Star. — London, England, 1830-03-09 00:00:00

• the - attet --- ii7g ort — i — mitiereater part or it went io the support of sinecures. It was pretty generally admitted, on all hands, that such offices should not be filled up as they fell in ; but, under this head, no sooner was one governor removed by death than a suc cessor was appointed, though it was notorious that the greater part of them were paid for the government of places which were not in a state of defence. Ile did not wish to deprive those now in posses sion of their offices, especially as they were, many of them, distin r.:ished persons; but he would rather sec them provided for by junsions than by allowances founded upon such a principle. 4r H. HARDINOJ said that the governorships alluded to by tht hon. member rested upon a peculiar basis, tieing given as re. wards to old officers for past services. They were in all 17 in rum. bcr, and were, he would admit, military sinecures, The committee would please to recollect that there were 13,000 officers on the full the half-pay. and that the governments in question, none of ch exceeded GOO/. a-year, constituted the only small means in tht hands of government, besides the ordinary allowances, for the to .31..1 of long and meritotious services. sADI.EIt thought it would be advisable to extend similar e ds to the officers of the naval service. 31ABERLY thought that though it was notorious that Etilish officers were worse paid than the officers of any other ser and though lie would willingly increase their allowances if it coald be done without adding to the burdens of the public, the prin ciple of sinecure places was one which the committee was bound to The resolution was then agreed to. The next resolution was 104,000/. to defray the charge of full pay for reduced retired officers.—Agreed to. The next was 720,0001. for the half-pay and military allowances of his majesty's land forces. Mr. HUAIE expressed his regret that the principle adopted in France, and recommended in this country by the great Duke of Marlborough, was not acted upon by our government. In a letter quoted the 30th of June, 1715, the Duke of Marlborough addressed a letter to the Secretary of State, recommending that every commis sion, as it became vacant, should be filled up by half-pay Officers, and that no new appointments should be made to the prejudice of Officers who had served. (Hear, hear.) If that principle had been adopted two or three millions would have been saved by this time to the public. (Hear, hear.) But the same principle had been recognised by a resolution of the House of Com mons on the 12th of December, 1740; but so far was the Go vernment from attending to it in the present day, that he much questioned whether a large proportion of the officers at present in the service had not been appointed since the peace. He wished to know from the right hon. Secretary whether any person had retired upon half-pay since the termination of the war. He also wished to be informed as to the extent to which the right hon. Secretary had proceeded in the purchase of the half pay under the regulation so unfortunately adopted. Sir H. HARDINGE said that no Officer was put on the half. pay under the new regulations, who had not served a certain period, or was not disabled from service. No new Officer had, in fact, been added to the half-pay-list. As to the number of purchases which had been made, they amounted, he believed, to about 120 subalterns' commissions. With respect to the principle recom mended by the Duke of Marlborough, it was in point of fact Acted on by the present Government, making allowance for the great dif ference between the nature of the service now and in the time of the Duke of Marlborough. It was to be recollected that England had but two foreign colonies in the time of the Duke of Marlborough ; but now our colonial service was most extensive, and was, in nature, a war service in time of peace. It would be a great hardship to the Officers employed on foreign stations if all vacancies were to be filled up by Officers from the half.pay. As to the number of half. ply Officers reduced, the real saving under that head amounted to 38,0001. though they took credit but for 18,0001. on the face of the Estimates. Mr. HUME asked whether any new appointments had been rude in the regiments of foot guards? Sir H. HA RDINGE said, the regiments of guards had suffered more reductions than any regiment of the line ; but ensigns had, no doubt, been appointed since the peace. Mr. 310NCIC thought that the principle adopted in the French army, of allowing half-pay to none but veterans, or those who had teemed wounds, might be adopted with advantage here. The ge reral principle in the French army was quarter-pay. He was glad to find that widows were not to receive pensions whose husbands had not served ten years ; and he thought the same rule might be laid down with regard to the balf-pay of the officers. Mr. 'HABER LI - reminded his hon. friend that there was no pur chase in the French army ; and that, if he looked to our own " Ga zette," he would find that 200 commissions had been lately pur chased. After a few words from Sir H. HARDINGE and Mr. HUME, the resolution was agreed to. The next resolution was 94,9001. for the half-pay of officers of the disbanded foreign corps, and pensions to their widows and children. Agreed to. The next was 47,9964 to defray the expenses of Chelsea and Kil inhain Hospitals. Dlr. lILTDIE contended that there was a great deal of lavish ex penditure in the management of Kilmainham Hospital. He must say the same of Chelsea Hospital, excepting always the under clerks, who were, without exception, the worst paid class of men in the public service. The Committee of Finance had before them evidence that there were in Chelsea College from 16 to 18 clerks, whose salaries ranged from 1401. to 901. a year. This was very low as compared with the clerks in some other departments. Mr. CALCHAFT was glad to hear the hon. member for Aber deen bear testimony to the small salaries of the clerks in Chelsea Hospital. He (Mr. Calcraft) had already spoken upon the subject to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but could not get a shilling out of him. Lord ALTHORP was not a little surprised to hear the hon. member for Aberdeen advocating, in these times, an increase of sa laries w clerks in public offices. The question was, were the aala rim so low that men could not be found to do the bnsiness ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—That was the question I asked my hon. Mend. Mr. HU:IIE begged to he understood. He set his face entirely against any increase of salary. What he meant to recommend was, nut that the salaries of these clerks should be raised, but that others should be lowered to their standard. The vote was then ageeed to. The next vote was for 1,264,6011. for defraying the charge of out. pensioners to Chelsea Hospital. Mr. HUMI could not let this vote, large as It was, pass without protesting against the frauds which had been practised by soldiers in the obtaining of pensions. These malpractices were carried to a great extent in the army, the dates of the enlistment of soldiers being altered to entitle them to pensions. He was happy to say, however, that an inquiry had at length taken place into theseabuses, and much good was expected as to the result. For that inquiry the country had to thank the right hon. gent. opposite (Sir H. Her dinge) ; for had his predecessor (Lord Palmerston) remained in office, he (Mr. H.) was quite sure no inquiry would ever have taken place. The present Secretary of War had already laid the country under great obligation to him by the reforms which he had intro duced into the money departments of the army. Sir HENRY HARDINGE explained that the mal-practices in question were tha acts of the parties themselves interested, or the effect of accident. The commanders of regiments were quite blameless. After some more conversation, the vote was agreed to. The next vote was for 20,964;1. for defraying the charges of the royal military asylum. Sir J. WROTTESLEY complained that more than one-half the vote for this charity was expended upon the officers alone. This was a monstrous abuse of the objects of the grant. He was a friend to the principle of the charity. Mr. HUME thought it but just to say that there was a reduc tion in the expenses of this year as compared with the last, of 4,0001. Sir HENRY HARDINGE defended the necessity of the Insti tution. Since the last year the children had been reduced by 300. After a few words from Mr. Husta, the vote was agreed to. The next vote was for 145,2671. to defray the pensions of widows, orphans, etc. of officers belonging to his Majesty's land forces. Mr. HUIIE did not see why the country should be put to such expenses for pensions of this description. In the ordnance and the navy the case was quite different, and he should like to know from the right hon. gentlemon (Sir H. Hardinge,) whether any alteration was contemplated in this instance. Sir H. HARDINGE said that certain regulations had been agreed to, by which, for the future, no widow or orphan of an officer should receive the pension, unleis the officer had served for ten years, or bad been killed in action. The same principle, also, would apply if the widow should marry, and in that case the pension would cease. Mr. HUME hoped to see these regulations laid on the table, and should be glad to see the same system adopted in the army as that which was now pursued in the ordnance and navy. Sir H. HARDINGE said that the intention of government was to assimilate the different services. At the same time it was proper to state that the ordnance and the navy were placed an a very different footing as far os regarded the payment for away. Mr. MONCK could not concur in the vote when he comiimidi the trifling expenses which the French Govermr.ent, and Ando American government, were put to for pensions of this desalpdsu. He also thought it was unfair to take a certain portion of the pg _de the common soldiers, to provide for pensions for their widows, wi r e the same principle was not adopted in the other departments of the army; the consequence of which was, that the country was bum. dated with paupers and vagrants belonging to individuals who belonged to the army. After a few words from Mr. Hums. Sir Mv. Moucz, end Lord Howler., the vita was agreed to. The next vote was for 10,036/. for the compassionate list and the royal bounty. In answer to questions froth Mr. STEWART end Mr. HUME, . *. . , Sir H. HARDINGE said that the officers on half pay, who claim pensions for services, or for wounds received, were regularly examined by five medical officers, before the board granted the pensions. The principle on which they acted was, that threlaim ants must either prove the loss of a limb, or some other wound which would equally disable them from active service. If, after five years. they could not prove that they were unfit for service, the pension ceased.—The vote was agreed to. The next grant moved for was 54,1041. for superannuation al lowances. Mr. 31A BERIX hoped, that in future the particulars of every pension and allowance would be laid before the house. Sir H. HARDINGE said he had conformed to the custom of his office for ten or fifteen years, but if the house desired it, he would take care to have the information furnished next year. Mr. MABERLY required information with respect to tbe Mili tary College at Woolwich. Sir H. HA RDI NOE said that before the report was brought up to-morrow, all the information desired should be furnished. The vote was then agreed to. The next resolution was for 32,0001. for exchequer fees. Mr. HUM E said the last Chancellor of the Exchequer had pro mised to correct this system of fees, and he ,regretted to say, that nothing had yet bren done. Mr. MABERLY also complained of the system, and hoped that an alteration would be paid attention to. The resolution was then agreed to. Mr. GORDON said before the house resumed he would mention to the committee a proposition, which it was his intention regularly to move at a future period--and he would be glad to know, at what time, and in what way it would be most agreeable to the right hon. baronet that it should be brought forward. He would not discuss the merit of the resolution at present, but merely declare that it was to the effect that every officer, whether naval or military, on full pay, taking civil office, should be subject to the regulation which existed with regard to half-pay officers, by which the half-pay was forfeited when civil office was accepted. Sir H. - HARDINGE said that the report would be brought up to-morrow, and that would be the best time to submit the amend ment, if he could get leave from the bon. gent. who had precedence. The house then resumed, and the report was ordered to be brought up to-morrow. BOMBAY JUDICATUU. The order of the day being moved for the resumption of the de bate on the Bombay Judicature, Mr. HUAIE said he had very little to offer on this subject; but leaving the law of the case to others, he would say a few words on the situation in which a part of India had been placed in consequence of this transaction. (Hear, hear.) His impression decidedly was, that the interference of government was uncalled for, and that, contrary to the statement of the noble lord (Lord Ashley,) there was no exigency which required its control.— There was no rebellion, nor symptom of one, and there was nothing to justify the intrusion of the authority of Sir John Malcolm. The conduct of the government was calculated to place not only the judges but the court in a disreputable point of view, different to the intentions of the legislature and the act of parliament. He denied that any state of excitement existed in India which would warrant the governor-general stopping the act of the judges, and he thought it very wrong that any prejudice should be raised against the judges, who were sent out to India with a view of protecting the na. tives against oppression. He condemned the conduct of the noble lord at the bead of the Board of Control, lu displacing a judge who acted a conscientious part, though he was not inclined to support the judges in all that they had said. He considered that their address in open court was not discreet, but still it did not justify any act of severity. He further condemned his Majesty's government at home for condemning the judges before they had received their defence. It was an ex-parte decision, and ought to be condemned for its undue' haste. He feared that ill consequences would arise in India; and he thought that the house was called upon to stop them, as far as lay in its power, which it could by censuring the improvident and hasty steps of the government. He did not touch the legal point of the question, and merely offered an opinion, which he founded on his knowledge of India affairs. He would conclude by voting for the motion of his hon. friend. Mr. O'CONNELL said he would confine himself to a short abstract of the legal question, and he felt that the statement of the noble lord (Lord Ashley) on the former evening, showed the necessity of producing the information called for, if it were only for the exculpation of Sir John Malcolm.— There were two cases whirl called for the interference of Sir John- Malcolm, and to them he would turn his attention. The first was the case of Bappo Gunness, and the other of illoro Ragonault. The first-named being committed to gaol, de. mantled a copy of the committal under which he was held, but it was refused. He then gave notice in writing, which met with no attention, and he then applied to the Supreme Court at Bombay for a writ of habeas cot-pus. The writ was returned, and the body was brought up, and the return read in Court, but when it was moved to be filed, time was given to the Government Council to amend it if they pleased, and the man was continued in prison until their election was made. The government council did not avail themselves of the opportunity and the return was read a second time, and the man was dismissed. Now he undertook to say, as a constitutional lawyer, that this con duct was perfectly regular. The return was in many instances incorrect. It stated that the prisoner was four.d guilty of ap plying seventy rupees of Government money to his own use, but it did not set forth where he had stol e n it, or when, or how, or in which piece the judicature of the Court which committed him lay. As to the circumstances, one of the cases that of Moro Hagonault, was that of a youth, under the guardianship of a maternal relation, and married to his daughter, who was forcibly taken by his uncle on the father's side. one of his next hats, having an interest in his death, and kept in con. finement for the space of a year. That being the case, from the anxiety he had to be set at liberty, application was made to the court at Bombay, and, though they issued their process, its execution was impeded by British Magistrates and by the British Governor. He was not opposed to the legitimate exercise of power by any go vernment ; but, when he could exercise a choice, he would neces. sarily prefer that of the law to that of a military despotism. With respect to the Judges, he thought that they acted within the limits of their powers ; for the commission that appointed them empowered them not only to act as justices of the peace, but also gave them all the authority that th e Judges of the Court of King's Bench have in England, not merely with respect to the town and island of Boni bay, but in all the provinces " that now are, or hereafter shall be, dependent upon that presidency." Were such an interference at tempted in this country, the consequence would be, perhaps, rebel lion : and yet, the preservation of the judicial power inviolate in In. die was of more importance than here, where military government was unknown. For all these reasons, as all that was sought for was inquiry, the papers asked for by the hon. member for Beverley ought to be granted. Mr. GEORGE BANKES thought that further investigation was by no means necessary, as the facts at all events, proved that Sir John Malcolm, in his interference, did not mean either to insult the Judges or set himself above the law, but solely to preserve the na tives from a jurisdiction to which they had a rooted antipathy, and from the contrail of which they were exempted by an express en. pgement upon the cession of these provinces to the East India' Company. In the instance of Moro Ragunault, that was particu latly observable ; for he was not illegally in the custody of his great cinch—quite the reverse—according to the Hindoo laws ; neither was the guardian interested in his death, as he could not be his heir. The other, that of Bappo Gunness, was also one in which the judges should not have interposed, as he was not a British sub. jest ; nor was his gaoler within the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court, as gaoler of a native court, although, as an Englishman, he would have been upon any other subject. Tne governor had, more. over, done no mom than implore of the judge not to proceed. The ' case had been decided before the competent tribunal ; and that, upon the appeal of Sir John Grant himself, who was the best able to state his own case, and the Privy Council had decided that the Court was in the wrong. With respect to the feelings of the natives, he would merely refer to a note of the Marquis of Hastings in his tour through these newly.ceded provinces.' He said that " there was one curious circumstance he would not suppress—that ' in all the annexations that had taken place, the only fear the natives had was that our judicial system should be introduced," He also said that, however wilily framed and uprightly administered, it was not fit for the natives. He was at a loss to conceive what exceptions could be taken to this matter, and what benefit could be derived from taking the judgment of the house upon a case which had been already decided, every ma terial fact having been brought before the tribunal which was to try it by the persons who knew the fact. But not only was it not ne ceaathat the matter should be reheard, but we should be doing something sppertaining to injustice in rehearing it, since Sir John Grant had been called home in order to answer any charges which might be brought against him. His noble friend at the head of the Board of Control entertained no idea of lowering the character of the judges ; if he were to do so, he would forget the situation he held and the rank he inherited. He hoped the hon. member for Beverley would not persist in his motion. Mr. C.W.WYNN raid that this motion appeared to relate to the conduct of * great official department of the State, and the only object was to obtain a copy of the correspondence. Both parties appear to have acted a purely conscientious part, such as they re. spectively thought they were bound to adopt, consistently with the line of their duty. The boo. gentleman then proceeded to argue the question with respect to the charter. The president of the board of controul is responsible fur ill advice given to the crown re specting the appointment of the judges. How could information from the bard of controul be conveyed to the authorities in India except by a letter from the president ? It was absurd to consider this communicalicm in the light of a private letter, simply because the word " Febrile," was marked on it. if it was thought sight as peseethisquesiies so a vote, of which he doubted the propriety, be would vote fee this modems Mr. FEROUSSON assured the house that no connection, he had with the East India Company could induce him to say upon this question what he did not conscientiously think. He was of opinion that the Supreme Court of Bombay was in the wrong in the course they followed. That court had not jurisdiction over the natives : so extensive a jurisdiction was never attempted even in the times of Sir Elijah Impey ; and if such attempt had been made, our rule in India would have been endangered, as the native Indians would never submit. No one was subject to the authority of the Supreme Court but those that were specified in the charter and Acts of Parlia ment. The extent of the English law was limited, and all the people residing without the prescribed limits were subject to the Mahommedan and Hindoo laws only. In his opinion, the 1 doctrine laid down by Sir Charles Grey was erroneous ; and. if there be a doubt yet existing, there ought to be an Act of Parliament, declaratory of the law as laid down by the Privy Coun. I cll. Then, assuming that the Court of Bombay and the Chief I Justice of Calcutta were in error—of which no one, seriously con• sidcring the matter could seriously entertain a doubt—he still was of opinion that the two persons principally intetested In this dis cussion, Sir J. Malcolm and Sir J. Grant, acted conscientiously in their respective parts. Sir J. Malcolm, the governor, feeling that the writ ought not to issue, refused to give effect to it. This young man was a Hindoo, residing in Poonab, and under the control of a Ilimloo, was not subject to the writs issuing from the Supreme Court of Bombay, but was within the jurisdiction of another Court ; and Sir J. iilalcolm was perfectly right in not obeying the writ is suing from the Snpreme Court. Mr. ROBERT GRANT said a few words in explanation of what he said on the first night of the discussion. However just the decision of the privy council was, he still thought a declaratory act was necessary. The question of law between Sir J. Malcolm and the judges was not the question for the house. Mr. Secretary PEEL said, he could not anew so important a question as the present to pass without offering a few observations on it. Every one agreed that the judges, when they acted consci entiously, were entitled to protection. But when they acted not only conscientiously but justly, they ha I a double claim to be pro. tected. He agreed with the hon. member who spoke last, that they were not in that house to discuss this, a question of law, although the hon. and learned gentleman, the member for Clare, made a law argument upon it. He (Mt. Peel) held it, that this question was already decided by the proper tribunal—the privy council. They decided that the judges who issued the writs had taken an erroneous view of the law. He was not disposed to put the inde pendence of the judges in India upon a lower footing than that of the judges in England, for he thought them entitled to occupy the same station. But this was not a question respecting their inde pendence, but a question as to the assumption of an authority which the highest tribunal judged to be dangerous. There was a most material distinction between exercising an authority within the limits of their jurisdiction and without those limits.— For the exercise of power without these limits, he believed an action of trespass would lie. We could not argue for the feelings of the people of India, going upon the jargon of our own laws.— (Hear hear.) It was net to be expected that the people of India should be willing to go to places distant from their homes in I order to have laws administered there which were contrary to their customs and their religion. Sir John Malcolm found a very great alarm prevailing on this subject, and he could not have adopted &course different from that which he had pursued without acing a collision between the executive and judicial powers. he letter written by his noble friend might be called a private one, 1. but still he did not mean to say that statements ought to be made in a private letter which could not be sustained in public; yet, at the same time he must observe that it was utterly impossible for any government to go on unless private communications were made. Again, he would repeat, that the object was to prevent any collision between the executive and judicial authorities. Vbilc he believed that Sir J. P. Grant and Sir Charles Chambers had taken as right a view of the subject as Sir John Malcolm had done, he must still say that a very erroneous view was taken of his noble friend's (Lord El lenborough's) letter. He denied that there was any thing in the purport of that letter from which it could be inferred that there was any design to interfere with the constituted authorities, or to make the bench in India in any way subservient to the government. The right hon. gentleman after making some com ments upon this point, and, citing some extracts from the letter, proceeded to advert to the charge delivered by Sir Charles Chambers. He observed that he must advert to this change, however reluctantly, for though justice ought always to be done towards the dead, it was only with a proper regard to what was due to the living. Sir Charles Chambers had made use of these words, " If a hundred', cases were to come betore the court, I should feel no compunction in deciding in the same way." The right honourable gentleman next cited some other passages from the charge of the learned Judge, in which it was stated that a great weight rested' upon those who were anxious to extinguish the King's autho rity in that presidency, by abusing power In exercising it without responsibility. In the course of some further observations, he went on to say, that he did not vindicate the expressions which his noble friend had made use of, with regard to " the elephant" but the act of publishing those expressions ; was not that of his noble friend, and, therefore, be was entitled to the indulgence which would always be extended to any communication made in a private letter. If the intention of his noble friend was to degrade the judges, he would be guilty of a very great offence, but it was quite evident that he had no such intention. The whole intention of his noble friend was that if the decision of Sir P. Grant should be found to be dangerous to the government, another judge on whose discretion reliance could be placed, should be appointed to act with him. Mr. STUART briefly replied, and the gallery,wu then cleared fora division. The numbers were, against the motion lO6 For it l5 Majority Mr. N. CALVER'I brought up the Report on the Eut Bet ford Bill. Mr. STEWART moved the insertion of a clause, " that every member hereafter elected for East Retford, or the Hundred of Ras setlaw, should subscribe a declaration that his return had nut been procured by bribety or by means of the influence of any peer." After a few words front Mr. CALV ERT, Mr. PEEL, and Mr. WARBURTON against the clause, and Mr. HUME in support of it, the question was put, and the clause negatived without a division. The report was then received. The bill to be read • third time this day se'nnighL Mr. PEEL brought up the second report of the Lords Commis sioners, which was laid on the table. Lord LOWTHRR brought in a bill for removing the Hay market from its present situation in the street so called to Cumber. land, York, and Clarence-squares, in the parish of St. Pancras. The bill was read a tint time, and the second reading appointed for Monday next. The other Orders of the Day being disposed of, the house ad. journed at Two o'clock. LIST OF THE MINORITY OF 119, Who, on the sth of March, voted on Mr. Tennyson's motion, for transferring the franchise of the borough of East Retford to Bir. mingham ; Acland, Sir T. Heron, Sir R. Smith, W. Althhorp. Lord. Hutchinson, J. H. Stanley, E. 0. Baring, F. (Cork) Stewart, Sir 31. S. Bradshaw, R. H. Huskiason. Hon. W. Surrey, Earl of Bradshaw, Capt. J. Jephson, C. D. 0. Sykes, D. Bernal, R. Kemp, T. R. Stewart, Lord J. Burdettt, Sir F. Knight, ft. Thompson, C. P. Birch, .1. Kekewich, S. F. Tomes, J. Blake, Sir F. Labouchere, H. Townshend, Lord Buller, C. Lambert, J. S. Wahhman, Alderman Clive, E. B. Littleton, E. J. Warburton, H. Cave, R. 0. Liddell, Hon. H. Wilbraham, 0. Carew, R. Loch, J. Wells, J. Colborne, N. W. R. Lawky, F. Westenra, Hon. 11. Carter, J. Lester, B. Whitbread, S. Cole, Sir C. Moberly, J. Whitmore, W. W. Canning, lit. Hon. S. Macaulay, Otneral C.lVilson, Sir R. Calthorpe, Hon. F. o.Marshall, J. Winnington, Sir J. Calthorpe, Hon. A. G. Slarslenll, W. Wortley, Hon. J. S. Corbett. P. Martin, J. Wrotterdey, Sir J. Cradock, S. Maxwell, J. W. Wynn, Sir W. Dundaa, Hon. G. Monck, J. B. Wynn, Hon. C. Dundaa, Hon. Sir R. Macintosh, Sir J. Warrender, Sir 0. Denison, J. E. Marioribanks, S. Du Cane, P. Nugent, Lord Teller.. . Dawson, A. O ' ell, D. Russel, Lord J. Ebrington, Lord Osborne, Lord F. Tennyson, C. Ewart, W. Palmer, C. F. Ellison, C. Palmerston, Viscount Paired off. Frankland, R. Pendarvis, E. W. Foley, E. F. Fergusson, R. C. Phillimore, Dr. Robarts, A. W. Fergusson, Sir R. Philips, G. R. Angelo, M. A. Fyler, T. B. Philips, Sir G. Davenport, L. Fasakerley, J. N. Ponsonby, Hon. F. Fortescue, lion. O. Grant, Right Hon. C.Portman, E. 11. Newport. Sir J. Grant, R. Poynts, W, S. Slancy, R. A. Gordon, R. Price, R. Cavendish, H. Greene, F. G. Protheroe, E. Howick, Lord Guise, W. B. Puny, P. Wood, C. Graham, Sir J. Rancliffe, Lord Barclay; C. Hume, .1. Rice, T. S. Robinson, Sir O. . Hoy, B. Riekford, W. Buxton, T. jun. Bony wood. W. P. linty, Sir $l. W. Calvert, C. . 'lulu, Sir C. liorbold, C. F.. Cavendish, W. HoWard,ll. Robinson, O. R. Duticombe, T.. Habltonse; 3. C. Sabiltin, Viscount Lamb, HOn. 0. ' wage, O. r• &bright, Sir J. Lushiagten, lrr. Right Hon. Smith, Hon. R. Morpetb; Lord Smith V. Dennison, W. J. R. : .:7; -. METROPOLITAN REFORM MEETING. A description of this important Meeting at the Gardens of the Eagle Tavern, City.mad, was given in THE STAR of yesterday. The following is a report of the proceedings upon this interesting occasion. At one o'clock, Mr. Hulce stepped forward. After some time he was enabled to make himself beard. He begged to premise that all would en deavour to preserve silence and order, that none would make a noise by crying out " silence !" nor create disorder by calling out " order !" He wished they would leave it to him only to call out silence and order —(cheers and laughter.) He now had merely to propose that Daniel O'Connell, Esq. M.P. do take the Chair.— (load applause.) Carded unanimously. and with immense cheering, amidst which— , Mr. O'Coutezee stepped forward. He said he was truly proud of the high honour they had just conferred on him—the honour of presiding over a Nleeting of honest British subjects, who were too good to suffer themselves to be ruled by an Oligarchy—too intel tectual not to see the wrongs inflicted on there—and too patriotic not to look for constitutional redress.—(Cheera.) This was not the first time that he had had to address a meeting in the open air ; on the contrary, as they might have heard he had often had so to ad dress his countrymen ; and, on all those occasions, his countrymen had permitted him to address them with a cap on. He had the self-same cap with him (holding up the before.described cap). and, with their permission, he would do in England as he had , done in ireland.—(Cries of " Do, do,")—he would wear his cap ; but if it should be deemed a mark of disrespect, he certainly would not wear the cap, great as would be to him the convenience of wear ing it.—(ltenewed cries of " Do, do! wear the cap.) Mr. O'Con nell (haying mounted his comfortable cap, amidst mingled ap plauses and merriment of the immense meeting) proceeded :—He said he held in his hand the requisition to the Lord Mayor, to al low this meeting to be held in the Guildhall, but it seemed his Lordship had declined to allow the meeting to be held, though he had permitted the meeting about the Spaniards : his Lord ship seemed to prefer the Spanish to the English, and in that he thought his Lordship showed very bad taste--(Cheers and a laugh.)—He could not sympathize with any man, whose tender mercies could see foreign calamities without being alit e to those at home; and who could not be animated by the distresses and calls of those who had been deprived of the benefits of the freest Constitution in England, by the efforts of an Oligarchy--an authority who had usurped to the few those powers and benefits which were intended for, and of right belonged to the many. He must again say, that having been called to the chair of this meeting, it was the proudest circumstance of his political life. lie had not been move gratified since he had escaped from the po. litical degradation to which he was once subjected ; since the break ing of those chains which, with the blessing of Gon, they had destroyed for ever. He differed from them somewhat in accent—this language had a touch of the Irish mountains, and therefore, perhaps, he might not be all they could wish ; but the selection they had made in desiring him to take the chair was to him a source of consolation, comfort, and tri. umph. He also thanked them for the honour they had con ferral on him, because it afforded him an opportunity of vindicating the principles as a Radical Reformer. (Loud cheers.) He was, in the first place, a radical refonner of the abuses in the laws—of the chicanery, expense, and delay in what were called the law courts of the country. He wished the law to be clear and in telligible, and the administration of it cheap, expeditious, and un. vexatious. lie would open the worts to the poor as well as the rich, for the poor wanted law as well as the rich—perhaps much more. It was a saying. that the courts were open to all—they ought to be ; but, as Horne Tooke said, the London Tavern was open to all, as well as the courts, but what was the use of that to the poor ? (Loud cheers.) He wanted to see open to the poor, courts of law where they would not be fleeced, and taxed, and shorn as they now were. He wanted to see those tolls broken down which now blocked the roads to the courts of law. He would say, Laid ray it boldly, that no government was a just government that did not pay the coats of the people obtaining justice. The government paid the judges, the army, the navy, and for collecting the taxes, and for Heaven knew what ; and he would add, that the govern. ment ought also to pay all the officers and costs, so that the people might obtain justice free of expense. He wished to see a very ra dical reform in those courts. (Hear.) As to the House of Commons, as it was called, he wanted to see a radical reform there also. What the people wanted, and what he wanted too, was a "people's house." (Cheers.) What they had now was an instalment of the House of Lords, sitting in another chamber. This was the first time, and it was a cause of gratitude with him, that he had this opportunity of speaking—that be could make a public profession of his principles on the English stage of politics ; and all would admit, he trusted, that his first appearance was characterised by all becoming modesty and diffidence. (A laugh.) When he first appealed to his native county of Clan for their votes—and where he obtained such tri umphant numbers of fearless, unpurchasable votes, ir. spite of the frown of landlords and the proffers of money—he promised the honest, independent, and bold men of Clare that, if elected, he would still take every opportunity to obtain a people's house of Lament. And he made the like promise to the women of Clare. A laugh.) He was now in a country where the women were famed car or their beauty and angelic loveliness, and who deserved all the admiration we could bestow on them. But they were not more lovely, nor more deserving of the admiration of man than were the women of Clare ; and to them be had promised that he would go back and tell them what efforts he had made to promote the cause which he had so near at heart. He should have the opportunity of telling them that he had realised his promise—that the op portunity which presented itself he had not suffered to f 0 by. He would now tell the meeting what were the objects of his pursuit. When young—when his blood flowed rapidly in its course, he raised his voice in the cause of liberty ; and now, when he might be said, as far as years were concerned, to be sinking into the "sear and yellow"—when the blood was receding from the cheek, his heart beat as watmly as ever for liberty. (Cheers.) Not from feelings of personal ambition—not from mean and mercenary motives, for the sake of lucre —no, no, so help him GOD ! to achieve unadulterated human liberty, to procure the largest sum of human happiness, and to put an end to a monstrous oligarchy—(cheers ;) to procure a just equality of just laws for all, which could not be obtained till the oligarchy was destroyed—that oligarchy which was the cause of heaping sufferings on millions who did not deserve to suffer. lie vowed that while he lived he would not cease his exer tions to obtain such liberty ; and he would urge it by means of me -able and rational agitation. (Continued cheers.) That had been his vow in Ireland, and Ireland had triumphed: he had joined in the exertions for Ireland, and that country was as free as they were. He had felt that the oppression endured for centuries was monstrous, and that the interference between man and his (Jon was blasphemous. He considered the act criminal (hear.) He felt too sincerely in his own person the value of having opinions respected, not to respect the opinions of men who sincerely differed from hint ; but he always set that man down as a hypocrite who professed to be sincere in big religious opinions, and yet maintained that the foree of law was required to protect those opinions (hear.) Well, then, he had succeeded in emancipating his country from that degradation ; and now, as was the case of Mr. Pelee, as regarded the St. Eller. having won one make, Englishman beheld hint ready to start tot another. (Loud and continued cheers.) And what was the prize for which lie would now contend % Ile would tell diem in one word three times repeated. It was " the constitution, the whole consti tution, and nothing but the constitution."—(Cheers.) To gain it he would have them adopt measures similar to those which sue ceeded In Ireland, the object being the end of the oligarchy. Should he ask them whether the House of Commons represented the people, why they would laugh at him for putting the question, and he should not be able to refrain from laughing while he was asking the quntiou—(Much cheering and laughter.) Two thousand persons —2,00/0 persons, be it known—returned a majority of members sn the Commons House of Parliament, to represent the Interests and feelings and rights—whit remained !--of 30,000,000 of people. Oh ! eternal shame on those who had done these things ; and. Oh, more eternal shame on 'those who bore them—who suffered such a system to last ! Ifs man stole a sheep lie was hurried off to the Old Bailey, and justly ; but those who deprived them of their rights, who thus afflicted millions, why they could—go home and pray.—(a laugh.) But the people of England were too good, and, be would say, too proud to submit to such a state of things any longer. Impossible ! What, England, who had set the example to all Europe of:having a limited monarchy, submit to the present state of government ! Courtiers. it was true, sometimes appeared to be strong as well as proud ; but they were weakness itself wh e n opposed. That great charter which was their just boast was °b tallied by the nobility, aided by the hiahops.—and he wished they had a few bishops to co-operate with them just now—(a laugh.)—othat great charter was not only obtained by the barons and bishops forcing it front the monarch and the timid courtiers. Eternal justice sanctioned the deed ; the hand of Heaven earetioned it though many were not able to sanction it by their hand -wr it in g . it that per'od, in 1215, the people wsye supported by the no bility, and the nobility sided with the people. He would give horoor where honour was due The nobility aided the people, and the great charter was obtained without the spill- Mg of blood. He had always thought that no was to be ob tamed where thee were obliged to resort to the shedding of blood. It only tetded to strengthen power—to call forth some military chieftain, and make him master who had before been the people's champion. Regal tyranny and royal despotism had been success fully resisted, and a guard established in safe prerogative--well.de. fined prerogative, giving a principle of " fixity" to the Constau. don, and entries the people, if they had an honest House of Cow- Mons. But what did those barons—what did the nobility, when the contest was over ? Why they turned off the people with whole aleL . thej had succeeded; left the people , sad began - to shave the. peados amongst duaniWiee. They web tb i e l lear.' Ivalves to themselves—the Hoot of Le e& to themselves ; they usurped the House of Commons. Thee an °dime oligarchy have Ii I i