Star. — London, England, 1827-05-03 00:00:00

0, 2 ; ground his Hon. Friend could have said—" Wel w in n ot make any effort to enable your Majesty to carry nn t he Government as nearly as possible in the same 1 , - ,," The last 15 years had furnished an unequivocal oof that the people were prepared to support a Go. 13 , 0 1 rnent founded on the principles on which this had b ee n formed. His Noble Friend (Lord Mansfield). who ba d l a st addressed their Lordships, had expressed his ominsents with some degree of asperity but, at t e sag l ime, with some degree of obscurity. His Nobl e . F r i en d had said that it had been asserted, that the coali tion and unprecedented ; that he could von was not agre e with that opinion. He thought that i t was „ n om unnatural nor unprecedented; but he bad some doubts whether it. was quite sudden. His Noble Friend had assigned as a reason, that he had long watched with suspicion the conciliation of parties opposed to them, sod the concurre nce of those p arties with certain mea sures; thereby intinuating that some petty intrigues had been carried on, which he (Viscount Goderich) was sure bad never existed. He knew perfectly well what the Noble Earl alluded to. The measures in which these parties had concurred were certain measures relating to the internal policy of the country ; and he begged leave to offer himself to his Noble Friend as the individual to whom they were principally to be attributed. If these measures were wrong, let him be blamed—let the steps which he had taken be retraced—but let not the blame be thrown on others. From the moment in which the cessation of war allowed him to turn his attention more fully to domestic affairs, and gave him an opportunity of dealing with these subjects, he had applied no what had been ignorantly called the introduction of innovations, but which was in point of fact only bringing back that policy of the country which the war had necessarily broken in upon, and which, notwithstanding the denunciations of his Noble Friend, had received the sanction of the greatest men, and, he believed, would be found to be practically be neficial to the country in the highest degree—(Cheers.) But, whoever brought these measures about, he must be allowed to state to their Lordships that his Majesty's Government was not divided upon them.—(Cries of "hear:') Every member of that Government was re sponsible for them, and he therefore felt very little un- , easiness at the manner in which his Noble Friend had treated them. He was afraid that he had trespassed too long von their Lordships--(Cheers.) He telt that he had expressed. himself with too much warmth, and with less self-pessession than he ought; but he would yeomen) say, that when his duty coiled him to take a part in the business of that House, in discharge of his duty as Secretary of State, he should not despair of ob taining their Lordships confidence, because he relied upon tne justice and the candour of their Lordships— (Cheers). He was not placed there from any motivet of personal ambition. He need not perhaps have said so; bet he felt it a relief to his own mind to state, that if he bad acted upon his own motives-i—motives altogether of 2 personal nature—he should never have been there.— (The Noble Viscount was much affected, and their Lord ships evidently entered into his feelings.) He should therefore throw himself upon the indulgence of their Lordships, declaring that he aimed at nothing but the honour of his King and the good of his country—(Cheers). The Earl of MANSFIELD explained. The Duke's( WELLINGTON, in explanation, said, that as his Majesty's First Minister entertained an opinion different from his, on a goatitis of paramount importance, he could not consent tout in the same Cabinet with bun, and had, therefore, tendered ha resignation. Earl BATHURST assigned, as one motive which had induced him to disconnect himself from the existing Administration, the fact of his having ascertained that certain individuals, formerly his colleagues, and on whose judgment he placed the most implicit reliance, bad resigned. The principle of the Earl of Liverpool's Government, in relation to the Catholic Question, had been one of neutrality, and every Minister of the Cabinet was at liberty to vote as he thought best. He had ap proved of this system, which left the Government free and irresponsible, and thought that an Administration exclusively composed of friends or opponents of the Catholics, was by no means desirable. When, in con sequence of the Right Honourable Gentleman's ap pointment, he understood that the country was de prived of the services of so great a number• of his distinguished colleagues,.he thought he should, not have been ju s tifi e d had he continued to act with the Right Hon. Gentleman. In the present Administration there were but three individuals who were supposed to be adverse to the Catholic Claims. For these individuals be entertained the greatest respect. He was fully sen sible of the great talents and.acquirements of the Noble and Learned Lord who now occupied the Woolsack. With respect to the Noble Marquis (Anglesey), who was understood to entertain similar opinions to those of the Noble and Learned Lord, on the subject of concessions to the Catholics ' he could assure his Noble Friend th a t h e ent e rta i ne d for him great personal re gard. For the Noble Baron (Besley) he entertained similar feelings, and must ever retain a strong re collection of his important services during the war, as Chancellor of the Exchequer. The promptitude and energy which he had then displayed, added to the abundance of his resources, had been of the utmost ad vantage to the country. With such colleagues as these,he could have felt no objection to act, had it not been for the retirement of so many Noble Friends in whom be was accustomed to place the greatest confidence. The'' Noble Earl then proceeded to advert to the singular Coincidence which occurred in the resignations of so . Many Cabinet Ministers, simultaneously—a coincidence the more extraordinary, as it could not now be doubted that it was accidental. There was no concert in the steps which these Noble individuals took. The Noble Earl concluded by re-stating that it was impossible he should continue to hold office in a Cabinet so constitu ted as the present. The Earl of WESTMORLAND said, that the sub ject had been so fully answered by his Noble Friend who had just sat down, that it was not necessary for him to trouble their Lordships with many observations. As the grounds upon which he acted were short and clear, lie would beg leave plainly and strictly to state them. Before he did so, however, he bad a few short words in answer to certain charges which had been made against the late Members of his Majesty's Go vernment. They had been first charged with caballing against the formation of the new Government, and I . condly, with an attempt to inwade the exercise of his fulesty's prerogative. Neither of these charges was not against the las:, which was the most serious of shear, they had to oppose lives spent in support of the I 1 et prerogative against those who had devoted their lira. to attacking it—(Heat, and laughter). Brit first, as to the charge uf caballing ; now, that was an im v utation which could be haidly met any other way than by a flat c ontradiction, and an assertion that no such cabal hao "I'Lcdt indeed, when he saw what had beet: effected, he almost regretted the non existence of some such cabal, for if there had been any, the unexpected occur, rent* which was only known when the blow that it le velled had been struck, would not probably have hap pened. Every man of the late Government had, in re tiring, acted from the impulse of his own feelings, and certainly without the least attempt at forming any cabal. The next, and as he had said, the most serious charge against them, was , that they had attempted to' , overrule his Majesty in the exercise of his prerogative.' But, first, he would ask, what. was the prerogative which they bad attacked? That it was the King's pre rogative to appoint his own Ministers, no man could ever doubt ; he had never yet, in fact, heard it contra dicted. At the same time, he certainly did remember when a charge had been brought against a Right.flon. Gentleman for having made such an attempt. Did, however, the law of the prerogative ever go to the ex tent of insisting upon any Minister's services without his own •consent ? If his Majesty were to fix upon any man, would he be bound to support a reformist, and a democrat ?—(A laugh, and hear). Was that any part of the King's prerogative? He desired again to know what there was unconstitutional in a man's retiring from office, when he could no longer hold it without a sacrifice of principle? And if every one of those who now arraigned them had in their turn related office under similar circumstances,where was the consistency in circulating such a charge? When Mr. Fox and the Duke of Portland, and other eminent men, bad refused to join Lord Melbourne's Administration, were they considered as having attacked the King's pre rogative? It was, in fact, the invariable practice of public men to decline office when differences of opinion arose between them. When Lord Wellesley was di rected by his Majesty to form an Administration, in 1812, Lord Liverpool had refused to serve under him, partly because he disapproved of certain parts of the Noble Marquis's public conduct, but principally because of their difference of opinion upon the Catholic Question. .When Mr. Canning had himself at various times refined to take office, where, he (Lord Westmorland) asked, was there a . breach of the prerogative? Was there in 1809, when he quitted office with Lord Lohdonderrj? Was ,there in 1820, when he again retired? He bad always considered that it was permitted to public men either to accept or recede from office, according as they thought their services could be rendered useful to the public. Having relieved himself and those who had acted with him on the late occasion, from the two charges which had been brought against them, he should shortly•state the.grounds of his conduct. The first letter which he bad received upon the subject of the Administration, was for a re•construction of Lord Liverpool's Government, to which he most readily gave his acquiescence; but he thought it likewise proper he should know how matters stood respect. ing the policy of the new Government, • and who were the parties charged with office under it? And upon these points he confessed that his mind was left ', in the same state of blindness as-the Noble Duke's near him; for he had not learned from the letter which was transmitted to him, nor from his recollection of the previous practice, that the King's nomination of any man to form an Administration must be understood as ipso facto making that man the chief of it.— Certain he was, that it was not so considered when Lord Liverpool and the Learned Lord near him were appointed to form the Government of the year 1807. He thought that upon a reference to the correspondence of that day, it would be seen that Mr. Canning had him.? self asked the very same question of Lord Liverpool. , who told him that the chief and every other part of the Administration was open toarrangensent. The answer to the letter which he had received on the late occasios.l which letter did not state who was to be the Chief, was of a conditional, not a positive nature. His reply was simply this, that if the chief of the new Administration were to possess the same principles as Lord Liverpool, that he should be happy to give him his best support; but if the reverse were the case, he should not do so. He knew the differences which prevailed respecting the Catholic question, into the merits of which he was not ,now about to enter, further than to say, that be his kopinion right or wrong, his sincere belief was, that by ,yielding it they would cause great public mischief and misfortune. And with the prospect of a Cabinet favour able to the measure he could not connect himself, for then he knew his solitary vote could be of no service with thewhole weight of the Government working against him. Again he declared there had been no cabal, and that the resignations had been accidentally coincident, and the very first he had known of the extent of their occurrence was on the evening when it took place, and by a communication from the great man himself. He had served his Majesty many and many a year ; and no man was more proud of it than he was, while under the guidance of the late Administration; but he had resigned office when he found he could not longer be of any use to his King and country. Lord MELVILLF said, that although it had been stated all the late Ministers were engaged in the sup posed cabal, and implicated in the same alleged con spiracy, yet some kind of difference had been made in 'his individual case. Now, for himself, he could declare, upon his honour, that since Lord Liverpool's illness le had not had the slightest communication upon this business with any of his colleagues. All he could tell was this, that his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Huskisson) bad called upon him on the Wednesday to say, that Mr. Canning had then received his Majesty's com- mands to form a new Administration, upon the prin ciples of Lord Liverpool's, bottomed upon the same Cabinet, and comprehending the same individuals. His answer was, that he should be happy to serve with such an Administration, provided no pledge was required from him upon the Catholic Ques tion, and that he was left to the exercise of his own dis cretion and judgment on that subject. But it was not untli.the next day he had received a communication from Mr. Canning, to whom he then-stated that he had remained in total ignorance of what was doing re specting the Administration until Mr. Huskisson had informed him on the preceding day. His Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Canning) then told him what had occurred, and he certainly left him (Lord Melville) under the im pression that he would have been able to form such an Administration as he had described. Was there any thing like caballing in his conduct with regard to this business? It was on the day after that he had heard of the resignations of Mr. Peel, the Noble Duke, and the Lord Chancellor. Indeed, he had understood from Mr. Canning, who had expressed at the time the greatest regret for the circumstance, that Mr. Peel would rt , ,t remain in office under the new change. It could not have been expected that he was to embark in a new Government, without knowing the Members of which it was to be composed. It was precisely upon that ground he stood. He estithated highly the talents of his Right Hon. Friend ' (Mr, Canning), but he confessed he did not think he could form an e ffi cient Government, such as the exi gency of the country required, if stripped of his old associates. He had stated his opinion, that he would not be an adequate substitute (and he stated it without meaning to convey the slightest offence) to carry on the same prudent, able; and useful superintendence which+ Lord Liverpool had, and that the remaining.portion of the Government would, notwithstanding the splendid talents of his Right Hon. Friend, be unequal to the ta,k of governing this country. It had been• very properly said, that this was not the place to review any thing which had passed in the interior of his Majesty's Go vernment, but he could not conceal the opinion which he had formed, and acted upon respecting the late change in the Government. He had had for 20 years tbe honour of being permitted to approach his Ma jesty, and at his age, perhaps, he ought rather to have retired than remained in office. His only now was, to ascertain whether he had not a right to see' his way through the proceedings of the new Adminis tration, and whether there was any impropriety in his expressing a disinclination to act with what bettered would prove to be a weak Administration. He had re tired with those among whom he had been long accus tomed to act, and be was not conscious of having done any more than he had a fair and perfect right to do in the guidance of his own conduct—(Hear The Marquis CAMDEN said, he solemnly repelled the charge of cabal which had been made against the ex-Ministers, and declared that he had seen nothing re sembling it in their conduct. From the first to the last, so far from there having been any cabal, there had not even been, so far as he knew, a communication. This explanation, given from the quarters best able to afford it, would, hp trusted, give satisfaction to every body. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY acknowledged I that fte bad teceived the greatest marks of the Royal favour, and felt deep resentment at seeing himself yen , down by unfounded insinuations in the newspapers. ile-Would state the grounds of his resignation. He was acting Ambassador at a Foreign Court, when a Noble Duke (Wellington) arrived with fuller powers, and as sumed his functions. He had told the Duke distinctly that he would not go round about to state his opinion even to his Majesty, but that he had not the least confi dence in the Right Hon. Gentleman who was then Secretary of State for Foreign„ Affairs. He had pre dicted that that Right Hon. Gentleman would sever rest satisfied with the place he held, but would con trive to place himself in the end at the head of the King's Council, and above all his Colleagues...— When he heard that the King had really appointed him as First Lord of the Treasury, he had reminded the Noble Duke of his former prediction. He told his Grace that he humbly hoped that his resignation would be accepted by his Majesty, as it was not in his power any longer to serve the Government. He declaredlhat he was no oracle ; but he had thought for some time past that he perceived principles creeping into Lord Liverpool's Go vernment which he felt firmly persuaded would end in the complete alteration of its character. Had they not in fact seen all its principles overturned? Look at our diplomatic relations. On reading the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman on the Portugal expedition, he had seen that it was so diametrically opposite to all the diplomatic relations which were adopted by a r4oble and revered relation of his, that he had determined in his own mind from that Moment not to support any longer those principles of Government which then pre wailed in the Councils of the State. At the close of the war, our relations both at home and abroad were founded on principles to which that speech stood in diametrical opposition. It overturned every principle; it set at nought almost every political relation of that Noble relative of his. All the triumphs of the war were given up. With what feelings must the army be hold the displacing of the illustrious Duke put at the head of it after the lamented death of the Duke of York, under an order which carried his pretensions to that situation to the highest possible pitch?—[Here -the Noble Marquis read the order for appointing the Duke of Wellington Commander-in-Chief.'—Good Goo! what a situation were they placed in! Suppose that infatuated expedition, as he must ever call it, failed of - its object, or that we were plunged into a war in consequence of it, with what grace could the first Mi• nister go and ask that Noble Duke again to draw his sword to save Europe, after the publication of that correspondence, which shewed plainly that he did not want him ? He defied any man to say that he would I not have acted in the same way had he been treated like that Noble Duke. Must they not regret that the country was deprived by that correspondence of the services of that Noble Duke? It was not for Mtn to praise the exploits of that Noble Duke. which were now handed over to immortal fame. He referred the memory of their Lordships to that glorious day in which the fate of the empire was wrapped up. But for the success of the Noble Duke, effected by his extraordinary powers of mind, perhaps they would not have been sitting there. Whatever the House might do, he would not compro mise the Catholic Question. A Noble Marquis, who had been the chief supporter of it in that House, mig'it, if he thought fit, leave his situation on those (the C pposi- Lion) benches, and sit down opposite, to sty port— what? Lord Liverpool's Government I Would he, or would any Noble Lord, dare to tell him that they would take one step in favour of the Catholic Question ? Then, what would the Irish Roman Catholics think of it ? Were they to take the will for the deed ? After all those outward and visible signs of Government favour, were they to get nothing? He would rather see his country tranquillised. He eulogised the speech of the Right Hon. Secretary for Home Affairs, which would do him honour as long as consistency should be preferred to inconsistency, or honesty be distinguished from disho nesty. He would have preferred seeing that Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of affairs with a clear un derstanding that the Catholic Claims should be altoge ther excluded, to the present arrangement, the contri vers of which would certainly deceive both the Catho lics and the King, and, what was worse than all the rest, their Royal Master—(Laughter). They saw two Noblemen walk over to the other side of the House to support Lord Liverpool's Government; one of whom acted,—might he say it ?—almost as Attorney-General to the late Queen. He was no oracle, nor a man of eloquence, but he trusted he was a man of sense. He did not go to a bookseller's to have his speech reprinted, I and if he were to do so, he would not retract one sen tence of that which he had now uttered. He again owned hi, gratitude to the prerogative for the favours which he had received from the Croon, expatiated on the changes which had been made in the policy of his departed relative, and felicitated the Noble Lords who had resigned, on the honour, more enviable than that of their ineeetsors, follow them into their retirement. The Marquis of LANSDOWN said, be should have been cen tented with listening to the explanations which had been mada, if it had not appeared from the Noble Marquis who spoke last, that the illustrious Duke recently at the head of the army, was supposed by some to have been dismissed or forced from nific,-. It appeared to him that the Noble Duke had abandoned office willingly ; but at all events he did think it too hard to visit upon the Sovereign the loss of his services to the country. If he was to receive the expla nations made that Wight as a correct representation of what bad taken place, he must say that so far from there having been any thing like conspiracy or an over-disposition to secret com ets:Am. tion amongst those Noble Lords who had seceded from office be could not conceive how the public business of the country had beets carried on by men who appeared never to hold communication with each other at all. When the question upon which they were acting was no less than one in which they considered the fate of &stria to be involved, he should have thought it highly meritorious in those Noble Lords not to have lost an hour in assembling to deliberate upon the consequences of the step they were about to take. In his mind, it was rather a reproach than otherwise that they - had not acted in concert, or that they had not at least met together, and given to so important a subject its due deliberation. The Noble Marquis who spoke last, u well as another Noble Marquis who preceded bins, and a Noble Earl who in the early part of the discus sion bad weed a quotation from the Atli-Jacobin, to the nature of that which had been given to the new Government—had sided is no very reserved terms, if not to himself persoinally, to the casein* if those . persons with whom he commonly acted. The N.M. Marquis here Insisted upon the disinterested motives which bed induced bins and his friends to support the Administratioo, and went into a review of their recent acts to shew that they were piled by the same principles now acted upon In the Government he to our foreign policy and commercial regulations. We arbMwidged the valuable sinless of the Right Honourable Geo =who lately filled the Ake of Secretary of State for the Department, and stated that the grounds Which had in. ducal him to resign that Dike, were to bins (the Marquis of Lowdown) the principal grounds upon which he gave hit support to the present Administration. He had thought it his duty to look at the state of things, not with reference to persons, but with retch. dime to those great measures by which the prosperity of the country was alone to be secured. By the situation in which he was now placed, he had not deprived himself of the right to maintain his opinions as freely as ever he had done. He was as much at li berty as ever to bring forward that question to which the Noble Marquis had alluded ; but he should never advise the bringing it forward but under such circumstances as would he likely to pro. mote its success, and at the same time ensure the tranquillity of the Empire. Whenever he should feel it necessary to bring forward that question, his object would be to aid, and not to injure it. These wete the grounds upon which he gave his support to the Govern.. meat, and they were consistent with the primetples upon which He bad always acted. He was confiding its men with whom he held a common opinion upon the great political principles which bound public men together; and when proposals came to Mtn front such a source, with the information that they came at the command of his Majesty, he was bound to give them his most respectf el good deration—(Cheers. ) Lord ELLENBOROUGH said, he fully acknowledged the efficacy and importance of the principles on which the Eight Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Canning) had acted ; but it had happened in the result that the Right Hon. Gentleman was not able to inspire sufib dent confidence to ensure their being carried into effect. As a proof of this, he need only refer to the last war by France againft Spain, and contrast the events of that contest with those whicb bad happened in the Administration of the Right Hon. Gentleman'/ predecessor, the late Lord Londonderry, who had successfully opposed all attempts of the French Government to interfete with the affairs of Spain. There were only two principles by whit& foreign policy could be regulated : the one was confidence... the other, force. If the confidence was once list, it was by force only that the advantage which it carried with it could be regained. That the Right Honourable Gentleman had lost the confidence of Foreign Governments, would not be doubted; and that force had become ne:essary to restore the balance bf power, was too evident. The strongest posts of Spain were now occupied by a French army,and it had been found expedient to in troduce an English armed force into the Peninsula to regulate the tottering equilibrium. The other foreign relations of the country, , though apparently more peaceable, were hardly more satisfactory as far as the measures of the existing Government were concerned.— Under Mr. Wallace's Administration. and under that of the Noble Viscount (Lord Goderich), who had appeared for the first time to night, those measures had been proposed which had been since eat ried into effect, and the credit of which (such was the fortune et the Noble Viscount) had been claimed by others. In 1844, he (Lott Efienbeecigh) supported a motion for the earlier recognition of the States of America. He had since learned, although he bad then no notion of It, that it had been contemplated by the Government, and that this measure had formed one of the subjects in the conference at Aix-la-Chapelle. It was, however, impossible not to see, that whatever might be the intentions of the present Government, it possessed less power to accomplish thole intentions than the Go verement which bad preceded it. It was impossible not to see that it had sustained such losses as wholly impaired its weight and use fulness. The loss of the Earl of Liverpool, who possessed the re spect and esteem of the country to a degree hardly ever before ac corded to any private individual, was not to be supplied. The loss of the Right Hen. Gentleman (Mr. Peel), who was entitled to, and enjoyed the confidence of, the whole nation, must be as deeply felt in the Government as it was deplored elsewhere. It must be lortg, Indeed, before any one who should come to fill his office would bring with him so intimate an acquaintance with the practical nature of its duties as would enable him to carry into effect lbe extensive and useful reforms which the Right Honourable Gentleman contemplated. The frank and manly declaration which that Right Hun. Gentleman had made last night in the other Howie, had done him immortal honour, and would be remembered with admiration as long as mankind understood the distinction be. twee consistency and inconsistency, between honesty and dia. beneety. Another loss which the country had sustained, was in the ancelden of the Noble Duke, lately at the head of its military do pertinent'. Not so much because the army term deprived of his ex perience and knowledge, as because the Cabinet and Councils of the country had no longer the benefit of them, and had thus lost what he considered its great moral strength. The Noble Duke was the only person in the Cabinet who was able to maintain the re• laden' of this country with the other Governments of Europe with that force and utility which knowledge and personal weight gave beyond mere diplomatic negociatious ;and this no man who knew any thing of foreign policy would hesitate to acknowledge; and everybod y must regret that such a tone had been assumed in the correspon dence of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Canning) with the Noble Duke,as made it impossible for the latter to hold his office upon terms which were contistentwithhis reputation. He (Lord Elienborough) concurred with his Noble Friend (Lord Londonderry) In the senti ment be had expressed of uncompromising hostility to the Govern. meat as It was now composed ; and be added to it one of sincere and ardent devotion to the Catholic cause, which no party feeling, no inducement should ever induce him to abandon or neglect, —not even the inducement of displacing an Administration in which he had not the &lightest confidence. He would not even be induced to attempt any thing to the detriment of such an Ad. ministration if he thought that at the same time he should do any thing detrimental to that question. He did not at the same time hesitate to say, that be thought that Administration was so its. *ions to the country, that to support it would be impossible ; be. mug seek support could not be reconciled with the oath of personal duty and allegiance which he had taken. With respect to the Ca tholic Question, he would say, that no man who knew the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government, would believe that he would raise hopes which be did did not mean to realize. Every body knew that the question could receive no assistance from any man at the head of the Government unless he had actually the means of carrying it; and, for his own part, believing that the Right Hon. Gentleman had no such means, he looked upon the question as given up. It was clear to him, and he believed to others, that some deceit was to be practised. Either his Majesty, who had per mitted this Administration to be formed with the understanding that the Catholic Question was to be given up, was deceived, or the hopes held out to Ireland that the new Administration was to ex tend to that country the peace and tranquillity which the carrying that Question could abase bestow, were wholly fallacious. Nothing had advanced the Catholic Claims so much as discussion, end yet all discussion was now to be abandoned. As a friend to that cause, be would oppose the Administration, because he thought its existence was fraught with deadly injury to the cause ; and if be were sot friendly to that measure, be would no less strenuously oppose an Administration in which the Flew Lord of the Treasury would be employed in digging a mine, that he would spring as soon as the favourable moment arrived. He could see no advantage in the junction which had taken plate, and be took this opportunity of giving to kis Noble Friend (Lord Laosdown) that advice In public which be had before given him in private, to aseertain,before he took once—if it were his intention to take office at all—the opinions of his Majesty respecting the junction, and particularly respecting the Catholic Question. His Majesty would not deceive his Noble Friend; and when his Noble Friend had ascertained his Majesty's sentiments, the Howse would also be satisfied, because they knew that his Noble Fliend would sot deceive them. Without this as- / ' - • i . t , • • ', ' t -v.: i t I • • II . i 1 . , . . i ., i 4 i I I . . I 0 1 . ~ t•lt' 1 ; 111 , 1 441 tt :. i' ? 1 p f. I I t i i r t , 1 '. , 1 4 i 1 • ' 1 - i 1 I i l i l ..0 1 ' 1 ' ' 1 r 1 11 I ~. lifi 1 I