Star. — London, England, 1830-05-14 00:00:00

trcatles vas about sbi, a• it was quite impossible that it mould he called a losing t; ,die. He could 'sawn the noble earl, that tht.t.e treaties were executed for the sole purpose of re .lsteieg the price of freight to the British merchant, so that he to gift bring home his goods at a cheaper rate than formerly, and be was satisfied, that since their operation, the trade of tilt country had been nearly doubled. The noble lord calls for a remold:cc ; but. if the noble lord would take the trouble of looking into the papers on the table of the house, he would see that a great 4(41 had been done already. He could prove, most satisfactorily, that the shipping interest had rot been entirely unnoticed in that 'muse : the quarantine duties had been repealed ; a great reduction taken place in the pay of consuls ; stamps on registers, and other ship bond., had, in like manner, been considerably reduced: to also had the and harbour dues ; the hemp duty had been repealed, besides a variety of other considerations of a favourable character, affording altogether many facilities to the ship-owner which he did not before enjoy. Under these circumstances, he trusted that the noble earl would be disposed to view more favourably the state of the shipping int'rest at present. Earl STA Nll OPE briefly replied. After a Sew words from Lord F.LIENBOROUGH, EH) STANHOPE again rose. and moved for a return of certain par trs connected with the shipping interest of (heat Britain, from the year 1814 to 1829, both inclusive. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY supported the motion. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM was of opinion, that if the noble earl who moved for the papers did not consider them absolutely ne cessary this session, at this late period of it, they ought to be dis pensed with. Lord LONDONDERRY explained. After a few words from the Duke of WELLINGTON, The papers were agreed to. EAST RETFORD DISFRANCHISEMENT PILL. The Marquis of SALISBURY moved the order of the day for the examination of witnesses in the above bill, and examination proceeded accordingly.—Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS—Tnunsu+ r. The House went into a Committee on Doyly's Divorce Bill, and heard evidence. The House resumed. The Report was ordered to be taken into consideration to-morrow. Mr. C. GRANT presented a petition from Brighton, in favour of the Jews ; and a petition from John Lawless, for the introduction of poor laws into Ireland. Mr. TENYSON presented a petition from Birmingham, against the consumption of beer sold under excise licence on the premises.— The petition was signed by the Clergy and Magistrates, and 1,000 inhabitants; he cordially concurred in its prayer. Lord BELFAST presented a petition from the proprietors of newspapers in Belfast, against any increase of the stamp duty on newspapers. Mr. CHAPLIN presented a petition from New and Old Slea ford, against the consumption of beer, under the Beer Bill, on the premises._ • Mr. FYLER presented a petition from the ribbon weavers of Co- ventry, against the system of half-pay apprentices. Sir M. W. RIDLEY presented a petition from the tobacconists of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, for a reduction of the duty on tobacco. Mr. S fEWART presented a petition from John Bennett, late Collector of Ceylon, praying for an inquiry into the conduct of the Governor, who had given orders for indicting corporal punishment on the natives without trial. Mr. STEWART asked whether the charges against the Gover nor of New South Wales had been inquired into ? The ATTORNEY .GENERAL said the subject was under con. sidcration, and he hoped soon to be able to lay the result before the house. Lord KILLEEN presented a petition from farmers in the county of Meath, against any increase of duty on cora spirits. Lord SURREY presented a petition from Worksop, in favour of the Jews. Mr. WARDS presented the fifth report of the committee on the trade to the East Indies. CoL C[LADOCK presented a petition from the North Riding of York, fora commutation of tithes. Mr. KEMP presented a petition from the Jews of Brighton, fur the repeal of the penal laws. Mr. STANLEY presented a petition from Preston, against the renewal of the East India Company's charter; and a petition from the overseers of Preston, praying that the owners of tenements under 101. a year should be rated to the poor-rate. Mr. PANE presented a petition from Wallingford against the Beer Bill. Mr. WODEHOUSE presented petitions from Aylesford, Diss, Dereham, and Grimshaw, against the Beer Bill. Mr. W. SMITH presented a petition from Norwich in favour of the Jews. Lord EBRINGTON presented a petition from Tavistock against the punishment of death for forgery ; and a petition from the same place against the East India Company's monopoly; and a petition from the parish of St. Paul, Covent-garden, against the Beer BilL Mr. DICKENSON presented a petition from Frorne against the clause in the Beer Ball allowing beer to be drunk on the premises ; and two petitions from parishes in Somerset against the punishment of death for forgery. Sir J. WROTTESLEY moved for a return of the places where joint stock banks were established.—Ordered. Dlr. O'CONNELL presented a petition from the dissenters and catholics of the parish of St. Peter, Cork, against the Vestry Bill. He would only say, that the house had expressed no great sympathy with the people of Ireland. A MEMBER whose name we did not know, said he could not hear it said that the house showed no sympathy with the people of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. O'CONNELL said he had made the assertion deliberately, and would repeat it. lie had proposed, on the part of the Catholics of Ireland, that their money should not be taken out of their pockets without their consent by the Vestry Act, and the motion was nega tived by an immense majority. lily. O'CONNELL presented a similar petition from Middleton and ‘Vititechurch, in the county of Cork. In the latter place, the Catholics were a hundred and twenty to one, yet the one Protestant had power to tax the hundred and twenty Catholics. He thought that system of legislation required amendment. The hon. gentle. man presented a similar petition from the Catholics of Cloync, who were fifty to one to the Protestants; and a petition from the letter. press printers of Dublin, against any increase of the stamp duty on newspapers. They had written a letter to him, in which they called the Act of Union a "hell-born measure." He also presented a pe tition from Dublin, against the assimilation of nisei ; and a peti tion front Templetown, in the county of Wexford, against the vestry act, and tithe system. Mr. HARVEY presented a petition from Sir Jonah Barrington, praying for an examination of witnesses at the bar of the house, in answer to the charges preferred against him. Sir JOHN NEWPORT said the petition had been heard by a committee of the house. Th e i r re p ort was on the table for twelve months, and now at the last moment he asks to be heard again. Mr. STURGES BOURNE said, the committee had heard every witness that Sir Jonah Barrington thought proper to produce, and the expense of his witnesses was defrayed by the public. Sir THODIAS ACKLAND presented a petition from Newport, in Devon, against the coal tax, and similar petitions from Newton Btuthel and Chudleigh ; and a petition from another place in Devon against the punishment of death for forgery. Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH presented a petition from Edin. burgh, against the punishment of death for forgery in any case.— The petition was signed by eighteen clergymen, and by the profes. sors of the University ; and by eighteen bankers, and by the dis tinguished persons who stood at the head of the bat in Scotland. The LORD ADVOCATeI of SCOTLAND said the law, as at present administered in Scotland, had the effect of repressing the crime of forgery. Every crime in Scotland was prosecuted by a public prosecutor, at the public expense, who had the power of res tricting capital punishment, and capital punishment in the case of forgery was almost unknown. The number of persons committed for forgery from 1816 to 1826, amounted to 194, including those for uttering forged notes, and of these only seven persons suffered death ; and in the last of these three years there was no capital pu nishment ; but if the law should be changed in England, he could not object to a similar change in Scotland. Mr. BARING said, it there was to be no substitute for ca. pital punishment but transportation, he thought it would amount to no puniahment at all; but if solitary confinement, or any other punishment that would be really felt as a heavy punishment, were eabstituted, he would with pleasure submit to the change. Sir M. W. RIDLEY said, if transportation wu to be fixed on as the punishment for forgery, he hoped it would be made a punish ment to be dreaded. He was informed that some such convicts took from this country the means of living there in a manner much su perior to what they were used to in this country. Dlr. F. BUXTON said be could produce hundreds of cases of bankers who had not prosecuted, in consequence of the punishment being death ; but who would have prosecuted had the punishment been lesssevere. He had in his possession • petition to present, signed by 400 baeken, and 200 firms, who, for their own security, required a mitigation of the punishment. Sir JOHN NEWPORT thonght the punishment of death for forgery ought to be abolished ; but that some severer punishment than traoeportatioa ought to be substituted. Sir T. SBARING had no doubt the desire of all was the preven tion of crime; and if that object could be obtained by a lesser punishment than death, he was confident all would epee in it. He thought that object could' le obtained. He believed hard labour now made a part of the punishment of transportation. There was a, growing opinloo In the cithatzy that forgery should not be punished with death, and he thought that feats should be acted on by the house.—(Hear, ham) Lord J. RUSSELL thought the punishment of transportation might be made more effectual than the punishment of death in the repression of the crime of forgery. He should heartily support the abolition of the punishment of death. Alr. O'CONNELL had long been of opinion that human life should not be taken away for offences against property committed without violence. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, the difficulty of fixing a new punishment was greatly increased by the long eats. blishtnent of the existing law. He thought it on extremely hazard ous experiment to abolish the punishment of death suddenly; and he thought his right hon. friend was acting with sound discretion by withdrawing the punishment of death gradually. Mr.HUAIE thought the right lion. gentleman had not sufficiently reflected that the alteration should be made on principle ; and he could not see why the punishment of death should be taken fro.n some forgeries, and continued as the punishment of others. He thought, on the best principles of legislation, the punishment of death should not be inflicted on any crimes but those against life, murder, and tees on, which was the cause of many inuthers. Look. ing at the effect of capital punishments in America, where they were inflicted for murder only, the house would perceive that crime was not by any means so prevalent in that country as this, where so sanguinary a code was maintained, which code ought to be im mediately ameliorated. Mr. M. A. TAYLOR said, he knew that many persons had suf. feted severely from forgeries committed upon them, and yet declined to prosecute owing to the severity of the punishment upon the of. fender. The evil of extensive forgery could only be prevented by abolishing the punishment of death. Mr. l% ARBUItTON supported the petition. which was quite in accordance with the feeling out of doors generally. The bankers had a committee of their own for the purpose of prosecuting for forgery, and yet he knew that the members themselves of that corn. mitts* had declined to prosecute in cases affecting their own intere-ts, solely on the ground of the severity of the punishment. Sir C. FORBES supported the petition. Mr. ROBINSON also supported the petition, on the ground that the law did not afford the same protection as it would do if the pit. nishment of death for forgery were abolished. Mr. MA RitIOTT said, that most persons had a dislike .0 pr.-. acetate where they knew the result must be the de:tih of the off..ndar. Mr. BROWNLOW said he had a petition from the bankers of Belfast, the sentiments of which were quite in accordance with what had fallen that night from hon. members on both sides of the house. Sir J. MACKINTOSH moved that the petition should printed.—Agreed to. Sir J. MACKINTOSH postponed the Regi- tnr of Madras Bill until Friday week. CpURCIIES. On the motion of Lord SAYEION, a return was ordered of all ap. plications to the commissioners of new churches fcr the building of chapels ; and also of the number to which the commissioners ac cedtd.—ln answer to ague/aim - I put by the noble lord with respect to a misunderstanding occasioned by the seventh and eighth sections of the New Churches Bill, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he had a measure prepared on the subject, but it was delayed from the impos. sibility of finding time to bring it forwsrd. Mr. SPOTTISWOODE presented a petition front J. F. Car ding, complaining of the inconvenience arising from the present mode of burial in several parts of the metropolis. The pc; Weiner prayed that a committee of the house might be appointed ta inquire into the subject. It was impossible, the hon. gentleman said, on going into some of the burial grounds in and about the metropolis, not to be struck with the Indecencies which wt re witnessed. He al luded to this subject before, alien he had the honour of presenting a petition relative to a new street from Waterloo-bridge; and he thanked the noble lord at the head of the Woods and Forests fur the attention he had paid to the subject. Lord LOWTHER said he concurred in what had fallen from the hon. member relative to the burial grounds in the metropolis. The only place over which he possessed any controul was St. Mar tin's Church ; and there he gave directions, which were carried into execution, that catacombs or vaults should be formed sufficient to contain the bodies that might be carried there for many years to come. Mr. HUME thought the time had arrived when the burial of persons within the limits of the metropolis should be entirely put an end to. In Spain, Sicily, and Constantinople, they managed things differently, and in this respect they might take a lesson from these countries, to which they considered themselves so superior. He vi sited many parts of the met ro p o li s i n t h e ne i g hb our h ood of church yards, and he was informed that at certain times the effluvium was most disagreeable, and must be unwholesome. STATE Or THE POOl. Mr. SLANEY raid he was rejoiced to think that the abuses prac tised upon the poor would be gradually relieved. There was au es sential difference between the condition of the poor in the labouring and manufacturing climes. His early impressions were in favour of the land, but without the improvement of the manufacturing classes, the state of the former could not be beneficially improved. (Hear.) —ln 1801, the number of manufacturers was as six to five, and in 18.30, they were two to one as compared with the agri. culturists. There was an increase as to population in different towns of from thirty to fifty and fifty-four per cent. between manufacturers and agriculturists. However, it was quite clear that the people now were generally better off than at the commencement of this century. In cotton and wool the importation had greatlysincreased; and what with the use of machinery the comforts of the people were in creased. In fourteen years the increase of tonnage was sixty-fold to what it had previously been to our colonies, and he was glad to think that ere long their condition would be materially bene fited. We had formerly a monopoly in our manufactures ; now we had two great rival powers against us, and it therefore became the more incumbent upon us to exert our utmost power to counter. act it. We had great fluctuations, amongst which was machinery against hand-looms, which were now about 240,000, and power looms in 1830 were equal to the power of three times 163,000. Machinery was useful, take it in any and every way, for women and children could earn something, whereas, in former times, and in different trades, their labour would be unpro. ductive. A very great change had taken place in the locality of our manufactures in consequence of rail-roads, some from fashion, some from other causes, and in illustration he would mention the glove manufacture at Worcester. In the last year, since the trade was open, there was an increase of one hundred and forty-four thousand dozen. This was an extraordinary instance, and proved the necessity of not relaxing the system of free trade. The fashion had also its operation in other cases, say from shoe-buckles to shoe -strings, when it was found that Coventry was benclitted at the expense of Birmingham. The same character applied to our Sheffield ware ; and it would be necessary in the change of cir cumstances to give every facility to our commerce. The American tariff', amongst other things, called for the attention of the Govern. ment. We could not command a general market; but it was in our power to facilitate the means of the workmen's support. The benefit societies would best prove what he meant to establish. Free dom of capital would overcome natural disadvantages, as might be seen in the cases of the high-priced Americans, and the low-priced inhabitants of India, with regard to the cultivation of cotton. Tak ing Alanchester as the centre of a circumference of thirty miles, the wages varied from 20 to 5 shillings per week, so that in fact one.fifth supported the other four-fifths when the latter were in a state of short employment. Birmingham used formerly to be called the toy-shop of Europe, and it still deserved that name. The workers were paid by money, and by the piece; there were three divisions of that trade, i but unfortunately the workmen made no provision for the seasons of distress. In Sheffield there were several classes of tradesmen, earn ing different sums per week, and it would be of great advantage that they should all be put into a situation to meet the fluctuations of the times. He would say nothing of the people of Wolverhampton, or of the mining districts, than whom there was no more improvident class of persons ; but his great object was to raise funds to protect such persons against the miseries which ill-health and old age would impose upon them. It might be objected to the general establish ment of benefit societies, that they would determine the rate of wages: but as opportunities were given to the humbler classes to pre. vent the fluctuation of wages, in that proportion would the work. men become the more tractable. The alteration of the currency and the price of corn naturally produced an alteration in the price of wages ; but now that the same fluctuation did not exist, the chances of disorder or combination could not exist. The system of in. surance had greatly increased and improved in London, particularly in the trade of tailors, and others. The carpet weavers of Kid derminster, sad others, came upon their fellow-trademnen for support, when out of work; but the provision was only tem porary. He only asked for facility to prevent the contingencies to which these industrious classes were subjected. He implored the house to bear in mind the great advantage of attending to this sub ject—for in attending to the morals and the interests of the manu facturers, they would confer the greatest blessings upon the coun try. In proportion as the condition of the workman was elevated, in the same degree would they be tractable, useful, and valuable in dividuals. He would now conclude by moving for the appoint ment of a select committee to inquire into the means of lesseaing the evils arising from the fluctuation of employment in manufacturing districts, and to improve the health and comfort of the working classes dwelling in large towns. Mr. MARSHALL seconded the motion. Mr. CRIPPS said he did not mean to throw cold water upon the subject; but be was afraid that the expectations of the bon. member could not be realised. The depression in manufac tures in the northern and southern counties which had taken place since 1846, would prevent the possibility of giving any effect to benefit societies. And if such societies already existW. would make against the argument of the hon. member (Mr. kilsne th With regard to the tailors, they were perhaps the best pal 4 of other tradesmen, and their funds were not supplied to support the poor, but to ksep up the prices of their labour. Mr. ROBINSON wished to know from what source the boa. member (Mr. Shinty) arrived at a knowledge of the numbest of dozens of gloves made in Worcester in any gives year ? Price rather than quantity should form the decision upon this and other similar quest ions. The CHANCELLOR. of the EXCHEQUER wag afraid that the object of the hon. member could not be realized, and for the best of all reasons, that it would be impossible to provide against a con tingency, which was not susceptible of a fixed period. In friendly societies, each member subscribed while in a state of employment, and from his superfluities yielded to the support of his fellow-work men ; yet looking at the general condition of the state of wages, and wishing to afford every facility for inquiry, he would not oppose the motion, althottgh he feared it would not accomplish the object which the hon. member had in view. Sir 0. PH ILL! PS considered that the plan of savings' banks would confer very great benefits upon the working classes of the community. He thought that agreeing to the motion would tend to benefit the condition of the labouring classes still more. lllr. SLANEY said that when ravings' banks were first instituted, they were considered as Utopian ; but a million of persons had been since enrolled, and in savings' banks no less than 'Weal millions of money had been deposited.—The motion was then agreed to. Mr. S. RICE presented a petition from Dublin against the duty on coals.—Ordered to be Lid on the table. COAL DUTY IN IRELAND. 311 r. S. RICE said that in rising to propose a reduction of the duty on coals in Ireland, he telt that be was not only proposing a benefit to Ireland, but also to the coal districts of Ireland. He be. lieved that the produce of this tax to the revenue was only front fiftyto sixty thousand pounds. But the degree of relief to trade arising from the removal of the tax was not to be estimated by the pecuniary amount of the tax paid. lie thought that a free trade in coals between the two countries would lead to a great consumption of the article by he growing manufactures of Ireland. The lion member contended that th duty when imposed was not intended to be kept up as it had b; en. If the Chancellor of the Exchequer was afraid of the lot: to the reveime from the repeal of this tax, he had an equivalent to oiler him, and that equivalent was economy. The estimates yet runairaAl to b^ discuastti , and although considerable reductions had 'ocen made, he had no doubt that others could be pointed out which would more than cover the amount produced by the duty. If not, he should then be contented to let the proposition fall to the ground. He moved that the house resolve itself into a Committee upon the Coal Act, with a view to the repeal of the duty on coals imported into Ireland. Lord KILLEEN seconded the motion. He was happy to say that the distinction between the two countries were fading away every day, and he thought this measure, if adopted, would mateti. ally forward that most desirable object. The CH INCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER hoped that in op. posing the motion he should not be considered as being disinclined to do every thing in his power to assist and relieve the growing industry of that country by every means in his power. He knew that in the taxes from which he had had the happiness of relieving the country during the present session, the same relief was not given to Ireland as to the other parts of the empire. But why was it so? It was that the previous desire on the part of the Government and Parlia ment to extend every practicable relief to Iceland, had scarcely left a ,ax to be repealed. It was true that the repeal of the Beer Tax was ro benefit to Ireland, because there was no Beer Tax in that coun. try. it VAS also equally true that if he had repealed the duty on soap 1e should have given no benefit to Ireland, for she had no soap tax The same was the case with the tax on candies. Again, if he hail rely:tied the assessed taxes lie should have afforded Ireland no rclid, for she paid no assess. d taxes. Upon these greunds he could nut feel justified in consenting to give up a source of revenue which was steadily and rapidly increasing with the growing wealth of the country. Oen. OASCOVNE thought the right ban. Chancellor of the Exchequer had failed to meet the arguments of the hon. member for limerick. He had been long enough in the house to have heard Mr. Adding:o:l and the noble premier say in that house, that the coal tox wa, the most unjust, and oppressive, and partial of all taxes. 3;r. WARBURTON supported the motion, and contended that 0,- whole of the coal duty should be repealed, and the deficiency in the revenue made up by a duty on Canadian timber. Mr. O'CONNELL declared his distinct opinion that this duty was a diret.t violation of the Gth Article of the Union. Mr. BARING was favourable to making this concession to Ire. lend. In the establishment of manufactures, labour was now no. thing, since the universal application of steam. It was, therefore, impossible that Ireland should become a manufacturing country, while a tax was continued which deprived it of the means of pro ducing that indispensable agent. Mr. G. MOORE expressed his hope that, if his right hon. friend could not concede the whole of the duty, he would allow it to be re. mitted upon all coals used in manufactures. Mr. WODE HOUSE recommended a commutation of the present duty for ore levied by weight, and at the pit's mouth. Lord MILTON opposed the argument of the hon. member for Callington, and e,ontend:d that taking off the tax would not benefit the manufacturer:. No useful object would be accomplished ; on the contrary, the revenue would be injured. Mr. P. THO3IPSON opposed the motion. If his hon. friend had proposed a measure for the alleviation of the people from the general taxation on coals, he should have voted with him ; but he did not see how they could mak e th e p oor i n K ent , S ussex, ad other counties, pay a duty which was not paid in Ireland. Lord CASTLEREAGH said this had been treated not as an Irish but an English question. This duty on coals in Ireland had been described to be of small amount, but though of small amount, the repeal would be beneficial to Ireland. Sir T.ACLAND said the observations of the noble lord, the member for Yorkshire, had filled him with surprise. When he found the noble lord advocate the question for Yorkshire against the interest of the people of Devon and other counties, be thought there was a departure from the liberal view which the noble lord took on most subjects. The duty on coals in Ireland might be taken off, in his opinion, without injury to the revenue. Lord ALTHORP was strongly inclined to look at the subject as an English question, because It was an Irish question. Th e more lrosperous they could make Ireland, the better it would be for Eng nd. The hon. member for Dover had objected to the removal of the tax because it would not have a general effect, but it would re lieve the poor population of Ireland, and the change might be ef fected without injury to the revenue. Thinking it a most unequal tax, be should give his support to the motion. After Mr. 8. RICE replied, The House divided— For the Motion Against it Majority against the Motion.... HACKNEY COACHES. Sit JOHN VVROTTESLEY moved that • select committee be appointed to inquire into the duties, salaries, and emoluments of hackney-coach commissioners, and the present state of public car riages in the metropolis. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER did not rise to offer any opposition ; on the contrary, he was one of those who con. sidcred the motion advantageous to the public. The subject had occupied his time and attention. The right hon. gentleman stated upon this subject, that it was his intention to give the public an ad. vantage in stage-coaches, which at present they did not enjoy. By the law regulating stagecoaches, the drivers of such stages were not allowed to take up passengers upon the stones, and convey them to different parts of the town. In a bill he had to submit to the house, all restriction in that respect would be removed. The stages would have authority to take up passengers in the streets, and convey them to all parts of the town. HALF-PAY APPRENTICES. Mr. FYLER, after describing the pernicious system of employ ing a number of children to labour in factories, in consequence of which they were afterwards thrown on the parish, obtained leave to bring ins bill to do away with half-pat apprentices. Sir J. GRAHAM postponed his motion for an account of salaries, fees, /sc. enjoyed by each of his Majesty's Privy Council to this day. The hon. bart, said he should bring it forward in com mittee of Supply. The committee on the sale of the beer bill was postponed to Monday. The other Orders of the Day having also been postponed, the House adjourned at a quarter to One o'Clock. A letter from Rome, dated April 6, gives some further particulars relative to the accident which happened to Madame Bonaparte on the 22d, and states " that her life is considered to be in imminent danger. The accident had created much anxiety in Rome, and even the Pope himself had sent to inquire after her health. He also sent his condolences to Cardinal Feach, to whom all his colleagues, and particularly the most influential in the Sacred College, have evinced their anxiety to share the grief caused to his Eminence by the danger which me naces a beloved sister. The people of Rome generally have a great regard for the mother of a monarch who, during fourteen years, had all the Kings of Europe under his feet, and before whom every tongue was silent, as was the case in presence of Alexander. The benefits conferred during the occupation of the country by the French troops are deeply imprinted upon their minds ; and the tyranny of the Austrian Government, which is a scourge upon the whole of Italy, serves to impress them still more firmly upon their memories." FRANCE AND ITS GOVERNMENT From the Repthentant. An opposition, wherever it may be, and whatever directed against, always acts at one remarkable sly a,i vantage. Whatever it may say or do, personal feeli►; g ., and interests are sure to be attributed to it as its motiv,., and when its adversaries can neither find fault with language nor its actions, they revenge themselves by al tacking* its intentions. This is particularly the case wee, regard to any opposition in politics. Every man that finds fault with the system or proceedings of the Govern. went, is cried out against as factious, as an agitator, ai an anarchist. At London he is a radical; at Ns. pies, a carbonaro; and at Paris, a jacobin. All that he sas:s must necessarily be false ; all his arguments must lie fallacies; and if it ever happens to be impossible to dent the truth of what ho states, the cry is raised that it ;, exagr,erated. This plan sometimes succeeds in prevent ing hint from being believed ; and then the prevailin g despotism takes advantage of it, to consolidate and in. crease its power. The author of the Reps o'scntant is well aware that be cannot expect to be unassailed by similar charges ;—tl;a• when he attacks the faults of a hateful administration. thero are people who will cry out," //e is a raw/win/Psi: —and when he represents the impossibility that the exit ing government of France should maintain its grou n d . reply, " Nobody thinks so bid a handful of Liberal, All the rest of France wants to have the Bourbons wants to have the eldest branch of the Bourbons; toant , to kare the government as it is. And the govcrunfrb , as it is, is strong, and it will triumph." These expressions have been seen, word for word, Ili newspapers whose names cannot just now be recollected. If the writers of those papers were asked to aa r , what aas the nature of the government they were talk ing about, what were it; component parts, what the actual administration was made of, what were its means of strength, as one way of judging of the strength of the government,—they would be sadly at a loss; because all these are points on which they absolutele know nothing at all,—in fact it is almost impossilde Is have an idea of them in England. An Englishman sip, travels in France, or even one who takes up his residence there, has no chance of getting possession of the ma chinery of the administration in full detail, nor of fol• lowing through all its links the chain of people who are concerned in it. The reader shall now be presented with a picture o: this government and administration. It would be a good thing it' it was known in every part of England ; for it of the greatest consequence towards throwing light on the state of France, and the real strength of its present go vernment. And, to cut off all room for charges of enag. geration or of fallacy, the language used shall be one that is devoid of passion, the language of cyphers awl arithmetic. Some apology may bo due to the sabscribe:i for the dryness of this article ; but the subject is one of those which it is impossible to treat, without giving up all Fetensions to the mixture of the utile with the 416. France, as every body knows, is divided into Depart ments ; and these again are divided into A nondissements. the Arrondissements into Cantons, and the Cantons into Communes. There are in France 86 departments ; 361 arrondissements; 2,835 cantons ; 38,171 communes. The forms of administration in France, as relates to thr division among ministers with different titles, have ben, frequently varied since the restoration. Different dir:- sions of the ministry have been created, and then ui-- pressed, according to the circumstances and interest.; the moment. At present there are seven, which arc a 3 follow :—The Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Minister of the Interior, the Minister for Public Education awl the Affairs of the Church, for Justice, the Finances, War, and the Navy. Each of these offices, with its paid agents or other persons strictly dependent on it for the exercise of their business in life, throughout tl.t whole of France, will be made to pass in review in little room as possible. MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS. The whole of the Ambassadors, Charges d'Affaire. , . Consuls, Vice-Consuls, and Agents in Consulships, ra, named by royal ordinance, on the appointment and un d o the countersign of the Minister. The Central administration, divided into its Directions,has persons employed, about. .. The Ambassadors, Charg(s d'Affaires, Secretaries to Em. b.uisies or to Legations, and others employed in that branch The Consuls-General, Consuls, Vice-Consuls, and other Consular Agents 2:4 Couriers to the Government, perwns sent on secret service, and Spies kept in London and other capitals l,, , Total of the persons employed under the Minister of Fo. reign Affairs....... MINISTRY OF THE INTERIOR. The ministry of the interior, to which is joined th‘ ministry of the police, has under its direction the loca; administration of all the departments, cantons, and com munes; the hospitals, monis de piet6 (a kind of gove: a ment pawn-brokers shops,) public works, roads mid bridges, &c. &c. All the members of these several ad ministrations are named by the king, under the counter sign of the minister ; except the deputy-mayors and members of municipal council in country communes, 1% ho are allowed to be named by the prefects, but subject tc• the approval of the minister. There is a Prefect to each department. The Prefects therefore are .. Lr There is a Sub-Prefect in each arrondissement; but in the head towns or capitals of departments, the Prefects do the duty 'of Sub-Prefects. The Sub-Prefects conse quently are ............. 2;; In the head town of each prefecture, a Secretary-General, and on an average four Member s of Council attached. Total for all the prefectures . . 43. t Principal Clerks and other persons in the different offices in the prefectures and sub-prefectum, on an average, ten for each prefecture. In the whole of France In each department there is a Council-General, composed of at least fifteen members chosen by the ministry among the principal owners of land in the department. They do not receive pay 1 • ,J1; Every arrondissement has a Council for itself, composed of at least eight members, not paid, and chorea like the others by the minister, among the principal owners of land Every commune has a Mayor, and never, or scarcely ever, less than two Deputy-Mayors ; some of the large com munes have as many as four. These are not paid, ex cept in the great towns. Reckoning at one mayor and two deputies for each commune, the number of these officers in France will be Every commune has a municipal council, consisting of at least five members; without reckoning the Mayors and their Deputies, who also sit in it. These councils are chosen by the Prefecut, among the principal John. bitanta of the commune. Their number for France is at least . Though the councils-general, and those of arron dissements, are named by the king at the instance of the minister, and the municipal councils are named by the prefects,—the council-general cannot meet, on an y ac count whatever, on pain of all their proceedings being null and void, without permission from the minister, and the other councils from the prefect. In like manner these councils cannot order any expenditure, however urgent might be the reasons, for the departments, arrondisse ments, or communes, without the permission of the mi nister, unless where the sum is under 300 franca (121. sterling.) The authoi of this has seen a bridge destroyed R • 11 ,