Star. — London, England, 1829-04-03 00:00:00

Fr , it Al f 4 a., lo ;Establithe Church ► lie res l argemissionary i twel ie4 b4ve.reli j ,cued, ant their efforts have been lifeteaal iA raell distant regions, and the effects of telt exertions hie been felt and.appreciated to a 'my l a de ezter i t _ i hut if such soci• ties do not receive the isiowei rce—nar, the 'Kind! tripport, of the Colonial o g ierary. I slfirm the' their objects, if carried on at all. bokoduce bat eery little beneficial molt. I contend ken;ty Lewd's. that the King of Gredt B. stain cannot be fairly represented by any Colonial &misty of State l eho. is, not a Proce•tan , . Now, my Lords, with eference also to the Secretes) , of St •te for the Home tiospertment, I should .have much ta say, but that do oat desire to trespass at much greater length e.ethe attention of your Loidships Bit I must obietve that the Wine Secretary possesses item int* with regard t . the E.tablished Church, and that g,,c,misidetahle portion to Church patronage is placed is his hands and at his disposal I most also ad.l, that - "his it fluence is almost unhounded over many 4. the institutions connected with the Church. I may tray so much with re.pect to the Church of England ; 1 but with reference to the Cfurch flt lost, I will - - a-lt your L irdships to consoler for a few mom - •nts th.. l situatiOn in stitch a Peritestaot L..rd I., , euteoatit of that 4itafitry would be placed w►th . It man Catholic S.-- cretaty of State and a Woman Catholic Secretary for Leland. I trust I shall not be considered as pressing my o*n views too far in contendifig that the Church 4 gngland will risk the loss of its PI utestant charactet it this measure be passed at all; but to this observation I must also add, that I do not cmisider it absolutely necessary that, even if we have a change in the consti• ;Erdal of the country, there should be a change in the nature of the materials out of which the Government cf that country is composed. If, then. this measure be tarried. I will say that the heads 01 the present adminis• Ration must feel the heavyresponsibilityundet which they labour by the consequences that may ensue; and. while I hope that they will look at every part of the measure now before the Huu.e as Protestant statesmen ought to clO, I hope their most earn at attention will be given to those features of it which cannot but materially affect the Church rff Deland. My Lords, that branch of our Established Church demands the most deliberate con sideration, and I say that you will not act fairly towards that country if you do not adopt every means consistent with jastice to deliver the mass of its people from the tyranny exercised over them by their Priests, to pre vent them horn being any longer kept by violence from script.tral instruction—that scroisttr. al instrac• trots which would in the end lead to a ref rmation there as it has done here. 'Piero is another topic ur)sich I would piesi upon your Lordships. It is this—that no village in lieland.that no spot throughout that country. shall be suffered to remain without its affording to Protestants the means of worshipping GOD according to the dictates of their cin,cience. With respect, my Lords, to securities I must, in justice to his Majesty's Ministers, say that I should not bavr been satisfied- with the securities which they .have, 1 *kink, very wisely selected— I mean the payment of the. Roman Cathrshc priestho rd, which would foam something like a Roman Catholic Crutch establish nseitt under the protection t f the State. I consider, then, that the Government has been more than jut tified in refusing to listen to such a proposition. My Lords, it afforded me much pleasure to heat the Noble Duke at the head of his Majesty's Government dedare his intention to do all in his power fur the cat eying into effzet the laws for preventing the admission of Jesuits into this country, because I had apprehended that those laws w.,uld'not only be evaded, but would remain as little else than'i dead letta upon the statute book. Thus. my lords, , k.hare raised my voice against the minor det iils and against the general principle of the Bill no.. lying upon the table of this House, and which your. Lordships have been called upon by the head of his M 4 4)% Government to read for a second time. To that Bill I am fixedly and decidedly opposed. I trust that, in the opposition I give it, I am actuated by wi spirit unbecoming a Christian Bishop, and that the course I have taken has been pursued without any undue warmth. without any uncharitable feeling, but solely and exclusively out of regard to a deep sense of duty to the interests committed to my . charge. I will now trouble your Lordships no further. but move. as an amendment to the motion of the Noble Duke, that this Bill he read a second time this day six months.—(The Hight Reverend Prelate resumed his seat amid conti sto-d cheers). The ArChbishop of ARMAGH then rose and said— My Lords, I rise to second the motion which the Right Reverend Prelate has just moved, and in doing so I (eel myself bound to address your Lordships with reference to the great and important question you are now assem hied to tisane. My - Lords, Ido not expect that upon my recommendation you should reject a B II which has been passed by the House of Commons, and introduced into the House at' the recomMendation of his Majesty, under the auspites of the Noble Duke who is at the bead of his . Majesty's Government, and with the appro bation of hi. Colleagues in the Administration ; but, my Lords, I (eel that I have a sacred duty to discharge towards the Irish branch of the Protestant Established Church of there realms, and thlstelore I consider myself bound to declare to you soy sentiments regarding a measure by which it is su nearly and so materially affected. It is nit to inflame animosity that already mists, or to widen the breach that l know to continue between contending parties, that 1 now site to address you, for among the present sup posters of the Bid are many with whom I am con nected bribe ties of friendship; but it is my bounden . though painful duty to declare the deep concern I have felt that thotie under whose direction this mea sure ha; been conceited and formed ihould have coos milted themselves upon so vital a question, without im parting to us their intentinna un.il those intentions were irtevizably fixed. In ielding to this Measure, the per - soli to whom I have all Oded hive held in view one of two results. Tney hope either that the admission of the Raman Catholics to political power will give adds beset strength to the cdtnitry by tranquill zing Ire . land, having sat l:Gill :drilla. demands, or they hope that. if elec.); be not the consequence of the measure, the Promised.* sill form an united parry, and act firmly sold In Conceit for the peikeiiatiinf of their interests. I tat it for giatued that aft thiadVoCates,Of this Bill, wfio are at the same time it sei.ds to the Protestant Church. have either of Viese two objects its view. First then, my ,Lords. with regard to the Hipp• sition char this meisme, if granted. wilt true pallier Ireland,latk you; to wee" i n tris oreaute s ail that' the Roman Citbuljcs WI SO ` fisr . i. this from the I actony Lordt, that they themselves burly. led y, uspch is. not tire case. They du not hesiime to iteclair that this measure is but a iota' poetiosi i 4 what the ) tequire,, and *hat they :Aim the) Dave i right to demand. It it mina kable that the v: I) Ova bpi!), ii . ti :stained hi s Maj.stela Speech to butt. /looses cli l m luns.a t n the .i.entng of the present Ses • on, and which Speeels fectimhs'erioed to the Lee e the evwsideres tot finial it ala..e . sl, it tide v eLf ' pillWith 9 6.iltdined f tire xi es -obto• ere to be' used as toe means of • • • • •-• • • listurbing the public peace, and. the great moirkif gotatiOnWaS, reported to bare declared that lie tirai . willing 'accept Is. $l, iii be pound this &aim, was determined to renew with energy in the nest his demand for the renseining 12s. 6d. that was hie Am— end he is also stated to have said that the regeneritioti of Ireland would never be completed anti! the odious and degrading Act of Union was repealed. rind that Ireland. 'runt a p that province, should nee .nie a great' and an indepeodent nation, or that, at lea s t. the pledge given by Mr. Pitt at that union was redetnie4, and th , ft•;tnAn Catholic religion embo,fiei with the sta.e as the Presb)t.rian rerigivn was at the Scottish onion, aholi•liing the tithes, however, and leaving Vie clergy to a chance dependence upon those among whom they deir , It. Now. my Lords. let it not be said that 'Nth, are 14 'nary schemes of a demagogue, the wild raving of an agitator, and that the it man Catholic Gentry had more mo.seration, sod entertained no such views. I believe that the It .man Catholic Licit , y generally deserve such an observation ; but, any Lords, the tact is. that the Ari s tocracy and Gentry of ',eland have on influence whatever in that country ; the Cole, ref modesation is therefore seldom heats'. alai, •heir head. is utterly disregarded. It is in the Catho lic priec.thood that the power rests. It is the Catholic prie.thood who form the great, almost the sole, origin of the existing state of things in Ireland, It . is the Ca tholic prirath od . whe have laboured, sod are. labour ing, to break down the barrier of our Protestant Con stitution. By this Bill, then, my Lords, you would remove the only securities we enj .y, without making friends of those y e seek to conciliate—by this Bill you would increase the power to do mischief without iessening the desire to do it—(Hear, hear). would you disarm the Priests of their unlimited and danger- I ous influence over the people?—would you dissove the divided Allegiance to the Church of Rome?—would you place the Catholic priesthood in the situ ition in which they ought to be placed, and under the circum, stances that ought to have existence—then, indeed. much good might he done by this measure. and many benefits might result from it. Brit sill any Noble Lord say that he thinks the effect of this measure will be to make the Catholic priestho 4 satisfied to remain infe. riot in rank to a clergy the validity of whose orders they deity, and permit w remain in quiet possession of certain privileges a Church which they revile as adulterous, heretical, and is f mous? Des any Noble Laid ima,ciiie that the Roman C a tholics silt have less desire to art ick and injure that Church, merely because they are in possession of a greater power to attack an I do it iojuiy?—diear, hear.)—Does any Noble Lord expect that the Catholic P. iesthnnd will at once quit their hold upon the Roman Catholic people the molient it is i • their power to turn that hold upon them to the best account, and make it tend vs their own advantage and advancemeot ? Surely no Noble Lord, surely no individual in the country, can anticip are any suds result. Because, th. a, my Lords, I feel assured that this n easure will ant tranquillize Ireland—' ecause I feel certain that tt is n. , t desired for its own value, but in order to press with greater cettainty and effect some ulterior objects, the acquirement of which they will never relinquish—because I am persuaded that an increase of power will only forward Vte acquit ement of lath objects I —1 feel tassel! t culla to oppose the measure which the' Noble Duke at the head of Lis Majesty's Government has called upon you to pass. It is with this feeling, and, under this conviction, regardless of the obloquy that may attach t i me in consequence of the course Lam pursuing, that I consider myself called un to stand upon the ground that affords us a station f or defence— a station which I affirm we ought not to quit ultil we a it assured of security for the Established Church, and which 1, for my ()An part, will never leave until I ant satisfied that the Protestant insii utions of Leland ash secured. Having said so . n),uch, my Lords, with re ference to one of the positions which, when I rose to address you, I stated my belief must be one of two contemplated by every advocate of this measure who was at the same time a friend to the E•tablisbed Church. I will now proceed to the coosideration of the other. and upon this I will offer a few words. If this measure, then, do not satisfy the Catholics, it will at least unite the Protestants in one firm bond of resistance. Such is the argument ; and it is also said, on the one band, with a divided cabinet, and with the two Houses of Parliament diiided upon this question,• no certain line of . policy can be pursued, no useful measures adopted, no advantageous plan suggested, with any certainty of carrying them into effeci—no laws enacted tq limber the grand objects of society—no views env uraged that tend to the honour of the country while, on the other hand, it, after the boon be granted, the Roman Catholics should strive to raise themselves into a degree of poser subversive of the institutions, and dangerous to the welfare of the country, men s eyes would be at once opened, they would be looked upon as incorrigible, and would be deprived of all Pro testant support; while the Protestants would unite themselves Into a phalanx that would utterly ruin those who had been combined for their destruction. Now, my Lords, all this sounds well, and 1 am bound to give credit to those persons who use such an argument for %sing it in siucetity ; and I hope, when we call upon those persons to redeem their pledges of at. tacbment to the Protestant Established Church, the call may not be made in vain. But boa can we hope that the Protestants will stand fires and united against farther enactments, when their best se curity has been wrested from them? My Lords, I greatly doubt whether we should witness such a result in case attempts to procure other enactments in their favour were made by the Rciman Catholics. If the differences that have existed in the Cabinet upon this subject have been now brought forward as an arguaseit for . granting certain concessions, where is the prod that the same argument will nt.t be resorted to, to ob. tarn other and still greater concessions? Is it 'to be supposed that differences of opinion will not again' arise upon such a subject? or that, when new demands are made, when millions are again arrayed against us, as resistless arguments trill not be brought forward to in duce us to make faither sacrifices, in order to obtain that peace which is continually •receding from us thi, mote eager we are to preserve it?—(Hear, hear.) But. my Lords, the advocates or this measure deny that there is my danger in conceding it. Now, my. Lords, it it cal be 'shown that the Roman Catholics •can be asimittesi to the privileges which this Bill would give them with safety to the Irish Church establish meat, 1. for one, shall not vote fir their ezciusion.— My Lords. all men who know any ib ng of the state or poi vcal pirtiee in this country, and ut the mantles in which bu loess is conducted. know very well bow re w ill be the raluerice exercised in all public acts by that 14 ge body of Roman Cathoics which we have every reit on to believe NIA Iiad.44OIIIIaUCIII into the populist branch of the . legtdaio:e. i , They know very well hen .4.41 so compact a rody of politica' partisans will be to thwart a good or give speo l ith to a OkdatietifiaArkjiol). l'bey . _know/ Oho, that . any administrations' rwirkb at . tempted • boldly to cootroul a ear •• °old .14'.. t y A CM •e at . 41Lii.ii,c. - -(llear. heir •) to 1166.4 who We net . M , .. swan of the facts let ale . recall a few circnni I taates, w!sieb lisp* 'Cisniiince . even them that the conclusioas I draft ate conect. That body will be sent into Parliament by the unman Calorific Priests —Priests, be it retwernbered; under the domination and cnotroul of a foreign . State -.—a foreign State armed enth all the taunts of s superititias all•posperful in Ireland Wm it he said that such a number of Catholics b 0 bent IA P•afli • 'bent, so bound together by unity of purpose, so koverned and direCted, will not be asst to subject. the Established Chuicli to treat daoser,ander the most fea - leas and upright of administrations? What Vim, I ask, would they not be able to accom e lish under any mho Amino.' tabor.? Can any man doubt that they woul.l not then be as able a. they aft . .now WiAlieg to scenes.. plash the downfall of the Prire,tatit Church, and to raive their own on it, ruins? Of this I am most confiJeot, that no trror can be greater than that of those who, pro fessing thembelses friends of the . Erstahli.died Church, for ward this meabureunder the notion of streugtheoi ,, g• her delencps, and with the expectation of con.touiliis her adversaries by gratitude. No policy can be ruche senseless than this, but it es a polky which has ahead, served t..e put pp.*, of the Roman Catholics; for that polizyit is which has disuoted the Church's blends.— (The Right Bremen.' P Cate here r aubed for some, moments, seemingly exhausted by the heat of tray House). I beg pardon, my 1.. irds. fir &talon% you There is ann her topic. I may say * kindred topic, as all 'elating t s the secwity of the Protestant Church are, and it is those which I shall chit fly urge, to which ; .1 wish to c• 11 your Loidships ° atterie . The Roam. Catholic ptiesthood, from the very nature of the religion whose ministers they are, must ever 5141111 alone la. Protestant c usury. All other dissenting sects msy finally unite with the Established Chisich s but she Re, man Catholic priesthood have set a mark of si paten= on their own foreheads by their unnatio al th .ugh politic iestrictions, by thetr arrogant assumptiou of iiit alibi its, by their dangerous aid till ct late supposed unconstitu tional connection ...kb a toreigisSt de. and bytne absolute ascendancy they Insist, wl a ever they are able, on men tenting over all either Chinches. These. I say, are essen tial points of difference between the Human Cathutic and other dissecting sects; for with these last ascen. once is oat of the question, and whenever danger threatens Protestantism they can make constimo can e s with it for defence. But the ascendancy wawa the Roman Catholics aim et will by this Rat be placed within their teach ;and Noble Lords must temember that with the Rsiman Catholic priesthood the pi munition ot the 'cause t their Church is the end of their being; it ranks in their estimation superiot to maim!, to lunched, arid to friends. Ido not mein to say, my Lords, that attet the passing of this LI li the subversion of the Established Church will be immediate, nor do I think that it wilt be tar removed. In all probability its cow sues M ill at fist be cautious in thi'ir approaches, and will conceal them under various pretences. But at leng It my Lads, emboldened by success, feeling the strength of the political situation we are About to give them, they will I openly-avow and Carry what has been their object from the beginning--the subversion of the Protestant Church. Are your Lordships prepared to SaCrifiCe the Protesteset church of Ireland with all its kindred 1 rotestatit ii.stau tions? Are your Lssrdships prepared to efface the Plot's tent chat Acta from that portion of the &tip e,to give to Roman Cathulics that ascendancy which it is admitted (mall hands one pasty ur the ottier must have ? To those who view with indifference the establishment of Popery is Leharid 1 Mast take the liberty of sal tug, that they know not the practical effects cf that religion on tel l human mind. Withia these few years we have had, that religion presented much to our view by the ad vocates of these claims ; but what is i. that they have said for it? What line of defence have they taken? Has it not been all estenuatiun ? All apology toe what could not be defended? Those who have op. posed such arguments have described the Romish church in much harsher terms. But as 1 do not intend, my Lords, to trouble you with a theological discourse, I will pot enter farther into details on this point. Suffice it to say that the Roman Catholic faith has been described, as it is, as far from possessing that purity of doctrine which firms the basis of Pio testantism. Ido not suppose that Engla..d, with its spirit of is dependence, will ever become vassal to the Pope. But the influence of the religion of which he is the head could not but be highly prejudicial to her people in the event of its acquiring an ascendancy. If it be asked, what shall be done with Leland? I say, be tolerant. to all religion professed in it --Climb)) eves class of his Majesty's subjects—withhold nothing in the spirit of monopoly that can be sat-If granteJ ; but, for the sake of all, for the sake even of the Roman Catho lics themselves, lit the Constitution be Protestant in all its essential members! Let it be Protestant in its head —Protestant in its responsible advisers—Protestant iii its legislation—Protestant in its Cut:unions lot educa tion—and, above all, Piotestant in its religious este. blishment—(Loud cheering). The Bishop of OXFORD rose and said—My Lords. ever since I had a seat in this House my opinion has been in favour of concession. and my experience since has con6imed my opinion. In giving my support to this Bill, 1 feel I should not be justified in giving a silent vote; for afterwards motives which I never cotes tained might be assigned as the re twins. Attached as 1 am to the Protestant Constitution, I never could support , any measure that I thought would tend to injure slat Constitution; but 1 certainly think that the present mem sure will strengthen it. It will be said that it is incum-, bent upon me to prove the necessity of this measute, I feel fully convinced of ,its necessity from the present stater f Ireland—by the large military fence that is needs airy to keep that country in tranquillity, and I think 1 am fully justified in this opinion by the divisions of bcth Houses of Parliament. .I will appeal to the state of this House. and ask a Noble Duke on the cross benches, who certainly hat displayed a generous opposition to the measure, whether he did not . perceive that eves; day the public mind was mote and nture in favour us concessions. Look to the younger Members of this House. and to those lately called to the councilsof his Majesty. Eves; one of them was in favour of the measure.— Does not this, my Loads, show that pesmanent ezclw don is impossible? All the talent and lb.: education of the country is in favour of concession. I do not deny that there is a strong opposition to the Bill, but 1 feel convinced that it cannot be successfully oppos by any.busnan power; and if some Noble Lotus think it an evil, let us put our trust in a DIINCI who can tning good out of evil. These are not the only grounds that l have actuated me. In the fist p:sce, it acmes rceson-I mended to us iA his M Speech from the throne. Secondly, it is recommended to us by the decided de claration in its favour by the H it Presumptive to the throne; and eves, i.ther branch of the Royal Fam ly, except one, is most ausious for its success. It s. suppoited, cosi. by Noble Lords who have fought the battles of their cs.untry, and of those mat .enowned fur . their ability and their learning.— These Are circumstances which have very much. is- B.eisced my_inind. and I would a k what eff.ct would be p roduced it the measure were successfully re sistesi 11,.. , I . The interest- of the Clareh or Ste* certainly meld at be beisefitte.r. I eat contemplate, my Leads, nothing less than anarchy and hawkish' si—and he• a number of years spew in u.h a welfare. things then certainly would remitio in the same unsettled state, for the CM tbolic Claims never could he permanently resisted. and thetefotr it would be imp •litic ally long,et to delay it. I sill ask, suppose if all those fiiendly to coseessiOu were escludad from the Ministry, who w told thee be capable of conducting our public affairs ? Not, withstanding the chivalry of the Noble D ik., and the Addresses of a Noble Earl to the Protestants. I cannot leave the Government of the country to dieing and with respect to the edablishtnetit of the Protestant , Church, it has always been endaogeteJ it. all ages by furious bigots. In the tinge of Charles I. they proved fa tally di,astrous to the Church. I have felt the most in tense sill ty on this usrj 'et. and it was net until after mod mature consideration that I made rep my mind to. it; and I think had not such strong ezinessions been made u.e of, the public mind would certainly not have been espieased so sttioigiy by P ciders. Ir was said that 444 Popish relogi of was salperditious and idolatrous, and then-tore all tho.e wl» soionort.thi. B:11 are super• stitious and isiol,:rous also.. 'rise same alignment had been P•cd he the Minium', but if it had any found,. lion in tenth, uteri the cur e of G la was to fellow us, not nearly for a political union, but toe any unlash. fit a commercial union—for our union or intercourse with China or India. with Fiance or with Italy. The °illy ten quoted in the letter denouncing this heavy Clef se was unelrom the Apocalypse. which had as much to do with the .'estruction n Babylon as with this gun. lion. I have sworn, as have you: Lordships, that dull invocation of Saints and the sacrifice of Mess is idola• lions, but I never meant, for I never believed, that Ca. .holics were therefore iJolatrous. In awaking this dos elevation. I wish to defei d myself rims any charge of political tergiversation. I can do so with coofideoce. f•r those opinions if mine I pet on record years ago, iseing.then Regius Professor of Divinity of Oxford. It was also asst, led that the Catholic religion was un changed, and was now the same as it had ever been. I do out assert that any change has taken place in its doctrine or in its faith, but I am satisfied a very in• portant change has already taken place is the opi. nions if those by whom it is pri ffssed with respect to the 'envoi& power of the Pope.—lL nsi cheers.) The Hausman/I of mankind, when he charged those empowered in his day nub heal g deserted scriptural truth, declared where it was wiitten; and be who had charged all the Clergy , f England with so greet a clime, should have imitated the Itcommaa's exampk, and stated ahem the scriptural t nib was written *hick he accused them of having deserted. The neat objec tion male to this measure is. that this question is not to be argued on the ground of exped.ency. There were certainly some questions which could only be sr geed on the gr , und • I moral.ty and the will of Goo, and much evil has been dons in the seventeenth ctn. tiny on the plea of expediency. But when an act is nut unjust or evil in itself. I think it may be fairly argued whether it be expedient. It there be .in committed in agreeing to the resent que.tion, it is • •in that has long been going on. Tne Act th.t allowed the Catholic Clergy to settle in the country, to say mass —co buy la A, 1 need nut repeat them all, bat they all establish the principle entertained io the measure. lam told there is a ;peat difitience betweass those Acts and the ptesent, but in the pe•nciple of establishing th se the pr fession f a religion which you believe to be untrue may be consistent a nth s..lety to the State, they both agree. It is said, the oaths cp.,inted to be taken by the Act may glace the consciences of Plutestants an a state of danger, as the Catholics are not required to denounce the spit i:u it authority of the Pope, whol-t the Protestants are required to declare they 114.0 no spititual authority iu lists kingdom; and it has been argued, that not requiring a 6411111111 annunciatioii foams the Catholics. may be considered by Ptoted.uits in te cirgoi ion of that spiritual aettacni I. In a stemmas' 4f the Clergy it is stated that tie oaths in the Bill are cal. culated to lay a snare for the cooscientes of those Uri. sersities, which take an oath denying the spiritual au thority of the 1 1 •pe. This, however, is not a charge. but an objet ion, wl.ich no more applies to the oath in this Bill than in former Bills. to tie Acts of 1779 and 1791, the It-truina Catholics ate only required to te• ituence the temporal ouster of the Pope—( Hear, heat.) The objection to the oath is as old as the oath itself, or when tile Act of 1778 was pistil. a Petition was piers baited by Ptoictatits, who wets very ouch alarmed lest, alter the passing of that Ac', they should be in volved in the guilt of pe.jury, by taking the Oath of Supremacy. which was acquired of them; so that to remove this objection it mould now be oe,essary to to •peal the Acts ot 1778 and 1791. The House of Com mons of that day took this object into their considista. lien, and resolved that the 18:11 of the King did not allow spiritual authority of the Pope of K ime in this kingdom—(Hear, hear). The pre mat Bill contained no more recognitiou it the P•ipe ' s authority than that 13t11—(Hear. hear). The spiritual authotity tormeily exercised by the Pope iu this couotty was exercised through the SpititsalCourts, !itch were completely alio. Limed at the time el the Reformation, and which certainly the preeeot lidl had leo tendency to restore I mole sow to the beer. lag this sondes will have on the Church of Reglated, sad from the best cuasideratioo I have been able to gilt, that newt lesportabs pare of the subject, I have some to the condones that it will not be productive ut danger. The great deli:ream in the unbars or the Papists sad Protestant. of this country, sad the wrong hellog of the people against the superstition of Popery, convimat um that tierce is no danger of its est.blisitreent w this kisigdont. I think' the danger will be diminished. I see In the provisions of the pee. sent Bib the dews of a brighter day for the Church of Ireland...-. Alter the pawing of this Act tranquillity will be restaree—property will be secured—Eaglish capital tied the retorts. el the Leaded pros pricier. of that country will give employment, seaway mil emit .."' fort to the people of Ireland. To the Aristocracy of &gime, Ide tie hesitate or entrust the care of tie rights of the Coir& Let the suited Church of Ragland and Ireland rem securely miler your prutecrtua. lam hound to speak us this subject with ou tmost cautiou s but having atteatively considered the measures sow before your Lordships, I have no Mintiest in vervain ay humble bet casideet hops that It will eventually Mask Cho campy, withuor essdaneeries the bulwarks el the Protestant Church or *liming establishments. Upon those grounds I camel sidelsold my support Iron the measure. Lord SOH KitAmpported the menstwe fit amp ether reams independent sat the sumg political re m& which hod hem shown to exist. The feet of the Noble Duke at the head ef the Gomm• most, together with assay who had takes the same mane, bevies abaodemed his hunter upiniuns, was, in hie (mimics, a etrong-pre 'umpiree in favour of the necessity of the measure. Amain. very sows memo is his naiad was to he Mood la the coludiknee of epistles on this sweeties hawses Mr. Put and Mr. Fos, whenever scarcely agreed epos may ether. Ameba rues was premised by the 'requiem maywitses by which the_irepaisr Woad if the Le. gutsiere had decided in its lamer. U p these groeseds. which be thought to from becusaiderable, be was reposed to support the measure. But thaw were religious rounds is. epos width he Mesabi it was badly called fee. He emertelned a high n. Spurt ter the blinieters of the church, bog be did teat intr.• with a Right Reversed Peeling who had deeeribed their on. duct in regard to this vest:on al being se prairewortly. Hs thought it would has. been more h. coufeeneky with their awed iseetkias, if they had preeshed race sad goodwill towards man; rather than have bees the ewers up of strife. Opals tbir gr.mnd ut ju.mia also they tema'ejled open to pass the measure. net the Ressan eabsdieofucter earnpard knaves, sad drub • %Ming our battiest it was am eetteasetts with his ideas of justice chat they should call wee the Memo Clarks is do &hood two stow to gave them equal new is the Caustaistass which they ;