Star. — London, England, 1812-07-02 00:00:00

, I more strength to the Established Chute's, than removal of the disabilities affecting theCatholies. The quest ion was, whether the Church would be , Civ il e ndaneered by Catholics being admitted to 1 3 I ar'ocl M ilitary O ffi ces, and to sit iet Parliae l , -or, by their being embodied in one mass, ren t s olid and Ampact by persecution, and deck Iv tostile to an establishment made the pretext i te i r sufferings, and with every tie severed by they m ight hive been drawn to amity and :ion? This was the real question, and he would this part of his speech with expressing his friction, that to decide it on principles of intole , m ould be an error in policy, such as could be by few of those to which the misery of could be traced. Nothing now remained ,him but to make a few observations with respect , t he immediate object of his motion, and the time yl chosen to brine it forward ;---with respect to :latter, the consideration of the question had been ' from time to time, under circumstances , were neither satisfactory to the complainants, to the public. On Jan. 21, when it was brought the no:ice of their Lordships, he had objected t h e manner in which it was brooght-forveard, and t he Course of the subsequent discussiini on April ' b e had stated it as his opinion, that it should not ;allowed to remain till a tempest should be awaked ithu i tt eight be found very difficult to allay, for the ve i n roice he had then raised, subsequent events v s iewie that there was but too much reason ;—a of suspicion and jealousy had been excited, un indeed, but the natural consequence of de. hope, which the manifestation at that time of disposition to conciliate would have obviated ; shduld that sprit be now made a ground for fur , resistance, most improperly would it be so. Did Dot on the contrary furnish the strongest possible to induce the Government to take the question their own eye, to take it out of hands by which i ieould be unskilfully managed, he did not mean but elsewhere. Not to permit it to float abroad [allying point, as it were, for the multitudinous I which a question so delicate and so important I naturally collect around it. Finally, not to .or delay wresting it out of the hands of an 1 iy, he did not mean in Ireland, but in France.— ! Noble Lord then insisted on the danger of de while the principles of agitation were so active, ling to Gon, that it was his most sincere opi that if circumstances admitted of the immediate !ration of the question, it should not be deterred ! an hour. He did not, he said, depart from the I he had given on the 23d of April, which was, Ilt"e its consideration at as early a period as cir- • utances would admit. The next point to consi he observed, was, the nature of his intended the object of it would be, to promote such et and conclusive aeljustment as might con.luee the tranquillity of the United Kingdom, and to the d satisfaction of all classes of his Majesty's sub- . Whether the object he proposed to himself was Able by the means he had devised, would ap by the result of the Resolutions, if they were ; 1. To remove immediately all sources of dis tant, he was apprehensive, was not immediately and an attempt to do solvould be found, he convinced, premature. The question which he to press was, not the situ:akin of the law, but whole sfstem, and the advantages of conciliation. lilication, with respect to the law, might be sub ;of after consideration; he wished a public pledge be Elven to this effect, and if given, whenever it ! redeemed, he would be prepared to enter into question, with the assistance of other men, more I 'ified to take the lead on such an occasion than elf, and to whom he would willingly concede ! precedence. Th e d e p ra vity of the whole system, trusted, would then be fully developed, and he , itly prayed to the ALMIGHTY, that the result ,at be tranquillity and concord. if the system resistance should be persevered in, it would be ifgcult to say to what evils it might'give bit th. If people of Ireland fed that it was the detet mina tithe Legislature not to east a glance towards the ie system by which they were oppressed—that were to cherish no hope of relief, but that their aim was to be acknowledged and established the sanctuary of the Constitution, as forming part the palladium of that Constitution, and the bul `of the laws—to what such a conviction might he dreaded to look forward ; but should their -.nips be disposed to adopt the proposition he !kid now make, he had the most sanguine hopes 'it would be found ultimately to have the effect imparting strength to the empiie, and tranquillity 'lreland. The Noble Marquis then moved, That the House of Lords will, early in the next Session of Aarnent, take into their mast scr!otts consisieration the state dle lasts i:flectiit g his Majesty's Itonian Catholic Subjects in Britain and Ireland, ',nit a view to such a final and couci- AT adjustment as may he coldticivc to the peace and siri tileUsited Kit•gilorn, to the stability sit the Protestant ENta slitaent,and to the general satisfaction and cc .1:ord of all classes to Majesty's rubjec , s. The Motion being put from the Woolsack, lad LONGFORD rose, and strenuously op -I"'d the motion of the Noble Marquis. The claims let both by the Catholic s he thought it highly dau gtetrslo co nce d e , while Bonaparte held his power ari uence over the h ea d o f t h a t re li g i ons body. vacessiol:, as far as - ind sound policy would tut there were bounds the precept 4s thus tar ought nut to be for onable to requite larger been granted, without :sequences. He 'could merely religious. lie if a political character,. pensible. The charge advanced by the Noble were adverse to the lirns, he thought mis repeating, that unless , lie must oppose the .LOR said, there was im more sincere satis- I, that the sentiments !s subject were wrong, I lie vole for the N 4 ble convinced, he was con al respect him the more, - mest opposition. Much fn oould be ptit at rest. tuis's wish was . to give , rairt mo re strength to the Established e removal of the disabilities affecting tl I The ques tion wae, whether the Chur , or e e ndangered by Ca tholics bein g a t 0 14 Civil and Milita . ry Offices, and to . or , by being embodied in on r ;e d so lid and ewmpact by persecution , e di v t os tile to an establishment made • t h e i r s ufferings, and with every tie r ich they m ight have been drawn to , lion? This was the real question, at L . dude this part of his speech with ex • „viction, that to decide it on principl ae would be an error in policy, such Jailed by few of those to which tl • eions could be traced. Nothing no • him but to make a few observations • • A le immediate object of hi s mot i on , 2 i a a d chosen to brim it forward ;—witl latter, the consideration of the questi • ed from time to time, under ci hid ; were neither satisfactory to the et to the public. On Jan. 21, when it • ,„jet the nteiee of their Lordships, he 1 , t h e manner in which it was brotighof t he course of the subsequent disc ussii . 4, h e had stated it as his opinion, that i ' ;,- allowed to remain till a tempest shoul th iamight be found very difficult to a eue i r roice he had then raised, subset • id s hessaa that there was but too much ;tit of suspicion and jealousy had been anted indeed, but the natural conseq • • hope, which the manifestation at I disposition to conciliate would hai shduld that sprit be now made a grc 1 resistance, most improperly would i s sot on the contrary furnish the stron ► , •n to induce the Government to take er their own eye, to take it out of has would be unskilfully managed, he di f . ,but elsewhere. Not to permit it to allying point, as it were, for the at • 's which a question so delicate and d naturally collect around it. Fit t • ct or delay wresting it out of the •y, he did not mean in Ireland, but Noble Lord then insisted on the d • while the principles of agitation we ting to Gore that it was his mos that if circumstances admitted of tl I ;deration of the question, it should in an hour. He did not, be said, dep a ..ge he had given on the 23d of Apri age its consideration at as early a tances would admit. The next p I •he observed, was, the nature of I ;on ; the object of it would be, to t fad and conclusive adjustment as m 1 the tranquillity of the United Kingdo I . al satisfaction of all classes of his 11 , Whether the object he proposed tc •inable by the means he had devise • oby the result of the Resolutions, r .pted. To remove immediately all si eont, he was apprehensive, was not ▪ Aar, and an attempt to do so - would • convinced, premature. The questi , ed to press was, not the situation of • whole system, and the advantages of ) • oilieation, with respect to the law, n , 0 :of afier consideration; he wished a I ; be h aven to thi s e ff ec t, and if given, s redeemed, he would be prepared I question, with the assistance of othe ified to take the lead on such an r rmself, and to whom he would willii _ h precedence. Th e d e p rav i t y o f the v trusted, would then be fully devele outly prayed to the AehowiTy, chi 'ght be tranquillity and concord. 11 resistance should be persevered in, .14cult to say to what evils it might'gi .• people of Ireland fed that it was ti in of the Legislature not to cast a giant • .ective system by which they were opt y were to cherish no hope of relief, t i,t gradation was to b e ac k now l e d ge d an sanctuary of the Constitution, as ht the palladium of that Constitution, set of the laws—to what such a tout /41 he dreaded to look forward ; bui • iedshi is be disposed to a dopt the p i now make, he had the most sa at it would be found ultimately to ha °imparting strength to the empire, an klftland. The Noble Marquis then n "That the House of Lords will, early in the f karnrnt , take into t \f heir molt ; wrtotts corpas!t hislaws lajesty s Ittintan Catt lj 6 test firitain an d g Ireland, wi:h a view to such a 6 adjustment ai may he colito d cive the r iLicUtated Kit•gtiont,to the stn'ltilityutll t le e general satisfaction and cc as tar as reason an he was willing to yield, In 6 d limits to b e observed • and i4 lt thou go and no furt her,"i r. r' Eaten,. It Was quite unreasot scions than had already 4(quate security agiinst corn i • c s consider the question as " l':ught,it Was much more of tisecurity he deemed indispe i 4 ligotry, which b a d b een as 14 riuis against those who 3 tide of t h e C atho li c clai Iv' , lied, and conc l uded with g feet security were offered, hotc demands. ra The ;LORD CHANCEL] thing which could give hit le gibs) than t o b e conv i nced, he 1' entertained o n thi s rf thentnolt sinc ere ly wou ld n• u s motion but, if not that Noble Lord would giviit g hit motion the firmt wished, that this questiot belieted ;he . Noble Man 41disammeiniiimuni sadefattion to every class of his Majesty's subjects, but would the proposition of to night do this ?—a proposition which went to chaNce the whole Con stitution of the Realm, as established at the Re. volution. He had heard Lord Hardwick and Lord Somers quoted as authorities on this occasion. He was sorry to observe the descendants of those Noble Lords acting so differently to what these great men had done. What was the argument of the Noble Marquis to-night, and what was his proposi tion? His proposition was consideration, but .his whole argument was absolute concession to the Ca tholics. Until the 23d of April last, he had never heard the Noble Marquis utter such sentiments as he had to night ;'or indeed previous to that time had he even ,a suspicion that such opinions were entertained by • him. In the vote which he should this night give, be begged leave to be understood as not binding or pkdging himself to whit he would do at the beginning of next Session of Parliament, but he must act upon the circumstances of the time ; and, looking at the recent transactions in Ireland, would any one say this was a proper time ? The Noble Lord then adverted to the Resolutions recently en tered into by the Irish Catholios, which he animad verted on with great severity. He acknowledged they could not be considered as officially before the House, but unless they were to legislate blindfold, they could not shut their eyes to what was passing. In reading the Constitution and Acts of Parliament, he found that this was a Protestant Kingdom govern ed by a Protestant King, and that the Established i Church was to be protected and preserved ; and upon these pi inciples they had acted since 1658. Lord Hardwick had said on one occasion, if you suffer your religious - establishment to be broken in upon, you not only endanger the established Church, but you endanger your civil liberties—(llear, hear,) — The Noble Marquis who brought forward the motion bad said, the influence of the Priest did not extend beyond spiritual matters ; but was it nut well known that many things which we considered as temporal matters they considered as spiritual matters? And had not Judge Blackstone, who had frequently been quoted on this question, though net said, that "so long as the Catholics acknowledged a foreign Sovereign, they must not complain it they were not admitted to the power of the State." He should not now detain the House any longer than by proposing an amendment, which he should persist in, oven if he should stand alone. The Noble Marquis had agr. ed with him, and voted with him at the com mencement of the present Session, that this was not the time to entertain the question. The Noble Mar quis's opinion had altered—his ( Lord Eldon) re remained the same : and therefore be should now move the previous question. 1 1 Lord HA RDWICKE said, according to the Noble ',Lord's argument, had just sat down, t!:e door ought,from the very tirst,tolia.ve been shut against the Catholics, and that neither the Act of I 7 or 1793 should hare been passed, and indeed that no conces sion at all should have been made to the Catholics. He, however, had known Ireland under various cir cumstances, and he was persuaded that her happiness and prosperity depended on the question being en. tertained. Such, he believed, ha:? been the opinion, of the Noble Lord who preceded him ( Lord Hard wicke) in the Government, :t'id such had been the opinion of Lord Coinwallis, who had &elated his opinion, that the claims of the Catholics ought to be attended to, otherwise we should declare that we had united with persons who ought to have been destroyed. He honoured the memory of Lord Cornwallis for that sentiment, and be honoured Nit-. Pitt for his conduct, who, when he found he could not effect which the Catholics, he th' ught, bad a right to expect, retired from public service. The Noble Lord had expressed his concern, that certain Peers bad departed from the opi nion of their ancestors. He might with equal pro priety have contended, that because Lord Hardwicke was connected with that Government that had made the Assiento Treaty, his descendant, therefore, should 'not vote for the abolition of the Slave Trade. (Hear, Hear.) . In his (Lord Hardwicke's) opinion, the Catholics had a right to have their claims granted, and therefore he should vote for the motion of the Noble Marquis. Lord CLANCARTY could have wished that the Catholics had so conducted themselves, that they might themselves have been called in to assist in the arrangement of their claims ; they, however, had re • cently adopted a line of conduct which rendered that j impossible. It therefore now o•nly remained to con-I eider what steps were proper to be taken. It must be I evident to every one, that things could not perma trendy remain in the state in which they now were; and therefore their Lordships must take the subject up. He thought it was highly necessary that secu rities. should be taken from the Catholics ; and it' trculd be for their Lordships to consider what those securities should be. In every state in which the Ca-, thohc religion bad bete tolerated, it had been ft and necesary not only to provide strong barriers against the power of the Pore, lint also against the Popish religkn itself ; and he h u•tcd their Lordships would be cartful to provide good and sufficient secuiitits on the present occasion. The DU KE of SUSSEX said, that af:cr the very ample detail of his opinions on this subject which he had given on a former occasion, it was not his inten tion to troub:e their Lordships with a repetition of that detail ; but after what had fallen horn the Noble Lord on the Wooli4ack, he found it impossible not to make a short and .conscientious effort to counteract the tendency of those sentiments to which the Noble Lot d had given utterance. He hoped that he would be believed by the country, and by their Lordships, when he said he felt as great.anxiety for the support of our establishments in Church and State, as the Noble Lord, though he differed from him most widely in the manner of that support. As he had just said, , hi.. opinion on the present subject was long since made up ; bt he should not do justice to the Noble Marquis, if he did not express his satisfaction at the splendid exes Lion with which the Noble Marquis had this night confirmed his opinion—with which he had strengthened his conviction. The question now came before their Lordships in st.mewhatof a different shape, and from those in which it even lately appeared. Its position, relative to external considerations, was much altered for the better. When it was last before the House, various difficulties existed, and various opi nions were held, which were now overcome or aban doned. No man, with the events of the last six weeks ill his eye ) could say, that a very cunsidcrable chave had not taken place in the features of the Ca tholic question. It was of course in the recollection of the House, that within the last six weeks two attempts had been made at the formation of a new Admini stration, the basis of both which attempts was conciliation of the Catholics. (Harr, 4,-ar.) One of the Noble Lords ((his Noble Friend Moira), who was comthissioned to make* one (.f those attempts, was so convinced of the necessity of conciliation, that he might well conclude how favourable to the Catho lics were the sentiments of the illustrious person who gave his Noble Friend that commission. Another al teration in the position of the question was, the reso lution passed elsewhere ; and much, indeed, dii he hope, that the decision of this night would leave no cause for disunion with those who passed that resola- 1 tion. What, then, was the present state of the ques. tion ? It was singly and nakedly this—whether the re strictions which degraded the Catholic below his Pro testant fellow-subject should now be done away ? (Hear.)—Whether Parliament should now, by one great act of legislative wisdom and national generosity, unite all classes of his Majesty's subjects in detence oil the common rights of their common country against the common enemy ? (Hear, hear.) Would this, and he put it to the Noble Lord on the woolsack, be pull-, ing down the barriers of the State ? Would it not; on the contrary, be OS rearing up of impregnable bulwarks for its protection ? It was said that the Cathacs had already got much. They did get much; and it should not be forgotten, too, that all they ob tained was in the reign of his present Majesty. But i in his opiuion, the concessions hitherto made were j arguments for extending them. They were additional motives to conciliation. He said, that whatever the r Roman Catholics got, was in the reign of his present Majesty. Yes, iu the 11th and Illth of his reign it I was that the situation of the Catholics was first taken into consideration. Then it was that for the first time the Catholics were permitted, in their own country, to be possessors of fifty acres of bog-land for a term of GI years, together with half an acre of arable , land, provided that half acre was not within a mile! of a town ! This concession was followed by that of 1776, which gave to the Catholics the power of taking leases for 999 years ; and by that of 1782,1 which put the Catholic on the same footing with the Protestant, not in a political light, hut as to the pur chase and disposal of land. In 1793, the right of election was vested in the Catholics ; that tight, of which they had been deprived since the first or second year of Geo. 11. Did any of their Lordships expect I to keep the Catholics stationary in the situation, to which, by progressive enactments, they had thus been . raised ? In his notion of this free Constitution, he un , derstood, that under it there was a natural connection ber.w..'en property and power. The Catholics were per.: mitted to acquire property ; and power must follow it.: Any attempt to separate power from property, or to keep them, when in existence, from uniting, would, ! lie was convinced, not on ly di s t ur b th e t ranqu illi t y, but would endanger the stabil.ty of the State. It would have been better never to have gra::ted any : thing to the Catholics, than thus to stop short, and I put up tier ever a hart ier against their claims. He begged the House not to discourage the arduous and lhonest efforts which the Catholics were making for their freedom; which a virtuous, and, he would say, I an illustrious portion of the people of this empire, ! were making for the obtainment of a most praise woi thy and glorious object. If the House acted so ainwise a par, the natural consequence would be, that those arduous efforts would be turned into ano ther.channel, and might, in their effect, be as des! sti nctive to the common-wealth, as inimical, undoubt edly, to the Catholics themselves. He was led to these remarks by a paper which he held in his hand, v..hich stated, and, he believed, fairly stated, that not : less than 7000 places were, by the operation of the' existing penal laws, shut up from the Catholics.— Whelk he.said that the navy and army, and bar, were almost totally ;lit of their retch, this assertion would not be considered groundle:;s. The Noble Duke then concluded his speech, with deploring that any thing like violence should have bcon mingled in the con- duct of the Catholics. They had given expression to violent sentiments, which lie must blame, and which must injure instead of serving their gcod cause. Lord HA RRO WBY said, the present Session was the first instance in which he had considered himself at liberty to entertain the question, with a view to any practical advantage being derived from the con- : sideration of it. The Noble Lord then took .a review of the several transactions which have recently taken place in Leland, and adverted to the Resolutions which had recently been adopted by the Catholic Committee. He regretted these Resolutions as much as any person could do, because he considered they , would operate so as to injure their claims. Ho could ' not, howt. yer, forget, that they were come to under feelings of considerable irritation and disappoint ment. The proposition of the Noble Marquis of to night was, that the question should be taken into con siJeration—and to those who thought concessions in full, or in part, with or without securities, it would be unnecessary for him to say any thing to convince them of the necesssity of consideration, and that it should be adopted at as early a period as possible ; and none but those who were inimical to any conces sion whatever, -would oppose the Noble. Marquis's motion. In his ( Lord H. s) opinion, the best secu rity we could have would be the security of general feeling. He concluded by expressing himself favour able to the motion. would be more properly considered; if tli t e'ficittie rye solved to examine the subject. While he was read to express his warmest wishes fir a oonciliat arrangement, he could not avoid eepressing his s sere regret at sonic of the. Resolutions sr/kt had% lately passed in Ireland. Ththleachingnnen of oh class from which those Resolutions prikeeded, hr hitherto conducted themselveswith the graatest tern and moderation. He would leave it to the laseralit of the House, whether it was not probable that th Resolutions proceeded from the sodden ebullition an heat of a few wild heads ; and that they were not sober and deliberate expressions of those tren wh had always lk!tore conduced themselves with the ut most temper and moderation. He was favourabieto the present question, as considering it the fitst gem ral question which went to the amelioratioa of Ire land. He thought that the situation of the lower classes of the.conimunity in that part of the United Kingtham, had long and loudly called fur legislative relief; an. ire hoped that the present questioh would be followed by the proposal of oZtzr me Imre+ for re medyilig the griev roses under which the po ir of ire• land now lab ow. With this v.ew, as well as that of conciliation, he felt happy in ruppoiting the anatioat of the Nobl.! M trquis. , The Archbishop of CANTERBURY thought' s that all those who were of opii.ion that the claims might, under some restrictions, be acceded to, would best express that opinion by voting its fa -our of the present motion. He feared, indeed, is it it would.be generally conceived that those who vhoirld vote :Tomtit it, were for shooting the disc: agati... di colsikr.cion whatever of the subject.—(lLor.)—lf the oi l , a o f ' 'conciliation, and of securing tloi established religion from danger, could be effected by any measure to be proposed, it would be an obje-t of the highest price and the question deserved the tuloo consitimation There were certain difficulties to orrnottottol; but those difficulties ought not, in his opini 1, to, prevent the full consideratiou of the question. Ili: thought the House would do well to bear in mind, that u he. ther the present motion WAS rejected or nut, still the question must unavoid tbly be discussed again in 'he course of the next Session. It had been said, that more was intended than was professed. If that were the case, he would still wish to reserve himself against those intentions ; but at present he should support the motion. Lord ELLENBOROUGH was at a loss to ac count for the new light which appeared to have broken in upon Parliament on this ques ion. A very new and extraordinary alumina:on had lately burst open the minds of some Noble Lords in the House. The Noble Marquhi, (Marquis Wellesley), has first seen this new light,—this day-star,—since the 30th of last January (hear.) Until that time he must class' himself among the persecutors. &tore he was con. verted, he might say as the Apostle of the Geatiles, who had been present at the martyrdom of Stephen, that though he himself had not stoned him with stones, yet he was consenting to it, and took care I of the young men's dodos who stoned him. lhe Noble Lorsl, however, had not given the House his reasons for this sudden conversion. A Nohle Earl ( Harrowby ), hadalso seen this new light,and was now 1 in favour of the motion. As for himself, lie was a man of plain and simple habits, :Ltd loved consistency and truth above all things. As to his Noble Fr ends near him (Lords Grey and Grenville), they had been consis tent throughout in their opinions, and had evinced their sincerity by the sacrifice of office and power, to j those opinions whin they II id so long and so ably maintained. That for which they swot out of office was net one hundredth part of what the present mo- Lion aimed at, and yet he could hot then agree with them in their opis:iuns. He then uifflred with them, not en the principle that nothing should he done her conciliation with the Catholics; but that h: was un willing to pit with the staff of power, Iliad he knew whether it might not be wanted fur the defeoce of the Protestant reitgion— (Hear, hear.) As to considering the laws which pressed too severely oil the Catholics, he believed that any man of good understanding would be able in a day, or in a few hours, to point out what imme‘lettely required repeal. He never could, howeves, bring himself to look upon the Roman Ca. tholics in the same light as the lhotestant Dissenters, as they owned a foreign allegiance. Ile allowed that this objection might be something weakened by due' present circumstances of the Pop.: ; but it must be i recollected also that it was Bonaparte who had hint in fetters. Under such circumstances, he still saw great danger from this foreign allegiance, and there. lore he should oppose the present muUun. • Lord HOLLAND declared his firm adherence to the principles on which his Noble Friends rested the 1 Claims of the Roman Cath ifics on former occasions. After hearing all the objections which had been raised against the admis..ihn of thqie Claims, his own opi nion remained firm and unalterable, that it was nut necessary, fur the preservation of the Established Re-. ligion, that the Catholics should give, or be called upon to give, the security %shiest the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack alluded to. The Noble Lord, in his judicial capacity, certainly had a right to decide according to the existing laws, but he I (Lord Holland) thought it his duty, in his legions tive capacity, to act otherwise than by moving the previous question. It was very true that the laws of the country were very severe upon the Catholics ; but it ought also to be remembered, that the Earl of Shaftesbury, and other enlightened Members of that House, ohjected to them at the time of , The • DUKE of KENT said, that he could not / their being passed, on the ground, that they were an infringement upon the liLerties cf the subj e ct...-. avoid expressing his most anxious and warmest wishes, j j The Test Act, in particular, was a law of t h at de that when this subject should come into discussion, • scription, because it bound aMember of either House. it might not be considered so much a Catholic ques f tion as a conciliatory question.— (H e ar, hear.)-- from exercising his own free opinion .up on t h e pre - Having j priety of tolerating the exerci .e of the Roman Catlso been educated in the principles of the e3ta- 1 - lie religion. He sae' dot tae most remote d a nge r j Wished religion, he naturally felt a strong predilec that could be apprehended, by die firmest f r i en d s o f tion in its favour, and there was no consideration which attached him more to it, than his firm belief, the Established Religion, from the complete ernan- cipation of the Irish Catholics. A t a ll the Meetings that there was no religion more liberal and tolerant which that respectable b o dy hyld, they - solemilly re wasasserted, that they dis a vowed U.ose pi inciples whit! ' in its spirit (hear.) If he really thought that there I any chance of the established religien being sub. j verted, by entering into a discussion of the Catholic their church was supposed to maintain, such as, claims, he would be the' last man to vote for the ills- that no faith was to be kept eith lietetics ; and they. cession. It appeared to him, however, generally, with equal solemnity, dlsavowqd any intention or that those civil sights which were claimed by the desire to overturn .the Protestant Letabiobese u e i a‘ Catholics, were rie t ts which all the subjects living these kingdoms. With what propriety could a Bri under the British Constitutien might naturally con- ' tish Pat liarnent tell the whole Catholic population, ceive themselves entitled to. In granting those rights,' you shall not sit in either House of Parliaenent, you he should zertainly wish, that care should be taken I shall not command a fleet or an army, bat you.fiave to guard and protect the established religion. What proved yourselves worthy of holding subordivateranks guards and securities might be supposed necessary, iu lighting the battles I thescowitry. The kotupobiti4ll