Star. — London, England, 1830-02-08 00:00:00

. .. . - . - 1 its ierrifylng aspect. Is it not high time, then , to buck le rights, without a comr.,eoburate danger accruing to thediion the armour of moral daring, and to - lay bare the na th.rone itself. • Sla c, Kings have a right co expect allegiance, but that the hideous excrescences engendered by long mis tl.e People have a right to demand protection. Now, gore went were at length sue-laded, and a healthy tie pin r MAJESTY'S subjects are still jeyal—they still ren- lion sitperinduced in the gangrenous political system? del to your MAJEsTT their dutiful allegiance—but they Alan! there is but one quarter, SIRE, whence alone re , ectire not protection in return. They are despoiled' of demption can now be looked for—whence, alone, re that eight, from the due enjoyment of which, alone arises organisation can be invoked. (11:). MAJ ESTE'S title to the allegiance which they still To my KING, then, I put up my appeal, in this all continue. But this condition of things must not be ex- important and alarming crisis. Upon your MAJESTY pected to endure : it is too unnatural, to exist long—too do your faithful people now call in this hour of peril nuconstitutienal, to be tolerated long—too odious, not to and distress, to protect their fortunes, their liberties, draw down on the abettors of the system, exemplary and their lives.: upon you do they lean—since all other sup eendign destruction. port is withdrawn from under them—to save the Consti- But, SIRE, the patriot's eye is unable to contemplate tution and the Crown itself. And shall the pleadings this proximate probability, without a well-grounded fear of your children be made in vain ? Shall a knot of de. lest the social edifice itself come down in one general signing and corrupt servants prevail to blunt the sen demolition ; and from this anticipation his mind recoils sibilities of your royal bosom, and silence the natural with disgust and horror :—disgust, that a corrupt oli- yearnings of your heart, to the loud cries of your people garchy should have brought his suffering country to the for help aid deliverance ; wantonly and wickedly perse-' verge of so terrible an abyss; and horror, that the Con- vering to interpose between your MAJESTY and your ag stitction which he has inherited from his forefathers grieved subjects—at the risk of bloodshed, and confusion, should be threatened with such a parricidal overthrow. and civil ruin? Already, SIRE, have the signs of the These, SIRE, are not about to be common times ; the im- times spoken a language which it is impossible to mlisit mediate future is pregnant of no ordinary peril—no * conceive : already have they indicated what must be the merely momentary pressure—no passing excitement. fatal upshot of a dogged persistence in the present Oa The malady is too deep-seated to be longer palliated by of Government: already must they have contributed to expedients, or corrected by temporary remedies. make the enemies of the Constitution tremble, and the . _ Si RE, it is my profound and unalterable conviction of these truths—my attachment to your sacred Rumor:— and the still intenser love which I bear my bleeding Country, which impel me to adopt this plain-spoken, but sincere phraseology. It has been well, and too truly said, that there never yet was an Aristocracy, sufficiently great-minded to be wise : and how fatal an illustration of this remark, events now rapidly hastening to completion are about to afford, I leave to your MAJESTY to judge. But, Sine, with the destruction of this limb of limited Mo narchy, is involved the annihilation of the monarchical principle itself: I, therefore, dare hazard the insolent ex pression of my firm reliance, that You will be wise in time—that your MAJESTY will not wait till disorganisa tion ensue, nor leave it in the historian's power, when riting Of GEORGE IV. to say— Audiit cives acuisse ferrum. SIRE, I have searched deep and intimately, into the all extensive and terrible distresses which pervade the country—l have been a spectator of scenes, the relation of which would wring with anguish your MAJESTY'S paternal heart, and cause it to shrink within itself, and to shuddder at the bare thought that so much misery should have existence in your MAJESTY'S dominions. I know that this is not the language, to which royal ears are habituated ; I know that it is not the language, which Courtiers' tongues are accustomed to employ—but it is the duty of the patriot to heed not the habituation of the one, nor to hamper himself with the observances of the other. Courtiers, Sire, never speak the undisguised truth, and Kowa ought to thank those, who—rising su perior to the courtly obstacles of formality—advance boldly when the public exigencies require it, to expose political misdoers, and arraign the enemies of the throne. SIRE, the subject who now addresses your MAJESTY —not in the tone of flattery, but with a deep respect for the Kingly Office, and sincere personal regard for his K o —is alone desirous of opening your eyes to the po rile, which environ equally the throne and country : and if the words of One, writing under an adopted, certainly —but not inglorious—signature, be worth attention, trust that his inward sentiments and aspirations are far purer and more exalted than the feeble diction in which he clothes them. The power with which a factious oligarchy oppresses MAJESTY itself, has alarmed me into this remonstrance; and the trammels, in which both MAJESTY pad public men—the devisers and framers of our laws—are held, and subjected to the all-corrupting influence of Place, and Patronage, and Profit—these have excited me to speak. And now, Sias, there is but one remedy for all these dangers which encompass our institutions, and posi tive afflictions which bear down your People to the earth : it is to restore and renovate the original practice and fun damental principles of Parliamentary representation—it is to provide that your faithful Commons shall fully, haely, fairly, and effectually be represented, in the • Vommons House of Parliament : but without that imme diate and thorough redintegration, I tell your MAJZSTY that the Constitution perishes. 54th January. SIDNEY. LETTER THIRD. people's oppressors cast about to find a safe retreat from the universal ferment, which their treason is on the point of engendering. Look, SIRE, at the late proceedings at Birmingham! Contemplate this opening scene of the grand revolu tionary drama, which seems to be on the eve of speedy 'enactment in your MAJESTY'S dominions. Contemplate, Sias, the energetic, uncompromising language of the actors in this scene—consider their numbers, their intelligence, their opulence—and say if suck men are to be lightly regarded : say if the united determination of such men be not of a nature to com mand a SOVEREION'S notice and respect—a SOVE REIGN, whose solemn duty it is, to reign by and for his People alone ? Si RE, events such as these should " inform Princes, and teach Senators wisdom." The ramifications of this grand Constitutional UN row, insti tuted by your loyal subjects of Birmingham, will assur edly extend to the uttermost boundaries of your MA JESTY'S dominions. No moral power can arrest nor re tard its certain and successful progress : if any Minister could be animated by so wild a wish, let him look to the Corn Exchange at Dublin—and despair. If England should owe nothing else to O'CONNELL, his illustration of the prevalence of the federative principle will command her everlasting gratitude. It is incontrovertible, then, that the men of Birming ham have planted a fruitful vine, in a fruitful vineyard ; a vine which cannot miss to flourish, and in brief season to bring forth wholsesome and regenerating fruit—for it will be supported by, and will entwine itself round the pillars of the Constitution—it will be cherished and warmed by the force of national approbation—it will be watered by the all-renovating streams of public opinion. Awake, therefore, as your MA J ESTY must now necessarily be to these undeniable and convincing ap pearances, will it not be well to go before your People —will it not be well to prevent their just desires, to ac cord their constitutional demands, and by a timely acquiescence to avert the horrors of intestine discord ? For, SIRE, be assured that the People are now be ginning to understand their rights, and to feel their own moral worth and intrinsic power; and if the dele gated Authorities are so far gone in corruption, that they will not return to the practices of the Constitution, there is a power inherent in the people themselves—a power de rived to them from the Constitution, and which they are determined to exercise—to set aside such delegated Au thority by reason of its corruption, and repair the vitiated system as best they may. " Every contract"—said the immortal CHARLES Fox—" must be at an end, when the contracting parties have no longer any existence either in their own persons, or by their representatives. After the tenth of August, the political existence of Louis XVI. was completely annihilated." And now, SIRE, I take my leave. In ill that I have said—in all that I have laboured to impress upon your royal mind—l have no ambition to gratify : except alone the honourable ambition of contributing to avert a cabs.: trophe which I see striding onwards, and which menaess to obliterate in my native land all the privileges which it enjoys above other nations—all the blessings *eh it inlierits, from its ancestral energies and institattOns. Neither have I any private interests to serve:, except alone, that all which I hold dear on earth is isleptified with my Country's welfare, and inter-twined with her security and happiness SIDNEY. SlRE—Once more—and possibly for the last time—do 1 venture to prefer my supplicatory appeal to the FATHER of his People. Yet, a few fleeting hours, and the die of their destinies will be cast :—yet a few fleeting hours, and your MAJESTY ' ! subjects will receive the consolations of promised relief. or the cup of expectation will be dashed in disappointment from their lips—and then, who knows whit distress and despair will generate ? I tremble for * the disappointinent of the people, for they are borne to the earth by oppressions, and maddened with their misery: I have heard their indignant murmurings—l have heard their curses secretly muttered—even their loyal affections restrain them not, and their allegiance hangs by a thread. It is impossible for all this to continue : the very next torn'of the torture-screw. may produce revulsion, and then tiie sword of civil eentehtion will forsake the scabbard, and anarchy and re'voltlisorganise and deform the land. . Stns, this is a dreadfid picture, but it is not over .charged ; the coiOurligs.nie high,. but the delineation does not exceed the &MP The truth has been too long concealed. Tice reel distiments of your littsErres people, and the . exposareefibeir uniedressed wrongs, have been too idnvaisotbikred by artifice, and the voice of a complaining eogi intercepted: isi its passage to the throne. Those wherhave been molt Callous, heretofore, and indifferent to the oondition of the country, seem now readyito shrink into themielves at the contemplation of. SUICIDE OF THE RIGHT HON. THOMAS NORTH, LORD GRArst An Inquest was held this day on view of the body of This Noblemin, who destroyed himself by cutting his throat with a razor, at his lodgings, No. 15, Hanover street. The inquiry was conducted with tha utmost secrecy ; and only two witnesses were examined. Sir James A>inansox stated that he had attended lils Lord ship professionally; and it was his opinion that his Lordship's state of mind was greatly depressed, arising both from bodily disease and mental excitement; and in one of these flights of excitement he had, 'no doubt, com mitted the dreadful act.—Verdict—" that the deceased cut his threat in a fit of delirium." His Lordship mar 'fled a iota bf the Marquis of ANGLISZA. Viscount CLivs visited the Cunnesixon of the ExcnIQUER on Sutural. A deputation of the journey men silk weevers, headed by Mr. LAZARUS, waited on Mr. HILRILIES oa Saturdny t at the office of the Board of Trade, and bads long Na -1 foresee with the Right Hon. President. J r ' THE EVENING STAR. $ ife it - CATIS 4 - LONDON. MONDAY, PRICE OF STOCKS 4 Beak Stock Ile 19 ▪ per Cert. Red. 99; per Ct. Cots. rli 11 I ▪ per Ct. Red. NO 4 per Cent. 1011 4 per Ct. 1818, 1016 I Loos Ann. 19i 11-1616 e Do. 50 Team Do. D.. Jr 1.64 Jen. 101.161 k FOREIGN FUNDS . Brasil Bd.. 5 pr Ct. 681 8 6 Ditto Acct. 68e 76 86 76 Colons. 8d1.6 per Ct. Do. Bd.. 1824, SS Greek Bonds, 5 p Ct. Do. 100. 351 Do. B. 182.5. S pCt. 610 Do.loB, 38 BRITISH AND FOREIGN EBRUARY 8. AT FOUR O'CLOCK. - Is& Stock. India Bonds 76 I South Sea Stock atom Exch.Bills 76 7 4500 Ditto 76 7 ilOO and 4200 Do. /I P Cenimerciak India for Acct. Cons. for An. 91; ; TWO O'CLOCK. Neap& B. s pr Ct. 97; Sp. Bd.. 5 per Ct. If I1;19 Do. Ace. 123 Do. 510, 15; Fr. Rts, 5 per Ct. 1091. Exchange 651.60 c. Neapolitan Bds 5 pet Ct. 09 SHARES, TWO (YCLOCK• SHAM UM. VIZ SEAMM. Braellan Company 20 S ?e • 71 Brasilia. , Imp. (its. 45 pm.) 55 20 $4 $5 SO Do. National 25 10 *5 U 24 Private letters, dated the 3d December, from Rio, just received by the Brazil packet, and on which we are in duced to place the utmost reliance, state that a change of Ministry was on the point of taking place. All we have been able to collect relative to the new nominations is, 'that the Marquis of BARBACEN A was named Minister of Finance, and that M. CA LmoN comes to England as the Brazilian Envoy. A frigate was fitting out to bring the EMPEROR'S second daughter to France for her educa tion. She will land at Brest. Among the passengers in the Princess Elizabeth is M. VIDEOAL and suite. This gentleman is said to enjoy the particular confidence and personal friendship of Don PEDRO. The loan contracted by the Marquis of BARBACEN A previous to his departure from London, has been fully confirmed by the Emperor. We re-publish to-day, in one compact and consecutive form, the six letters of SIDNEY, which appeared at short intervals in this Paper. The interest, which the subject matter of these letters is calculated to inspire—without any reference to the style, or author of them—would alone amply justify in us their so early re-production in the same columns, as to be quite a departure from edi torial usages. But that interest, which their subject matter alone inspires, deepens in the reader's bosom into an almost incontrollable sensation, when he reflects that these patriotic and magnanimous sentiments—these loyal appeals, half supplicatory, half warning, to the FATHILA, of his People—these courageous attestations of the pristine'principles of the Constitution, emanate from one of the highest Noblemen, and certainly one of the purest spirits, in the realm. We know the intense feel ing which their perusal has already excited, in quarters where their distinguished authorship has been unknown : what, then, will not be the deep and augmented interest which they shall to-day create, when it is understood that they swell an already large debt of ancestral gra titude? When it is understood that the descendant of one of England's most illustrious and renowned Sons, is the inditer of these compositions ? But we will not weaken their effect—after this disclosure—by dividing attention between ourselves and them. The Times is an old tactitian, we are well aware ; but either he much overrates his own powers of delusion, or greatly underrates the sagacity of Sir FRANCIS BURDITT, if he fancies that a vulgar jeer—such as that which he has permitted himself this morning— and a cant application of the term radicalism, can, weigh aught against the long experience and sound political decision of the Honourable Baronet, in the career which be has determined to pursue. As to the manner in which the Times has treated the splendid example of purity set by Lord BLANDFORD to the House of Commons, and the asper sions which he has thrown on the Honourable and Learned Member for Clare, they are too identical with the style and spirit of our contemporary, to excite surprise, or indeed any emotion whatever. We all know, that whenever it suits the malignity of that Journal to misrepresent, or defame, slander and false accusation to him are as congenial as mother's milk. And what does the bass WILLLINGTON satellite mean by radicalism, if he employs it thus to disgust or terrify ? Is he prepared to contend that the time is not yet arrived, when the canker which corrodes the State ought to be cut away every root and fibre! Does be mean—addressing him self to anile, or imbecile prejudices—to revive in society the old bug-bear, with which a corrupt faction frightened it twelve years ago ? Let him spare himself the pains : we understand now too well the meaning of the term radical, and the country lies bleeding from too many arteries, not to court the application of such a stanching principle. The venality and corruption of the Times newspaper— which so many people even yet NOM to view with asto nislunent—is, in our opinion, traceable to very simple causes : and those PAINS all lying within a very small comps's, namely, the Stock Exchange. If our con temporary were capable of giving a candid answer on such an occasion r we world ask him whether his extensive jobbing in the. doves and/burs does not imperatively chain him down to an abominable advocaciss--the desertion of which, would be ineurious to his money speculations ? It * terrible to see the flagitiousness of our public men, but **venality of the public press is even a yet more calamitous contemplation. For if public men Gould only be placed in awe etipablic opinion —if, whenever they stood up to vindicate abuses and oppressions, they had 'before their eyes the salutary fear of honest and indig nant censors—they would be more pure in the discharge of their high services to the State. But it is their secu rity from exposure, and their removal from popular re sponsibility, through the connivance of a dishonest press, which makes their general corruption so deep and ulce rous. For it is immediate impunity which makes men knaves. The distant and problematical discovery of his delinquency seldom restrains either the public or private thief, forgetful—in his intentness upon the spoil— How rarely Janus, In her tramp, Lets off the anteceding scamp! r Since we last addressed our readers, our ears have been open to all the various opinions and judgments which rare yet floating about society, concerning the closing 'phenomena of Friday night's debate; and we are com pelled—in our character of impartial narrators of fade and feelings—to state that one universal sentiment of congratulation and approval predominates. Men begin to feel that a new era is dawning upon them : that regene ration renovation —redintegration —not the idle, lacknied, and much bedaubed thing, called " Reform"— is at length bursting into existence, bringing with it its concomitant blessings, and hastening to cherish with its genial influence the fast decaying interests and drooping energies of their once happy country. And why, it may be asked, do men so reason t Why do they draw such deduc tions from the present aspect of the political horizon ? The answer supplies itself. When the nation sees presented to its admiring notice such a spectacle, as the House of Commons afforded on Friday night—a spectacle so unusual in these times, as one of its highest Aristocrats denouncing the corruptions of the Aristocracy, and throwing himself into the scale of the People, to be a barrier between them and his own encroaching Order— how can the commonest observer hesitate to interpret such a sign ? The People have been down-trodden so long, only because they had no leader to undertake their defence : now, they have found a champion, and all doubt of their certain and signal redress is dispelled. It is true, there is no lack of a party to pour out abundantly the phials of its wrath and disappointment over the Noble MARQUIS : a party, that stickled not to characterise his manly perseverance in dividing the House, as " most unparliamentary usage"—and which even went so far as to threaten him with the loss of its support on the eighteenth, if he did not withdraw his amendment. This party objects to the Noble MARQUIS, that he has injured the great cause, and that—by his precipitancy— he has forced many to resolve to vote against any measures, which he may propose to the House ! Throats, calumnies, and injurious expressions like the foregoing, are rife in the mouth of these disinter ested and trustworthy patriots; who deem no vitupe ration too coarse to be heaped upon the Noble LORD, because he persisted in his determination to show the country who were really worthy to be trusted by it. Of the conduct of one Honourable Member for Westminster—had we not long since learned to temper our politics with philosophy—it would be difficult to speak in measured terms : but of counts, he has made up his mind to sit in future for some place, that more congenialises with his unpopular principles. Joux CAM Hoanousz can never stand up again in Covent garden, and confess to his inquiring Constituents that he voted against the amendment, to keep the Duke of WELLINGTON in power. Yet, it is notorious that he has given this reason for his vote. As to Mr. BROUG AM—though he supported the KNATCHIUJL amendment according to his own avowal, with great pain and reluctance--it is well known that he entreated many on his side of the House to save the Minister, by voting for the Address. But we will not farther soil our columns, by dwelling on the corrupt associations, intrigues, delinquencies, and abominations, which have been brought to light in these opening discussions. This conduct of the Party—as it calls itself—towarat the administration, accounts more than sufficientlr for its virulence and hostility to Lord BLANDIVAD. In the Noble MA RQVIS . B purity, it sees the accusing record of its own corruptions. Its first attempt, therefore, is to discourage, and—failing in that—to blacken the cha racter of one, whose intention it knows to be so sincere and whose views to be so much purer than its own. But those who look askance at their new and formidable rival, regarding him with ill concealed envy and jealousy, deceive themselves, if they hope to blind the country to the true motives, which have induced them to stand aloof from this popular and incorruptible nobleman. In the mean time, it is a solecism In the politics of 1830, worth recording, that a military Tory Ministry is indebted for its conservation of place to the adhesion of about forty Whigs. A public meeting was held in Dublin on Thursday hat. for entering into a subscription for Mr. Law Lass. The sum subscribed at the meeting amounted to 5001. in cluding 1001. from Lord &mum.. Very unpleasant accounts have been received hem Staffordshire, where the Iron-workers are stated to be in extreme *straw. The report is revived of the establishment of a new University Club, for which there are said to be ample ma terials if the project were but taken up by active and in fluential persons. A horde is erected, and workmen have at length begun to excavate the foundation for the New Travellers' Club House adjoining the Athenaeum. • fair vocalist, with whose fair fame idle tongues bars nansred to make free, is now prosecuting a suit in Doc tors' Commons against a gentleman for slander. Mr. Lts., M. Charity, and Mr. Goodman, three of the Eng residents at Boulogne-sur-Mer, have each been condemned to a month's imprisonment, a fine to the King, and damages to the neighbouring proprietors, for indaging, without the necemary leave, in their favourite amusement of fox-hunting. A number of other indivi dualt have been implicated in the same heinousodenee, but they have all escaped with lines of 50 fumes a-pitcs. and 150 francs damages. Them was only oat Firodi• man among the delinquents. I