Star. — London, England, 1830-12-20 00:00:00

on the part of the Ministers, bet to the repugnance of Mar shal Marmont (to whom it was delivered for execution) to enforce so cruel an order. He obeyed, however, the order which placed Paris in a state of siege--that act by which ltlini•ters said they divested themselves of all authority, and 3 11 responsibility. They were, however, able to command, and vet they pretended to say that they were not account- A m,: They directed their agent, and would absolve them selves from all the consequences. Were that argument to have weight, what became of all Ministerial responsibility ? He next dwelt upon the refusal of the Ministry to stop the effusion of blood, at the entreaty of Mir. Lafitte, Gerard, and the other Deputies, and the consternation of the latter on retiring from their unsuccessful attempt to induce a termination of the carnage. He afterwards referred to The heartless etiquette which prevented the admission of !bePolish Aide-de-Camp of Marshal Marmont to the presence of the King at St. Cloud, when sent to announce the horri ble events then passing in Paris. The culpable passiveness of the Ministers during the slaughter of the people was the next point referred to by M. Persil, who afterwards alluded to the mission of M M. d'Argout and Semonville, and its con sequences, so well described in their evidence. After again complimenting the people of Paris on their moderation after victory, be said, that they nevertheless demanded, and ex pected that justice should be done upon those, by whose or ders the streets of Paris had been deluged with the blood of its citizens. The ministers who bad don' this, were, in con sequence impeached by the Chamber of Deputies—charged with high treason, in having attempted to annul, falsify, and alter the mode of election provided by the Charter. [Here M. Persil anticipated tho objection to the competency of the Chambers to institute this proceeding, contending, that by the 55th and sGth articles of the Charter of 1814, the very course adopted was specifically directed. By these articles the crime of the prisoners had been clearly defined. " Every Constitution that had been established in France since 1789 included the responsibility of Ministers." lie thee went on to contend that, legally as well as morally, the Ministers, by signing the Ordinances, by placing Paris in a state of siege, and by the sanguinary attempts w enforce their orders, had been guilty of high treason. Had they not signed those Ordinances, they could not have been issued. The King had not the power to promulgate finch decrees. " The King," it had been said, " having been punished, the Ministers should be permitted to escape with impunity." But, ho would ask, could the punishment of the King be their justification ? But supposing that the King was responsible, he would ask, were not acces sories always held equally guilty with the perpetrator of a capital crime ? The Bourbons were punished for their in capacity, and complete unfitness to reign. The Ministers ought to be punished for having cruelly abused the power entrusted to them. 111. Persil then proceeded to accuse the ministers of Charles X. of having caused the fires by which Normandy had been devastated, and contended that the king was only a puppet in their hands, and in those of an occult power greater than the throne, " call it Jesuitism, or congregatianism, or what you please," said he, " it governed France, and continues still to exercise its baneful influence over it." He next re ferred to the illegal interference of the ministers in the elec tions, and contended that a system of corruption had been recommended by M. Peyronnet (the minister of the interior) so the prefects in those towns ;—" You will give to me con fidential information respecting the public functionaries who shall oppose the desires of government, and that information I will communicate to the heads of their departments, who will visit upon them the consequences." M. Peyronnet—That is false. M. Persil resumed, without noticing the observation, while Peyronnet smiled sarcastically. The Ministers, said M. Persil, not content with their personal corrupt interference with the elections, caused the King to address the electors in his own name, with the same object; and this observa tion closes the first head of their offence. The second arti cle of their guilt, he said, consisted in their wishing to go vern arbitrarily; and, in order to have the power to do that, an conspiring to destroy the Charter. A conspiracy bad long existed for that object, between Charles X. the Dauphin, the prisoner Prince Polignac, and others; but it did not ap pear that up to the 10th of July last, the other prisoners, or their three colleagues who bad fled, were aware of the nature and extent of these machinations. These were, however, fully developed and proved by the ordinances, which went to destroy the liberty of the press. Was not that alone, be would ask, in the guilt of which all the ministers participated, full proof of their crime ? The King Lad the power (by the Charter) to dissolve the Chamber, certainly ; but at the moment when tho ordinance with that object was issued, no chamber existed. The new chamber was to have been constituted only on the 3d of August—it had not, con sequently, existence on the 25th of July. The third ordi nance, altering the mode of election, dictated by the charter, contained 30 articles, and, consequently, formed a catalogue of 30 capital crimes. Had these ordinances been once carried into effect, there would no longer remain liberty in France. Here M. Frail referred to the alleged power of the King, by the 14th Article of the Charter, to issue ordinances re gpecting the Government of the nation, contending that that power was only to be exercised to insure the safety and welfare of the State, and not with the view to the destruc tion of liberty of the France, and the overthrow of all her institutions. The King had only the executive, and not the legislative power. No country had ever been more tranquil—no people ever more anxious for the preser ration of order, than were France and her inhabitants at the close of the Session of the year 1829. Some alarm certainly prevailed respecting the frequent and myste r.mus jimmies of Prince Polignac t o Lond o n. Hi s no t or i ous fanaticism was another source of uneasiness. He admitted that the King had the power to direct extraordinary and ex treme measures —(hew, hear), but it was not in virtue of the (Lai ter ; it was in virtue of necessity—(murmurs). This con stituted the second head of offence. The third to which M. Persil next applied himself was that which accused the pri viziers of having provoked civil war, a fact which had, un l'al)Pily, been only too well proved. An excursion through the streets of the metropolis would convince the most incre dulous of that fact. The houses riddled with balls ; the wounded, mutilated, and disfigured, and the tombs crowded uith the slain, attested the crimes of the prisoners, and the Liisfortunes of Paris. Women, children, and unarmed men, crowded together and calling only for the charter (crying Five la Charte), were shot and bayoneted by a merciless soldiery—(bear.) lie then contended that armed resist ance to the ordinances was net only justifiable in, but a duty of the people, even an attack en the troops sent to en rolee the ordinances would have been legal had the people talon the first to cotunience ; but unhappily for the accused, all plea on that head of supposed defence was taken away from them by the incontestible fact that the troops were the first aqressors. (Here be described the first events of the revo /ution, contending that cries of " Vire la Charte"could not interpreted into illegal or seditious expressions, nor, con oquently, justify the fusillade or sabring by which the sot d,ety replied to it, &c.) 11• also referred to the fact of the axing having taken place without the formality of 11111018011- HI the people to disperse, directed by the law, and which fondler to the reading of our riot act) should be made three times before violence should be resorted to. He dwelt -pou the distribution of money and spirituous liquors to the troops, to encourage them pitilessly to slaughter the people. He next combated the assertion that the Ministry had ceased to exist from the moment when Paris wns declared in a state of siege, and recapitulated various acts done by them, which proved that they had continued to issue orders after the pro clamation of the state of siege. After closing► his references to the evidence, M. Persil said that the most guilty of the Ministers was M. de Polignac, reminding the Court of the order given by that Minister, that the troops of the line should be fired on by the Garde, when he heard that the former were fraternising with the people. M. de Peyreiiiiet, though less guilty, had incurred the vengeance of the law by not only signing the ordinances, but by seeking to alter and falsify the laws for regulating elections. Jl. Chantelauze had defended himself by pleading the repugnance he had evinced to enter the ministry; but that was no justification of bis signing the ordinances. M. Guernon-Ranville de fended himself on the same ground, and his attachment to the charter, which it had been proved, he said, embodied his po litical creed—but he, too, had signed the ordinances. M. Persil concluded by calling on the court to convict and con demn the prisoners. A cry of "Bravo I" followed the conclusion of this speech, which occupied him two hours and three quarters in its de livery ; and which, neither by its composition, nor its logic, merited approbation. M. Peyronnet then rose, and, enlling for documents, showed that the circular letter to the Prefects could not have been his, it being dated April 13, and ho had not entered the ministry until tho 18th of June. After a few words, in reply, from MI. PERSI L, the Court adjourned fur half an hour. M. P F. US I t. observed that of the three accusations brought a!rainst the ministry, one alone, relative to the elections, was objected to by M. Peyronnet. The passage quoted from M. Peyronnet's correspondence was extracted from documents communicated to the Chamber of Deputies. There is an error certainly in that charge, 1 attributed to M. Pevronnet instructions to the Prefects, which were transmitted by his predecessor, NI. Nlontbel. We should be happy if he could adduce such a powerful argument against the two other charges, which, unfortunately for him, are too well proved. He would find us as ready to rectify our errors as in the present instance. M. Persil here read a totter from M. de Peyronnet to the Nliniater of Ecclesiastical Affairs, requesting him to use his influence with the Bishops, to obtain their participa tion in promoting the success of the Royal candidates at the next elections. This letter was dated the 30th of June, 1830. M. Persil then gave communication of a letter from the Prefect of the department of the Meuse, complaining to M. Peyronnet of the refusal of a receiver of contributions of his department to vote according to his desire, with another letter signed M. Peyronnet, to the Minister of Finances, calling for the punishment of that receiver. M. Peyronnet endeavoured to do away with the impres sion made on the Court by the reading of those letters. He said that he merely called for the punishment of an insult offered by the Receiver to the Prefect, who resented it so much that he tendered his resignation. M. Martignac, counsel for M. Polignac, then rose to present the defence of his client—" A crisis, of which Pro vidence presents now and then the recurrence, to instruct Kings and nations, has destroyed a monarchy, and allowed that the powerful King, who had a few weeks before de stroyed the empire of barbarity on the African shore,should now be exiled in the mountains of Scotland. He then mentioned how M. Polignac had charged him with his defence. His incapacity, be feared, will be the only obstacle to the success of his cause ;—for the proofs he has of the innocence of his client proclaimed it aloud. M. Martignac then explained the manner in which the Charter was granted. He blamed the principle on which it was founded—that of divine right, and recapi tulated the various feelings with which it was received, by those who regretted that it granted too much to democracy, and by others, who thought that it did not concede enough. Liusis XVIII. respected it ; but, an Jecith, tne division of property, the liberty of the press, the independence of the Courts of Justice, were represented to his summer as forerunners of a new crisis. On the other hand, the attacks against the press, the increasing power of the Clergy, the assumption of the education of youth by a proscribed re ligious class, created uneasiness in the minds of the people, who, in the year 1827, returned a Chamber of Deputies composed of man able to resist the encroach ments of the Royal power. lie (Martiguac) could not perceive the danger of that situation ; but others thought differently, and the efforts of the latter tended to remove the ministry to which l►e belonged. They succeeded at last. A man who had studied in a neighbouring country the con stitutional form of government—a man of sincere piety, but who, unfortunately, was little acquainted with the state of this country—such was theperson whom Charles X. wished to invest with his confidence, as early as the year 1825. He then contended that the violation of the charter was not the result of a preconcerted plan, and he endeavoured to prove it by the composition of the new ministry, to which Messrs. Courvoisier and Chabrol, both well known for their liberality and moderation, were called. M. Martignac afterwards recapitulated the acts of that ministry, and arrived at the ordinances of the 25th of July, which, he says, time alone will permit to appreciate as well as the events which it brought about. He then went over all tl►e occurrences of the revolution, and the acts of the new government which succeeded that of Charles X. He con tested the right of the Chamber of Deputies to order the prosecution of the late ministry, replied to the charge brought against M. Polignac, for having deceived the king, to be the author of all the crimes of that deplorable period, and to have participated in the fires that desolated Normandy. He praised the moderation displayed by the chamber, in the prosecution, and referred to the murmur of approbation with which he was received, when he announced to it that M. Polignac had entrusted him with his defence. He then contended that the accusation was inadmissible, i►►as much as the charter was without force after the fall of the dynasty ; that there was no law, not even the articles of d►e penal code invoked by the commissioners, applicable to trea son ; and that the Chamber of Peers were not invested with the power to try the ministers. He then examined these vari ous objections. The throne was overturned, the charter was lacerated and modified ; and how, exclaimed M. Martignac, can the thirteenth article be invoked against my client when it is a mere remnant of the Constitution? He compared the ministers to prisoners taken after a victory, and asked if they would consent to sacrifice them in cold blood, contrary to all laws of war and humanity. M. Martiguac then contended that the charter that proclaimed the responsibility of minis ters, also provided that they should be judged by the Chain her of Peers : but this chamber should be composed of the same elements it contained at the time that charter was in force, by a Chamber whose existence was not uncertain as it was now, but by a fixed and immutable Chamber. On the 30th of July it consisted of 330 members ; that day the Peers regularly appointed by Charles X. were suppressed, and the present number is reduced to 192. However, his client does not refuse the chamber, mutilated as it is; be submits his acts to the decision of his cotempomries and his tory. M. Martignac then proceeded to prove that no law existed by which the Ministers could be punished. He here read the 4th article of the penal code, stating that no offenc e can be punished in virtue of a law framed after 'the offenc e was committed. He then examined the 55th and 56t b articles of the Charter, and the articles of the p.nal cod invoked by M. Persil. M. Martignac then presented long considerations relative to the nature of the accusation, and paused awhile before he proceeded to the investigation of the charges against his client.—(Left sitting.) FRENCH FUNDS, Dec. 18. Fire per Cents. 86f 40c 2k 1k 2bc 50c 25c 30c 20e 25c 30e 25c 30c 40c 50e "Me 95c 87f 881 90c 95c. Three per Cents, 56f 50c 40c 50c 40c 23c 30c 20c 40c 55c 80c. Bank Actions, 1,500 e Roue de Naples, 67f 50c 40c 20c 60e 75c 58f. Bente d'Espagne, 134 f 14. Royal Spanish Loan, 66. Rente Perpetuelle d'Espagne, 450 45 454 45 454. Haytian Loan. 300 f. Rechange on London, one month, paper, 2Sf 2k ; money, 25f 20c : three months, paper, 25f 15e; money, 25110 c. BRUSSEIS PAPERS.—Drc. 17. " During the sitting of our Congress yesterday, M. Van de Weyer rose to make a communication from the Government. He said, I sin happy, gentlemen, to be able to communicate to you an extract from the protocol of London, which arrived yesterday. On this occa lion, I can give the Congreat the assurance, that u soon as a question or a point of diplomatic negotiation is resolved or terminated, the Con. gross will always be made acquainted with it. with the frankness which the Provisional Government professes. If the protocol of Nov. 17 has not yet been communicated, it is because it contains some points which arc not yet decided. As soon as they are, we shall lay it before you with all the documents co nnected w ith it. A difference had arisen respecting the manner in which the raising of the blockade of the ports ant rivers was to be understood. The Government of Belgium, ac cording to the tenour itself of the act relative to the suspension of arms, thought that the blockade would be completely raised without any re seise, but the other party did not so understand it. In consequence of the steps taken by the Provisional Government, Lord Ponsonby and M. Bresson have informed the Diplomatic Committee that the Plenipotentiaries of the five great Powers ossembled at London, have received from the Plenipotentiary of the Nether lands, explanations, from which it results, that if his Ms— jestv has hesitated to revoke the measures of precaution which ' he had thought it necessary to take, it was in the fear of the speedy renewal of hostilities ; but it was observed to his Majesty the king of Holland that the cessation of hostilities was placid under the immediate safeguard of the five courts, and that the resumption of hostilities was not to he apprehended. In consequence, the pleni. potentisrics of the five powers have called upon that sovereign to re voke the orders which he had given, and to complete the raising of the blockade of the ports and rivers. There is no reason to doubt of the execution of this measure. " It hal alm been decided that the Belgian vessels shall not be mo. 'coned; with repect to the flag, this point will be determined in the quit; but dd.. negotiation will not delay the opening of the other ne gotiation relative to the armistice. " Gentlemen, in faithfully executing the suspension of arms. we have desired to prove to the Powers how much ire respect tbeword given, and to demonstrate to them that the resolution of the suspension of arms by the other party was not a reason to hreak it on our side. We have desired to show our sincere dealing to all Europe. •`• I think I may assure you that every thing agrees to premise a happy issue to the negnctarions on the armistice. Meantime, we have judged that it was not tin the interest of commerce and manutitetures to advance a step farther into the enemy's territory : it is for this reason that we have been obliged to check the ardour of our warriors, and even to calm some other persors who are neve- more warlike than in time of peace.' This report was ordered to be printed. " Mentz:mt. Dec. lro —" Military operations appear likely to re. commence with great activity. Six pieces of cannon and two howitzers, in perfect order, were sent yesterday morning to the frontiers. It is even asserted that there was some fighting yesterday at Calnipthout. A considerable corps of troops, with numerous artillery, is assembled at Maseyk. It is believed that General Chasse will leave the citadel to take the command of the Dutch army. " The renewal of hostilities, necessary to obtain an honourable peace and free commerce, dors not interrupt the armistice between the citadel and town. The Dutch squadron is still in the same position." SPIRIT OF THE JOURNALS. CHRONICLE.—Though it is true that Lord Grey, in forming the present Administration, has fi lled several Important and confidential situations with members of his own family, and persons connected with him by other ties, yet, as many false and maggerated statements I have appeared, from quarters too where the parties are enjoying in si. necures more than the whole annual reveduc accruing, to the persons against whom they arc endeavouring to raise a public clamour, we willingly insert a statement we have received from a quarter, on the accuracy of which we can fully rely ; as for instance—his son ln.law, Mr. Wood, acts, It is true, u his Lordship's Private Secretary ; but instead of drawing three hundred pounds from the Treasury, as his predecessor did, performs the most arduous ser vices attached to it gratuitously ; but even if he did receive a salary, who so fit for such a confidential post as one so nearly connected with Earl Grey. Again, as to Lord Howick the post he tills has invariably been eonsirlersd as a 'Herat/my step for the sons and connections of families of high political consideration, in order to fit them for the ful. filment of more important offices. Again, the Honourable H. Grey (son of Earl Grey), instead of being a member of Bmrd, as reported In The Morning Piot, is a lad under fitleen years of age, and holds no official appointment whatever ; and as to Dr. Grey, Lord Ponsonby, and the Honourable Harboard Grey, Colonel of the 13th Dragoons, relatives of Earl Grey, they were all appointed years since under Mr. Canning and the Duke of Wellington's Administrations. Sir IV. Gordon is no relation or connection whatever of Lord Grey's, and was also up. pointed by the Noble Duke; and surely Mr. Ellice must be consid e r e d fully equal to the ful fi lment of dudes which Mr. Planta fonnetly filled; and the Hon. H. Barrington—as • my old naval family, who hare often distinguished themselves in upholding the honour and character of the British navy—must be considered as a fit representative—au one, and the only one of the Lords of the Admiralty connected with the family of Earl tiny. PosT.—We have not been inattentive to the proceedings at Liverpool during and since the late election; hut before giving expression to the feelings of detestation with %bleb we hare viewed them, we wished to ascertain what steps were to he taken by that part of the Liverpool public who had kept aloof from such disgraceful scenes; and in good truth, taw patience has been put to rather a severe trial, for it was not until Monday, the very last day on which a petition could have been recein el against the mum, that one was pre. tented on the ground of bribery and corruption. The Liverpool Papers have farther informed us that the public is indebted to Mr. Rigby Wa son, a gentleman possessing considerable property in the town, for tak ing upon himself the heavy expenses attendant upon such proceeding*. We have not the pleasure of knowing this gentleman, but we have rea son to believe that he is not a brawler for that reform which must end in revolution, hut contents himself with quietly performiag his duty to so ciety by sacrificing a considerable sum in eandeavouring to ap ply a Constitutional remedy to an admitted abuse. This is a reformer after our own heart. We have been led into these re. marks by observing that a Public Meeting was held on Tuesday at Liverpool by the Ratepayers, to take into consideration the question of Reform. Had we not for many years w a tched p ret ty narrowly the proceedings of Reformers, we should have been rather startled at finding this Meeting postponed until the period of petition ing Parliament against the return had elapsed. This, however, did not surprise us, who have always asserted that Reform was not really desires! by those who are most strenuous in clamouring for it, their Eitirf object being to make themselves of importance in the eyes of the vulgar ; and in the proceedings at the Meeting to which we hate referred, we find our opinions amply sanctioned by fact,. In that town there is one if not more of the Reform Soeietiea, the prin. tips! members of which were not only performers at this Meeting, but also at Mr. Rwart's election dinner, on which occasion they congratu lated the public upon a return which, to all appearance, had been effected by bribery and corruption. Now what call the reflecting part of the community think when they find the reformers of the second city in the Kingdom one day congratulating the public upon a tenon effected by bribery and corruption, and on another petitioning Parliament for a general Refonn, on account of the extensive bribery prac tised at the same election ; and ,PO far front availing themselves of the constitutional remedy for the abuse of which they affect to complain,_ they delay petitioning Parliament on the subj -et until the time fixed by law for petitioning with effect has dared ? Ad mirable Reformers ! We do, however. trust, that when this notable petition shall be presented, the attention of the notate will be par. ' tieularly called to these facts, which are quite sufficient to show the true principle which actuates the Liverpool reformers. and not only them, but, we conscientiously believe, nine.tenths of the reformers throughout the kingdom. TIMER --It is plain. from the prevalence of bribery, and the lowers' of it in the Liverpool ease, that no sound teform of the elective franchise can be accomplished by a mere demolition of the close boroughs, and the eatension of the franchise to even ten times as many voters throughout England as have hitherto enjoyed it. Qualification is of more impor tance than any enlargement of the privilege. What would be gained, for instance, by adding to the 4.000 or 11,01.10 Liverpool freemen, 10,000 or 15,000 more, but that the price of votes would be lowered by their in creased abundance, and th e majority being perhaps 8000 instad of MO, the current bribe would be 51. instead of Ibl. or 201? We are not to be seared by any risk of unpopularity from affirming, that if there be, as undoubtedly there must be, a great reinforcement to the esissiiised property and numbers which exercise the right of sending representa tives to Parliament, there ought la he annexed to the newly.admitted numbers some elevation of the standard of property which governs the power of voting. The electors ought to be at once se numerous, and hy it staeinn Anil circumstances so rt-s-;re•alt., 'bat corruption on s tic essti , .l he wt ol:t sett • f sr St • isn, In fact, the propirty of the kingdoni n •Ist to he rei r reser:cd, teal as well as personal ; and not nice ly t.d A Lie old r at :i•1 :elidea as land, houses, he. do. hut other and even n ore prti rt 1 .: pm. perty, as education, intelligence, and g.•ntral charterer, :t :Jerre of which might be drawn at once tern tl:e qualiticaions essenti.l to whole classes of men in society. 0:1 this prineire. all barristers, clergymen, physicians. graduates of the Universities, and tetind officers of the arnty and navy, ought, in oar humble opinism, to he admitted to vote without regard to any other qualifications, Re the places where they had fixed their aborts.. It is ridiculers that apprenticeships to ordinary trades should confer the electis•e Iran. chile, for the presumption it affords of a certain antount of c'no vier and attainment, while the highest tests ..t both may he adduAd by large bodies of educated gentlemen, whme intellectual and moral rower is wholly without consideration in an cel•ghtened state. We eke: moved to something less respectful towards the nous:: of 0 T11910E4 than admiration, on seeing the loss of time and logo:oily incnrred upon t• e wretched question about suspending the %Tit for Eve.- ham on Friday evening. The transposition of Whigs and Terns% on that night must have seemed extraordirary to people vho had not a key to the performance, and were thence without means of knowing that the grand object of the Tories is to obstruct by all human in lies within their reach every plan of general or effective refottn cf Perlis. ment. With such men it is a favourite expedient to throw sops to the people, and thus divert the national desire. " Let us open Fast It‘t. ford, and discuss Penryn, and inquire into Evesham, and thros the old crazy machine togother. until this doteestic stern iv. passed away. Circumstances will then get up for us a ferviive nor; end heigh for fresh patronage. and down with retbnn !" Tile -.1(1,, us ate happy to believe, will not lend therm:Avis to any such pal:ry upon the empire. They will not be satisfied with dishanchisitT, fro difying a miserable hole like Embalm or East Retford.—no, per I.ver poi itself, which merits such a visitation, perhaps more than tiJ •r. ney will—they must—give us a broad and deep n:foren. SECOND EDITION. IMPERIAL PARLIAII ENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—Tins D tv. Mr. SADLER presented a petition against negro slavery. Lord 311)111'Rn1 prevented asimilar petition. Mr. Alderman ►1'O1)D moved for returns of all persons engaged in public offices in 1828 and 1829, accounts of salaries, &c.—Ordered. REFORM PETITIONS. Mr. KENNEDY presented petitions for an extension of the elective franchise from Glasgow, Dundee, Jedborough, arid Dumfries. Sir J. NEWPORT expressed the hope that in the extenNion of the elective franchise Ireland would nit be forgotten. When reform was st work it °unlit not to be overlooked. Belfast, a large and opult nt toy 7). hail its representative,' returned by a sovereign at d twelve burge4se I, one half of whom were now resident, and the other half disqualified by being revenue officers. Sir R. FEROUSSON presented a similar petition from I)it r, and erail, and against slavery. LIVIRPOOI. ELWTIOS. Mr. ROBINSON presented a petition from Mr. Rigby, con.plain nq of the recent election Otte. Ile said there wes th.thii,,; rel., I . t , .4 the petition ; because whoever had lwen returned, he shodli h e petitioned on the subject in consequence of the disgraceful tr. 41.4 :, that had characterized the election. There were 4,500 voters. the petitioners asserted that four..siztha of the voters had been Li ih The petitioner was &writs!, front a rumour, that the sitting mett.i..r ( Mr. Ewart) was about to vacate his seat, and thereby evade t!:e penalties of his proceedings. He prayed that the House would stitute inquiries. General OASCOYNE said that there au already a petition be:..re the Muse, and that this petition and the address were prejudging t' c cam. The SPEAKER remarked, that If this were an election pctitioi. it Rai too late. 31r. EVART said he gloried in the return ; he had been re ital.(' by the middle classes, and his conscience did not accuse him of 1.0%1.4 done any thing wrong. 51r. ROBINSON denied that it was an tkctimt r, 1 to lie the table. WASTE LANDS FOR THE POOR. Mr. TENNANT gave notice that, before the Eater TrCt .• ro should move a Commission to irquire into the bt.:4 means of ran.% aitt the poor, by an appropriation of the waste lands of the Cati.adas, hou.n Africa, the Asiatic Islands, &c. Mr. H. DAVIES presented a petition from Bristol, for the r. ..1 of the assessed taxer; also a petition for the extinction of new. • litt t y. Nir.ol3olt MAN MAHON presented a petition complaining t.s . tithes, from a parish in the county of Clare, that had no Prottotati , •. no Protestant Parson, and no Protestant Church. Ile then prest 0 .11 r petition from persons confined in Newsatc, Dublin, coniplainis g though not foun.l guilty of ithy offence, they were kept i o• privon„ They could not be tried, because their Recorder aa• a member of that house, and said he so, obliged to attend the house. .1 person engaged in the silk trade of Dublin wished the said member to be in his place in the House of Contmons on a particular day, but the member said he could not, as he had to attend the duty of Recorder. The offices were incompatible—the goals it:an ought be compelled to make his choice to be the Remick?' or the 3lember. That house voted MM. or t5OOl. s year to the Reconler of Dublin, in addition to what was obtained front the curl oration.—[ Left sitting.] N.11'41. INTELLIGENCE. Dee. N.N.E - 7 - -Arrieed the JuLin, Smith, Cr.m Virginia ; the Camelia, from Quebec ; the Diana, front Dolma, Dec. I!.—Arrived the Lady Harri., Mar.h, iron) Wexford, off port ; the Loophandel, K port, from Batavia. emotes', Dac. 19.—Atiivid the Margaret, 31. Donald, from I lon aurae, off the Wight ; the Eagle, Hill, front Virginia. Team', Dec. 19. Arrived the Eclipse, Young, from Lisbon, off port; the John, Dunn, ifol7l Demerara. PLYMOSTII, D►c. 18.—Wind N. to N.E.—Arrived the Fanny, Purley, from Fig ; the Albion, Sims, from Danzig. DESTRUCTIVE — i LEH AT F:tPi6LD LAST NIGHT We regret to Itarn that the acts - attic incendisiies are still comi,.ti in the county of 3lkidleses. About nine o'clock last night, a fire woe discovered to have broken out in the whmt yard of a Camerae Polo-es Bar, in the parish of Enfield, near the spot where the errant lice of, Mr. llyng's property took place. The instant the fire wax discovered expresses were sent off to town for the fire.engines, which were speeeteiv in attendance, but they were unable to save any of the pm;.ery. wi was burning furiously up to three o'clock this morning. Ihe ni. carriers coming to town, state that the tames were so vivid. that at distance of two miles one might easily thread a needle. Twelve stacloe of wheat and two of hay were wholly consumed. The h•tuse was run ie. surest, and as he is a small farmer, it is probable that his loss sill destructive. MELTING M.' PORTUGUESE BONDIIOLDERS-THISDAY A General Meeting of the persons intetested in the Pura/curse lAunii, won convened this morning at the City of Loudon Tavein, tr take into full consideration thy si:oicioo they stand in first as rivarda the Government of Portugal; secondly, that of Brazil, and thir.liy that of Great Britain. Tile Committee convening the Al.etirg baring drawn up a series of llemillitiong to be submitud to the Alerting:: tl.ey were Lid tefo.ilit. and were in effect follow. 6 ' That a permanent Cot iiiii hire be appointed In watch over tkr Bondholders fur the purpose of obtaibirg redress or grievances, a:4i that they put themselves in communication atilt the de facto Liu vennuria of Portugal and with that of Brasil—aa well as ai:h the British Government, from which the bondholders feel thrniselvra it titled Ito support in obtaining the honourable fulfilment, by Brasil, of the Treaty of August. 1823, which bound that Government, by all picas pies of natiooal faith sod honour, to the perpetual diseborge u tth e doat e which was taken into the Brazilian Tressuvy on the Convertimi of Portugal at.d Brasil being brought about by British istfiseuee. That Brasil baring paid ten y,ars• dividend on the loan, acituostledged its liability, and that the bondholders claim the protection of the Britiso Government, on the ground that the collateral euntra:t for Brasil liking the loan upon herself, was brought about by the then British Ilinist.a (Sir Charles Stuart). It is understood that the Howie of essamons win adjourn this evening till 'Thursday ; and that oik Thormiky,it will re-assemble, to adjourn over the holidays.