Star. — London, England, 1830-12-15 00:00:00

• , : ~~•. . • ,*:•11 BARON Or THE EXCEIQUER. MA.OI•CONNE L asked whether the Chief Baron of the Esche wer, who was , incompetent from age to fulfil the duties, wag about to "rip ;.• Loid ALTHORP replied, that lie had not learned that the Chief Basun was about to retire ; he believed he was not. Air. LEA DER presented petitions from paper-stainers, sadlers, he. el Dublin. for the repeal of the Union. Lord KILLEEN said be was against the repeal; he was for the watitlauance of the connection with England, though for entertaining Imch opinion, he might be made the victim at the next election. likrtions ordered to be printed. Mr LITTLETON presented several numerously signed petitions against the Truck system, from Staffordshire, signed by 17,000 persons, sent Nottingham, &c. Ordered to lie on the table. _ _ bit .1. WHOTTESLEYPrtsented petitions from places in the Staf. isrdshire Potteries against the Truck system ; also from Paisley. He should be glad if some plan could be devised by Parliament to put an entt to the Truck system. Alr. 11U3IE presented a petition from Denbigh, &c. against inter. Iltrenec with regulations regarding the payment of wages. Ordered to be printed. Alderman WA ITH 31A N presented a petition from Dudley against the Truck system. On the motion of Lord ALTHORP, the Irish Magistrates' bill was KA a second time. TRI7CX SYSTEM. Air. LITTLETON said, it was with considerable satisfaction that be had at last approached the time for moving for leave to bring in a bill to put an end to the baneful Truck System. He lamented that it bad not fallen into abler and more experienced hands; but the neces .ity of something being done must be apparent, so imminent were the dangers resulting from the system. He begged to premise, that he did sot propose that the bill should be extended to Ireland. With the aye. tem in England he was now tolerably fully acquainted. The system was the payment of wages by goods, out of stores established by the several masters. Tickets were given for the wages, and the tickets taken for goods, money seldom passing, except to evade that punishment which it so justly merited. The stores were generally kept by relatives of the masters, or persons who allowed a discount to the masters who sent their men to the stores. For the goods the storekeepers obtained six months' credit, and those bills were often re newed for three months, thus giving the storekeepers the greatest ad vantages. He did not mean, however, to say that there were not many fairly conducted stores ; however, many of them were too oppressive, and gave the masters too great an advantage over those =stets who did not resort to the truck system. The system had continued four hun dred years—but more particularly within the last one hundred and thirty years—and recently it had been most alarmingly on the increase.—The Interference of parliament was now loudly called for. lie begged here to state, with reference to the difference of prices, between those of the store keeper and those of the markets, he had nothing to add to his statement of last year. The difference in charges was often 30 and 100 per cent. and never less than fifteen per cent. He mentioned cases where men had been imposed on with goods instead of wages, where the goods were next to useless to the man, and for which they were only able to get much less than had been charged. Where men had pigs they were obliged to dispose of them, in order not to have the pretext for avoiding the truck stores. Where the wages were 12s, 9s. were paid in goods, and, many, consequently, were obliged to pay their rents with goods. Cheese was charged 80, where the price was rid, and that was the proportion of most articles of food. Since he last addressed the House a new evil had grown up in the truck system. Most of the masters, or stores, had now a beer license; and they wore now in the habit of " commoning" their men with stuff which they called beer. They sold what they termed ale at 6d. a quart ; but it was no better than ditch water. Besides corn• palling them to have this stuff for themselves and families, the men acme obliged to have a quart at the pay table, and that generally led to the dcmaud for more, a system which the house would sec was equally injurions to the interests of the poor and their families, and prejudicial to the morals of the working classes.--(Hear.) This part of the system was most dreadful—affecting the health, morals, interests, and comforts of the men and their families. Surely such proceedings ought to be re medied if remedy were in the power of legislation. They had lowered the working population to an extent that was truly appalling. Be sides, they were most prejudicial to the money-paying masters, espe cially where labour constituted the chief cost of the articles manufactured. Time money-paying masters complained of this system, and justly ; and they now said, and naturally enough, that if the parliament did not do something to check the system, they must adopt it in self-defence. The offenders against the law were the only gainers those who paid wages in money were the losers. As to retiring from the businesses, that was impossible in most instances, for the capital of the proprietors was embarked in their premises, maehinety, &c. Laws to meet such evils had been passed at various times since Edward IV. An act of that reign imposed revere penalties, entitling men to recover their wages for a long period, even when they had been discharged by goods. It was much mitigated by an act of Geo. I. and the 29th Geo. 11. again interfered, fixing wages and limiting truck to twenty pounds. To remedy the evils, be intended to propose to prohibit the practice, and to render null engagements made fpr payments in truck ; also, to increase the facilities of gaining evi dence—to give increased powers to Juries. and to deprive the masters of the means of recovering for any goods that they might have directly or indirectly supplied their men with for wages. It was in vain to tell the men to go elsewhere—and even reduction of taxation would not remedy t'ie evil. Suppression of a system that held out so many tempta tions only would remedy the evil. He should introduce a clause to em power the King in council to exempt particulardistricts from the opera tion of this act. The law must be made effectual, and great penalties must be inserted to compel the masters to observance. The honourable member stated that be intended to insert a clause to exempt the opera tion of the bill on certain descriptions of individuals, so as not to:affect local arrangements in particular districts, because the honourable member for Middlesex had given intimation of his intention to move for a committee of inquiry into the subject. He (Mr. L.) would reply to some of the arguments that he knew the hon. member for Mid dlesex would urge against the bill. The hon. member proceeded to take a long review of objections, and advanced reasoning to confute them. Itmight be said, that if taxes were reduced, and the corn laws abolished, that this system would cease; but such could not be the case, tor these alterations would bear alike upon all ranks, and their relative situations would still be the same; nothing would check the system but slaw made for the purpose. It bad been said that trade would be af. fected, and men thrown out of employment, it' Parliament interfered; and that it would hurt the prices it the change was attempted on a sudden ; but he did not believe it. He would, however, insert a clause, that the bill was not to come into operation for three months after its being passed; and taking all into account, that could not be until October, so that there was sufficient time for arrangement. The system, it was argued, was conducive to morality, as it, in , some degree, suppressed the vice of drunkenness; but that was too vague to require reply; and, .with regard to the bill affecting prices, there was always competition enough to regulate the price of manufactures. Unless something was done, England would be reduced to a dreadful state, so much excitement did now exist on the subject. The honourable member said, that although that afterwards the Luddites did wreck themselves its other matters, that the truck system was the origin of their discontent, and led to all that fol lowed. (Hear.) Unless the house passed the bill, the truck system would in time become the mode of payment all over the country. It was a dangerous state to place a people beyond hope and leave them in despair; and such would be the case if the labourers% were not protected by the law, if they were not remunerated for their labour by the proper medium of money. The learned gentleman concluded with quoting a passage from Dr. Adam Smith, asserting the necessity of money payments : " The law that compels the master to pay in money instead of goods is a just one," ficc. Mr EWART seconded the motion. blr. HUME rose to oppose the bill moved for by the hon. member, from whose arguments be totally dissented. It appeared that the hon. member had only advanced exaggerated statements which had been re. presented to him ; but before these reports were received as facts an inquiry ought to be instituted regarding them. Ile (Mr. Hume) ad mitted that there were many who attributed their distress to this prose. lice, but the idea was wrong. He would call the attention of the noose to the rawly attempts and laws that had been passed to prevent what was called forestallers; but they were all found abortive--the desired purpose was beyond the power of legislation. What was then supposed to be the' j evil requiring remedy was now acknowledged to be the best means of keeping the equilibrium in the market. The hon. member was now bound to go on with bis bill, he could not wait fur inquiry ; but his Majesty's ministers had a more serious responsibili ty. He ( Mr. Hume) would not follow the hon. member through all his arguments ; but 111 reply to one practically, he would ask, if there was a labourer in Kent or Essex who would not be glad to take pay. ment for their labour in corn, or flour, or wooll ? There never had any inquiry been propuly made on the subject. he result of distress was the cause of recourse to this practice, and it was not prudent that this house should interfere to leave that distress without remedy. The hon. member stated that lie had visited the cotton mills at New Lanark, which had been constructed in a desert spot, lit only for a few hovels, on a river side, but it contained a population of nineteen hundred per sons. It was found impossible to support an establishment iu every line to supply the wants of these people, so a store was established in the general line, in which was to be had every article required, from a bottle of wine to halt' a pint of meal, better and cheaper than could have been supplied by small establishments for each. He had exa mined the boas when he visited the place, and from what he saw he was convinced that to withdraw the practice there, would ruin the con cern. There was certainly no compulsion to deal with the store, bat there needed none, they all dealt from choice and advantage. When ever • person came to be employed at the mill, if be chose he wee pro. vided with a letter of credit on the store, for the whole or what portion he chose of his wages per week. lie had a pass-book which was set tled every week, and to the amount of his credit, he might at once get the amount in one article, or he might have it in many, from a hat to a halfpenny worth of salt. They made no secret of their profits; be.l aides having better articles, they realised a profit of ten per cent. and from these profits were supported poor children of both seas, who were instructed from the age fit for infant schools, till they were twelve years of age, and fit to go to work. The expenses of all these semi aeries were supported from these profits. When the same bill was 'lmpa l ed last session, much had been said about the grievous effects elktfrom the system in Glasgow, and after hearing so much, be (Mr. Itlume) when he subseq uently visited Glaow, made particular in.- quiry on the subject. e inquired of Mr. Kirkman Findlay, a gentle man well known, and he had, strange to say, never heard of the truck system. neither in name nor practice, in the whole city, that cm:tains a population of 150,000. On more particular inquiry it was found only to exist in one coal-pit. He cited these circumstances merely to show the necessity of information being obtained on those rumours before they were accepted as facts. He could have many more instances, but these instances were enough. There were several whose opinions would be valuable—Watt and Bolton, and many others, who had never ex pressed themselves on the subject. The hon. member believed that there were many men of capital who would be glad to see the bill passed, because It would put down those of small capital. He bad told the men so who had corresponded with him on the question, that it would make their situation worse, by taking them out of the hands of a greater number, and they would then be at the mercy of a few. The hon. member noticed the circumstances regarding the repeal of the law against combination and conspiracy. On that occasion he had asked for, and obtained, a Committee, and every point was most closely sifted. The Committee were all so fully convinced. that the bill passed with I less delay than any bill had done before. That bill swept away at coos about 70 statutes that had been framed for restrictions, and by it liberty was given to masters and men to make what bargains they chose, if as violent means were resorted to. If a bargain be duly made Ie give a portion of produce for labour,and the man agrees to accept that as his wages, the compact is as fair as if the engagement bad bees made fot money. Men are not to be treated as children, and to be taken care of by Acts of Parliament.where mutual interests must di rect the measures. The lion. Member asks where the means are to enforce the fulfilling of such engagements between master and man—we are provided with it in the Act Ist Geo. 4, c. 114, an act to enforce contracts between masters and men where a summary remedy may be had by going before a magistrate. He (Mr. Hume) did not wish that any man should be under controul unless he was under a contract and he did not think that he was asking for too much when he asked the house to pause before they interfered. In fact the meals are now the oppressed individuals. He (Mr. Hume) had bees blamed by the masters when he took the part of the men in the Combination Law, as having done so for popularity; but he ailed then as he did now, upon principle. He had had maay txo muniations from the country, some of which were offered to be proved on affidavit. One circumstance he would relate, of a master having been brought before a magistrate for paying a man in goods, and when the master appeared in court, he taxed the man with in. gratitude, saying, " Did you not come to me and tell me you were starving, and then I told you I could not employ you ; but if you took goods I could find you worki for a short time. Did The not agree to those terms, and have I not fulfilled my bargain ?" The man acknowledged the truth of all these statements, and said he was grateful for his master's kindness, and was willing to continue on the same terms, but that a committee of the men were sitting on his master, and bad compelled him (the man) to bring for. ward the prosecution, without his consent, and against his will. The master for this act of kindness was fined ten pounds. And such was the law at present, any one could become an In. former, and a tradesman might be fined ten pounds for saving a family from starving ; and the fine is increased on repetition of the act ; but by the bill sought for by the honourable Member, a tradesman may be transported. There is too much distress and excitement existing in the country already, and corn , mittees sitting in every district. It will be found on enquiry, that the truck system has been caused by, and is not the cause of, the existing depression. it had its origin in the want of capital. Whatever might be said about popularity he cared nothing, he must give his honest opi. nion, Independent of high or low, this side, or that side, inside, or out side.—(A laugh.) Ile would remind the hon. gentleman that he knew there was a depression, but he could not tell the cause. Every one had a nostrum for some said take away the corn laws, and that will relieve us —another said give us free trade, and that will relieve us—one gentle. man remarked that his (fir. Hume's) nostrum appeared to be, •' Take off the taxes." He (Mr. Hume) really thought taxation was a bad thing, because it took the money out of our pockets. The gentleman who made the remark was from the other side of the water, and it might be that he considered that taxation put mosey into our pockets. However, the right nostrum could only be ascertained by inquiry; for it was unfair to attribute the evil to an improper cause. He would appeal to the hon. Secretary for the Board of Trade if he thought it would improve industry by putting it in fetters ; and to pass this bill would be to fetter industry to the utmost point. (Hear.) He (Mr. Hume) therefore resisted the bill, both for the sake of the toasters and the men. (Hear hear, hear.) The bill was not to come into operation until o;tober ; what objection, therefore, could be made with respect to there not being that fur inquiry ? If the recess was of sufficient duration, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer would give him a committee, he was ready to go down to Bolton, and watch the operation of the present sys tem (hear). He had the greatest confidence in the good sense and right feelings of that class; he would have more confidence in a committee of sixty members taken from that class in Glasgow, than in one composed of sixty peers of the realm. He confessed he was for repealing the whole of the legislathe enactments on the subject in question and leav ing the parties under the protection of the law of man, under that of the common law ; and if that course involved the repeal of other laws, of the Hawkers' and Pedlars' Act, the Stage-coach Act, and of all the other acts, which impeded communication, which for the sake of a revenue of a few thousands, imposed ruinous fines on individuals, and de prived the community of their labours, he should be glad of it. The less they legislated between the buyer and the seller, between the master and the servant, the better ; when each had the intelli gence to understand his interest, and the power to enforce his right, who could not make the bargain better than the parties themselves P It was said that when the master paid in goods he contrived to have the workmen under his controul, by getting them in his debt; but how could he have more facilities of indebting them now than when he paid them in money P Why should the workmen prefer being the slave of the dealer, who, as he was personally informed, did all he could, when the workmen had to deal with him, to arrive at that species of contrail ? Under these circumstances, be hoped for the concurrence of the hones Is the amendment, " That a select committee be appointed to inquire fats what have been the operation and effects of the Acts prohibiting the payment of goods otherwise than in money ; and on evidence brought before the Committee, to report as to the propriety of either repealing them, amending them, or bringing in a new BilL" Mr. SADLER said. that though there might be exceptions, the general working of the system was productive of a vast masa of evil ; this he knew to be the case, from having personall watched the opens lion of the system. The workin g m an was paid In deteriorated pro visions, to which the employer had the power of affixing the price be chose, and of which, in the present want of labour, he had the power of enforcing the acceptance.—(Hear.)—There was no freedom of trade on the part of the workman. Mr. ROBINSON considered the truck system rather as the effeet than as the cause of distress. The statute law and the common law already enabled the workman to claim the payment of his wages in money ; if there existed a moral compulsion, which precluded him frees availing himself of that power, it arose from the insufficiency of work. The present law, while it augmmented the price, would diminish in as equal proportion the quantity of labour ; it would besides be a sourced litigation. He was for inquiry ; the real loss of time was in a too hasty legislation, which by passing acts, the operation of which was mischiev ous, render ed ' it necessary to reconsider them. Mr. VILLIERS said that to proceed in a question of such magnitude and importance, the bearings of which in the mode of dealing in the greatest national Interests were altogether undefined, when they had no. thing to proceed on but isolated statements and inconsistent arguments, without consenting to an inquiry so repeatedly and so strenuously de. mantled, could not be justified In the public mind. So far from the nee. ture of the evil being accurately known, no two persons were agreed as to the important question of what was its origin. if th e acceptance of the truck system was originally voluntary en the part of the labourer, the present question wu one et neral policy, and its solution would determine the mode of paying wages • If that acceptance was forced, i" l e g ' es qution was one of det ail, relating simply to the enforcement of contracts. Now, he thought the acceptance of the truck system had been originally voluntary on the part of the majority of the workmen, for If the system had hem introduced by deception it would not hays been so generally adopted amidst an intelligent population ; if by force, the workmen would have had recourse to the system of combination. It would be a very strong measure for the legislature to say to the work. men, you shall not sell your labour for truck. (Hear.) It was a mea sure that should not be adopted by the house without full inquiry. He had read the petitions, from which it appeared that there was peat ex citement in their production. Petitions were no sufficient ground for legislation ; they contained ex-parte statements, and though ex cellent for drawing the attention of Parliament to any sub ject requiring it, yet they were not the evidence on which Parliament should legislate without inquiry. It was remarkable that there were no petiitions in favour of the system, and that was one of the things he w i s hed to inquire into.—(Heari)Llt was said by one Honourable Gentleman , that to put down the Truck System in Ireland would be most injurious ; by another, that it was the life and soul of Cornwall ; and by others, that to put it down in the a tural districts would be their ruin. Wben this was the case, het ri el e dit to be reasonable that inquiry should 'precede legislation. Inasmuch as the system had extended so greatly in the manufacturing districts, and was found to wort well in other places, it proved to him that it should not be abolished without the fullest inquiry into the effects of the sys tem, and the probable effects of its abolition. It would affotd him great satisfaction to be able to support the measure of his HOD. Friend, whose seal and feeling on' the subject be must admire; but even if the measure had been Introduced by the present enlightened cabinet, he could not but think the house would neglect its duty if it were to adopt it without inquiry. The right hon. baronet (8 ir R. Peel), wieh whom he generally agreed, had, last night, called the lineation of the house to the degraded state of the agricultural population, and cautioned them not to allow the manufacturing population to fall into the same state ; but a great portion of the misery of the agricultural population proceeded from the continual tampering with their wages and labour by alterations in the poor laws. This measure was more important than many re specting the agricultural labourers which had not been introduced with. out the report of a committee. Mr. DAVIS GILBERT said, in Cornwall the miner was paid partly in mine, and that system worked well; but he was afraid that might be an exception to the general rule, and he was inclined to think the bill of his hon. friend, with some improvements, might be useful. He understood a very strong excitement existed in those manufacturing districts where the truck system prevailed, and he thought the bill of his hon. friend should be allowed to pass to allay it. Lord ALTHORP said, after the best consideration be could give to the subject, be thought adopting the recommendation of the member for Middlesex might be mleehi , vous. All the laws against the Truck sys. tem should be repealed, or a law should be which would be ef fectual The bill of his bon. friend all former acts, and would contain the whole of the law on the subject. The question now was, whether the house would allow the bill of his honourable friend to be brought in; and when they saw it, determine whether it should be passed without inquiry by a select committee, or whether it should be referred to such a committee in the first instance. His hon. friend, the member for Middlesex, bad made& most able and argumentative speech against interfering with the hours of labour , but his arguments had proceeded on the mistake that the labourer was free. The fact was, he was not free—he was, by his necessities, placed in the power of him who had employment to offer him. He at first thought his own opinion on the subject would be different from what, on inquiry, it had become, and the house might be assured that it was a strong case that made him in this instance depart from those principles of political economy, which he had long supported. On there grounds, he must support the bill _ _ _ _ Sir IL PEEL said, he did not support the Bill on the principles of political economy, which dealt only in the means of increasing the wealth of a nation. He looked beyond that consideration to the moral condition of the labourer (hear, hear.) We had, as a civilized people, a standard of value by which contracts were to be determined. If the labourer contracted for his wages in money, the contract could be en forced before a magistrate; but if the wages were to be paid in truck, there was no standard of value. The quantity might be ascertained, but who was to determine the quality (hear, hear.) The labourer was compelled to pay his debts and taxes in the legal standard ; and he was entitled to be protected in obtaining his wages according to the same standard. If the effect of the system was to degrade the manufacturing labourer, it ought to be put an end to. He thought it had that effect. He considered It a great encouragement to the working man to be ena bled to lay up something for his support in old age, or perhaps to por tion a daughter, and this could only be done by enabling him to receive his wages in money. For these reasons he should give his cordial sup port to the bill of his hon. friend. Mr. GURNEY said, the bill proposed by the honourable gentle. man last year, contained clauses which, he had no doubt, if carried into a law, would be productive of great evils. If there was a bill that required the previous consideration of a committee, he thought this was that bill. _ . Mr. ATT WOOD deprecated that the house should, without inquiry, add another to those changes which had already been productive of so much calamity. He thought the Bill was not a remedy for the suffer , ings of the manufacturers, but that its effect would be t increase their distress. Why was it that the labourer submitted to the oppression of his master ? The cause was the depression of trade. He would thew I to the house what was the real state of the manufacturing labourer in a part of the country where the truck system never obtained. The hon. gentleman here read a petition presented last year, from the Ironmasters of Merthyrrydvil, which stated that they employed 8,000 workmen, and always paid them in money ; that alarming distresses prevailed In the town from the depression of the trade, and praying relief from taxation. There was also a petition from the inhabitants of the town, stating that they had suffered the utmost distress ; and the masters said they could not get for their utanufacture the amount of the wage. they paid for lis production. There was the root of the evil. The price was the ca. !amity. Parliament had produced it by raising the standard of value. They in fact said, that the rate of wages and the price of manufac tures must fail, and by this act they produced the distress which no abolition of the Truck System could remedy. (Hear, hear.)— That Act was the greatest of all evils that afflicted the country. The Truck system yas an attempt to escape from the calamity which that Act produced. His hon. friend, the member for Stafford, had truly stated, that manufacturers were continuing their works at a loss. He had often heard that position denied by those with whom his hon. friend acted. They would not believe, that while men continued their trade they were not making profit. The last change In the currency, by the withdrawal of small notes, was not attended with the same failures as the former changes. What was the cause? The manufacturers had endeavoured to escape from it by the Truck system, which it was now attempted to destroy. He was now advocating the cause of men (though by inflicting a wound on their feelings), many of whom he was confident would be driven to bankruptcy by the operation of this bill. If the Chancellor of the Exchequer could not retrace the steps that had been taken respecting the currency, he must lower taxation, otherwise the productive industry of the country would sink under the insupport able oppression. Mr. P. THOMSON said, in supporting the bill of his hon. friend, he did not think he was departing from the sound principles of political economy. He thought the truck system bad become an indirect means of lowering the wages of the labourer; and in the present excited state of the country, he thought the legislature should endeavour to protect the manufacturing labourer from the grievous abuses which had now be come a part of the truck system. Bad as the paper currency might be, the exchange for truck could not be an improvement. (Hear.) The ATTORNEY GENERAL said he had received many commu nications on the subject of this bill, and both masters and workmen were anxious that the principle of the bill should be carried into effect ; though he must own he feared it would not be productive of all the lgood that was expected from it. But he had not the courage to set up his own opinion against the numbers of both classes who now call fur such a law, which he hoped would be regarded as a just good rule, and that its penalties would seldom be called for. He agreed in the opinion that masters and men should be allowed to settle their contracts between themselves, and that it was for this reason he wished to lay down that rule which a n imense majority of both classes called for. (Hear, hear.) When the honourable gentleman at down there were loud cries of question. Mr. HUME said, if the house was so impatient, he would move an adjournment.—(Cries of no, no.) Mr. TENNANT said the house were attempting to pass a law which could not be effectual. A higher power would interfere— the principle of self-preservation. None of the supporters of the bill appeared to expect that it could be effectual.—(Hear, hear, hear.) —The noble lord opposite supported the bill because be said he was afraid to oppose it. He thought the noble lord was the last who would use the argument of intimidation in that house. He thought the bill quite opposed to the principles of po litical economy, and he thought it ought not to be received without enquiry. Mr. D. W. HARVEY could not think it inconsistent with the cha. racter of a statesman to introduce a measure for the protection of the la bourer. For what did the opponents of the bill desire a committee ? Was it to examine a greater number of witnesses than were already before the house as petitioners ? They had the depositions of many witnesses, that they could not get payment of their wages in money, but were compelled to sell the truck In which they were paid at a loss of fifty per cent. The motion for a committee was a motion for an in quiry into the state of the nation. Sure he was they must come to the conclusion that the country was over.burthened by unequal taxation, and that it was indispensably necessary that the taxation should be reviewed. He hoped the noble lord would carry his intention of re. dueing the taxes by four or five millions; and also that he would take off ten millions of those taxes which pressed on the people, to be replaced by a well-regulated tax. The bill he considered necessary for the protection of the labourer, and it should have his cordial support. Mr. WARBURTON said, none of the supporters of the bill had pointed out the manner in which it was to benefit the labourer. It was admitted to be opposed to the principles of political economy; and political economy was the science of producing the greatest aunt of human happiness. Sir F. BURDETT said, he found himself in a very peculiar situa tion of agreeing with all who had spoken on both sides of the question. (A laugh.) He thought that the hon. member for Callington (Mr. Au. wood) took a statesman-like view of the subject. He agreed with him that It was the change of currency that caused the pressure on all classes of the people, and he feared would render the country unable to smug gle with the difficulties under which it laboured. He was long con. vinced of this, when he found the complaint was universal—that ma nufacturers, agriculturists, shipowners, shopkeepers, all say we cannot get prices to enable us to pay the teen. He could not think he did his duty when he heard the hon. member for Callington, or any other mem. ber of the house, maintain an opinion which he believed to be just, and knew to be unpopular, If he did not avow his concurrence. He believed the authors of those changes in the currency were convinced their measures were injudicious; but thought it lees dangerous to go on than to re trace their steps. His opinion war the contrary—he thought their error might still be corrected, and if it were the country would again flourish. His bon. friend, the member for Stafford, had given such a picture of the distress of the workmen as should not be disregarded. Hs had no doubt they possessed sufficient judgment to point out what would be some alleviation of their sufferings, and were it only to give comfort to a suffering people, unless it could be shown there would be great evil in yielding to their desire, he would show them that everything was done that could be done for their relief ; but to talk to the people of England of inquiring into the cause of their distress by a committee of the House of Commons, was the smelt° them as saying they should have no relief; they had no confidence in such proceedings. The proposed measure he thought would do no harm, and ought net to be delayed, No man thought more highly of political economy than he did—ao man was more a theorist; but a theory might be just, and if net applied might aggravate the oat—that was the case in the = l a the currency; • sound principle was applied in a case to which It was principle of he would I not applicable. He believed all were now convinced of the error—i eagreeti ma i n n lit t r e , knew that was the case with the late Mr. Ricardo —he had heard hon. friend, the member for Middlesex, that there sliould be no endfrilthviloredwntiloP..retriat had d hat th at error en lig htened. necessary interference with the wages of IsLour. He also Imm same principle would be applied to our commerce with our hours the French, which would be a great advantage to the en,• ; „ t g He thought they could not do better than accede to the pr a y er of a ,.. petitioners, who were better judges that the house whether the 1.,1 would afford them relief. At all events it would he a gratification [ their minds, and ifldisappointed in the effects they expected from i • would Increase their patience under their sufferings. When i n the P ties interested in the subject applied for the Bill, he th oug h t it UT placing theory very high indeed to place it above experitnce, should, therefore, support the bill. Mr. CRESSET PELHANI knew so much of the evils of th e ly s . tem, that he should vote for the bill. Mr. LITTLETON replied. He considered that he had beta ra. I I hardly dealt with, for most of the members had been disem•sing measure of the last Session instead of the one which he now sou; , • to introduce. The gallery was then cleared for a division. The numbers w ere _ For the motion Against it Majority for leave to bring in the Bill -1 JO Most of the order of the day were then disposed of, by brii.g poned till to-morrow (this day.) Mr. HUME presented petitions from Elgin and other places. for tl.. abolition of negro slavery. Sir M. W. RIDLEY presented a petition from Unitarians of N.... castle-upon-Tyne, in favour of the Jews.—Ordered to be printed. Mr. J. JOHNSTON presented petitions from the Town and Cou., of I.inlitligow, for Parliamentary Reform and re d uct i on o f taxatio. , Ordered to be Printed. Adjourned at &Quarter-past Twelve o'Clock. LAW INTELLIGENCE. SECONDARIES OFFICE, DEC. 14. LIBEL IN THE NEV MONTHLY MAGAZINE . •HELDRAED 1. COLDUIif •ND DENTLEY. This was an action againgst Mr. Colburn and his partner, the prietors and publishers of the " New Monthly Magazine," for a G., against the plaintiff in the September number of thatMsgazi!;e this yr.: The damages were laid at 5001. Mr. PHILLIPS appeared f r plaintiff, and Mr. HOLT for the defendants. The defendants feed judgment to go by default, and the Jury was summoned t.i the damages. There was a considerable delay waiting for Mr. Phillips, u.n wee engaged in a case at the Old Bailey. Ikli. PHILLIPS stated the plaintiff's case. He was a surgeon and instrument maker ; a great benefactor to an unfortunate class of peopl e who were brought deformed into the world. He had practised as a ren, t. lap surgeon nearly 40 years in this metropolis ; he also possessed some literary talents, which had brought him here to seek redress for a IN!. The defendants were the eminent and well-known publishers. Among their publications was the " New Monthly Magazine," which they had placed under the guidance of one of the first names in English literature, whom he should not have the bad taste to eulogise—he meant Campbell, the author of " The Pleasures of Hope ;" and, foot his great talents, any thing coming from him possessed p art i cu l ar weight. The plaintiff had published a book on his own peculiar pro. fession ' which he sent to Mr. Colburn fo r publication ; the lauer seg• gested the publication of the Work in parts is his Magazine. Br. Sheldrake did not wish to dismember his book, bnt he allowed him to publish some conversations which the plaintiff had had with the late Lord Byron, on the subject of his deformed leg. This sou agreed to, and this part sent to the defendant tcr publication. It was due to the public, that nothing should h, published which was not fit to appear, and the parties should at least read before they published. The extract was published, and in the very month after it had appeared came the libel complaintd of, which be should characterize u a most perfidious ate)! ; what else could he call the act of parties who had solicited the former publication and paid for it, and who afterwards spoke nf that publication in the manner it vas done in the October number of that Magazine? Mr. Phillips then read the libel, which was signed by Mr. Campbell, (and, said the learned counsel, I am sorry f u: it.) It stated that Mr. Campbell regretted the former publieutien— that he had not seen it until it sou published. Ile eharatteriz:d the article as " offensive ; " that It got to the press by an unfortunr, accident, arising from a change in the sub-editorship of the Magazine; it also called the article " this puff of an instrument-maker," and said that the writer viewed the publication " with horror ;" and it went to state, that the article contained " a foul and false libel on the al. ratter of the late Dr. (Bennie, of Woolwich." He (Mr. Phillip) denied that the article contained any such libel, and dared the orb r site to produce it. After some further observations, he proceeded t , the proof of his case. After Mr. Holt had been heard for the defendant, the Secondary was about to address the Jury, when they declared that they thought it ui necessary, and a ft er a short deliberation, returned a verdict of bl. maga, with costs. POLICE REPORTS. MART-LA-BONNE.—Yesterday, a person named Duralll, who :1, licensed under the new Act to sell beer by retail, in Bosten.place, Dot. set.square, was charged before Mr. G RIFFITH , and Mr. DYES, jun. with suffe ring beer to be consumed on his premises on the night of the 30th of Nov. after the hour of ten, contrary to the statute. A police-constable, of the D. division, represented that he heard persons after ten o'clock on the night in question in the defendant's house, and between twelve and one he saw two men leave it ; and at three in the morning five others came out. This statement was supported, with respect to the five, by anothir constable, who was ordered also to watch the place by a serjeant, afar he had been made acquainted with the existing circumstances of sus. plcion. The defendant said, he was under great obligation to his friends, who assisted hint in entering upon the concern ; and on the 30th of Novi ber he invited eight of them to sup with him. He cleared his houseot customers at ten o'clock, agreeable to the tenor of his license, and beer was drawn for his advantage afterwaids, his friends who remained were supplied at his own expense, and he bad them In attendance to prove the truth of his assertion. Mr. GIIVIITE told him that although all he had advance.: tins :d- milted to be true, It did not exonerate him from the charge; for by %ut tering persons to drink beer in his house after ten o'clock at right, mattered not under what circumstances, he had acted contrary to the provisions of the Act of Parliament, and had subjected himself to it, penalties; however, as It appeared to have been done inadvertict:y, the lowest fine should be imposed, and he was convicted in the pc .0 V 40s. and costs. ToWN-HALL.—John Smith and Wm. Einerard Were cliarpA with assaulting policeman BE IZi. The policeman observing the primairs ringing violently between one and two on Sunday morning, at a hinif on his beat, he inquired their motive, when Everard said it was Stm.ll 4 ' lodgings, and he was endeavouring to obtain him admission, as be was very drunk; but, upon Smi t h' s d eny i ng that lie lived there, complam• ant requested Ev e rard t o desist, and move on with him, in lieu of doing which he knocked him (the policeman) down, threw hini , elf up .n . and continued kicking sad beating him till assistance arrived. They were held to ball. Tyrants PoLtcx.—yesterday, Mrs. Mary Wood, pawnbroker, ci High-street, Poplar, was charged with having hing's stores in iter possession, to wit, a blanket, which was seized at the shop door of the defendant, where it was exposed for sale on Saturday. Mr. Bailin* , said he had no other alternative than to convict, the bare possession cf any King's stores rendering the party liable. &Hewing, kowerer, tbg Mrs. Wood had acted through ignorance, he mitigated the penalty' to five pounds, all he was enabled to do. Ihe fine was instantly paid. UNION HALL.—Yesterday, two men, named Drown and Sinctuir.. were held to bail, charged with violently assaulting two poliamo: the M division during the disturbances in the 'Ali:a. DARING ROBBIRT.—Monday evening a pane of Oa" was cut in the shop window of Mr. Bentley, hosier, Fleet street, and 120 silk handkerchiefs stolen. The robbery 1 4 supposed to have been committed by three fellows, who pur chased the whole of an apple woman's stock who sat °w aite the door, in order that sh e might r em ove h er stall. A Jew, named Menzies, has been taken on suspicion, on who . person eight new silk handkerchiefs were found, and sly' the duplicate of twenty-two more, which were all identified as the property of Mr. Bentley. MARRIED. At Wyke.Regis, on the 9th inst. Phiills, daughter of J. licnsiord , Esq. of Weymouth, to Lieut. W. Mansell, of the Royal Navy. DIED. Oa the Ist inst. at Nice, Sir R. Williams, Bart. M.P. of Frye'. Anglesea, in the 60th year of his age. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO-MORROW L a. n. m- Missleg ___....... boxroom: hinted and rublisbed by Jon:: 111Anis,,at :be &us Orrice, N. 1, Pickett-place, Temple Bar• ea Du LA Ng :t~ I • V