Star. — London, England, 1830-11-03 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARMA M ENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Nov. 2. This being the day fixed for the opening of Parliament by his Ma. testy in person, the greatest splendour prevailed in every department connected with the House. Fatly in the morning those who had obtained tickets of admission were permitted to take their places at the Bar, the Long Gallery, and Painted Chamber. The preparations and improvements in the interior of the House were similar to those which took place at the last occasion. The Long Gal. lerq and Painted Chamber were thronged with fashionably attired fe males and gentlemen. The body of the House was crowded with rank, wealth, and beauty ; the contrast of its appearance on this and the last occasion was exceedingly remarkable. Instead of the sombre habili ments of mourning, the House now blazed with all the colours of the rainbow, beautifully arranged by the hand of fashion. Indeed, for elegance, simplicity, and taste, the appearance far surpassed any thing we ever saw. On the entrance of Prince Talley/and into the House the sensation amongst the Peers was quite electrical. lie was an object of universal curiosity. The Duchess of Kent, Princess Victoria, and almost all the Mem bers of the Royal Family, together with all the Foreign Ambassadors were present. His Majesty arrived at a quarter past two o'clock, and took his seat on the throne in royal robes. The young Princes of Cumberland and Cambridge occupied time seats appropriated to the Royal Family. The Duke of Wellington held time Sword of State, and the Marquis of Win chester the Sword of Maintenance ; the other great officers took their stations near the throne. The Lord Chancellor administered the usual oath taken by the Sovereign at the commencement of a new Parliament. The Usher of the Black Rod was then directed to require the attendance of the Commons. The Speaker and a numerous deputation of members soon after ap peared at the Bar, anti his hlakaty delivered, in a distinct manner, his most gracious Speech to both Houses. (Sec the Star of yesterday.) At the conclusion, his Majesty left the House, and the Commons also withdrew. Adjournment then took place till five o'clock. An hour and a half was required for clearing the House of the great body of persons who had enjoyed a sight of the important ceremony. A numerous attendance of Peers was observed at the hour of busi ness. All the Royal Dukes were present. The Duke of WELLINGTON, as usual at the meeting of Par. Bement, moved the first reading of the Select Vestries Bill, or, in other terms, to sanction the freedom of speech in Parliament. The bill was accordingly read the first time. It was ten minutes past five when the Lord Chancellor took his seat on the woolsack. The Speech from the Throne was read by the Lord Chancellor, and secondly by the Clerk of the House of Lords. The Marquis of Bute and Lord Munson appeared in full dress, for the purpose of moving and seconding the Address. The Marquis of BUTE, who wore a rich military uniform, rose amidst profound attention. The noble marquis then rose for the pur pose of moving an bumble address to his Majesty, in reply to his gra cious speech—s speech of so frank, so full, and so affectionate a charac ter, that he felt he should be ill discharging his duty to the House and to the country at large if lie attempted to add to it any sentiments of his own; but sure he was that his Majesty would receive from the voice of an unanimous Parliament, full assurance that he had not been mis taken in the confidence he had placed in them. The events alluded to by his Majesty, which had taken place since last their Lordships met, were so notorious as hardly to require mention of them by him. He was sure their Lordships would agree with him that his Majesty's Ministers had adopted a most efficient and effective course in advising his Majesty to pursue the frank and open course he had done towards the King of the French and the existing Government of France, and that he had acted in accordance with the wishes of the country at large. He rejoiced sincerely in the prospect that was held out to Eu. rope by the unity of two such great and warlike nations. He was sure that every person would see, with pain, the dreadful condition of the Low Countries, and the King of that country had, in his (Lord Bute's) opinion, by calling a meeting of the States General, acted with those honest anti constitutional views which entitled him to the approbation of every Englishman, and such as might have been expected from the illustrious house of Nassau. No person could feel more pleasure than he did in the prospect of a termination of the troubles that had so long been the scourge of Portugal, and he should be one of the first to join hand and heart with his Majesty in the promotion of those mea sures es which his Majesty had alluded. He felt no small satisfaction in the assurance of a general act of indemnity and Amnesty having been declared by the present Government of Portugal, in favour of those who espoused the Government of Donna Maria. Those who espoused her cause were daily being Tutored to their just rights; and he could see no reason why his Majesty's ministers, under such circumstances, should not have also advertid to the disorder and confusion which prevailed in other States of Europe ; these he (Lord flute) considered chiefly of a local character, and not of such a nature as to lead to any apprehensions for the general peace of Europe. He thought that his Majesty judged well of the happiness of his loyal subjects in declaring that he ought to maintain inviolate those general obli. gations under which this country was hound. (Hear.) He could not approach without some feeling of pain the discussion of that part of his Majesty's speech, which was one of a domestic character—he al luded to that part in which his Majesty had called the attention of Par liament with reference to the regency. As the advanced period of life to which his Majesty had now arrived had been considered by his Ma jesty as a fit subject to be brought under the consideration of parlia ment, and his Majesty had invited parliament to adopt such measures as they might think best for a regency in this country, should it please the ALMIGHTY to call his Majesty to himself before his successor should attain to years of discretion, he was sure their lordship, would juin with him in endeavouring to carry his Majesty's wishes into effect. He prayed, however, the ALMIGHTY would long preserve his Ma jesty's valuable life, and render totally unnecessary the adoption of such a measure. He thought if ever there was an occasion on which the speech from the throne was to be considered as the speech of the King himself, this was that speech. He well knew that it generally was to be considered as the speech of ministers. This might truly be called the speech of the King of England. The constitutional manner in which his Majesty had declared to parliament the principles on which such a measure was necessary, and his willingness to give the royal as sent, called for admiration and gratitude. Ile should bow in obedience to the speech front the throne. He knew they ought to bow to it ; but if there was one question upon which he should feel a painful sensation, it was the regency question. His Majesty relied on their lordships to make ; isions for his family, and the exercise of the royal authority in case his Majesty should be removed beforea successor arrived at the years of maturity. It was really painful to contemplate the contingency, and he teally could not entertain it without deep regret. His Majesty's al lusion to the civil list revenue, and his resignation of the hereditary revenues of the crown to the disposal of parliament, was a new Instance of paternal regard entertained for the welfare of the people.— Thsir lordships must agree that few individuals had made such sacrifices for the benefit of their subjects, as the sovereigns of this country. It must be known to their lordships that the hereditary revenues of the crown, more the reigns of the last two Kings, had greatly exceeded the allow:.nce given in lieu thereof by Parliament. The noble marquis knew that the various settlements of the civil list had given large sums to the public service, and lie could nut suffer the subject to pass under his view without impressing upon the house the generous manner in which his Majesty had come forward to place at the distribution of Parliament every shilling of the fund which belonged to the crown. When bestowing just praise on his present Majesty for his consideration of the gen;ral interest, lie did not cast any reflection on his late Majesty, who was not less willing to give up an 7 portion of his heredi tary revenues for the benefit of the public. There could not be a stronger instance of the readiness of George the Fourth to give up that revenue, than the sacrifice made in giving assent to the Beer Bill. That measure certainly injured to a considerable extent the hereditary reve nue, anti the remedy could not have heen sustained without the consent of the King. By the abolition of the beer duty, there was a loss of from 300,0001. to 400,0001. annually, which formed a part of the here ditary revenue of the Crown. By the abolition of those duties 300,0001. had been taken from the King's revenue. When he found that measure followed up by the advice to his Majesty to surrender to the use of the people every fund arising from revenue received for the Crown, it was strong ground to place confidence in the assurances of economy which formed a feature in his Majesty's speech. It was impossible not to la ment, that in some parts of the country public property had been e n. dangered by combination, and his hope was that his Majesty would take m ea n s , prompt and certain, to suppress such aggressions. His Majesty alluded to attempts which bad been lately made to excite among the people of Ireland a spirit of discontent and disaffection, and to disturb thy good understanding between the two countries, by low jealousy and distrust of Government. An act more criminal or cruel could not be committed by any man. The noble Marquis ob. served that lie was not to speak personally ; but he would say, 3 man of education could not be guilty of a crime more heinous than that of attempting to delude the minds of his countrymen. 'their Lordships knew too well that the great evil of Ireland was joverty, and yet, at the moment when the capital of that long istressed country was beginning to revive, and advance to peace arid rrosperity, the labouring classes had been enjoined to oppose the great ea of union between England and Ireland. He could not believe any Itelligent man in Ireland would.listen for a moment to the project en. :ertained by the disturbers ; but it was their duty to assure his Majesty that they would concur most cordially in the intention expressed by his Majesty, of employing, to the utmost of his power, the means necessary 4 suppressing such attempts. He was proud to concur in that pan of 111 Majesty's Speech which took a correct view of the advantage de. r.ved by the happy form of Government in this country. There was flat a nation in the world where independence was so firmly established- Ir Ireland all the measures of Government were fairly and honestly stated, and he should contend that the different classes in that country had no Luse for complaint. The labouring classes in both countries laboured Under difficulties, but they looked up with Lope and confidence for ins. provement. It was with great pleasure he stated his approbation of that Part of the Speech which spoke of peace and com merc i a l p ros p er ity. I Lord Stanhope...nese, hear, hear.) The noble marquis had that gay heard of increased activity in the manufacturing interests of the country. He was ready to admit that considerable pressure was still felt in many of the manufacturing counties—(hear, hear !)—but there was a prospect of amendment. The agricultural districts he knew were distressed. \lnch was to he done for the relief of the agricultural pour, and he was sure it would be effected by the benevolent exertions of their Lordships. Nothing would be wanting on the part of the crown to mitigate and re. medy, as far as possible, existing distress. His majesty had been long an observer of the wants and interests of this country. His majesty knew from experience the general respectability of every class. The king knew the moderation of the clergy, and the integrity of the laity, with the general feeling of the poor as well as the rich. That knowledge was the foundation of his majesty's affection for, and confidence in his people. The royal nffection and confidence was returned, and he was happy to say, in the words of a well. known writer, " Here willing nations know their lawful lords." The Noble Marquis concluded by moving an humble address to his majesty, concurring in all the topics of his majesty's most gracious speech. The LORD CHANCELLOR having read the address, Lord MONSON rose to second the address, but from the po shion in which the noble lord sat, and the low tone of voice in which he spoke, it was utterly impossible to catch a sentence below the bar. The address having been put from the Woolsack, Earl W I NCHELSE A congratulated the country upon the principles of economy adverted to in the Speech from the Throne; he deplored the existence of the dreadful disturbances in the county with which he was more intimately connected ; the distress in that county was unparalleled in extent, and aggravated by the obnoxious system of paying the agri cultural labourers from the poor rates ; in every case, the capital of the occupiers of the soil was reduced, whilst many had descended from a state of comparative affluence to abject poverty. He trusted that his Majesty's Government would take the fearful state of that county into immediate consideration ; he had the satisfaction of knowing, from personal observation, that of the respectable yeomen of Kent, not a single Individual would hesitate a moment to come forward and ac quiesce in the wisdom of any measure his Majesty's Ministers might think proper to institute for maintaining the peace of the county.— Hear.)--In the anxious hope that Government would set on foot an inquiry as to the cause of the present disturbances, and adopt some plan for the immediate amelioration of the existing distress, he should not take up more of their Lordships' time. Marquis CAMDEN was of opinion that the distress in the county of Kent this year, was much less than it was last season ; then, the inha bitants had to contend with a very severe winter, which aggravated their sufferings in a considerable degree ; in some part of the county the ad. ministration of the pow laws, he confessed, was neither so judicious nor beneficial as might be expected, which led to serious evils: he trusted, without any resolution tothat effect, that government would be induced to take the state of the county into consideration, and adopt some plan for relief, so as that not only fear and alarm would be quieted, but the state of the country be ultimately bettered, and no one would be more ready to aid government in its endeavours to that effect than himself. The Duke of RICHMOND said it was through no spirit of faction that he appealed to their lordships in behalf of the distressed working and labouring classes of the counuy. The noble Marquis (Camden) states that, It is his opinion, that the distress of the county of Kent is not so great this year as it was in the last. He (the Duke of Richmond) con. tended, that it was greater, and the circumstance of the many petitions complaining of that distress with which their lordships' table was last year covered being not attended to, was one great cause of existing dis tress. There was a feeling abroad, he regretted to say, that superiors did not sympathise as they ought with their inferiors; he knew that such a feeling was an erroneous one, still it had gone abroad, and it could not be denied that some cause was to be found for such a feeling, all inquiry into existing distresses being refused last year (hear). He was satisfied that the county of Kent had been disgraced by the outrages committed there, for he was the last of their lordships who would contend that dis tress, however severe, was an excuse fur such conduct ; for his own part, he felt no alarm in consequence of those and other disturb ances in the country. He had confidence in the people, that they were actuated by the firmest attnchment to the present illustrious prince who sat on the throne of these realmr; they believed him when he said that he only wished to reign in the karts of his people. The noble duke con cluded by remarking on the necessity there was for instituting immediate inquiry into the distresses of the country, and expressing a hope that the noble duke at the head of the government would that night give an auurance to that effect. Earl DARNLEY was of opinion that the refusal of their Lordships last year to grant an inquiry, was onecause of the existing distress ; he sincerely trusted, however, that it would not for a moment be believed generally that the house was careless of the grievances that afflicted the labouring community ; he had himself, in his own property, been sub. jeet to nocturnal offenders ; but he believed that It was not the honest and industrious labourers of Kent that composed these bands. He hoped he should be correctly reported in the observations he had to make on this subject. A report had appeared in a provincial paper, and been subsequently copied into all the London journals, that the agricul tural labourers of Kent stood by and calmly looked on, as if they en. joyed to behold the work of the incendiaries ; to such a statement he was able to give a complete contradiction. He, himself, together with his son and steward, observed the exertions, not only of his own servants, but of the labourers of Kent generally, to assist in extinguishing the fires raised by the nocturnal offenders in the county of Kent ; not fewer than sixty of these labourers worked heart and hand frequently up to the middle in water on that occasion. (Hear.) lie was perfectly aware that in the part of Kent in which he had the pleasure of residing, the agri cultural labourer was much better off than in some other parts of the county ; the farmers considered It to be their interest to support their labourers when they could afford it, rather than fly to the detestable sys tem of paying them out of the poor-rates. He trusted that the present distresses of the country would meet with the speedy attention of the legislature. * The Duke of LEINSTER adverted to that part of the Speech rela ting to the state of Ireland. The Noble Duke stated that at a private meeting which he bad thought it his duty to call, the expression against anyrepeal of the Union b e tween Great Britain and Ireland was unani mous.—(Hear.) Still, unless his Majesty's Government took active steps to put an end to the attempts made for a repeal of the Union, it would be injurious to the interests of both countries. Lord FARNHA 111 said, that all Europe was in arms, and it was not St that England alone should remain with open bosom unprepared. With regard to our domestic policy, he contended that it was not Po much the weight of taxation as its unequal pressure, that was the cause of our present distress ; the agricultural, the landed, and the commercial Interests, had been all taxed beyond what they were able to bear; the moneyed interest alone Lad escaped. The present were not ordinary times, therefore extraordinary measures ought to be adopted ; the tithes, the poor rates, and land tax, must all be revised. respect to a repeal of the Union, he viewed it as nothing better than a dismemberment of the empire, and he viewed the steps taken to effect that measure with great jealousy and regret. Earl GREY said, that he addressed the House antler ciretamatances of unequalled danger, which would require the utmost fortitude to with. stand ; there was nothing, however, to be feared to England ; so long as the loyalty and ;attachment of its people were secured, the safety and honour of the country was in no danger of being infringed ; with regard; to the state of Ireland, he felt no hesitation in adopt. ing the words of the speech from the throne, and saying that he could nut view, without grief and indignation, the tfliwts which are industriously made to excite among the people a spirit of discontent and disaffection, and to disturb the concord which happily pre. vails ; he (Earl Grey) was satisfied that any separation of the two countries would lead to the certain destruction of one of them ; and he should lend every assistance in his power to aid his majesty's ministers in their endeavours to put a stop to such proceedings, and he was happy to learn that all the sound and influential part of the people of Ireland was on the side of ministers ; he deprecated the framing of new laws for such an object. except. indeed, under circumstances of the MOM urgent necessity ; he therefore trusted that the noble duke at the head of the government, and those with him, would go on as they had begun. With respect to the cause of the disturbances in that country, he could not, as some noble lords had done, attribute them to that healing men. sure, which passed last season, hut to its too long delay. He was, with twine other noble lords opposed to the union of Ireland with Great Brit sin at the outset he objected to the foul and unconatitu. tional measures adopted for the purpose of accomplishing that measure : the l'rotestant inhabitants of Ireland were told tha ► if they agreed to such a measure as the Union. an effectual barrier would be placed in the way of the Catholic claims; whilst the Roman Catholics. on the other hand, were told, by rusting for such a measure their claims would sooner come under considers.- tion. Thus, by deceiving both parties, the Union was carried into effect, and propagated that irritation which went on perpetually disturb ing the peace of Ireland until the present time. He lamented that there was nothing said in the speech from the throne relative to the tune liorating the condition of the people of that country. Then, with re spect to the present state of some parts of England, he confessed that he doubted the truth of the statements put forth in the newspapers; be did not believe that the people of Kent would be guilty of such enormities, and least of all did he believe that his noble friend (Earl Darnley)would be the object of them. Still he hoped that the ill-advised petpetrators of these nocturnal offences, having English hearts in their bosoms, when they saw that the legislature was willing to do all that wan possible for them, they would return to a proper sense of duty. He, foe one, should do all he could to relieve their necessities, as well as to repress and pu. niali all outrage. The professions of economy contained in the speech had his unqualified praise. Allusions had been made by the noble mar quis (Bute) to the reductions of last year; for his own part, be ques tioned the propriety of one of the branches of the revenue that had been reduced—be meant the taking if the beer tax; it was at beat but a partial relief; one of a mere genusl nature, in his opinion, ought to have been selected. As to a different mode of taxation which 4d bean hinted at by a noble lord (Farnham) the present was not the time for discussing that point ; but if that sable lad meant the introduttliflo of a property tax, he (Earl Grey) for owe, should oppose it, as not at aD oaleulatad for the relief of the country. With respect to the question a( a Regency, be arged ft last year as one lagispansibly necessary, sad he was happy to see i s taken up in the Speech hem the Threw ; fee hie own part, all he wished to see was the right of succession to the Clown placed In those hands by nature and right fittest for the trust. He in. ged to say something relative to the giving up of cerain of the revenues of the Crowe. Ile could not object to give merit where it was due. GOD forbid that he should detract from the liberality of his Majesty in giving up these tern:tics; but he was bound to inform the House that the droits of the Admiralty and the sums accruing from the West India possessions were not wholly the right of the Crown ; they were originally given to the King of England to enable him to detend the country in time of war. (Hear.) On reference to the state of Europe. he agreed with what had t a lien from a noble lord (Farnham) relative to the necessity of England being prepared for the worst ; but his (Earl Grey's) preparation was of a very different sort to that hinted at by the noble lord, and did no: have any connection with an increase of either army or navy. The noble lord says, that all Europe was in erns; why, if England were to arm herself; not a month, he was assured. would elapse before France would declare against her. The best arming that England could adopt was to secure the attachment of her people, by redresaing their grievances. (Hear.) In alluding to the stat e of France, his lordship said he rejoiced in the result of the late revolution in that country, provoked. an it bed been, by an attempt to repress the liberty of the people. lie then glanced at that part of the speech which related to the state of the Low Countries, advocating the system of non. inlet ference, observing that England was bound by no treaties; although he did not object to it. vet he confessed that in the declarations in the speech with respect to Ponttgal, it appeared that Don Miguel was to be recognised, upon a promised amnesty being extended to Count Pal. melba. and the other wise and oitod men who were exiled. He should like to know if the Spanish patriots, many of whom had been the noble duke's companions in arms, would return to Spain on a promised am. nasty from Ferdinand. (Ilea:, and a laugh.) Upon the whole, he agreed with the address. The Duke of WELLINGTON said, that he did not agree with that part of the noble earl's speech which related to Portugal. It would be recollected how frequently his late Majesty, in his message to that house, lamented the unhappy differences existing in Portugal. His Majesty, as long as certain distinguished men were living in exile, could not recognize Portugal: an amnesty, however, to those indivi. duals, and a promise to carry it into effect having been given officially, such recognition became necessary ; England was not bound to go to war to citify that amnesty into effect, although he did not say that st , e was not bound to interfere, to prevent any a iolation of it. With regard to the state of the Netherlands, there was no intention on the part of England to interfere with existing treaties. All that England should do was to negociate with the powers, so as to lead. if possible, to a satisfactory result. With respect to the repeal of the Union between Great Britain and Ireland, considering that IL repeal of it was opposed by all the landed interest of that country —by the protestants of Ireland as well as by the Ca tholics—it was clear that his Majesty's Government stood upon awe ground since, the passing of the Catholic bill (Hear. hear.) Ilia majesty's ministers had been charged with passing that bill mute from fear than any other feeling : he denied that such was the fact. This, however, he would say. that had his majesty's ministers been as nittAi supported as they were opposed in healing those divisions which ex isted in Ireland, it would now have been in a state of comparative hap. pineas. If noble lords could be induced to buy estates in Ireland, and reside there, it would very soon change the face of the country (hear, hear, hear). Fortunes spent in Ireland would do wore to ameliorate the condition of its inhabitants than any other measure. What were the immediate causes of the disturbances in the county of Kent t His Majesty's Government were unable to state ; active steps, however, were in progress for putting down these disturbances. One word as to Parliamentary Reform ; the Government was not prepared to entertain any such measure, and he would go further, he had never, up to that moment, heard that the state of the representation of Eng land could he further improved. He was fully satisfied that the coon. try possessed a legislature which answered all the purposes fur which it was formed. He would go farther, and say that if he were called upon to form a legislature for any other country, it would be exactly on the same principle where the landed interests represented the people. The LORD CHANCELLOR then put the address from the Wool sack, which was agreed to without any amendment. Adjourned at half.past Nine o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Nov. 2. The SPEAKER took the Chair soon after one o'clock, and con. tinned swearing in Members till a quarter-past two, when the house was summoned to attend at the bar of the House of Lords to hear his Majesty deliver the Speech from the Throne. The Chair was resumed at three, and the swearing in of Members continued till four. A bill for more effectually preventing clandestine outlawries was then read a first time. Mr. BROUGHAM gave notice, that on that day fortnight he would bring forward a motion on the subject of Parliamentary Reform. The SPEAKER having read a copy of the Speech, Lord OKIAISTONE rose to propose the Address. He begged to assure the house, that nothing but a conviction that he would meet with their kind indulgence, could have induced him to rise on that occasion. He would briefly allude to the various topics contained in the Royal speech. The house could not but be struck with the confidence with which his Majesty, at a most eventful period, had drawn their attention to the subject of a Regency ; the house would, he was persuaded, show that that confidence was not misplaced. In alluding to foreign states, he must observe on the cents that had occurred in France ; with a king elected by the people, that nation still remained in an unsettled state, which must be highly injurious, in particular to the commercial in. tercets of this country. The same spirit of revolution had seised on the Belgian states, and had entailed on them greater harass ; it was to be hoped that the Allied Powers would, as shortly as pos sible, be enabled to arrange the existing differences. (Hear, hear.) —lt was gratifying to see that, notwithstanding these events, this country had maintained uninterrupted good understand ing with all foreign States, and had remained free from the storms which seemed to be bursting on every other nation ; if these were ever to reach this country, he felt assured that the measures adopted by Government, the system of retrenchment they were purr!). big, a retrenchment called for by the people—(hear)—demanded by the state of foreign events, would best enable us to encounter them. lie had now glanced over the most important topics; leaving a more profound discussion to abler debaters, he would merely add, that he was glad that the conduct of Ministers enabled him to give them his most decided support, determined as they were to up. hold the liberty of the people, the safety of the church, and the dignity of the nation. In conclusion, his lordship called upon the house to return their solemn thanks to his Majesty for his most gracious Speech, and read an address, which lie proposed should be presented to the King. The lion. R. DUNDAS seconded the motion. He rose, he said, with some hesitation, to address the House on subjects of so much im portance, at a time when the opening of the Parliament was looked to, both by the people of this country and by foreign nations, with more than ordinary interest. lie would not enter into any lengthened detail on the topics contained in his Majesty's Speech, as his wish was to avoid a debate, and that the House should unanimously agree to the address which had been proposed. It was to his Majesty, and, he trusted, it was to that House a subject of regret. that the bond of union which existed between his Majesty and his people had not likewise existed in other states. He should not allude to the events which had driven Charles X. from a throne occupied by a long line of ancentors ; without inquiring whether the fault which led to that event, lay with that King, or with his minis. ters, that bowie, lie watt persuaded, regretted that an event should have occurred in a country in strict alliance with our own, and capable of exposing it to a long period of anarchy. It was, however, a subject of congratulation, that the illustrious Prince who now occupied the throne of France, should show hiontelctlisposed to preserve with this country those relations of peace and amity which it was the interest of both ne. tieing to keep up. With respect to the distressing events which had oc curred in die Netherlands, the occurrence of which the recollection of past calamities should have prevented, it was gratifying at least to know that no spirit of jealousy existed between the great powers of Europe to lead theni to take advantage of those calamities, and that they were de termined to respect the treaties of 1815. With reference to Portugal, his Majesty gave them every assurance that our diplomatic relations with that country would soon be renewed, the individual invested with the sovereign power being disposed to grant a general amnesty ; it was to be hoped that he would now at least ute,erve the laws of the coon. try. It was not for that house to dictate to other nations by what Princes, or in what manner thee chalet to be governed—(heer, heat.) And the same policy which had 1.11 us to acknowledge the King of the French, 'Mould lend us to acknowledge Don 31h,Nel. Ni al. lusion had been made in the Spec,' to the affuire of Greece; but I he could assure the House that any delay which had taker, place in the settlement of those affairs, was owing not to any rentisenvot on the part of England, hut to the circumstance Out that tatticinent could not be prosecuted without the co-operation of France, one of the three contracting power's. He would now allude to our do mestic affairs- The seed* of civil dissension had not been suc cessfully sown in a country which, under its present constitu tion, had enjoyed for nearly 150 years a state of uninterrupted prosperity. That any dissensions should exist was owing less to that constitution than to die depravity of human nature ; to the depravity of certain individuals, who had wickedness enough to contrive mischief, and not courage enough to execute it (heat). We had another safeguard besides our constitution, an enlightened and intelligent people ; he looked also with confidence in critical times to his majesty's govern ment. With respect to the civil list, the proposed measures, he was persuaded, when laid before the house would meet with general appro. button. To the settlement of the Regency be would not pankularly allude, as it would form the subject of a separate message from his majesty. The honourable member then congratulated the boast on the diminution of distress among the manufacturing classes. He thanked them fee the indulgence with which be bad been Hama to, and conclud ed by bqiging to second the address (bear, hear.) Lord ALTHORPS was indistinctly beard from the gallery. H. alluded to the different points of the speech horn the throne, and bristly commented twee& The part that promised attention to economy In the asks of the state be hoped would be realised, and that the country would not be disappointed. He felt grateful to his Majesty for the sea. *Dents be had expressed regarding the civil list; but however de•ie.w. ble ecnnomy might be, be (Lord Altborpe) was confident the , every care would be takes to preserve the comforts of the Monarch ; and when the question came before parliament for discussion, it would meet with all prop,- regard to the dignity of the crown. The regeLey semen it was not at present a lit time to advert to ; b- would defer Et) remarks on that subject until the question was brought forwa:d in the h. ea—. Tile honourable gentl,man who spoke last had expressed regrt t a , the lan changes which kid taken place in France, and that a people shoti'd ever infringe ußei iii liberties of their government; but he (Lora A.) was of a very ditlerent. epinion ; the conduct of the people of Frame had his coecurrence. anal he thought that ministers woo had acted es the French cabinet had acted ought to suffer for their conduct. lie was sorry that it had been deemed advisable that hie :lap:sty ought to in terfere with ire Netherlands—it would he attet..!eti with knots* consequences; and lie (Lord Althntpe) regretted that it should have been brought forward. He would protest against any interference on the part of ties country in the domestic economy of the Netherhooda. He likewise did not agve with the hon. gent. who spoke last in his opinion on the affairs of Porters: 1; he (Lord Altnorpe) thong::; t h e.: we ought not to interfere with the de tact) Government of Pcrtugal„ 11- d.d not believe titattliscontent esisteii at home to the alarming rateta that was rep:Tome by many, but he was sensible that the country was in such a sate as to require the greatest care. He had no connderc in his .Majesty's ministers; hut he would watch their measures, :sod it any brou g ht forward any of which he approved, they s h ou ld h ave hi s so ;;... 1 1 port but, teeeling as he did, lie would not be sorry at any iiimion mat might tend to depose them. The strictest economy was necessary for the country in the present state; and the taxes ought to be levied so as to press in the lightest possible degree upon those wh $ had Mein to pay. (Hear, hear.) The most imp...l - tut topic was the question of reform.—(Hear.) It would have been better had this been brought forward sooner: but he did not altogether regret that it had still been deterred, because it had allowed the oplnioos of the country to gain strength by accumu!ation. and made ti:c necessity no:re apparem. few points to which he alluded were r.ot all he would be inclined to notice; but in the accomplish:went even of them touch good migl:t be done. Mr. DUNDAS rose and explained. Marquis of !IIJANDFORD could scantly he heard from tl.e Ea;/..y when he rose to metre anierdnie:t to the address. He took an ample review of the acts of t-e last Sessien of Parliament, and animadverted en their consequences. He instanced the depression of currency and the CAT' evovaitig depressions in the price of nierch..nelize. He deprecated the pro.ecu ions brought by the At:other-General t:gainst the liberty o the press—(near, hear)—and he adduced as a peer.: tor the result tif such legislr•om that tee people, having now a lintite,l confidence in parl!s. men', were m ire gent-ally addr.ssing his Mr..j.s:y directly. He (tl.e Niarquis of Blantlford) was not speaking as one who could suffer in soaps: by an indiscreet change of affairs: chat hr said was from a cu:i. viction of the nmessity of a change of treasures, and lie had something at stake w!icn he made this Tema: k. He therefore, mute as an amendment to the addin AMF.NnmENT. '• In this its first a ldross to the throne t.f a stew instead of making itself' the mere cc':o of the miu"slers of tlat crown, this house &els that it 04114 to 'hew itself ti he the to-ry mirror of v ie p c ; and. that to do so. it must not fall to lay lief. re yaws Majesty all their thoughts and fillings. all their wants aid wit.bes. as well as all their loyalty to jour vifee, aid attacitiout to your person. " The discharge of this important duty, and the preset str•riso.s aspect of public affairs, render it impossible. as well as improia r, to address your :Majesty otherwise than at considerable length. (Al• Jog " Your llajesty is to be informed that this House, in common wit!, the great majority of your people, holds the memory of the House of Commons of the last Parliament in utter hatred and cut mpt, to the following reasons: • " First, because the last House of Commons uniformly fume.: deaf car to the just complaints and petitions of your pc.p u; condly, because instead of acting upon the old constittitinm I Prim: 1. of withholding the supplies until the grievances of the in tmle K, to 'c. dressed, which it was earnestly and seriously urged to do. it seem :,1 t consider itself of no other use, and chosen for no other purpose Inc vote, sight after night, immense sums of money, to be drawn init. the pockets of the people; exhibiting, at the same time, the utmos: indifference, and often the most sovereign contempt of all consideratio:• in what manner such enormous sums could be obtained without die risk of involving the great productive interests of the country in the must extensive embarrassment and ruin. " That in proof of this, your Majesty has only to look at the u;.. precedented numbers of bankruptcies and insolvencies of fainters, traders, and others of your honest and industrious subjects, throu3r all the years of the existence of the last House of Commons; and year Majesty will thereby be convinced that while great numbers of Lute...! proprietors have been driven from their paternal mansions, and have been compelled to see them occupied by loan-mongers and stock jobbers, while others have removed themselves, their families and their fortunes, for ever from your shores ; and while the middle classes of your subjects have been reduced with frightful rapidity to the la. bouring classes, the labouring classes have been reduced to atoolitte beggary and want. That numbers have actually &HA front star. vation, and others have been obliged to submit to the most de grading services, and to see themselves and their families the vietio s of fever, induced by famine—that thus. in a short time. inste a d o f ru l. ing, like the two first Princes of the House of Brunswick, 'nit a natty devoted to your Government by the happiness and blessings it shroAd enjoy, y our Majesty may find yourself ruling over a nation to pwuikr. a. d of plaarnen, of those who live upon the taxes and the poor rites on th.: one hand, and on the other hand of loanmongers and boroughttionger, wallowing in the stagnant and unproductive accumulations of the:t joint and several monopolies. Such, Sire, arc the effects of the occur-cif and unnatural funding-system, in its last agonies ; and the vain a:. tempts to save this monster in England, are at this moment overturn.. ing the Governments of other countries far more rapidly than the telly. OT even the wickedness of their rulers. That the acts of the late House of Commons, both of omission and commission, under which the people of this once happy country have been brought to such a state art wretchedness and suffering, inculpate all concerned in the highest de. gree of criminality, from which nothing can excuse them but a sincere and anodic confession of their sins, and a total and immediate altera tion of their conduct, without which it will be the duty of the house to expose by name to your Majesty all those who are feeding uput. the vitals of the country, as the only chance left, since the argument has failed, of saving itself, and perhaps even the Throne of your Ma. jesty, horn the storms of convulsion. " That in order to obviate such complicated evils as arc ',mini:it-titre set forth, it was the duty of the late House of Commons to have done more, and to have talked less. ( Much laughing.) " That that house was told, both within these walls and wirhoet these walls, that the reason why it felt no sympathy for their suit: rings. no anxiety for their relief, was because the majority of its no mit.. rs had an interest directly opposite to the interests of the peorie 1:-at this ma jority was lint chosen, as of right and as it ought to wive been, by the majority of the land-owners and householders of England; but was nominated and appointed by a new individuals, who, partly by the effects of time and accident, but still more by a b:rre.fue,tl pervasion of the spirit and inmitin,: of our laws and constituion, had acquirill the lower of selling, or otherwise disposing of, the scats in this house. in such manner as best suit- d their own interests. " That the late House of Commons was also repeatedly coaled upon. entreated, and implored, to set about reforming such a titee:strou•ahuse. hut that it uniformly refused to listen to suet' call ; and, though sating, fluctuating, and changing, upon outer questions of vital cense quence to the country, upon this eitiestion sit refium it deterroesd to follow the advice of one of i a own 31ei•sber,:, and one of its own 't. uspo. rary, elective, D:ctatorx, dependent tiro, Its own corrupt and proq.tattel votes,' which hes been truly calla) • the most odious of all forms id iv. runny,' to oppose reform in every shape to the eml of i.s r oblitiral .silt. once ;' and, that, to the eterral disgrace tit tie last Muse of C o m mon* , it kept its profligate determination 411).m..tv1y to the Let. Hot. sour Majesty may be assured, that if your Ilajes.y Intl not been ad dissolve the last Parliament in the sueltlea atal unexpected 11.4 a. .r in which it was dilueoleed, tile late gloraots events *hien in.ve taker. slime in France would have had a oni:ll.y effect in shaking ;hie proffigat ele• termination of the said Watt. tutu of ittehic.og it to consider the Miter ence between the guilt of bringing on death upon a nation by slow f oi son, or by a sudden blow t and that. by the law of England, there is such a thing as treason aeainst the people as well as treason against the Ki ng . Your M a j e sty may also he farther assured that, whel3 grids bels Or the nobtley, being members of the Privy Co-incil, were chwged i n despite of the constant ravers of the Causal. with being traffickers of the seats in th:s house, and that one of the friti's of such traffic wm— I not an endowment of gtace', wisduut. and wale:standing.' but an undo.. went of snore than halt a tni!lion a.year of the public money am' n e st themselves; and that an.nlitr irlet was the patronage of the C 1 '5, and the army and navy, and of the collection of about GO millions a. year of taxes among the families, friends, till sit rtr.ddi tr f :!•e master . o r sea's in the MOW' of Contemns. If these things Lai fe, seriously entisidettd, it is amt to be believed that the blood of En glishmen would rubs,' it to foe LI ever tainted with such rtisgre.ce, but that there would have been a race among the sad masters find the buyers and sellers of seats in Parliatr.ent, who should be most in laying Mown up‘u the altar of Ms couLtly ui:t allowed and most damn. d property, fir pow., of trafficking in the representa tion of the Commons of England. Your 3lajestty may consider it as the firm conviction of the people- that if the last flutist of Commons had done its duty. it ought upon every principle of justice, to have reduced the taxes at least in the Fame propation that it rased the value of the currency. and thus half the present amount of taxes might and ought to hare been taken off, including the whole of thotruel and harassing Excise Laws, and all those cheating indirect UM by which every labouring man who tarns and expends thirty pauses year, has eighteen pounds taken from hien. AU the just expenses of the Uo 'eminent and the interest of the debt might nave bees reduced, with perfect equity, in the Name proporuon as the tame, and all the unjust expenses of Government. in leaass and sinecure places—the diplomatic. colonial, NA all other departmenta. kept up solely for the pawpaws M oomeption, adepht sad would have been dose away with, Vibe last Hesse of Commess hod bees the NM, and net the sham representatives of the people. Ist the late attempt to decay the freedom eche prose anket eludes be Fame, and themby the more dreolnally to td the penis of 1 I i l 1 1