Star. — London, England, 1826-05-12 00:00:00

Inrd (Malenesbnry), he h .d nn he itation ih stating his irsoin;on, that at no distant period an alteiation must be effected in those•laws. He was persuaded that icquiry was necessary, in order to effect a permanent alteration of the Corn Laws; and a temporary alteration ought not t•, be adopted. It appeared to be the intention of his Majesty's Government to effect an alteration in the Cons Laws, in order to prevent a presumptive scarcity, which, even if it occurred, might be better remedied by the exercise of their own discre.innary power, under their own responsibility. This would be better than atiempting to legislate in the dark. Every argument which had been used would apply with equal force to any season as well as to the present, and all of them tended to elucidate the necessity of making a perma nent alteration in the law upon the subject. If the law were permanently settled, every former might take his lease accordingly ; but at present all his calculations -might be overthrown by circumstances which he could -nos possibly foresee. In the present burthened state of 'the country it was impossible that the agricultural into :rest could exist at all without some protection, in some shape or other; but there might to a system even worse than bad—an unsettled system. How could a !man lay out his capital to advantage, if it was to be atnject to all the charges incidental to the alterations rot Parliamentary temper ? If, in addition to the winds en Heaven, their property was to be made valuable, or otherwise, accordinit to the dictum of that House? Surely it w•as necessary that some step should be taken towards effecting a permanent arrangement of those laws. Was it possible to suppose that people could be bind to the advantage which v. ould result from settling those laws for ever? At all events he would prefer leaving it to Ministe:s, to act upon their own responsi• bility, rather than confer upon them the power they sought fur. He thought the interests of the country could not be more safely entrusted than to their keep ing. If the dreaded evil should occur, Ministers might act on their own responsibility; and he would ask, when was there ever an instance in which indemnity -was withheld from them ? Noth ng could be more mis chievous than to reason beforehand upon the mere pro bability of the markets being affected. It engendered ideas amongst the country people that Ministers had private information; and the result must inevitably be, that an artificial rise would be created, without any reference to supply and demand. He felt convinced that it would be better for Ministers to proceed under the responsibility be had stated, until the next Session of Parlia .ment, and to avoid entering upon the question of the Corn Laws until then. When the time for considering the question arrived, however, he believed it would be found impossible to disconnect the landed and the manufacturing interests, which were intimately interwoven ; and when Parliament was again called upon to legis late upon the Corn Laws, he hoped they would settle them once .and for ever—( Hear, hear). Lord NlA:Ammar and the Earl of Lmemet. mutually explained. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and their Lord ships divided— IH Contents (proxies 70) . Not-contents (proxies Is) . . 67 Majority_ . —99 "Their Lordships then adjourned at Hatx-rast TWILLVt o'clock. HOUSE OF COM MONS. Mr. Alderman WOOD begged have to withdraw the order for the second reading of the Thames Watermen Bill. The Hon. Member regretted that owing to the Bill being considered private, he would be unable to carry it through this Session. Mt. HUSKISSON presented a Petition sigoed by upwards of 3,000 Roman Catholics of Liverpool, praying that they might enjoy those priyileges in this country as the Protestants did. The Hon. Member stated that the Petitioners did not wish to have • their case agitated in Parliament this Session, but hoped that something would he done for them in the next. Lord N UGE NT entirely coincided in the prayer of the Petition, and assured the Right Hon. Member that he intended next Thurs day to present a Petition on the same subject front the Catholics of England. Mr. HUSKISSON presented a Petition from the importers of • butter residing at Blackburn, praying against any alteration of the laws relating to the Butter Trade.—Referred to the Committee 'on the Bill. The Hon. Mamas - also presented a Petition from an individual -named James Miller, an out-pensioner of Chelsea Hospital, pray ing that a clause in the Island of Jersey Bill might be altered. The Hon. Massage presented a simnel Petition "from a person maned Robinson. Lord EN NIS AIORE presented a Petition to the same effect .from Joseph Beard. These fttftions were laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. 3k. P. CORBETT presented a Petition from the Maltsters of Oswestry, ptaying for a reduction of the duty on MalL—Ordered vobeprinted. Mr. J. SMITH presented a Petition from the inhabitants of Briginhelinstone, complaining of the practice of County Courts.— Ordered to be printed. The House went into a Committee on the Lismore Divorce /Xl/, in which Counsel was heard and witnesses were examined. The House resumed ; the Report was received, and the DUI ordered to be read a third time. On the motion of dr. Aseacaomay, the House resolved itself into a Committee on the Johnson Divorce Bill, when Counsel was heard, and witnesses were examined. The House resumed. Mr. BROGIYEN brought up the Report, and the Bill was ordered to be read s third time. Colonel STRUT? presented a Petition againskSlavery from the Borough of Malden.—Ordered to be printed. Mr. K. DOUGLAS presented a Petition from Copar, praying for the Amelioration of West India Property. Ordered to be printed. Colossal TR-F.NCH presented a Petition from Amersham against Negro Slavery.—Ordered to be printed. CASE Of COLONEL BRADLEY. latter no alternative ; he arrested Colonel Bradley, hut instead of detaining him under arrest for ten months, as hesaid,be *as onlj kept for two months, when he was liberated, and suffered to re main under arrest at large, until the order for his dismissal came from England. And with respect to the statement made by the Petitioner, that this dismissal was occasiotied by false representa• tions of Colonel Arthur, so tar was this from being the fact, that the terms of dismissal were, " that his Royal Highness the Duke of York, having, (tom the Petitioner's own letter, been convinced of the impropriety and Inconsistency of his conduct, had felt it his duty to recommend to his Majesty his dismissal from the army." He should, on these gaounds, oppose the Motion that the Petition be received by the House. Colonel DAVIES thought the conduct of Colonel Arthur, In not sheaving the authority of which he was possessed, in the first in stance, was exceedingly improper. He thought, too, the case alto gether was one of extreme hardship; and notwithstanding the strong language of the Petition, he was convinced it ought to be received. Lord PALMERSTON said, he had read the Petition, and should oppose its being received, on the ground that it did not coo fine itself to the Petitioner's case ' but contained grossly libellous charges against Sir Herbert Taylor and Sir Henry Torrents, two as honourable men as any in the kingdom. Colonel Bradley had evi dently been guilty of an act of gross insubordina:ion, nearly ap proaching to mutiny, and had only suffered the penal consequences of such conduct. He bad sought redress (on the general question of seniority), without success, in the Courts of Law ; and what was it, then, that he expected from that House? He contended that had &lone! Arthur acted otherwise than he had done, he would have proved himselttotally unfit for the command to which he had been appointed. The Pstition, he petceivrd likewise, stated, that Col. Arthur's defence on the trial, when damages of 1001. were awarded to Colonel Bradley, was made at the public expence. He (Lord Palmerston) conceived that nothing was more just than that the investigation into Colonel Arthur's conduct should not be made expensive to him, after it had obtained the approbation of the COM nunder-in-Chief. Mr. BROUG lIA Id said, the utmost charge proved against Colonel Bradley was that he had acted under an error in judgment He admitted that the petition contained a charge that the commis. sion was an after tbought—(not directly a forgery, as the Noble Lord had said)—but he begged to remind the House, that the re. ceiving even a libelous Petition was not a publication of it ; for us one but the House Printer was authorized in that House to print what be should bear of a libellous nature; and if he did so, be was liable to the consequences or libel. Irir. Secretary PEEL agreed with the Learned Member, that it would he most absurd to reject petitions because they contained charges against official persons, who were most liable to have such charges made against than. In this case the petitioner had not imputed forgery in express terms, but he had said that a commis sion was sworn to have been signed before it was in existence. It was rather improbable that those respectable persons would be guilty of perjury. Ile did net think it fair, that persons should use their right as subjects to present petitions containing charges of /hat nature, without being prepared to substantiate them fully. He would have no objection to the petition being brought up, but be thought that the House would be warranted in refusing a motion t have it printed. Mr. HUME wished to know whether it was not the law. that all commissions similar to that given to Colonel Arthur, should be published? As this had not been done in this instance, be thought the petitioner was absolved from those charges of mutiny and In subordination, which the Noble Lord opposite laid to his charge. er Colonel Arthur set about inflicting what Colonel Brad ley thought unjust punishment on his (Colonel Bradley's) men ; and was only natural that the latter should ask for the authority o which this was done. He had done so; be had written to tbe Horse Guards, he bad applied every where and received no answer ; and at length bad felt himself obliged to dispute the power which be etas not commanded to obey. After some further observations from the Corineu.t.oi of the EICIIIIIO2II, Lord PALMIIIITCI, Mr. Baouonast, and the ATMS. ney-Gestaam., the Petition was withdrawn. SLAVERY. Mr. BROUGHAM, not seeing a Right Hon. Gentleman whom it was desirous should be present in the discussion, rose for the purpose of postponing his motion until Friday the 19th of May. He trusted that upon that day the importance of the motion would give it precedence of all other business. • • MR. BUCKINEHAM . S CAS& Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved that the Select Committee, appointed to take into consideration Mr. Buckingham's case, should be empowered to send for Persons, Papers, and Records. Mr. WYNN opposed the motion, on the ground that the Noble Lord should have given notice to the House that it was his inten tion to have made such a motion. It was taking the House by sur prise. The original question bad been carrlei, only because the proper persons were absent from their post. Mr. 111ement:1r and Mr. CALCIUM supported the motion. The Cuancia.Los of the EXCNIQUOL, the Soiscrroa-Gineast., and Mr. Secretary Pau. thought notice ought to have been given. After a desultory conversation, in which Mr. Scoots::. Mr. Tame:, Lord Maros, Mr. Huns, and the Arronszv-Gzszaat., took part, the motion was agreed to. the question extremely objectionable. The introduction of the measure v this time showed. a great iniensistency ~n the pan of Ministers. What, he would • ask, had occurred since the 18th of April, when the anise carne to a decision on the question? Ministers had at that time no apprehension of a scarcity, but it seemed that Ministers had brought an eaverly wind to their ,sibtaince— " FA esujurati valiant ad elassiea vent)." What did Ministers expect from this measure? In what degree did they expect that the liberatiun 9f the bonded corn would lower the price of the markets?— Was it Bs. or 10s. per quarter ? If it were lowered 10s. dr even 20i. per quarter, would it off ird any relief to the manufacturing di,tricts ? If it would not, how could Ministers lend themselves to a delusion so perilous as the present was in every respect? Did they - not see that those who were without money, and also without employment, could n buy corn even at the most re• dated rates? ‘V..uld they tell bim how those unfor tunate inlividuais could be benefited by the present measures ? Let them answer this question plainly, and not talk to him about such solemn nonsense as moral effect.—(Hear, hear!) Another great objection which he had to this plan was the time at which it was proposed, and the mode in which it was to operate as relief. " Prohitas laudatur et alget" was an observation of some antiquity, but one which had been completely verified in the present instance. He gave credit to Ministers for the alterations which they had made in it—but they were no: such as to reconcile him to it ; and he should there fore conclude by moving, that this be read a second time this day six months. , Sir WATK IN WYNN thought it advisable to let the Itat he read a second time, and object to the details in the Committee. lie need not say that he kad some interest at stake on this question; but his duty to the public was greater, and, therefore, he did not object to the proposed measure. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER felt great satisfaction in observing, that athough many' Gentlemen bad, in the course of the present discussions, expressed themselves with warmth, yet no undue eager ness cr vio!ence had been manifested on the subject. — The Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Bankes) had enumerated some in,uperablis objections, although he allowed that the measure had been well modified. The first objection; ' of the Honourable Member was, that the conduct of Government was inconsistent; but that was rather an argument against Government—it was an argumentans ad honsinela ; but although the conduct of Government were inconsistent, yet the measure Might be a good one. He would, nevertheless, deny the alleged inconsistency of Ministers. The discussion of so important a question,' in the last Session of Parliament, could not lead to a sal isfactory result: the temper in which it had been ta ken up was often manifested ; many petitions on the Corn Laws had been presented on both sides of the question, which had frequently led to bye battles in an angry spirit. But some had said it would be better if his Majesty's Ministers had done nothing ; that they ought to take the responsibility on themselves, and use what he was astonished t.) hear some Hon. Gentlemen call the Royal IXPORTA VON Ol MACH I N EAT. Mr. HUME moved for leave to bring in a Bill to allow of the Exportation of Machinery. The lion. Gentleman thought that in the present state of manufacturing distress, the objects of his proposed Bill were deserving peculiar attention. Ile then went into a detail 9f the intentions of his proposed Bill, which he hoped would meet with the concurrence of the President of the Board of Trade, and that that Right Hon. Gentleman would give it his concurrence and support. A most prominent feature (at the present time) of the proposed measure wasio place the produce • of British artisans upon a par with their fellow labourers abroad. Mr HUSKISSON, though he did not oppose leave being given, suggested that the present was a time every way unfit for touching upon the subject. It would certainly be attended with better effects if the Hon. Gentleman withdrew the motion for the present. Mr. BIRCH said he should oppose the measure—it was a most imprudent one, and called for particular and minute investigation. Mr. Secretary PEEL agreed in the necessity of postponing the measure. Mr. HUME seeing the disposition Odic House towards his Bill upon the present occasion ' begged leave to withdraw his matins], though should he have the honour of a seat in Parliament in the next Sessions, he would bring the subject forward at its very onset. —Motion wit hdrawn. CORN IMPORTATION BILL. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved the second reading of this Bill. Sir T. LETHBRIDGE could not agree in the principle that a measure, though good, ought to be postponed in deference to the feelings of any class of the people—but U the principle were good, it would favour his opposition to the present Bill, as this Bill gave dissatisfaction to both corn dealers and the growers of corn. There was a great quantity of corn in the country, and this abundance rendered the measure unnecessary. He could not agree in leaving un Ministers the responsibility of fixing the import prices. Sir W. VirYN N would divide with Ministers in support of the Bill. The measure would do credit to the House, and would prove that they felt for the sufferings of the manufacturing people. The of - in bond was but This tea prerogative. That power of suspending the law was viewed by him with nefh snore dread. But suppose that events similar to those which took place in the year 1816 were now to take place—the corn rose to a high price, and that Government used the power al- luded to—would not their conduct be arraigned in cnncequence ? What would Hon. Gentlemen say ? Would they not complain that Ministers had called them together to afford them indemnity, and to discuss the whole question of the Corn Laws, after they had been found inadequate to meet every emergency ? His Hon. Friend said then, that he wished Ministers to shew how the measure cculd be productive of any good. Ministers had never brought forward this measure as a panacea ; they never said that the distress arose out of the Corn Laws ; in fact, it could no more arise from the Corn Laws than from a common road Bill; but at the same time, while there were thousands living on a scanty subsistence, and many more who had not even this slight resource, but were supported by the Poor Laws, was there any one who would say that the price of corn was of no intere.t, or that this measure might not avert a great deal of calamity and distress? (Hear). No oyie would say that it was Indifferent whether wheat was at 80s. or 90s. or at a moderate price, such as was sure to follow the present measure. The people were driven to excess by misery, but he ventured to assert that there was no bad feeling about them; and he thought it would be the extremity of fear, a proof of cowardice in Ministers, if they abstained from adopting some measures to mitigate the sufferings of the people, nor did it appear to him that Ministers had manifested any undue apprehensions. The military force employed had been first adequate to give confidence to the pos sessors of property, and to cause the quick subsidence of tumult and disorder. His Hon. Friend had talked sneeringly of the phrase " moral effect." He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) did not know who had made use of that expression; but at the same time be could not see why it was ridiculous to endeavour to relieve the distresses of the manufacturing poor, to soften their feelings, and to prevent others from working their minds into a state of exasperation, so as to bring about dangerous political combina tions. If in this endeavour he could convince the people, through the medium of their feelings, that Government did not disregard their happiness and comfort, he would not shrink from adopting the expres sion, nor would he deny the influence, of " moral effect." After an attentive consideration of the Corn Laws, though obliged to lament the necessity of them, yet he Admitted their nece.sity. But there would be found Mr. NUMB presented a Petition from Colonel Bradley, tom plaiaing.of the arbitrary manner in which he had been deprived of his commission, as lAeut.-Colonel of the 2d West India Regiment, then in the Honduras. The Petition *rated, that Colonel Arthur, who was an Oificer ea the half-pay of the 7th West India Regi ment. and Civil Superintendaat of the Honduras, bad, without *hewing him any authority to that effect, attempted to aesunme a military superiority over him ; for his resistance to which, be had been arrested for ten months, and finally, in consequence of misre presentations made to the authorities at home by Colonel Arthur, been deprived of his rank. and dismissed his Majesty's service, without inquiry or court-martial. After the letter of dismissal bad attired at the Honduras, the Petitioner had recourse to a coon of Jaw is order to obtain redress, and had obtained 1001. damages against Colonel Arthur for the illegal arrest; but he was sent out of the country before he could recover them. The Hon. Member earnestly suptorted the Petition, which he thought presented a case of uncommon hardship. It was one of those Instances in which that arbitrary power left at the discretion of the Crown to be exer cised with respect to naval and military regulations bad, be con ceived, been applied under a very erroneous Impression. Colonel Arthur being on half-pay could not justly assume the right of com mand over the Petitioner, an Officer on full-pay, and at the bead of a Regiment, and it was the rightful resistance of the latter fo such assumption, that had drawn on him the consequences, from which he IIOW sought redress front the House. Colonel Arthur stated, to be sure, that he had received a Commission from General Fuller, to entille him to that power; but the Petitioner said, that this Commission was not received at the time alluded to, and was got up as a subsequent plea to screen Colonel Arthur (ron, the eon sequescos of investigation. The Petitioner therefore prayed, that the premises of his case might be taken into consideration, in order to the affording him adequate compensation. Mr. BUTTK lt WO Will viewed the proceedings in a light dif ferent from that in which the Hon. Member saw them. Upon the trial the Jury gave aou t. damages, because Col. Bradley appeared to have been detained longer in confinement than be should. This was a mere error of judgment on the pan of Colonel Arthur. The Arl'Olt N EY-GENERA L saiJ, that a Petition accusing a man of a forgery ought not to be received by that House. The use was simply this—Colonel Arthur, in the year 14314, had a Commission from General Fuller to act as commandant at the Honduras. He had continued in that office until 111t7, when CoL Bradley refused to acknowledge hint as such. On this Colonel Arthur sent Colonel Krut well to him to request that he would at tend a meeting, at which the matter 'should he decided. This Cob • Bradley declined to do, saying that be had rather be put under turret than have any thing to do with Col. Arthur. this left the 1113,000 quarters. . quantity corn . deredthe measure necessary. Colonel WOOD was sorry that the Hon. Member for Somerset intended to divide the House on the ques tion ; those repeated divisions would. do harm to the country, both iii the House and out of it. He (Colonel Wood) would certainly vote for the second reading of the Bill. As to tke Right Honourable the Foreign Secretary's assertion, that he would produce many of the country Gentlemen as his compurgators—(a laugh) he (Col. Wood) could say that he him.ell was not one of them. He had not altered his mind on the Corn Laws. He approved the principle of them as the best for all interests, but would modify it by proposing,wben the Bill should go into Committee, a protecting duty of 655. when the price of corn should rise, the fixed duty would be repealed, for Mr. Jacob's report chewed that there were not 500,000 quarters of corn to be got on the Continent; neither a flied duty, nor any reduced scale of pikes would answer; nothing, in fact, but the Corn Laws. modified by the introduction of protecting duties. He would propose a protecting duty in the Committee. by a reference to the Reports of the Committees of 1821 and 1822, on the Corn Laws, several hints and recommendations, evidently contemplating a final and total revision of the whole system of Corn - Laws. The landed interest could not take a course more likely to prejudice the question than that which they had shown •' yet be was sure that there were many there who would take the passible advice of his Hon. Friend, the Member for Brecon, who tbss be had a deep interest In the question, declared that he woold'vote for the second reading, and 'eke an opportunity afterwards of considering the modifications of which it was susceptible. He hoped tist the House would follow. the example of his Hun. Friend and Ise the Hon. Baronet (Sir Watkin Wyun) who sat behind him. Ile hoped they would um refuse to place in the hands of Ministers what might be the means of doing much good, and which co uld net be productive of say imaginable mischief. Lord CLIFTON feared the measure would only serve to unction the vulgar opinion that the distresses originated in themselves. He knew the difficult situation of Ministers. They had a choice of evils. On these grounds he would vote for the measure. Mr. BEN KIT was surprised that when the distresses of the pee -were so often adverted to, no attempt was made to explain their causes; but he considered that they might all be referred to the tampering with the currency. The relief which was intended to be to recover Ekes the Treasury the dedeepaid en bonded ma. tip the production el the necessary certidates. (Hear, hear). Sir g. Y MATCH BU LL said, he did net new 'with to enter into any lengthened discusdon on this subject, althongb, after all be had heard, his objections to the proposed measure remained onalterel His principal view, however, in riaing, Was, to state his coincidence with the suggestion of his lion. Friend. and be hoped his Majesty's Ministers would net be inattentive to it. Lord MILTON said, the very proposition of this measure was-a distinct proclamation by Government that the Corn Laws were in their nature too irnp , ,litio to be permitted to be permanent—that they were only fitted for fair weather, and that, as soon as the storm arose, it was necessary to the safel v .)1 the vessel of the state that they should be reconsidered. He was ,%nt absurd enough to suppose that the Corn Laws were the sole cause of the existing distress in the manufacturing hesitation districts, but be had no . _. in saying that in one respect they had a great effect in producing it, and that was in the interruption which they gave to the commercial interests of our manufacturers with foreign countries. Hon. Gentlemen might depend upon it, that the Corn Laws would be settled in one way or another before long: in his opinion they only could be settled in one way, and that was upon the principles of free trade. With respect to the measure more immediately heft), e the House, he did not think that it would be of any effect, except in preventing any aggravation of the existing dastress--( Hea►, hear, hear). Minis ers en r.t, however, give him leave to 'say, that the time at which they had proposed this meirsur-, had led, in certain quarters, to the opinion that they had other views than those which they professed in propo.ing it. He Was bound in justice to say that he did not en tertain such an opinion; be gave M nisters credit for the views which they profes.e.l to entertain; and hoped that :hey did not intend io let the present measnres be merely temporary. He co .tetidea that in wha•ever view this question was taken, it resolved itself at la•t into the amount of the burdens which the different classes of the community bore. Now he maintained that the landed gentlemen formed that class of the community which had the least cause to complain of the burdens imposed upon them. (Hear, and cries of No.")• He tilt' " Yes," for who were the chief cause, who the great in stigators, who the main supporters of the late wa-, who had imposed such a weight of taxation on the nation, but the country Gentlemen? (Cries of "hear," from various quarters of the House, which was re-echoed back for some time, accompanied with cri s of i• No, no.") He should not be put down by cries of " No, no." He said it was " Ay, ay," and he defied and chal lenged the other side to prove that he was incorrect— (Cheers.) The country Gentlemen were the causes, the instigators, and the promoters of the late war—(Hear.) He did not say that in so doing they had acted w•ongly —he knew that members of his own family had sup ported it as strongly as any person, (hear); but he re peated that it was the country Gentlemen, who had pledged themselves to expend life and fortune in support of that war, (Hear' Now what was the ease?— • When the fortune became really affected,—he said nothing of the life,—by the diminution of two shillings or even one shilling in the rent of the acre, they decl tred that they had already paid for that war its the direct 'shape of taxes, and ought not to suffer any further 'diminution of their income. Now he cold chew that the corn laws, which were the creature of the war, added 10 , . a quarter to the price of every quarter of wheat grown in this country ; and at the consumption of the country amounted to 14,000,000 or 15,030,000 annually, they inflicted a taxation of 7,000,0001. an nually •n the people of England, for the benefit of the landowners and of the landowners alone—(Hear, bear Let the landowners controvert that position if they could; and when they could, thee, but not till then, they might say that they had ex. peeded their fortunes in support of the war. (Hear.) The plain fact was, and it was Impossible to disguise it, that they bad raised their fortunes instead of having spent them in the war, and they now endeavoured, by the operation of the Corn Laws, to keep up the high rents which they bad contrived to get from their tenants during that period. (Hear, bear.) In bpite of all the opposition he might would sneer - with in ;saki sech - a declaimtlon, he contend that the effect oldie Corn Laws was to infikt a heavy taxation on the peo ple of England. (Hear.) It was not, however, in that view of the question that be considered the Corn Laws most impolitic. Their great impolky was in their acting as a non-intercourse bill with the _ country. He would gladly support any measure that was calculated to relax the fetters which this Bill imposed upon the country ; and conceiving that the present measure would have that effect, be gladly and willingly gave it his support. (Cheers.) Mr. Secretary PEEL could not but express his regret lon hearing the observations which had fallen from the Noble Lord who had just sat down. The introduction of inflammatory topics into a discussion, which had hitherto been conducted with great good temper, was I a course which he seriously deprecated. While the House was occupied in investigating the best mode of affording relief to the distresses which were admitted to exist, he could not but look upon a declariition of sentiments, calculated to excite recrimination as badly suited—such was the ill-timed speech of the Noble Lord—(Cries of No, no, front the Opposition, and of I Hear ' - The Gentlemen entertain , heir). _ _ opposite might _ their opinions, but they would allow him to express his. He thought upon what he had sail, and he was convicted of it, when he heard the Noble Lord making a charge against the country Gentlemen of having supported the country in times of great difficulty Lord MILTON I made that no charge against them.']- , —Was not the conduct of the country Gentle men praiseworthy in having supported England in the arlent struggle in which she had been engaged, and to which they could now look with conscious pride, while with satisfaction they regarded the height of glory they Noble had acquired? He was bound to remind the Lord, that the agriculturists had, four or five years since, suffered the greatest disttess ; and that they had not until within that period recovered the effects of the change which had occurred in 1814. He now came to the general questions, to the alteration of which, as they had been proposed, the House was bound to give its serious attention. Two propositions of amendment had been submitted, one by the Honourable Member for Brecon, and another by the Hon. Member for Wotton Basset. The former was to the effect, that the power of importation ought not to be left in the hands of his M.jesty s Ministers, unless when the price of corn should be at sixty-five shillings per quarter. To this proposition the only addition whichcould be requiredwas the specifying the amount of the duty at which the im portation ought then to take place. If the Hon. Member would state the duty, hii amendment would then he 'complete, and could be entertained ; otherwise, not; for the House could not investigate half-formed The Hon. Member bad to decide upon the Mr. BANKES said that the measure, as it now stood, . - given by the Bill before the . House to the manufacturers, would tions. was differe..t from that which had been first introduced. amount of the duty. Supposing the importation price be effe cted b without paper money. The cheapness of corn was no The alterations made were certainly improvemerits ; u w an o to pu th i e it T s w ie li s eii they that ha ben d ew no ou w ld a r g st es ures t ss o in p l u p rc s h iv a ane seil.. sup. to be 65, and the duty specified also—what would be for had the tirbt proposition been carried to open the lU su r.the real state of the case? The Corn Laws would be ports at a duty of 125. there was no doubt, whatever port to the propoddou of the 11 the Bill to be read a second time. Any objecti to t the detai l prejudged, and, instead of the temporary measure now Hon. Gentlemen might say to the contrary, that that required by his Majesty's Ministers, a permanent de lls be il m o scbmore conveniently urged in the Committee. (Hear) • vision would be made prematurely. ' To the first amend would continue to be the duty, whene%er the question G" . Mr. s i i ie rA isi N u LEY said, he principally rose with a view might be discussed hereafter. Bat, notwithstansli .g to state , that when :arta a Committee, be intended moving orient the House, he wa s certa i n, could not give its sp thc alterations that had been made, he still thought ,a cialaN elillmrcrinli Los utum.* fur renewing thy distressed, prubation. The second amendmeht was, - to alb* the 1