Star. — London, England, 1827-05-11 00:00:00

t♦ by the parties, to the satisfaction pf t i be copetry and I their Lordships. Whettioateettstreordinary circum stance arose iihmtte fottion of a Government, which though preseriWtottitfhlic 'view, was not that Govern ment which via hereafter to detect the affairs of the ntr the hblic and Parliament were as much en tat lunation from that side as they had been from the other. Opposition to his Majesty s Govern ment was a thing which had never been usual to him in life, neither should he ever form part of a factious op rosition, but would do what he considered best for the interests of the country. The question was, whether some offices of the Government were filled up or not? To the eye they were filled up; but it was notorious, that they were not permanently so. Then why notinform the House on that subject ? How were they to know whether certain differences might not exist in such a Government not reconcileable with the interests of the country ? If that was not the cue, why not declare it at once ? He did not wish to press for an honied ex planation, but in what situation might it not shortly stand? It Wes possible that the business of Parliament should be got through without much difficulty, and that at the time of its prorogation it should have had no opportunity of pronouncing its opinion on the present Government? He had not communicated his senti ments on this subject to one single being. He belonged to no p itty, no faction in or out of the House. He had said merely what floated in his mind, and had done it without any view to embarrass or injure his Majesty's Government. He had stated facts to the House, but had stated them on behalf of the Noble Lords themselves, and of the interests of the country. Viscount GODERICH said. I do not mean to blame the Noble Earl far want of courtesy. 1 do not corns plain of his entertaining doubts as to the composition of his Majesty's Government. But I think my Noble Friend would have abstained Wad he been more accu rately acquainted with the circumstances which induced the Noble Earl to address his observations to your Lordships. If my Noble Friend had been in the House during the interlocutory discussion which had been in troduced by the Noble Duke, and if he had heard the Noble Duke repress his most unqualified disapproba tion of his Majesty's Government, and even his repro. -bation of the individual whom his Majesty bad placed at its head ; if my Noble Fiend had heard this, he would not have thought it unnatural that a Noble Lord who thinks himself justified in bes owing his confidence on Government should stand up in his place, and, avowing his opinions, explain his mesons for bestowing his confidence. I lament that the question should be discussed in this indirect manner ; and I wish, if there tore any Noble Lords distrustful of the Government— sod no doubt there are many, but be they few or many, "they have a plain course be:ore them—it is their duty to bring forward a distinct motion, and call on their 'Lordships to express a decided opinion —(Hear.) I say - this is the Constitutional method ; and I was glad to •bear the Noble Earl, the other night, give notice for a motion, which would enable me to make a distinct ex , planation, and bring to the test of the approval or dis approbation of that House the conduct of the Admi •nistra ion. All I want is a fair war. If their Lordships do not repose confidence in the Government, I only ask justice, and that they would pursue the Constitutional method of forcing on some question, by which the Go verament may be brought to a fair test. If it be not saiisfactory—if Noble Lords should think we do not do our duty to our Sovereign and the,country—if they should think that, in becoming responsible to the King and the country for all our acts, we are not entitled to their confidence—l can only say that I shall how with submission to their decision; but I object to the ques tion being agitated by these inteslocut , ry discussions, end I object to our being perpetually called on to plead . and to answer questions, without any possibility of bringing the question to a fair issue. I know the gene- rous feeling of my Noble Friend so well, that I am sure he, of all men, would be the last to support a factious Opposition; but :et us not be baited, day after day, witltoit our having an opportunity of bringing forward any proofs that we are undes-oving th e confidence of the country—(Cheers.) Tate Marquis of SALISBURY thought it was some what extraordinary that their Lordships should be called on to express an opinion of his Majesty's Ministers, while that Ministry had as yet performed no act by which it could be judged—(Hear, hear). He looked on the Administration with suspici , n ; it was made up of Members who had declared they wished to go out of office, and of others who had staid in office that they might promote a particular question, which, it was un• derstood, they had received instructions not to bting forward as a Government question. Others, again, had remained in office, as the best means of securing a Pro testaut Parliament and Protestant King; and all these • were united with a body of men who Intd previously opposed almost every measure they had brought foe ward. He saw these things with suspicion, and they indicated, he thought, a change in the principles or in the policy of those who remained in office. It was far from his wish to have addressed these observations to • their Lordships, if it had not been for the Noble Earl who had caused the debate—(Hear, hear, and No, no). He left it to the judgment of their Lordships, whether anything said by that side'of the House had provoked the d scussiun—(hear, hear,)—or which could justify the a -foliation of such wordy as " factions" to toe Op position P—(Hear, hear). Net having had as yet the ad vantage of deciding on any one act f the Government, . they could not be taxed with being a faction. He din trusted the Minister at the head of Government, but he could not on that account be accused of forming a factious Opposition. He could assure the Noble Earl that it was by so means his wish to suspect the motives of any Administration which had received the appro. batioa of his Majesty. In the ring he (the Marquis of Salisbury) placed the most perfect confidence, and he was convinced, that if his M.jesty saw that his wishes had been disobeyed, or if he discovered that meatuses were adopted under the mask only, and sot in the spi• tit of the Earl of Liverpool's Government, he would at once call on the country to rid him of sueh an Admi nistration—(Hear, hear). And if it was not for that confidence which the country placed in his Majesty, and the conviction they entertained of his firmness— . (loud vies of " Oi der") — The Earl of HARDWICKE rose to order. He did not think that this sort of conversation ought any longer to be continued ; there was no question now before the House—he wished there had been ; but there was not, and it did seem to him out of order to make such ob servations. The Noble Earl was proceeding, to expreu his readiness to meet any question, when Lord ELL EN BOROUti El interrupted h im,obser Ting • that the Noble Earl was himself not speaking in order. • The Marquis of SALISBURY resumed, and ob served, that he must be petmitted to say what was r genera/ understood to be the opinions entertained as to the motives and the conduct that influenced the highest gunner, and what had there transpired—(Re iteired cries of Order). His Lordship (looking round to Lord Ellenborough) then said, he should abttain from pressing the matter further, but he could not sit down quietly under the imputation , that had been un justly cast upon him by his Noble Frend, who certainly was not a more loyal subject than himself, and who could not fail in giving, if he felt it consistent with his duty, his support to the Government. He was sorry to fifiehimaelf comp Dined of by his Noble Friend forios-' pecting in Administration which had been formed in the most extraordinary manner. • - • • The Earl of DARLINGTON, in explanation, denied that he had used the word factious," as applied to the opposition of the Noble Lords on the other side of the House, though if he had done so, he could not but think he should have been justified,when he recollected that a Noble Duke, forming one of the Opposition, had used a term so strong as that cf *, profligate Minister." —(Hear, hear). The Earl of LAUDERDALE said he did not kit why any Noble Lord was not justified in alluding-to the fact of his Majesty's having been advised to a particu lar course by his Ministry. He held, that his Majesty must have been so advised on that subject. which hrd been alluded to ; and, in that House, Noble Lords knew of no act of the Sovereign that was not made through h is Ministry ; that Ministry was, therefore, responsible for the acts that were done. He foresaw many and unplea sant future discussions on this subject, if there were not a clear understanding upon it. The Earl of FALMOUTH said, that the Noble Earl (Darlington) Was not justified in using such expressions as he had applied to the Noble Lords who sat on his side of the House. He would not ask th Noble Earl why his views coincided with those of the new Admi nistration ? he would only ask him not to interfere with these on the side opposite to his, and he (Lord F.) would not interfere with his. He (Lord F.) would always withhold his support from any Administration in which he could not confide; and, upon many subjects, he could place no confidence in'that which lit present existed.— He thought that with this feeling he ought in his place to declare openly and fairly his sentiments, and he trusted he had done not in an improper or unconstitu tional way. Lord ELLENBOROUG U observed, that if the Noble Earl opposite fe't surpri e at the sudden and violent disposition to oppose, which had sprung up on his side of the House, he ought to allow the Noble Lords w,ho had not changed their seats to express their surprise as the sudden and violent disposition of those who had to support his Majesty's G-veriunent. The Noble Earl had now discovered that the Right lion. Gentleman at the head of the Treasury had, tot thirty. five years, en tertained the same poli.ical sentiments as himself. It was most extraordina• y that this dic.overy should have been made se late, or that at this eleventh, or r then , thirty•fifth , heir, the Nt.ble Lill should have first' thoeght of supporting Ministers. The Noble Egli con tended, that the servicet.of his Noble Friends had been, transfrred in the most disinterested manner to the other side; but it was yet too early to claim the praise' of disinterestedness, It was known that the present Government was a provisional one : that all places were not yet fill-d up, or all the good things given ; some time must therefore be allowed to elapse before the question of disinterestedness could be settled. With respect to ti e Noble Lords who had resigned their placer, and the alleged attempt to dictate to his Maj -sty what Minister he sh •uld choose, he agreed that his Majesty had the undoubted prerogative to select his Minister; but lie would say in language equally strong, that it was not less distinctly the 141- doubted right of Parliament to express and r.cord its opinion of such selection and appointment, and of those Ministers themselves. WAS it not not.. ricus as the sun at noonday, that persons had submitted to hold offices till fitter individuals were found to take them ? And how was the House to express its opinion of a Govern ment when it did not know of whom it was really com posed ?. The qu stion put by the Noble Earl was the first step toss a:ds m eking such a muti tn. What end would it serve to postpone inquiries? That those offices would not be filled up till Parliament was ready to separate, or. had separated, and that the change would be do e in the dat k, when it would be impossible for either House to eapre.s an opinion. This might be a very convenient Course for cettain individuals. It might be very convenient that all notices of motions s'scutd be withdrawn and no measuies proposed. But if this were convenient for individual!, it was most in convenient for the country. Oae year would thus be lust to her, for the first measure of his Majesty's Go vernment was, in fact, not to propose any measure at all—(A laugh.). It was, therefore, nectssary to wait before expressing an opinion, tilt it should be seen what Government would remain, and whether that most ex traordinary, he would not say coalition, but, accession to a Governm-nt which had constantly professed prin ciples directly opposite, should stand. He said directly eersite, for lie had thought hitherto that there was some difference between a Whig and a Tory—between Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox; but it appeared that this had beets a mis understanding, and that Noble Lords had suddenly die. covered the truth. He should wait to see whether that accession had proceeded from a strong sense of public duty, a pert . ' et ffisiateiestedness, and a sacrifice of pri. vate feelings ; or from a common vulgar case of willing political seduction, oily remarkable for being carried on with a little more regard than "usual to the forms of ordinary decency. Earl SPENCER could not refrain from saying a few Words in reply to so unjust an attack. He was willing to give the Noble Lord credit for his motives, though he seemed disposed to grant none in return. The Noble Lied had a t ight to placebis confidence wt ere he pleased, and he (Earl Spencer) also. As long as his Majesty's Government would profess the opinions which it now professed, and act upon them, it should have his confi dence and his support. It was well known that, for a considerable time, the Noble Lords then on the other side of the House had approved of the most material measures of the late Government. Oa the only one on which they differed (the Catholic question) he then ex pressed the sentiments which he should continue now to express, that he did not think the empire would flourish in peace and prosperity till that que.tion was sealed—(Hear). When the King had been deserted by a large portion of the Administration, he had exercised his right, as a Member of Parliament, to look at the Government which should succeed, and when he saw that portion of it which he had always supported, and wished to support, remaining in dice, he had felt him self guilty of no inconsistency in giving it his support. It was said to hate been formed on the principle of Lord Liverpool's if it were meant on jhat of di 'tided aromfittrent, it was one of which he could i.otappeove, As he had experience of the evils which it created—(Heart. in Lord Liverpool's Administra tion it was known that a large portion of it, with that [ - Nobleman at its head, were hostile to the Catholic Claims; but now the reverse was the case, and he had only joined those who entertained the same opinions on that great question as himself. He repelled the imputation of vulgar and sordid motives. He did not charge the Nuble Lords who had retired with any im proper motives. They had a right to act as they had done without being questioned for it, and they had nu Occasion to enter with so much alacrity into their defence as they bad displayed. Earl GREY—It is not possible for me, my Lords, to abstain from saying a few words upon this *object, be cause I assure your Lordships with the utmost sin- , cetity, that nothing can be so painful to me a to find I myself in a situation in which 1 must explain those dif ferences of feeling that have separated me from the friends with whom I have acted throughout the whole of my political life, and for whom, at this moment, I entertain the sincesest affection. Before, however, I say one word about those differences, I must distirctly dis claim any participation in the opinion th..t there is the slightest necessity for us to wa,t the progress of time, in order to be fully convinced of the purity of theirin tendons. On whatever reasons they may have founded their conduct, whether thole reasons may appear satis factory to me or not, I am certain—as certain as of my own existence—that in tak ng their places on that side of the House (to which I regret I cannot accompany them), nothing but the most perfect disintetestedness, the most sincere conviction that what they did w as an act of paramount duty, can have influenced their con duct—(Hear, hear). To differ from suds men at all times, but esp;cially on such an occasion as the pre sent, and with such a conviction as I entertain of the purity of their motives, must be painful in the extreme; and the pain occasioned by that difference is such, that the agitation which I feel at this moment alm tst de prives me of the' power of addressing you. I sit here now. I have sat here for twenty years, with at least but one exception. I have not forfeited my right to retain the seat; but though ranked among those who occupy the Opposition Benches,l beg not to be cla[sed as one of those who ate now forming au opposition to the Government. I entreat that the N[tble Earl who ope led this debate on the other side of the House will not attribute to to e any of the motives which may be imputed to those wh im he has designated as a fa:tious Opposition. I beg to state here, that I am not in opposition at all, the dis tinction between me and the Nobly Lords who . sit near me being that I do not remni.) here in opposition to the Government. bet do not go over to them, because I do not see certain principles carried as far as they might be—pritscipler, on which the Government might consii trite those grounds of confidence *MA I consider it absolu ely'necessary to see &chiefly and dearly esta. blishtd. before I pledges myself to support the present Administration. It has been sometimes •aid that at. tempts have been made to dictate to his Majesty upon the exercise of his prerogative in the choice of his Mi. nisters ; and my Noble Friend opposite has advanced that charge against those whom he has described as in opposition to the Government. I have tteard with some degree of >u pti.e, many things said upon tbat sui , ject ; and I most observe that my Noble Friend beneath' me put that matter upon its right ground,when he said that it was the undisputed and indisputable right of the King to choase what Ministers he I leafed ; bat tha', over the ex ercise of that undisputed right, there did exist a controul as there does over ether acts of the Royal Prerogative, and that controul is vested in the Parliament ; so that,, if the Parliament does not feel that the Ministers of the King's choice are such as deserve their confidence, they are exercising only on their part that right which, in the best times, and by the most wise and most virtuous statesmen, has been frequently acknowleged—that of remonstrating with his Majesty on that choice, which appears to them prejudicial to the country. Although, therefore, the choice of Ministers is an absolute and undisputed prerogative of the Ciown, yet it is not be yond corittoul ; and in stating the - prerogatives of the Crown, let us not forget, my Lords, what are the pri. vileges of the people; and that if it. is the prerogative of the Crown to appoint the Ministers, it is equally the p-ivilege r f the people to express their disapproval of that al pointmeat. Far these ;cations, I think that those who have declined to enter into the service of an Ad ministration of which they disapprove, have been per fectly justified in their conduct ; and this I think to be a rule so clear and so sacred, that I thick they have only bees wit's; in 'Offering querions to be put to them upon - it—(Cheers). I am glad to find, from these marks of approbation. that what I have stated is assented to. Then, what are the objections entertained by persons who might fill the vacant offices of the Government, but who have declined to do so? There may, my Lords, be many objections. I have heard a t reat deal said upon this subject, which I confess I do not precisely understand. I have heard of objections arising from personal, useari'ng thereby unjustifiable feelings. I do not think that meaning ought, in all cases, to be affixed to the word. When I am called on to enter into the service of an Administration, I am called on to pledge myself deeply to commit my character and 'honour ; and if I see that the person who influences and directs the Adnainistra lion is one to whom I cannot safely commit myself, I am bound to decline engaging in the service, as I do not feel that security for my honour and character which a full confidence in the head of the Administration alone can give me. In that sense of the word, a personal ob jection may be the soundest and the best objection that tan be entertained, andto claim the right of questioning l any one upon such objections, is, in my idea, a most. improper, and I will add, most unconstitutional dogma. I have said so much, as I am not interested between the parties who formed the late Administration (if I may so speak) and those who constitute that which now exists; but I think it right to put this matter on us propet, fair, and constitutional grounds, and to vindicate for public. men that free right of scams, of which to deprive them would be most mischievous and unjust—(Hear, hear, hear I). I again declare that I form no part of a factious . Opposition; indeed, I form no part of an Opposition at all; on the contrary, if there are any peraons in this House to whom my prin ciples are more decidedly opposed than to any other, they are those to whom I have lately heard professing themselves to be the opposition to the Government. Not only do my principles prevent me from wishing, but they will induce me not to do any thing that may promote their return to power. Having said this, if I should be asked why I do not support the present Ministers, I must answer by repeating what I set out with saying, that I cannot see in their con duct those grounds of confidence that would entitle me ' ao give them consistently and consciestiously the pledge , of my support. I hare heard that this is likely to promote the accomplishment of that question, which, like my Noble Friend (Earl I consider to be one of paramount importance, a n d 'full and decisive, and satisfactory settlement of o bi I believe wish him, to be necessary to the pea ce and curity of this great kingdom. That alone, host, will not secure the peace or happiness of the - I own that, in my opinion, the Government has bee n " changed as not to afford any hope of an arrangemrog more congenial to the interests of the people of th at country. Ireland has long laboured under disabili t i es and ditqualificatiosas which are a disgrace to the 'stole, and which cannot moth longer erat i ns question of Catholic Emancipatio n has b een pace d over from time to time; but, until that great work is begun—until that great question is carried, atij set at rest, all other sotempts to tranquillize h e , land must prove inefficacious. To those ion 21a opposed to that question, I am firmly and most de, cidedly opposed. To those who sappart it, I am, so far, as firmly and decidedly determined to giv e my cordial assent co-operation (Cries of " Hear, b ta ,, , i from the Opposition Benches). But the main ginu n d of toy objection is this :—I do not perceiv e in the print Administration those principles which could itidoce me to support them in their engagements tri.on great public questions; and upon this head I feel it necessary tins have some clear and definite understandiug. I ail not ose of those who wish that a stipulated condition &add be made wit's Members of Parliament in another place, or with Noble Lords its this; but I do say that the engagements understood to be meted into betvie m Ministers upon the great question of Cathniic Emit. apation, and others, of min -r, but still of great imps. Lance, are of such a nature as to induce me nutty Place trust or confidence in the existing Admitustra• tion—(Hear, hear, hear I from the Opposii ion Benchrib We have been told that the present Administration has be, formed upon the principle of that of which Lord Livtrpol sra , f i e heed; b luaust confess, with a Noble Friend below me, that I am seta his It esdentand precisely what that priori* was , 0,4 it to am apposition to the Catholic Question, or did it Mein that tint esesdon was not to be brought forward as a Goveranteat quipast If such be the case, I must observe, that I fed beto4 in sower an Administration so !,ftnposed, and I . 1107 ca gift . - thealito state whether such be or be not the fact? It has beta sit, that although that question was not to be brought forward u OuVirriammat question, it might still receive the support intridie!! l of those Members of the Administration, who are in (avows( c This language bas been held by many Noble and valued freaks( mine. I remember the time when those Noble Friends, eh h a , held such doctrines, would not have felt satisfied with such or, ditions—(Hear, bear, hear from the Opposition benches). M g would have felt themselves bound in honour to adopt anathema*, because they would have perceived that this perniirioo to wo lodividually, as they pleased, was no privilege whatever, fide under the Administration of my Lord Liverpool or of any use person—( Hear, bear, bear). Is it, then, that the Catholic Queen le oat to be proposed as a Government Question? If it be, thaw ties the question so far as lam coneerned—( Hear bmr) in 1101 I rook • decided part upon that question. I then mind tempts to modify it or place it in abeyance ; and nothing on shall Induce me to agree to the arrangement proposed in tie sent Administration with respect to it. I feel, as a citizen ofa State, that I cannot do so; ind I feel equally bound netted. e, by the oath whkk I, ask Privy Councillor, have taken, to die the King to the best of my knowledge and ability—(Hear, This is to. of the reasons why I cannot give my support, to present Administration, pledged as they are to a son of mum to that.which I in my conscience believed to be the greatest time/ all thus: which have of late agitated the couotry; but I say this, I confess that I am ready to give my most ardt zealous support to any .sterrnek dater direct or indirect has lon its object the advancement of that question—(He; Another paint has been urged, as to the similarity present Administration to that of Lord Liverpool—l men , diviskes of opinion in the Cabinet upon this question. it Mika said that the majority of dime opinious are favourable to tkeahs. lic Question • but what coofidence can I have In this. whet I es a Notate Lord holding a high, the highest place ill the law, ladju seining immense patronage, decidedly oppaped to that questioa? I see that the standard of opposition to that question lies turn nisei, and therefore I cannot pledge myself to a general support at a Co. vernment so constituted. I say this, because I do not oe (ha emend of confidence which et.uld direct my opinion. but whet my Noble Friends must have seen ere they lent the aid of their poWif. ful talents in support of the Administration. I have. it is use, bus told that the greater part of the great Officers of the Crown in la vourable to Catholic Kmaucipation. To thia I answer, you mot we for evidence. It is possible that some of these officers may adman that question with great effect; but when I see, and that, tot high and influential quarters, symptoms to the contrary, I feel jcw tilled in again saying, that I, at lease, must wait for evidence. Be the question does not stop here. I ask, Is there or is there not itch a engagement amongst the Administration as that I have described? if It does exist, will the Noble Lords deny it ? if It dues not este, sal they state that fact ?—( Hear !) If there does exist such a pidp, in what situation is the Right Hon. Gent. placed? He cannot brie: Catholic Emancipation forward as a Government question, and nt. in hie advocacy of it, he must bring with him such an acees+aa sf force as cannot be resisted—(Hear, bear !) I have heard of con spiracies upon this occasion, but I cooks', without jab* m any way with them, that I am unable to give my cordial idPrrt to the present Government. I am prevented from doieg ia ey my sense of duty as a consistent public man—l am produll from doing so by my conduct in 1807—by my coodect 1809, and by the statement which' I wrote and signed is int —All these prevent me from adopting an, cant* male °°' that which I now feel it necessary to pursue—(Hear, bear!)-1 have been told, amongst other shatters, that a great reason for j 4 lig the Right Honourable Gentleman in the Aklmlnistration bele formed was the system of foreign policy which he has lately pat. wed—(Hear, bear, bear.) How this came to be set afloat, or nub whom the *notion origivated, I cannot say ; but so it is, that a no trust' has been drawn between the Right Repeatable Gotham and his Cdtleagem in aloe. Foe myself, I must declare, that I am altogether unable to me upon what grounds this preference given ea the Right Honourable Gentleman, or why any liberal nets of the late Government shoeid be ascribed exclusively to •hina—(Hear, bear, from doe Opposition beaches.) Let w a moment inquire into the grounds of this preference. Tle Right Honourable Gentleman quitted once in 1809, upon oho group& it is not at this moment for me to say. He returned ear tidily to ogee in 1814, and soon after he becathe President of tie hoard of Cootroul, In which office he continued until 1920, Ass he again left (Ace, declining to take any part against the late Quota (Hear, bear.) Now, during therarbois course of the Wit Hex' Gentleinates public career, there Is net any man who has Ices ap proved of his public moduct than myself ; sod I therefore asiothe. cher I eoeld with hoomr—wllether I could, without a sacrifice of personal feeling and personal character, give my PPP" t° the Administration of the Right Honourable Gentleman. — :Hear, hear). I thought then, and' I - think still, that the BO! Honourable Gentlem an deserv ed no exclusive praise for any there! act Of the late Administratioo. Wu it to be supposed, th at 6 , 1 , Colleagues would have a ll owe d t h em selves to be dragged tits a°7 measure proposed by him, in which they themselves did not per. reedy concur? Things went on in this way for a time, and t r / some alterations were made; but It will be found, urn WOO ":‘ the history of the country, that they arose more from the aur ae time and circumstances than front any exertion er support , part of th I e Riht Honourable Genman. Fun, let nu tak n'7 4 America. was one of those who re recommended and , the recognition of the independence of that country; and it any o°•"_,_ existed on the subject, it was that the recognition of the, i"`'` - pendence had been too long delayed-4 Hear, hear). But if theft' ' Rey of that measure was to be learnt from a speech, published by Me Right Hon. Gentleman ; and if we are to judge from his statement the reasons which dictated it, then I say that the Right Hon' Gentleman's speech is deserving of the greatest repreheusim - :" I say tins, because I find that be connives at the invasion of SP° by France—and why ? Because he looked elsewhere for a security against the effects of that invasion. And where did the Honourable Gentleman loek ? He looked to the benefit to be dr rived to tl.is country from the separation of South Amer IC3 6 .0 ! Spain. In that speech the Right Honourable Gentlesnoo.etot"' Matt he had called the New World into existence, in order to de' teat the policy of France with respect to Spain. From this it ap ?eats that the Right Honourable Gentleman, looking only to some kneficial commercial intercourse between this country and not" tmeriea, was ready to •Offt aside every feeling of astir"' ir .std stational independence. In • that speech of the Eight 0° re :tinAedeoainr: :ahns;apestwt dent ;lret:lPn:l an dll:e : it 'll : C o o: h a , e end d O te r e e rtt s . 16: in arrangemrnt people o f that • oder disabiliti es • ice to the Legib gee erst. T f4 m bee n • hat great wor k 1 tarried, an,( 'ancptillize Ire. those oh) 24 ' and irt it, I am so ,ed to give ag a f " Hear, h ear " rosin ginund of e in the present i could bidet eats u•, - .01 great feel it necessary Landing. l am 'aced condition lent in another I I do say that rd into betwero ..athniit of great impnr. duce me not to rig Admintstras ab ion Benchn), nitration has be,' I Liverpool was the below me, that I " . ""Pk Ina Did or did it mem that 4 as a Gamete r, that I fed bend I now call upon ? It hat Wow& ought forward u t support individicfy are in foaled valued Trio d„( o Friends, why hue fled with such to. sn benches). Any dopt atiodurests perntissioo to we :e whatever, tithe • loot or of any coke e Catholic qualm ? If it be, thus. ear boar) in lan then reaared atlas d nothing cm urn ropoied in the pre • is a citizen of a kw lotuid not Is do we taken, to ulna ility—( Hear, hest). , ay support, to tY a son of mintier, e the greatest is • country; hut iy most ardent ad or indirect ;whit similarity of the epool—l now it cation. It Lesbos arable to the Colts. In this, whes I es ib the law, audio that quettioa? I ion has peen rind, al rapport Lit a Cni• I do not ate the ohm. but tilich my aid of their pow. awe. it is out, boo r the Crown in fa. WIT, you mum wit !Seem may advscan e, and that, us ontrery, I tains for evidence. Be if there not tun a have describrd?ll dues not elm, till exit such a pkdp ? He cannot brig it question, and ye. Lich an acres•ion ef 'aye head of con- hour joining m any cordial isnot to front dad is by —I am prowl r any coodset id signed is ISM otb.r course the (Hear, hear 1).4 rat reason for nil. Millstream helm he has lately pr. r set afloat, or sib s it is, that a no• stable Gentians it declare, that I this preference M ✓ why any tibial red ezeluiwdy rs sea.) Let ss fie preference. Tbt 1909, upon wkg He returned re- ! President of tie i until 1940, Win nst the lee Owe. I the Welt He. 3 who has 11 0 'P- haeton ask,,orbe• ithout a sacrifice we my suPP"""' lie Gentleman ? I, that the liighc the for any bbstil uppmed, that kis dragged rots toy elves did not Fer- n time, and dog urn inquiry into ions the Osage into or support o n the let me take so** and a ppro ved of r; and it any Wale ion of did lodes r). But if the pee i s published by the tom his statement the Right Had. t repreheutioo. -. invasion of Sigh here fora security re did the Rigid r benefit to be de th Ameria free ;mittens°. stated, , in ordar to de From this it Ir ting only to sane sultry and Santis • or nautical Oft° the Bight