Star. — London, England, 1823-02-05 00:00:00

a g ree to use strong language, which might prove in janous and offensive. There might be a catalogue o f grievances on both sides, arising from invasion of territory, &c. which had given rise to the expression of irritation subsisting between the two countries. He trusted that he had 'now spoken sufficiently on the question of the policy of the war with which Spain was threatened ; on that latter point he probably felt more strongly than the Noble ~Marquis—he meant with reference to the probable effect of war—not on Spain only, but on France —not on France only, but on all Europe. For, much as he dreaded and depre cated war, as affecting the interests of Spain, he had no hesitation in saying, that he dreaded and depre cated it still more as affecting the interests of France, and through France of all Europe—(hear, hear). — lie protested from being supposed for a moment to, admit the idea (come from what quarter it might( that if unavoidable circumstances presented no alternative to this country but war or dishonour, was not in a state to go to war—(icar hear).- 9n the contrary, he was firmly coaviaced, that if Parliament refined to adopt any measures calculated to sap the foundations of public credit, and if a war should appear to be necessary to the preservation of our honour, the country was in a state to meet it —Hear, hear).—When he said that the policy of this country now was neutrality, he would not have it supposed that we were not able to fulfil our engage ments to our Allies without sapping the foundation of public credit. He repeated, that he did not believe the door for amicable adjustment was yet closed. --(licar, Hear, I kar.) Lord ELLENBOROUG H hailed with delight that burst of Briti , h feeling which had escaped from the Noble Earl ; but, feeling that the Revolution of Spain and its Constitution, were strictly Spanish, he was astonished at the conduct the Noble Earl adopted as to Naples, and especially when he heard him say, that tha. door if negociation was still open; nor could he think that Ministers had done all they could to avert a war. He had long felt that the People of England ilid pot place confidence in his Majesty's Governme...t. He was surprised that Government did not call Parliament together, when they knew of the inten.ions of the Allies respecting Spain, and obtain from it a strong declaration of the sentiments of England. in order to have strengthened and given weight to their negociations. It was said we were to be neutral; but suppose Russia were to seize Mi norca, she having long wished for a port in the Mediterranean, or that France should dismember Spain as far as the Ebro, could we then fail to go to war? Feeling that this war, on the part of France, was against liberty, and that it was our interest to support all Constitutional Governments, he should look at this invasion of Spain with the greatest dread, nor could he think that his Majesty's Ministers had done their duty towards its prevention. • Earl DAItNLEY said, that although he might not be perfectly satisfied with the Address, he could not agree to the Amendment proposed by his Noble Friend. There was another topic of the Speech which Ito cop,idered of as much importance as anything which could come before the attention of their Lord ahips, and which he had himself intended to bring forward at an early perioi—he meant the state of Ireland. From what had been stated, however, he was disposed to see if airy adequate measui es were likely to come from quarters more competent than biros if to treat the subject according to its paramount importance. He had risen chiefly for the purpose of asking the Noble Lord at what time the measures al luded to were likely to be presented to the House? The Eni of LIVERPOOL said, that Rio subject would be brought fu; ward as Ca, ly as possible. He could not possibly say for a few days at what precise time, owineto the absence of some Gentlemen intimately connected with the measures to be proposed.—'lla_ Ihm e then divided, when there appeared— For the Address - 62 For the Amendment - - Majority in favour of the Address - —39 Adjourned at Nine o'Clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS. At three o'clock the House was summoned by the Usher of the Black Rod to attend at the air of the House of Lords. The Stones, in consequence, accompanied by a considerable number of Members, proceede to that House, where the King's Speech was delivered by the Lords' Commissioners, for which see the Lords' Debate. WRITS. The SPEAKER having resumed his seat, informed the House, that since the prorogation of the Parliament in August last, he had issued his warrants for Elective Writs to supply va cancies in the House, occasioned by the deaths of the Members for the following places t—Slign, Dublin, Orford, Derby, Salop,' Ross, Cambridge University, and Wilton. Most of the new Members for these places appeared and were sworn. Writs were ordered for new Elections for the undermentioned places, in the room of the following persons, who had accepted offices under the Crown, and thereby vacated their seats: For HARWICH, in the room of the Right Hon. N. Vansittart and C Bathurst--Psyrusonoticit, J. Scarlett, Eig.--lbroN, Right Hon. F. Robinson—CHICHIMER, Right Hon. W. Ilus kisson—Sv. GZRMAINS, Right Hon. C. Arbuthnot—NEw Wimp- SON Sir Herbert TayIorCOLEAAINZ, Sir J. Beresford—Lavxn root.,the Right Hon. George Canning. A new Writ was also ordered for Berwick, in the room of Lord Viscount Ossulston, who had succeeded his father in the Earldom of Tankerville. The SPEAKER acquainted the Honse that, according to custom, the Clerk had prepared a Bill for preventing clandestine Outlawries.—The Bill was read a first time. MISCELLANIES. Mr. HUME gave notice, that on the 4th of March he shrttild submit a mod in to the House respecting Tithe Property in Ire. had, with the view to a Commutation of it. lie al;o gave notice, that on the 6th instant he should move for certain Documents and Correspondence which had taken place in some of the Public Department; relative to the Office of Vice-Treasurer in Ireland. -....-..-. Mr. 11F.NNF.T, on behalf of the Member for Essex ( Mr. Weitern), gave notice that that lion. Member intended to renew his motion of last Session on the subject of the Currency. Lord JOIIN RUSSELL gave notice, that he should, soon after the recess, renew the motion he had submitted to the House last year, respecting a Parliamentary Reform. Mr. 'MA BERLY gave notice, that on the 13th of March he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to repeal the whole of the Assessed Tares. his object in doing so would be merely to obtain a repeal of such as could be given up without injury to the public service. Mr. WYNN, in the absence of the Attorney-General for Ireland, gave notice, that on Thursday, the 20th instant, that )( light lion. and Learned Gentleman would bring the Catholic Question under the consideration of the House. Mr. I'. MOORE intimated, that he trusted the Home would a ttend to a regulatiini *lath he had endeavoured to introduce the Session before last, to adjourn at latest by eleven or twelve *k at tight—( Laughter, and Hear. hear !). Tit X KING'S SPX/Clll. The SPEAKER then re•sd a copy of the King's B ?retli: that part of it eahich referred to the efforts to preserve pe.tce betweit France and Spain WAS fe. Ceive4 with considerable cheering_ Cokinel CLIILDE moved an A idtess. firs: thought . 112 S,:cech w0u1..1 give the greatest satisfaction, par. ticulaily those parts of it that regarded our foreign policy—(Hear). —He rejoiced that every effort had been made to preserve tranquillity ; and he could not but say that any forbearance of this country to I be mindful of the threatened interference of France • with Spain would have been most disgraeeful—( Loud cheers).—lle wished the Spaniards to be let alone; though there might be occasions when one country ought to interfere with another, but it was only when existence was at stake. The successes of Spain, when the efforts were kept within legitimate grounds, could not be without interest to England ; he should be glad to behold the extension of rational liberty, as would the mass of this country—(Hear).—The com munication respecting the Slave Trade, and the re- 1 ductions of the Estimates were most satisfactory ; and as to the surplus, it would hereafter be a ques tion how it was to be applied. The fact of there being a surplus was most gratifying. It was an un doubted proof of the flourishing state of the revenue ; and it was consolatory to find in it the reverse of some of the gloomy forebodings which they had heretofore heard. The state of Agriculture, how ever, would merit their most serious attention. The vim: remark applied to Ireland ; he wished to see an end put to those religious and political feuds', which distracted that country—(Hear).—He hoped he had said nothing unbecoming an independent ,' Country Gentleman, but one warmly attached to the general principles of his Majesty's Government.— (Ilear).—lle concluded with moving an Address, which, as usual, was an 14 echo" of the Speech. Mr. WILDMAN seconded the Address. He was glad of the opportunity of expressing the opinion, that the various parts of the King's Speech afforded matter for congratulation. It would have been highly derogatory to this country to interfere in the internal affairs of Spain. Ile trusted that peace would be preserved there, and secured in the Eastern parts of Europe—(Hear).—Ile was glad to find that the Esti mates were considerably reduce.l, and that a further amelioration of taxes might be expected. The state of our manufactories was most flattering ; and he augured thence most favourably to the general inte rests of the country. Those interests might now be deemed to be recovering from the effects of a cala mitous war. He trusted that the Slave Trade would be finally terminated, and the creation of new colo- Ries prevented. As to the state of agriculture, it called for attention ; but he hoped that the farmers' interests would be revised, and a good understand ing again established between the landlord and tenant. He also hoped that the system of the farmers fore. fathers would be restored. He concluded with thank ing the House for the attention with which he had been heard. The Address having been read by the SPEAKER, Sir JOSEPH YORKE said he was prepared to " third' the Speech. He was glad of the course that had been pursued respecting our foreign /stiller. He hoped all would endeavour to " preserve the peace." Nothing would be more impolitic, more unjust, than the threatened attack on Spain—(Cheers).—Those Spaniards, too, had preserved for. Ferdinand his Throne, when he had the baseness to truckle at Bayonne; and the war, if commenced, would be most base and unjust I—(Cheers).—And was any one so green as to suppose that if war were commenced, this country could remain neuter? It was an im portant and vital question not to be got rid of by an , hour or two of debating, brought forward by his I Honourable Friend (Colonel Childe), regimentals, as if war btu! actually commenced !—(Laughter.) Mr. BROUGHAM joined with the gallant Officer who had just sat down, in the expression of his senti ments : which did him honour no less as a Legislator than as a gallant Officer—( Cheers ).—He hoped all would express abhorrence, unqualified abhorrence, at the canting and hypocritical efforts and -proceed ings against Spain--( Cheers).---The conduct of that 1 - louse would, he trusted, be such as to give comfort to Spain, and to all free men, and dismay to those Allies who had dared, with sentiments of religion and humanity on their lips, but who only sought to promote their own base views, and to in troduce their own uncivilized or half-civilized hordes into the contest—( Hear, hear).—He considered that this country had arrived at a most important crisis— as big with consequences perhaps as the commence ment of the French Revolution—( Hear, heat).— Those who pretended to see the results, affected, he feared, too much knowledge. The state of this coun try was most difficult. The ♦arious Meetings had been important, and were viewed with umbrage by some, particularly the Norfolk Meeting ;but he viewed them as ebullitions of transitory feelings. The conse quences, if the measures were adopted,would be most ruinous. But as to suspending distraints, it was only carrying a measure of the Session of 1811 a little further—a Bill to suspend distraints where thir teen shillings and eight-pence in the pound had been paid; therefore they ought not to censure the poor men too severely who had agreed to the Norfolk Re solutions. These however were proofs of the feeling of the country, and of the necessity of reductions of the taxes, and of putting an end to the delusion of the S;nking Fund—(Cheers). —ln speaking of reduc tions, he was against any redaction of the Navy ; but that observation did not apply to any other establish ment. As to our sending armies - abroad, that would he impossible; but, if war against Spain were com menced, he feared it would be impossible for us to remain neuter. To our ancient ally, Portugal, we were bound ; and eventually, should war begin, Eng land must be dragged into the contest. He thought we could not remain neutral. In his opinion, it would be policy in England, after the documents of 'the Allies, to declare that, in the event of certain occurrences taking place, England would immedi ately rush to the assistance of Spain—(Hear, hem). — He thought such a course would best avert the evils now apprehended. The Manifesto of the Allies was of the most preposterous character; and in support of such opinion, he quoted various portions of the r Notes on the subject of the monarchical principle. The conduct of his Imperial Majesty was most extra ordinary, for in 1812 he declared the Cortes to be legitimate," which now he condemned—(Hear, hear).—He (Mr. Brougham) hoped that the Spa niards would not listen to any such Manifesto, as lung as they were threatened—so long as the bayo nets wei e held to their breasts—(Cheers). —There was nothing more monstrous than the proceedings of the Con - ,, ,, ress of Verona, which was in the teeth of pre treaties ; but all the nthdern proceedings were Icopyrng the hypocritical treaties, &c. of the parti tinning Powers—treaties that were half sermons, half , romances. The partitioning Powers, after having seen massacres, agreed to such treaties, and ordered the performance of Te Dewn—(Hier, hear).—Re sides, the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle agreed not to; interfere with the affairs of countries not compre hended in the Alliance, except on invitation. Cer tainly Spain had not invited such interference.— 1 The whole of the documents were sources of fear to , all Governments—(Hear). It was dangerous to have I such Assemblies of Princes to meddle with the afftirs of other countries, to criticise their proceedings, for , scarcely any matter was too small for consideration ) of these armed Legislators. The Colonies, the ruin-1 ' ously great Loans, the Taxes, and " Agricultural 1 Distresses," would have been mentioaed, if this coup- ' .try- were obnoxious to the Allies—(A laugh and hear). Nay, the Emperor Alexander had the " audacity" to I accuse the Spaniards of shedding blood within the 1 precincts of the Palace, in resisting the Meeting of 1 July ‘29—(Cheers). That Meeting was against the i lawful Government. The greatest danger was to be apprehended from such Congressional interference, I especially that of Alexander; and the language was clear, for reasoning there was none—we have bun- ' dreds of thousands of armed mercenaries, and we 1 will chastise you into submission. Spain answered ' with frankness, which defied craft—we are millions 1 of free men, and we will not stoop to reason with I you. Such courage abashed all interlopers, whe. ther it was the Goth, the Hun, or the Calmuc ; it I destroyed all their craft. The Notes were a species 1 of personal insult, and yet how manly were the te plies ! Prussia, before she set out against Spain, ought to have kept promise with her people ; Austria I ought to have been jest to King George before he I was generous to Ferdinand, and have paid back part 1 of the twenty millions of Loan ; and Russia, before it 1 became so shocked about blood spilled in the pre cincts of the Palace, ought to have thought of blood that had been shed in the Palaces at hotne—(Clteers). 1 I Such topics ought not to have been touched upon. The Allies had severally been beaten ; they had kissed the hand that had subdued them ; but hardly had they gained the erect posture of men than they began to meddle with the rights of other nations. Alexan der had truckled on all occasions, and was ever ready to take anything in the way of partition ; and after l 'having courted an alliance with Bonaparte, who had defeated him, no sooner was that individual down, than the policy of such person was copied—(Hear). —He regretted that the King of France had given momentary countenance to the proceedings against Spain ; but, as far as Russia was concerned, he thought it was a strange thing to behold Spain struggling for Liberty, and being told to accept a Constitution from a Tyrant—(.Hear, hear/).—lf France did go to war, judgment was passed against the family of the Bout bons—(Loud cheers).— The " armed critics" did not like free institutions, even the institutions of this coun try were objects of jealousy. It behoved free States to resist the principles of this Holy Junta. England's duty was clear. Not rashly to commence war; but if Spain were over-run, must not Portugal become a victim ? And were we not in treaty with Portugal ? He would not say, Go to war l but he would say, repeal the Foreign Enlistment Bill—(Loud ekeers).— Look to free States as our best Allies, and resolve to support the honour of the Crown and the best prin ciples of Freedom !—(Continued cheers). Sir FRANCIS BURDETT said, he felt some re luctance to offer himself at all to the attention of the House, after the deep impression made upon it by the speech of the Honourable and Learned Gentle. man who preceded him. He was, however, desirous of rendering his acknowledgments to the Hon. and Learned Gentleman for as able a speech as had ever been heard within those walls—(Hear, hear); and, in the course of which, without meaning to say that our Government had abandoned them, principles were clearly and eloquently laid down, such as were to his (Sir F. Burdett's) mind of vital importance to the honour and future safety of our country, and which he trusted Englishmen would ever be the fore most to defend—(Hear,hear).—Wisely, in his opinion, had the Hon. Gentleman passed over the subject of agricultural distress, and every other subject that might be so much more advantageously examined in detail, to consider what was truly important. On this there happily was not much diversity of senti ment. After the Speech just delivered, he knew not how there could be any real or conscientious differ ence. It identified itself with the wisdom of the question, and the King, and the Allies too would find, if this Speech spoke the truth, that there were what there had not been for a long:time, a united Parliament as well as a united People—(Loud cheers). The Non. and Learned Gentleman had quoted a great authority, though hardly greater than his own ; and of him (Mr. Broughs6) he might say, in the language of that patriot and philosopher Cicero, nihil laudan dum non digit, in enforcing principles necessary to avert as great a danger as any that had hitherto threatened civilized humanity—( Hear, hear). Mr. Secretary PEEL said, that in the principles, as well as in the manner, of expressing the feelings of his Honourable Friend, he completely concurred. The ability with which those principles were laid down justified the opinion which arose from a previous knowledge of the talents of that Gentle man. It was not his intention to enter into de tail upon the questions embraced in the Address. The same motive that led him to hope for unanimity forbade him to allude to many of the topics. But as one subject, and that of vital importance, was in a particular manner adverted to, he was bound to make a few observations, which, however, should not deviate into any of the other questions that might require future discussion. He considered it the more unnecessary to examine the details, as no man was pledged; in concurring with the motion, to any line of conduct upon the particular merits of the various subjezas it embraced. The greater past of the Hon. Gentleman's (Sir F. Burdett) speech was directed, not to the policy of this country, but to that of our Aliies. The time would come when a lull explana tion of the conduct of the English Govessment, with respect to the recent transactions on the Continent, would be given. It would be found on 'all future, as well as on all past occasions of disputes between foreign nations, the national character of, this coun try would be sustained ; by an observance of the principle, that every S:ate was the best page of the node of reforming itself, -and of the cotinic lie. cessary to be adopted for- its-pertnaisent-.security. The righti of State's, lstrovvir, like the tights at ia., dividuals ' required interference, when other nations becameliable to distinct intelligible d rimer from the course pursued for the establishment of those rights. With respect to Spain he would declare, that he saw • nothing in her existing institutions which wan anted interference oo the part of Great Britain. There was no adequate cause of interference on the grounds stated in the Speech of the King of France—Warr, Irear).—He cherished the hope that peace would still • continue to exist—that what must strike every re flecting mind as the most complete means of estab lishing the interests of Europe would prevail. If he spoke with reserve of the policy pursued by the Go vernment of this country, it was because he cherished the hope of the continuance of peace, to preserve which all the efforts they were capable of making should be vigorously made (Hear, hear).l,-In this hope he considered himself sustained by the fact that the Speech of the King of France merely spoke of the possibility of a war. In his (Mr. Peel's) mind, it should be the policy of su!sjects and Sovereigns, after the devastations of war, to direct their atten tion to the interests of themselves. England was acting upon this principle. So far from viewing with jealousy the improvements of the States around her, she justly considered that the interests of all would be ..best promoted by the free interchange of the blessings u Inch PROVIDENTS had poured upon them. Atter the establi,hment of national indepen dence, by military valour, the next object became the prevention of another war, and to that event he looked, as be said before, with hope—(hear).— He was sure the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. BrotThatri) would regret the wai mth of feeling which led bins to an invective against our Allie , , and that he would recollect that, against the atrocious individual whom he had called a "resplendent character," those Allies had joined England, in one common cause, for the benefit of mankind:. The Right lion. Get:damn then stated that Russia and Austria had hitherto acted consistently in their conduct towards the different States with whose internal management they had in terfered, whatever opinion might be entertained with respect to the act of taking military possession of Naples. He was happy to make it known to the House that a reduction would take place in . the esti mates of the year, and that it was, he believed, the intention to make a limber diminution of the taxes. —The Chancellor of the Exchequer would take an early opportunity to give an exposition of the state of the country, and the nature and extent of the con templated reductioas, which, he apprehended, would particularly affect the Asses el Taxes—(Hear, hear). ' He did not believe that national relief would spring from a remission of taxation. To the increase of the prosperity of the manufacturing interests he looked for the recovery of agricultural prosperity. He should say no more than that he rajoiced to see the preva lence of unanimity in the House upon so important an occasion —( Hear). Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH said * he ro e for the purpose of saying a few words, not adverb, ly to the Address, but upon the subject of part of the Speech, of the general structure of which he certainly approved. The Hon. Mover had already expressed his (Sir J. Nlackintosh's) opinions so well, as to render it unnecessary to dwell upon the abstract merits of the question.. His Hon. F. ielid (Mr. Brougham), ton, had added to the-impression, by animadverting with sar castic justice upon those who claimed a monopoly of moral stud. hbnourable feeling—against those who had undertaken a war against the rights of independ ent Sta:es—a war VI bid) was to involve all Europe, and to affect must especially the honour of his Ma jesty's Crown—a war levelled at the glory of. this Nation—(diem, hear). The wot ds that fell from the mouth of the King of France mere nothing less than a declaration against the character of the People of England—a slander against his Majesty's pretc : ions to the Crown—a denial of the pretensions of Wilhani the Third to the Sovereignty, and of the rights and privileges established by Magna Charta. Such was tie course pursued by those whom he was ashamed to hear called the Alics of this Nation. The doctrines just promulgated were introductory of a new law of nations—that three or four great States of Europe had a right to make war upon people who might adopt institutions which they considered necessary for their internal management. This was a making war against independence. The Austrian Government had grounded their interference or their lordship paramount over Europe. The Russian de finition of the territories of that nation included those countries over which Russia had no natural or na tional controul—calling them the Western. Province of Muscovy. Whet e would be the stop or limit of those aggressions ? The King of France was adopting the same principle. The conduct of that King reminded him of the determination to complete the intention of Louis XIV. Here the Hon. Gentleman quoted the remarkable words of William the Third, which were prophetically adapted to the present circum stances of Europe—that by placing a French King on the Spanish Throne, all Europe would he oppressed, the Monarch becoming independent of France, and all countries in alliance being, with the name of peace, at the expense of maintaining war establishments that England must, by such an event, suffer in trade, and in respect to that part which she ought always to take in the regulation of the affairs of Europe.— Those observations arose from a consideration of the policy of Louis XIV. and met with the approbation of the Parliament and the whole Nation. The aggres sion against Spain and Portegal by France, upon the principles contained in that Kiog's Speech, was . a most wanton and base attack upon. the liberties of Nations. It was to t.e hoped that Eirgland would not be provoked into any conduct which might set ve the views of her bitterest enemies. 'lle loftiest troi,hy of British illdepeilJellCe was the independence of Spain ; and tho.e who dared to interiere with the struggles of the latter for her own internal security, aimed a destructive. blow at the highest glory i f ttie former. They might say that they would not atta: - k Portugal ; but the time %%wild come when their sin cerity would be put to the teat, and when Portal was destroyed, where then would they point the r attention? Myriads would pour into the wester a territories of Europe, and the Muscovite army wetild be seen lifiing the shore horn cl i cniterdain to Cattli. Mr. DENM AN hoped, in Gob. name. Astir Ma wit; tick place, this country would beihNtlngaisllol.lll snaoly twinissn iq „w il t:ion to, the Ante.. 1t was be., rt 7 bitakitig a'n,w War, hilt ►e was glid tb:r. tiaj:lizy 'tau Abel:tied he w..* Imo pasty Tel tilt &Wier et she allies .ti o vase. it, however, t1..3.115e Sei.aseioat gute,still turbo. , s:w► deszribsil • spislloll . pi Ault Wu,* begat entered 1.1 in,c7 art this Cv4ll:.y )2 .4. • .