Star. — London, England, 1820-05-06 00:00:00

• S e 1, n :r in tf; to 4 re es. .-.... MO 40 • • . • more than they themselves*vOlontifily .olteretl, being willing conscientiously to let in the full day-light ! upon these funds, from the first 'ruckus of their for mation. It was much better that the Crown should administer as the Trustee of the People, in this re spect, as in every other whet the rights of the people were concerned. The only other temptation wbich could induce the Honourable Gentleman to wish for a change was, the desire of doing away what be termed the ltAt'remnant of the feudal Government. He would haVe our system of Government made as neat and clean as that of the United States, and would have the functions of 011 - Sovereign quite as unintel ligible as those of the Amem ican Peesident. For him self, he did not wish to do away any trace of what was the offspring of the olden time. It was very easy to make a stipendiary King, and there was only one step more necessary, to place the Ministers under the 'direct controul of the !louse, who might thus remove them at pl:sasnre, as they were paid by them. The 'night Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving the Order of the Day far bringing up the Report.. Mr. BROUG I AN' explained, that the Right Hon. Gentleman must have misapprehended him, or, in common policy, he would not have so far misrepre sented what he had said. He had not supposed that the Droits occasioned war. No King, nor House of Commons, would ever be so mad as to go to war for the sake of Droits of the Admiralty. What he had said, and what the Right Hon. Gentleman had left I:l:lunched, was, that the Droits were a temptation to go to war without proclamation. As to all that the 11;ght. Hon. Gentleman bad said of the Monarch's physical wants, it was inapplicable. He was for giving t.e Monarch all that they were for giving, but is a separate and definite form—( Hear, hear). Mr. CANNING admitted that the explanation made the argument quite different; but the refer ence to the Smyrna Fleet appeared to him to go a little farther. Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH now rose to address the llou.e. He began by stating, that upon any other occasion than the present he should lave avoided afering himself to their notice, dreading, as he did, to come in contact with the forcible and con vincing speech of his Honourable Friend,'which was alike worthy of the Statesman and the Lawyer while he was no less apprehensive of encountering tie ao (pence and ingenuity of his Right Hon. Friend on the other side. The Honourable and Learned Mem ber then proceeded to follow in detail the different arguments which had been advanced against the motion, contending that they were not supported by authority, a;:d that the Right Hon. Gentleman who spoke last had resorted only to ingenious fallacies. 1:: ; :.ht Hon. Friend scarcely touched upon the seat question, which was indeed a very simple one, namely, whether these funds were really a conve nielit source of revenue to the Crown? The ques tion was , not whether that revenue should be of a greater or less amount—(Hear, hear)—but whether such a source of revenue was honourable to time Crown, and whether less inconvenience would arise from continuing than from relinquishing it ? No doubt a great part of the Droits was voluntarily ranted by Parliament, and a considerable part of teem was applied in compensation of meritorious but irregular captors. It was admitted that these re wards were well bestowed, but a question naturally srar- , r 0 , 0 ested itself, was there no other mode of e ff ecting the same end ? Did no suspicion attach itself to the manner in which these compensations had been here tofore made? Was it not to be supposed that they were often given rather through private influence than upon the general ground of public service?—(Hear, hear). The present state of things was far from being agree able in every quarter. He could speak at least for one g :Dant body of Englishmen, the Officers of the Navy, that they would prefer even a diminished compensation if it were given in another manner, than a large one, if they had still to seek it through the channel of private solicitation—(Hear, hear). He would not say that many who received these rewards had not earned them ; but were there not also many who had equal claims, and who were passed by ? t Hear, hear). It could not be denied, that so long as the compensations continued to come through this channel they were liable to abuse. He would ask this question, whether it could be seriously supposed that the funds which accrued from the capture of the Spanish frigates were ranked among the jewels of the Crown ? Whether it was for the honour of the Crown, for the dignity of the Royal family to derive a revenue, even for the purposes of bounty, from such a source? It was for the House to judge whether such a revenue was not a disgrace to the Royal family ; and whether it was not better for that Family to derive all its income from the affection of the People, than from an impure source ? which, in the opinion of able historical writers, has in its ex terior, at least, the appearance of being collected by agents who were little better than pirates !--(Hear). It had been often said, that the Crown ought to have the means of bestowing private bounty. But that was not the question here, the question was as to the nature and character of the source from which this revenue was derived ? Fur the first thirty years of the last reign the Droits of the Admiralty were comparatively inconsiderable. During twenty years et the same reign, in the time of war, they produced rode millions. Now here was no adaptation of the resources to the object. The resource was fluctuating the object remained the same. Would it not be better, therefore, that a permanent compensation s'iould be made applicable to all cases ? Would it not be more honourable for the Sovereign to derive the means of gratifying his liberality or his affec tions from the generosity of his people than from the spoils of his enemies, and they defenceless ene %'!'es He would propose that such funds as might e deemed sufficient for the reward of meritorious service , , should remain permanently applicable to t...at object. For these no compensation ought to be required, nor would he give a compensation 1.-om any other funds than those which were applied zuthe purposes of private bounty, over which the Crown exercised a private ownership. These, with a very little addition, would be found adequate to supply the means of bounty liberally In making ins traider the greatest constitutional advantages would be obtained, which the House would feel, if it were not dead to all sense of its own privileges.— It would . remain the painful necessity of exhibiting the CrOwn as deriving emoluments from the harshest exercise of the rights of war. Undoubtedly these maihts were sanctioned by the laws and die practice of nations but surely such emoluments were more congenial with the temper of feudal and military times—times held in so great veneration by his Right Honourable Friend—than with the liberality and knowledge of the age in which we lived? It was a matter of serious consideration, how great a differ ence might arise in future times in the produce of these funds. He was ready to retain everything necessary for the honour of the Crown, because that honour was intimately connected with the safety of the country—(Hear, hear). But, on the other hand, he was anxious to remove a practice unjustifiable in itself, still more so as it was rendered a source of re venue to the Crown, and as it had been abolished in other nations. The continuance of prizes he thought, indeed,essential, and justifiable by the laws of nations; without them, the country would soon descend from its station, and ultimately lose its maritime existence. He would be the last man in the House to sacrifice any of the just rights of the Nation; but unfortu• nately they were blended with what was formerly supposed to be the source of our commercial wealth, AO is still believed, by the ignorant jealousy of fo reigners, to retard their own progress in commerce. In no other country could a discussion arise upon the subject that now engaged the attention of the 'douse. No country had such a subject to agitate ; but to us it came down in the mass of numerous other Regal claims, from , the time of Richard Hear,' hear ! )—The House might be assured that these mat ters were looked upon abroad as among a confused and unintelligible assemblage of exercised rights, which, in the opinion of foreigners, entitled them to call us the tyrants of the sea—(Hear, hear .I—Upon the subject of prizes in general, he would observe, that it was singular, to say the least of it, that the private property of an enemy on shore was held sa cred ; but the moment it was found at sea, it became the property of the captors !—(Hear, hear !) But the practical effect of this law was not without its advan tage to mankind, as it afforded an inducement to the cultivation of maritime force, which was that strength most naturally applicable to national de fence and security. Still he would leave the matter open to whatever degree of reform it might use fully undergo in future times. While upon this sub ject, he could not avoid observing how frequently it had been said that one of the purposes, and of the commendalle purposes, of the Droits of the Admiralty, was to afford relief to British mer chants abroad, who might suffer losses in pro perty, in consequence of its seizure by the enemy. —He believed, indeed, that that purpose was carried into practical effect with regard to British merchants in Spain, whose property was violated, and that the Droits accruing from the Spanish frigates were ap plied to that object. But if ever a case existed where compensation was due, it was in the case of the Bri tish merchants in Denmark. It was admitted, even in the opinions of the advocates and panegyrists .of the attack on Copenhagen, that that was a case of samtnuarjus—an act without a parallel in the history of this or any other country. The Danish Droits, he believed, amounted to between one and two millions. The British subjects' losses in property amounted to about £200,000, so that a tenth part of the Droits would have compensated the merchants. They ap plied for that compensation, bet they applied in vain. He (Sir J. Mackintosh) had two years ago presented a Petition from the Merchants of Hull and other places, who bad suffered in this manner, and the answer given by the Noble Lord at the head of the Ministry was, that though there was a precedent in their favour in the case of the British merchants in Spain, yet that was a dangerous precedent and not to be pursued.— The remarkable part of the case was, that the Eng lish Government had led its subjects into these losses. Up to the very last hour, previous to the sailing of the expedition, Danish ships received their clearances at British Custom-houses, and it was said received po sitive assurances from the officers that they would pro ceed unmolested. He did not blame that course of proceeding. If the expedition was justifiable, secrecy was necessary ; but when, by the conduct, if not by the direct acts of the agents of Government they were lulled into security ; when by an act on the part of this country, of which, as history could furnish no parallel, they could have had no suspicion, they were exposed to plunder and ruin ; if thus suffering they had received no compensation, he presumed that for the future that plea for the justification of this fund Would not be urged by the Right Honourable Gen tleman—( Hear, hear).—The division was called for. Mr. MA RRYATT.—As he could not consent that the Crown should be left in possession of a revenue thus uncertain in amount, and thus unjustly derived from the fruits of triumphs effected by national ex penditure, he should vote for the motion. Mr. W. WYNN observed, that as to the motion before the House, if the funds in question were to be kept at the disposal of the Crown without the revision of Parliament, he should hold it to be the duty of the House to insist on the production of accounts from time to time. The funds were not, however; for the private gratification of the King, but to be disposed of by him as King of England. But any compensation which was to be given him, would be paid into his Privy Purse, and would form a new burthen on the people. He thought it, there fore, the best and the most economical arrangement, that these fuNds should remain in their present state, as accounts of them would annually be printed. Sir JOHN NEWPORT said, thegross invasion of the property of unoffending individuals, which fur nished these branches of the Revenue, induced him to vote for an arrangement, which would put them at the disposal of Parliament. Mr. MACDONALD said if the Civil List could not be reduced it ought at least to be simplified: he praised the monarchical system as most congenial with the character of the people of England. Ile was ready to do everything necessary for the honour of the Throne. Splendid let it be in moderation, but not ostentatiously so. These were moments when some diminution of the splendour of the Crown was an ac cession to its dignity—(Hear). • Sir ROBERT WILSON, in supporting the motion, took occasion to condemn the capture of the Spanish frigates, and the seizure of French vessels, in breach of the Treaty of Amiens. without any previous de claration of war, both these measures being incon sistent with our national good faith and honourable character, and the latter leading to the long impri sonment of so many Englishmen in France, while both contributed to swell the amount of Droits ache Admiralty. r • - Mr. TIEINEI " contended, that hetore the floOse was ;ailed 'upon to vote the Civil List, they should ! know the whole Imount of the revenues of whiCh the ; Crown was possessed. Until then; they would be in the dark. As to compensations to the Crown, he dif fered with his Honourable and Learned Friend as to the necessity of them; but he could not see, if they were given, how they could add to the public bur dens, since it would be only paying horn one fund what was received in another. The House had al ready a rare specimen of what Gentlemen oo the other side would do; if they carried the Committee. Of three or four speakers who had given their opi nions at some length, not any two agreed in their plans. They differed f rom eac h, an d differed amongst themselves—( Hear, hear I). Ministers proposed to continue a system, the operation of rs !rich bad been felt for years. A system which, by long experience, was well understood; simpler in its detail, and more easily understood than the newfangled and ill-di gested plans suggested to- night--(Hear, hear!).—lt possessed the advantage of long standing, it was the antiquated garb, the olden vestment of respect. able appearance to be preferred to the newly-hatched garb of modern invention. By long experience, this system had acquired strength, and it was pre cisely the same as it was arranged in 1816, when it appeared to Parliament to be minus the averaged expenditure of former years the sum of £150,000. It was upon the arrangement of 1816 . that !Ministers still proposed to act. He was surprised at the haste which Gentlethen felt upon the subject now, compared with their former feelings. He recollected in the last Parliament he was called upon at a time that the Session had only to last one fortnight, to bring for ward then his Civil List Bill —(Hear, hear). It would appear by the accounts that £238,000 would be taken off, from the allowances of 1816, in consequence of the King's death— ( Hear, hear). So much, there fore, would be saved to the Consolidated Fund, from the comparison of the expenditure of 1816, to the expenditurc. of the present day. The whole gist of the objections to the retention of the Droits of the Admiralty in the hands of the Crown, seemed to be the temptation which they held out to Ministers to engage in useless or expensive wars, as being so ready an instrument in their hands. If Gentlemen would but have the candour to make the acknowledgment, they would own that, at least on some occasions. Government had made a good use of this power. —ln the celebrated case of 1901, when a war was thr.:stened with this country, Government, by laying an embargo on the Danish ships, preverized all the bad consequences to this country of a ruinous war.— This measure, which was adopted instead of confis cating so many ships, aided by the glorious victory of Lord Nelson, and the happy change which took place in the Russian Government by the death of the Emperor Paul, saved this country from a war, and the vessels were afterwards restored. The Droits were originally intended to be applied to the naval_ service. So they had been, for three-fourths of the Spanish captures were given to the naval service. If' the object of the motion was to come at the amount of the Droits, Gentlemen would be quite gratified by the annual returns of the Droits and Colonial Reve nues which were laid regularly before the House.— Ministers had no objection to continuing these, and it struck him as a little extraordinary, that now, for the first time since 1816, an objection should be taken to them—(Hear, hear, hear). The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, that he had not intended to address the Reuse on the question, had it not been for some observations of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite. The House would see, in the contrariety of opinions of the Hon. Gentlemen opposite, w hat good a Committee was likely to do. Three or four of these lion. Gentlemen lad spoken on this question, and none of them could be brought to see it in the same light.—(Hear.)—They all disagreed, not only with this side of the House, but with themselves. Ministers proposed to con. tinily a system which had been four years in open Lion, and which was better understood by experience than any of the new fashioned, new-fangled plans of the Gentlemen opposite—(A laugh.)—lt possessed about it some of the venerable characters of antiquity. It was framed on a scale of reduction to the amount of X 150,000 below the expenditure of several years preceding 1816. The Gentlemen who were Members. of the last Parliament would recollect that the Right lion. Gentleman opposite w as not se eager for inquiry at the conclusion of the last Session, as he proposed to discuss the Civil List in the course of a fortnight before the dissolution !—(Hear, Hear.)—The plan now proposed would admit of a saving of .e.:!53,000 over the Civil List of ISIS, in which there was a reduction of £150,0C0 below the average of some preceding years. This large sum would be transferred to the. Consolidated Fund. Having said thus touch on the Civil List, he would snake an observation or two on the proper object ofthe present motion. The lion. and Learned Gentleman's objection against the continuance of these Droits to the Crown was, that it afforded a motive for unne cessary wars, and a pretext to those who wished to calumniate our country. Both these assertions appeared to him (the Chan cellor of the Exchequer) quite unfounded. Circumstances under which embargoes took place were subsequently examined, and if no cause for declaring war occurred, the vessels were re. stored. This happened in 1901, and be might n mind the House of what was the conduct of Government at that time. When a.coaliton was formed amongst the Northern Powers, an embargo was laid on all Danish, Swedish, and Russian vessels in our posts. This d*ernment, meanwhile, sought to avoid a war, and, after a brilliant exploit of Lord Nelson's, at Copen hagen, and a happy change in Russia, that calamity was pre vented, and the ships were restored. Had the Crown wished to condemn those vessels, it had nothing to do but to issue a Declaration of War, and thus prevent their restitution. It ought likewise to be recollected, when speaking of the Spanish prizes, that three-fourths of the proceeds of the captured vessels were given to our seamen. That the amount of this Fund, however, might be made known to the Public, and the uses to which it was applied, it was his intention to bring in a Bin for the purpose of causing a return of its produce and application every year. A return would likewise be given of the state of these Funds since 1818. Sir JOSEPH YORKE asked, whether or not the gallant Othcer who conducted the Congo and *suctions expedition, had a pension on the Four and a Half per Cents. The reply to this question would determine him which way he would give his vote. ale was always ready to support Government; but, not having received an answer respecting the Pensions, he thought it his duty to vote for the Committee—(Hear, Hear.) Lord A. HAMILTON said, Ministers bad been always meeting Motions for Inquiry, by saying that the beginning of a new reign was the time to enquire into the Civil List. He was at a loss to know to what period . they now proposed to defer it. Mr. B. BATri VEST complained that the House had been drawn aside by specious arguments from the real question. The real object with the originator of the motion, was not to enter tain the amount of the Droits of the Admiralty, but to take them opt of the hands of the Crown, and place them.at the dis posal of Parliament—(Hear.) Mr. BROUGHANI replied. He could not retort on his opponents the sarcastic remark which the Right Honourable Gendeman (the Chancellor of the Ex-1 chequer) in his very humourous speech, had /trade onl those who had spoken on that (the Opposition) side of I the [Muse ; namely ; that they all differed from each other, and some of them from themselves. The first part of the sarcasm, at least, he could riot retort, be , Cause there had, in fact, been only one speech made • Olt the opposite side of the- Home; and, therefore, •••••• . • • • • •• a • r udest thit speaker had differed from him Self, 'was no chance of his milking a successful reto , t.-:- (A laugh). He could not help expressing his reLiet that the House,. 6n •this occa s ion, had not had th: benefit of heating the opinions of those Law Offic'ers, who were as great an ornament to the Crown as the Droits themselves!—(a laug h)—and who, •if thty would do their duty, as he wished to make these Droits do their's, Would also be of ;peat benefit to the Country. He had lik.wise to rag rat the abse.tce of a Learned Gentleman, I.e meant the King's Advo cate, who was in the habit of discussing such topics as those which had been that night under the ctmi deration of the House. Bat, perhaps, he should con sider it as some compensation for the absence of the Learned Gentleman, that he was not oneacci by the weight of his arguments. He had also re as on t., I.,nn:nt, that another Learned and Right Honour-1k: Gentleman (air William Scott) had not come down to the 11 ,use tiii the d in.te was ended; be cause, from his official situaiien, both tetni,oral and yiritual— for it was well known that the dike of the Learned Judge was not merely secular-11:s presence would have been a very desir able acquisition. The attendance of such individuals gave coun tenance and encouragement to those who endeavoured to 'dis charge a public duty, even though their arguments would be op posed to the object which it was wished to attain. From the want of such learned hearers, and particularly in consequence of the absence of the Learned Judge, he had actually been obliged to suppress a most learned quotation from Vattel—(Laughter), and who could tell what tho effect of such a quotation might have been, if the Learned Judge, by his attendance, had given him an opportunity of introducing it? It was observable, that the Learned Judge bad now come down just in time to vote ! (Hear, licar,front the Oppositicii benches); but his inveterate judia cial habits, which had rendered him an ornament to the Bench, both at home and abroad, and which prevented him from de ciding without first hearing, would, there was no doubt, deprive Ministers of the accession of his vote on the present occasion— Wear, hew, and laugHerl. The Right Honourable Gentleman (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) bad remarked, that a war with Russia had been averted by the victory of Lord Nelson at Copenhagen, and by the happy change which took place in Rus sia. Now, he was not disposed to press that argument against the Right Hotiourable Gentleman, but he was sure, that if be himself had said so much, he would instantly have been silenced with the exclamation, " What ! you talk of a change of system, who call the assassination of Monarchs a happy change!" —(A lategh). He was sure, from the happy talent for ridicule whiah a Right Honourable Gentleman opposite possessed, that if he had made such an application of the event alluded to, he would have been almost annihilated by this time. The Right Honour able Gentleman (Mr. Canning), in reply to that past of his speech in which he alluded to the prova-ions made for the King of France, the Stadtholder of Holland. and the President of the United States; tied displayed his usual dexterity iu detaching just so much of he argument as he found it convenient to turn into ridicule:. he had pounced iron the President of the United States, overlooking entirely the King of France and the Stadt holder, and on this basis he bad founded his joke, his sarcasm, or his argument-a-he' might call it either, tor it was much throne as the other ; and then follawed a long tirade about sti ipping (ft the trappings of the Monarch : It had been said that the in quirywould occupy a long time, and that thy (the Opposition) were guilty of inconsistency, because they had formerly wished to hurry over the settlement of the Civil List in the course of a fortnight. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, however, mustbe a greater conjuror than he (Mr. Brougham) ever had reason to believe him, if he knew that they wished to settle that question in one fortnight. The fact was, that at the time they wished to enter into the inquiry, Parliament had six months before it, and not a :ortnight, as represented by the Right Hon. Gentleman, (Hair t froni the C4iposni,ii.)—it had been represented by the Hon. - Gentleman (Mr. Canning) that be (Mr. Brougham) wished to make a stipendiary King, with wily as much meat as be could devour—a Monarch who should live on board wages, and dials every day at a chop-house !—.(A laugh.)-He denied that such an inference could fairly be drawn from any seraintents that he hart uttered, and gome of the expressions were too vulgar for him to have used. lie had no wish to diminish either the dignity or the comfort of the Crown ; nay, he would grudge leas £10,003 applied in promoting the Monarch's comfort, than half that stun to be spent in corruption by the Minister—to be spent in getting Members into that House, or in keeping them steady when placed there !—(Hear, Hear, Hear.) — But it was said by the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Canning) and echoed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that those whofavouted this inquiry wished to strip the Monarch of those venerable attributes by which the Throne should be supported. " What !" exclaimed the Right Hon. Gentleman, " strip him of the Vicar of the Tower, with his salary of 235. a-year !—of the Master of the Hawks I—of the Keeper of the Lions ! and all those venerable appendages !—and what kind of a Monarch will you leave us?" —(laughter.)-- The Right lion. Gentleman (the chancellor of the Exchequer) represented it as a great favour to make annual returns is Par. Lament; but had it escaped she recollection of the Moose that in 1812 Mr. Per aeval had admitted that such accounts should be produced? Was it by this pretence of concession that their wits were to be bewildered, and they were to be cajoled out of their constitutional jealousy ?—ln conclusion, he called on Parlian suit to consult the honour and dignity of the People, and then they would most effectually promote the honour and dignity of the Crown. The Reign which had commenced would, he trusted, be long and honourable. Of this he was convinced—that the more it was grounded on the affections of the People' the moss permanent and oignified would it be.—(Loud chetTs.) The House then proceeded to a division, when there appeared, For the Motion - - - - 155 Against it - - - - - 273 Majority - - The Report of the Reiolutions respecting the Civil List was postponed till Monday, and the House adjourned at 12 o'clock. THE MINORITY Abercromby, Hn. J. Folkes, Sir Martin Pares, Thom* Allen, John Gordon, Robert Parnell, Sir H. Althorp, Viscount Graham, J. R. G. Phillips, G. Anson, Sir G. Graham, Sandford Phillips, G. jun. Aubrey, Sir John Grenfell, Pascoe Power, R. Aka, William Griffiths, John W. Powlett, Hon. Wm. Benett, John Guise, Sir W. B. Pym, Francis ' • Bentinck, Lord W. Gurney, Hudson Ricardo, David Boughton, Rouse Gurney, R. H. Ridley, Sir M. W. Boughey, Sir S. F. Gaskelf, Benjamin Roberts, A. Beigrave, Lord Hamilton, Lord A. Roberts, G. Barham, Joseph F. Harbord, Hen. Ed. Robinson, Sir G. Barham, J. F. jun. Hervey, D. W. Rowley, Sir Vintage Baring, Sir T. Heathcote; G. J. liumbold, C. Fa Bernard, Viscount Heron, Sir R. Russell, Lord G. W. Barrett, S. M. Hill; Lord. A. Russell, Lord John Benyon, Benj. Ilobhoase, J. C. Russell, R. G. Bernal, R. Howard, Hon. W. Rick ford, W. Birch, Joseph Hornby, Edward Smith, Hon. Robert Brougham, Henry Honeywood, W. P. Smitheflam. Bury, Viscount Hughes, Colonel Smith, John , Byng, G. 'home, Jos ph Smith, George Beaumont, T. W. - Hurst, R. Smith, Robert Bright, Henry Haldimand, W. Smith , William Cakraft, John Jervoise, G. P. &arlett, J. Calcraft, J. H. Kennedy, J. F. Scudamore Campbell, Hon. J. La:oton, J. G. Sefton, Earl of Chaniberliyne,'W. Lemon, Sir W. Stanley, Lord Carter, John Lushivgton; Steph. Stuart, Lord James (iaivendish, Lord.G. Langston, J. 11. Sykes, Dan. Cavendish, Hon. IL Lloyd, I'. J. Spuraier, C. IL Clifford, A. Muckintosh„Sir J. Scott, J. Clifton, Lord Mattocks, W. A. Tavistock, Marquis of C a k e , T. W. AlartiO, Ma Taylor, M. A. Colborne, N. R. J. Milbanke, Mark Taylor, C. W. Coocannou, Lord Mildmay, S. P. Tierney, Rt. Hon.G. Canuannakere ijeQrife Milton, Viscouct., Treniayne, J. H. Crompton ' Samuel Monck, J. B. . Townsend, Lord C. Calvert, Nicholas Moore, Peter Watre, J. Ashtey • DeCreapigq, Sir .'Moore, Abraham • Wetil;' Edward 'levies * T. lje: - Meitss e Sr T.. Western, C. C. Woman. Thomas Maberley, John Whitbread, .11undas, Charles ltriaberley, J. j,. Whitbread, Se.C. j Duncaunoa,Viscisint Mae t ig, Wilkins, Woo" Evans, William' . MahOsi; on: & Williarne, Nike, Edward Neeiilft“lon. R. • • Wl:liarts,"Wllltain I' erilVior a Sir R. 'Ca Noisome' ' ' . R. W. . • Wumarnii, grit Fipigeraid . , Lord W. Jsievepoeta sir-Ho w n Fitzroy, Loie(J: - N t rpord Woc4, Alderman • Folhesiaa, Viicirunt Ord, Frankland, H. Osborne, Lord V. means. Ferranti, Robert Ossulaton, Viscount siesati, has, a f Findlay, K. Palmer, C. F. ) neald, James • V ~~ , 4.:: , I t i