and speaks posi- tively of every thing being adjusted. The ge neral opinion, however, is, that it is a MN ques tion of the Grey or Perier ministry; that the least concession on the question of evacuation on ei ther side, will be the means t f overthrowing the party making it ; that in fact the see-saw remains poised, and that nothing is determined epos. It is stated that King Leopold his expressed a desire of having a certain number of young Bel gians, admitted into the Polytechnique school: and that it Is the intention of the French go vernment to grant to Belgium the same privi lege which is granted to the Swiss—the admission of pupils without the participation of the advan tages which arise to French Youth from their admission into the Polytechnique School. Paris is once more perfectly tranquil, after the tumults which have occurred with loss of life, end much personal injury, during several days of last week; but the Departments in many places all pear still to be in a very unsettled state. A let ter trom Narbonne relates, that on the 6th of the month, serious troubles burst out there, in conse quence of a proclamation relative to the collec tion of the united taxes. The people assailed the house of the Mayor, and that of the under Pie feet, with showers of stones; the drums beat to aims in the streets, and charges of bayonets sere directed; but the troops of chalice behaved wall such extreme moderation, that tranquillity was established entirely through their conduct. The peasants had armed themselves will' muskets, bludgeons, and forks, and ex claimed that nothing would satisfy them but the entire abolition of the united imposts. 1-ett" J.~ 'ti ! a al la