Star. — London, England, 1830-05-20 00:00:00

I it ct t i" 1U1) ARMY CONTRACTS. Cbmissivariat Department, Treasury Chambers, lit May, 1850. NOTICE' N HEREBY GIVEN to all Persons de sirous of contracting to supply the following Articles for the Use of the Army, viz. • f , c t , n N. ,•"- F- ir ..,„;:,....,....,„,! / glerru T zoir .0 0 Jiro: 3 ; OVUM. .... BREAD. Barracks, in the under-mentioned Couotie; : To his Majesty's Land Foreisineantooments, Quarters, and Northampton Nottingham, Northumberland (Including Ber- I Warwick, wick on Tweed,) BEEF AND MUTTON. To Lis Majesty's Land Forces in Cantonments, Quarters, and Barracks, in the undermentioned Counties : I Wilts. OATS. To his Majesty's Cavalry and Artillery Horses in Cantonments and Quarters, in the undermentioned Counties : Northampton, Nottingham, Warwick, Wilts, Devon, Essex, Gloucester, Lancaster, FORAGE, via. OATS, HAY, and STRAW, to his Majesty's Cavalry and Artillery Horses in Barracks, in the undermentioned Counties : Norfolk Nottingham I Warwick That the Deliveries are to commence on and for the Twenty fifth Day of June next; that Proposals in Writing, sealed up and marked " Tender for Army Supplies," will be received at this Office on or before Thursday, the Twenty-seventh day of May; bit none will be received after Twelve o'Clock on that Day. Proposals must be made separately for each County ; and each Proposal must have the Letter which is annexed to the Tender properly filled up, by Two Persons of known Property engaging to become bound with the Party tendering in the Amount stated in the printed Particulars, for the due Performance of the Con tract ; and no Proposal will be noticed vnless made on a printed Tender, and the Prices expressed in words at length ; and should it so happen, that during the Continuance of the Contract no Troops should be supplied by virtue of the same, the Amount of the Stamps on the Contract and Bond, paid in the first instance by the Contractor, will be refunded to him. Particulars of the Contracts may be had upon application at this Office, between the Hours of Ten and Four; and Samples of the Meal may be seem at this Office. PURSUANT to a DECREE of the High COURT of CHANCERY, made in a Cause " Barfoot v. Chitty," the Creditors of George Parham, late of Semley, in the County of Wilts, Gentleman, who died in the month of October, 1825, are, by their Solicitors, on or before the 21st day of June next, to come in and prove their Debts before JANES TROWEL, Esq. one of the Masters of the said Court, at bis Chambers in Southampton-build ings, Chancery-lane, London ; or in default thereof, they will be peremptorily excluded the benefit of the said Decree. Solicitors for the Plaintiffs, Mr. WILLIAM BURRIDGE, Shakes. qury. Agent, 811. GEORGE CAPIA, Raymond-buildinp,Gray's Inn. THE BRITISH CO-OPERATOR. Among the numerous literary works now issuing from the press is a publication entitled " The British Co operator." This work professes to be a record and re t•iuw of Co-operative and Entertaining Knowlege —a cha racter to which it has already established a fair claim by the light which it throws on the principles of co-operation in society. With the ladies it cannot fail to be a fa vourite, one of its most prominent features being a re cord of the exertions of Mrs. Wheeler, a lady of a strong and enlightened mind, in support of the rights of women. In this article the social condition of women is ably examined, and their intellectual powers are vindi cated against the assumed superiority of men whose in justice denies them their fair share of education, and limits their sphere of action within narrow and contracted bounds. This system Mrs. Wheeler labours to prove is a vicious system, originating in prejudice, ignorance, and error. We regret we have only room this day for the following extract : RIGHTS OF WOMEN. A LECTURE, BY MRS. WHEELER. The second ground for disabilities is The pretended moral inca pacity of Woolen ; but the long list of illustrious names, drawn from the records of every age, afford ample proof, that nature has been quite impartial to the sexes on the score of intellect ! Yet were it otherwise, the more inexcusable and base is the imposition of fictitious restraints on women, in addition to those of nature. Difference of education alone, and the impression of objects, which surround us, under very different circumstances, produce the appa. rent difference in the phrenological development of men and women. All the researches of anatomy, have not yet been able to prove a diffsrence in the brain of either. Both receive the same impressions, arrange and preserve ideas, for memory and imagination ; judge, compare, and analyze ; nor can indeed any difference be pointed out, but, that the organs of women are generally smaller, bu t equally fitted to the purposes for which they are intended. lien we find es much the creature of circumstances as woman; and, with some rare exceptions, there is little difference between man and man, but that which education or the want of it effects. Un educated man is either a brute or a savage, stupid or ferocious, ac cording to the dullness, or activity, of his particular temperament. What then should be thought of the wisdom and humanity of !ay% which throw half the human race, women, as a prey to ap pease the savage fury of men, denied the humanizing Rights of Etteectlion. if, (says a French naturalist, M. Bory de St. Vincent, in hie " Table of the Human Species,") we discover some men favoured ty nature, with superior intelligence, we have a right to add also, that ninety nine out of every hundred, which compose the species, are not much superior to the Hottentot u to reason: "we have then no ri;ht," he adds, " to assign to any particular country, or sex, :ntcllntual capacity above the other, the whole of oar species is as capable of improvement as any part of it; and have we, Europeans, rot cause to blush, when we read that the Cat des, said to be the Imst in the intellectual scale, of any tribe of men, are not divested at generous feeling, and these savages roused to all their frenzy of revenge against the whites, for their abuse of power, and fraudulent ractires in traffic, with them, can always be treated with, when an appeal is made to their natural equity. The right of the strongest is not recognised with them, and no one is permitted to be his own judge." This ;saying much for human nature itself, but very little for out beautiful system of civilization, in which I discover nothing but the perfection of vice, that Is, the triumph of injustice toughout ! But to retum to my subject : " one cannot," says the Count de cgur in his work on Women, " reflect upon the heroic courage, ability, and perseverance, displayed by Women, in she slap of terror, which marked the progress of the French revolution, without tnlingl of gratitude, respect, and admiration. There were no Jaeger!' they did not brave, no fatigue they did not overcome, no sacrifice they did not impose on themselves, to save and console, to share captivity and even death, with the objects of their area. tiont ; nor was the sympathy of these heroines confined to the nar row limits of family and friends, a vice hatefully prominent in our own country, where women are most dependent and depressed. What man can read the memoirs (written by herself in prison) of the enlightened, the tender, the intrepid Madams Boland, wife of the Dlinister of France, without emotions of deep humiliation at I+eirg one of a sex, all of whom have con fired to Asia down, the noble faculties of women / Is recurring to times like these, sae is forced into tefiections, little favourable to the supposidon of gm:ow dspo , itions in men; we always and than least oppressive tel women, at periods when the tide of their political liberties are at Bucks, No. 13,479. the lowest possible ebb. This however is no proof that man is naturally unamiable, but is evidence incontrovertible, that his system of education is highly vicious, tending always to suppress the generous, and give full developement to the selfish passions ; a further proof also, that he has never been instructed as to the trete principle of rational liberty, which never can be held by any portion of the community to the exclusion of another. And the liberty I speak of must always go hand in hand with knowledge, for without lnowledge liberty becomes mischievous, either as it is partially or otherwise misapplied. Our own, u veil u most other countries do, furnishes a Let of Illeetriaus WORM, alike distinguished for their genius, magnanimity, and courage. Amongst these ornaments of hu manity, time permits me to cite but one, the highly gifted but unfortunate Lady Russell, daughter of the wise and virtuous Earl of Southampton, and wife of Lord William Russell, beheaded for a supposed conspiracy against Charles the Second. The day previous to the fatal trial, Lord W. asked permission of the court, that notes of the evidence might be taken for his use ; the attorney-general In. formed him that he might give one of his superior domestics that employment. When he appeared at the bar, he was only attended by his Lady, and being asked where the person was, whom he wished should take notes, he replied : " I require no assistance, but that which the lady can give me, who sits by my side." _ . This anecdote I think should prove that in every Individual in stance, where we find women sharing equal advantages of education with man, there is little or no difference in mental energy; and I fear, to this well authenticated fact, may be ascribed the hateful and unjust policy of denying all useful education to them. MR. CAMBRELENG'S REPORT OF THE AMERICAN CONGRESS. We proceed in our remarks on Mr. Cambreleng's report in the same manner as last week, conceiving that we shall better support the cause of truth by observing on the passages that attracted our attention as we perused the pamphlet, than by any endeavour to frame systems or theories out of a contemplation of what is best in its native form, a collection of plain, indisputable, demon strative facts. In the points we adduced from the report respecting the Americans taxing themselves we particularised their prohibition of the raw material as far as concerned hemp, flax, and some other articles, which it was considered the interest of the American agriculturists to cultivate for their own country, no matter at what sacrifice. We say no matter at what sacrifice, but such is not generally the phraseology of a people who are infatuated with the spirit of prohibition. They would have said 'no matter with what degree of encouragement,' or' no matter with what degree of protection !' Their notion would seem to be that if they can only protect their manufactures from the intrusion of other manufactures which are better and cheaper, those manufactures will indubitably prosper, forgetting that however national the feelings of fellow countrymen may be, those feelings will never overcome the desire to have their goods as cheap as possible, for getting that cheapness and goodness of manufacture are never acquired but by competition, and that they are de sirous of becoming a commercial nation by a course of Measures which show that they are not yet fit to be so, and that as long as they are incapable of competing in open market with other countries and of excelling them, they will remain like spiders in old unbrushed corners weaving webs that are of no value but t o th emse l ves , and lament ing over the neglect of manufactures, only not purchased by others because better can be obtained from every re gular manufacturing people. But the United States actu ally do worse than encourage their own raw material for the sake of their own agriculture and manufactures. It would hardly be seen at first that their home produce of raw material was dearer than that of other nations. That was to be learnt. It was to be matter of experience. They were to find out their own want of skill in cultiva tion, their want of population and capital for any consi derable proportion of agricultural produce beyond the growth of corn, and cotton, and tobacco, and the articles with which they had been so long acquainted; and they were to find out, too, that their climate was not adapted to many of the agricultural means of manufacture so much grown in Europe. This was a loss to be seen in the course of time. This was not like their giving from 75 to 180 dollars for the raw material of their iron ma. nufactures, while this country gave from 30 to 50, and yet with all their deficiencies in point of knowledge, ca pital, and population, with their eyes wide open, they prohibited our iron manufactures, in order to encourage their own ! This must be not only the age of the purest christianity, but of that which so seldom goes along with mere professions of religion—of most overflowing bene volence—at least son Jonathan must be of that opinion from his practice—and practice is, to our conviction, by far the strongest evidence of the nature of belief and principles; —for what does master Jonathan in this very case ? Why, be shuts himself up, like a man in a gaol, and there be cries out, I don't care what any body says' of mo—l know I am doing right ; I am growing and ma nufacturing for myself, and I am convinced I can grow and make more and better than any one else.' Jonathan is determined that every body should think with him. He says, Is not yon cloud very like a weasel, a camel, and a whale ?' and he expects that every one will acquiesce i in the extent of his discernment. As if the rest of the world should say :—We can make far more and better ' goods than that fellow Jonathan, but yonder has the poor silly being shut himself up in a prison, and he will starve if somebody does not buy all the bad manufactures he is determined on producing before he lets himself out— come and buy of him—and away they all go to pet the humours of the conceited madman. This may be policy in the moon, but it is not the way of the world we live in. For the States to act in such a manner is precisely what Mr. Cambreleng denominates ' depriving the trea sury of its revenue for the encouragement of its manu factures.' This is not much more akin to true policy than the conduct of the man whose horse died just at the critical moment when be had taught it to live without provender. Never mind the revenue, we must make our own goods ! With utter contempt oiprofit, we must ma nufacture for ourselves ! But these restrictive laws not only reduce the income of the revenue, but generally take away largely after wards from the reduced sum actually received. The money falls marvellously short from the quantity of goods smuggled, and it is strange, it is not only strange but ridiculous, to see how many nations have continued, from generation to generation, to encourage smuggling on the one band by enormous prohibitions, and to spend so weighty a sum on the other by vain attempts to keep down this, the very pet-lamb of their own favourite measures. In 1829 the expenses of our cruisers, preventive water guard, land guard, and harbour vessels, were £405,277 3s, 4d. independent, according to Mr. Cambreleng, of the coast blockade. The total expense of collecting the customs and the excise exceeds by two millions of dollars the expense of all the American military, naval, and civil expences. France has five times the number of the army of the United States, leaving out the assistance of the gendarmerie and the police. The mere expense of col lecting the revenue of France will amount, so says Mr. C. to more than double the amount of all the expenditures lof the federal government. Mr. C. properly asks, "If on the comparatively limited circle of France such an enormous expenditure of money is necessary in an attempt to enforce heavy impositions on the people, what amount I would probably be required for a similar service on our unmeasured, and even unexplored, frontiers ?" Our readers will perceive that we have hitherto dwelt upon the evils of prohibition upon other branches of trade and commerce, and have reserved the shipping, with which ►ve deem it best to conclude our observations, not only from the peculiar interest felt at the present moment for that trade, but because we conceive (notwithstanding a certain degree of distress which exists among the ship owners) that having shewn how transitory is the ill effect of all removal of prohibition upon any other trade, and how much more prosperous has been the shipping of our own country than that of others, we shall have acquired some reason for the assertion that the effect on our ship ping trade will prove merely casual and evanescent. One point relative to the shipping interest we shall come to im mediately, because it is the means of clearing away a violent prejudice which more than all seems to us to stand in the way of a right understanding of the question of reciprocity. After showing at much greater length than we have room to do here, the progress of Great Britain in the reciprocity laws at the very instant that the Ame ricans were laying on their restrictions, and the manner in which the British Ministry freed the British colonies in order that they might profit by the stupidity of their neighbours, Mr. C. observes, " Her naval ascendancy gives her, Great Britain, in war, all the advan tages of free trade by her dominion ever the commerce of the world." This ie the true ground on which our war like supremacy in trade ought to be considered. It was not to the war as many of the ship-owners have thought that we owed our success in commerce—but to our skill and our bravery, to our keeping the war from ourselves, and maintaining ourselves on the high and immoveable pinnacle of power, that enabled us to give law amongst the nations, to foster or to destroy, to breath the pestilence of death or the breath of life, upon whom we chose as our enemies or our friends. Mr. C. says rightly, that we had the advantages of free trade during the war, because it is only by free trade in the progress of years that such ad vantages can continue. The advantages of the war gave us a monopoly equal to years of prosperous free trade.— Our monopoly during that interval may have been the cause of our present commercial superiority, but without our present reciprocity, that superiority could not have remained to us. A trade of compulsion and restriction on one side, and of fear and submission on the other, can never long endure. It would be unnecessarily to occupy our readers to enter into the argument so many times tri umphantly urged, that another war would do no good to British commerce in any way whatever. At the same time that other nations were incapable of producing ma nufactures as cheaply or as well as ourselves—nay, could hardly produce at all, while they are now manufacturers and ship-owners with whom we must compete, because we cannot avoid it, and we cannot °rush our opponents ; it should not be forgotten that we possessed during the war a monopoly of another description, which made our trading monopoly more formidable, more irresistible than it can probably be again :—the danger and the exactions, l the fluctuations and the direct losses which traffic must always suffer where warfare has been, or is likely to come, caused a vast proportion of the capital of Europe to be concentrated in this little empire, whence it was sent forth ifor its increase, and it grew and flourished under Britieh l protection, and we felt its genial influence, and we yet feel how secularly profitable, as well as morally advan tageous, was our relative position to other nations at that time. Mr. C. mentions in his pamphlet that Mr. Pitt, in 1783, recommended a liberal course of policy, such as Mr. C. now recommends to the United States, " which would have doubled the resources of the British empire, and probably prevented the accumulation of the British debt." Britain may be proud that at so early a pe riod she had an advocate of a policy so enlightened.•— It is remarkable, too, that Mr. Pitt's principles in sup port of liberal measures so much resembled those of Mr. Huskisson. The following is an extract from a speech made in defence of the treaty with France conclud ed in 1786, which Mr. Cambreleng might have quoted to some purpose :—" He might venture to assert it as a fact generally admitted, that France has the advantage in soil and climate, and consequently in her natural pro duce ; while it is equally true that Great Britain is de cidedly superior in her manufactures and artificial pro ductions. The wines, brandies, oils, and vinegars of France, are articles which we have nothing to put in com petition with except our beer. But on the other band, was it not a fact as demonstratively clear, that Great Britain, in its turn, possessed some manufactures ex clusively her own, and that in others she bad so com pletely the advantage of her neighbour, as to put compe petition at defiance ? This, then, was the relative con dition, and this the precise ground, on which it was ima gined that a valuable correspondence and connexion be tween the two might be established. Having each its own distinct staple—having each that which the other wanted, and not clashing in the great and leading lines of their respective riches ; they were like two great traders in different branches, they might enter into a traffic which would prove mutually and greatly beneficial. Wham, in addition to all these benefits, we include the richness of the country with which we were to trade ; with its superior population of twisty millions to eight, sod of course a proportionate caoramptios, together with its vicinity to us, and the advantages of quick and Haw' lar returns, who could hesitate for a moment to applaud the system, and look forward with ardour and impatience for its speedy ratification The possession of so exten sive and so safe a market must improve our commerce ; while the duties transferred from the hands of the smug glers to their proper channel would benefit our revenue —the two sources of British opulence and Bri!ish power." The principle of exchange, of each giving what the other wants, the quick return, the prevention of smuggling, are all here so well urged by Mr. Pitt, and his views are altogether so similar to those of both Mt. Huskisson and Mr. Cambreleng, that they might have taken this passage as the motto to their several publi.3 tions. We come now to the shipping interest, to which we have always had the best wishes, however the ship owners and ourselves have occasionally differed us to the best mode of advancing it. To those gentlemen, how - ever, the prohibiting example of America is extraordinary, and we trust it will have a corresponding effect upon their minds. The arguments of Mr. Huekisson and his friend., have shewn that we prospered under reciprocity, that our tonnage and shipping interest increased ,that our out -plug , ' and our in-comings were greater; but to this the ship owners replied, • Look how we were during the war! Pro tect us, and we will bethe same still—give us our old navi gation laws, and we will soon exceed the estimates yo., make under the free trade system.' Here now, in the case of the United States, is a proof to the contrary. Here is your experiment tried by a young and enter prizing nation, which has comparatively no taxes, and whose internal resources are great, and what is the re sult ? Decline from the commencement of the system, though all had been prosperity before. Previous to the war, augmentation was rapid.—From 1789 to 1807, when their policy was free and oar's wa: restrictive, they mounted quickly. We fell from 1,507,636 tons to 1,424,103, while America rose from 127,329 t., 1,089,876 tons. After 1806 and 7, when the whole commercial world was against Great Britain, the British tonnage amounted to 2,088,029. Mr. C. then gives the surprising increase of our shipping, and decrease of their's, according to various tables published at the con clusion of the pamphlet. "In 1820," be says, "we had 159,418 tons in the trade with Great Britain, and in 1828 only 138,174 tons ; decline 21,244 tons. She had in the same trade in 1820, 29,490 tons ; in 1828, 80,158 tons ; increase 50,668 tons! The same table spews that, taking the average of the two first and two last years, from 1814 to 1828, the tonnage of all foreign nations trading with Great Britain had increased about 20,000 tons, or 3 per cent ; while British navigation bad augmented 600,000 t-ns, or about 50 per cent ! While the whole foreign trade of the United States with every part of the world has remained stationary for 15 years, the navigation of the British colonies in America has in creased from 88,247 to 400,841 tons. Mr. C. says he has not the whole ofthe returnsof those colonies, or, bethinks, the disparity would be more againft the States. The circle of American population is double its former dimensions, yet their tonnage from abroad is less in 1828 than in 1801, and limiting the comparison to that part of the Union employed in commerce at that day, American fo reign tonnage in 1795 was equal to its present amount ! Mr. C. gives us an enumeration of the relative per cen tags of American and foreign tentage for several years from 1789. In 1820 British tonnage to the States was 151 per cent. in proportion with that of the states, in 1828 it was 381 per cent ! "If the laws of both coun tries," he adds," remain unchanged, we shall be driven out of our own ports by British navigation—the pro portion even now, is almost what it was in 1789, in the infancy of our commerce !' What could this proceed from but prohibition on one side and free trade on the other ? There is another principle on which it was to the advantages of the States to have avoided the prohi bitory system towards Great Britain especially. They have always done a large proportion of their business upon credit, and the superior credit we could afford to give them, from the greater capital we possessed natu rally, caused a great desire on the part of the peo ple of the States to deal with us in preference to other nations. Our merchants and manufacturers, since the passing of the tariff, have sent a vast quantity of goods to the States through illicit channels, by which means they are probably far better paid, and at less risk from trusting —so that here again the States pay through the nose. We must postpone our further remarks, a considerable part of which had reference to the shipping interest, but shall if possible resume them in our next. • See the various parliamentary debates. See also a careful ab. strut of the speech in Annual Registcr, 1787. BERKELEY CASTLE " A UTHORITIES." Since Colonel Berkeley's claim to the Barony of Berkeley as a barony by tenure, an opponent has arisen in the person of Sir John Shelley Sidney, Bart. ; and he has just prepared a long and curious statement on the subject of the claim, and more especially on the character of some of the " Authorities" adduced in support of the original claim. That statement is just delivered to some of the Peers. As to the " Authorities," the following is an extract : " Considerable stress is laid by the claimant on two compila tion, by John Row, of a Roll or History of the Earls of Warwick. which, it is asserted, prove ' that Elisabeth, daughter of Thome. Lord Berkeley, inhetited the title of Lady L'lde from her mo ther, and that she did not inherit the title of Lady Berkeley from her father.' This is not the place to show the bicolor tency of Row as an authority on these subjects, or to raise an objection to the volumes in which these statements occur as evidence; but an idea may be formed of the value of Rous as en authority from the following account of one of the MSS. alluded to. His catalogue of the Earls of Warwick commences With " Gathelaius Singe Gathelyne, or Kenelyne, bole Ryas of Great Brytayne ; then follow " King Owyderd, a noble warriour, who be. gun to reign the illith Mere from the birdie of our LORDZ Jams Cares." After enumerating various other fictitious personages, be comes to ' Eness the eldest some of a Kyng and a cknene. were *oven brothers* and sisters borne at ems birds. The others by enchauntement were misshape n into nestruses,whh esters and *pew of polo, and of those cheynes was maid s cup. When his mother, by the malice of his stepp dame Maehabryne fwaslacensed,'fii, by Goortz's provision, was kept by a both. beremyte t at the day of Air judgement, by warnying of an aungell, at his 7 yokes wags ding hymn)f to fight with hir, end the aungell gave bros loam of silver, a crosslet of gold, and ie the battell tgali t iae:ol his erase spronge fire, which brente the eyes of his aboolides and after that a serpent., which stonge bymS to Isidro.— Of this Ewes distended limp great Lords end ladiee,..asid especial:is the Erks of Wortelelte, in egos. frgs!esseis eras kept the eupp mode .1 the said tArysies. I hate drink or tho eupp. Wherefore I dare the &easy mitt each at ohm imaginary individuals Row has wiped arm*, awisesooks use of which first originated la the twelfth or drialonialt awooter, and portraits *scar of Sir Gay of Warwlek,whoy mum,N hoe' lonriebod la the tenth mita:ha o ell waif the Giant - 11104411‘ he slew; together viewing's!. of oestrogens* Roes he amiss modem. With 'upset to &spa:am his own thus, Sane woos. tamely Jeanne. Re says, Thome Hobo* Dulls of Swag, ob. tallied the Saddam of Wanda boo Mari IL „ond that George .~.e~ii THURSDAY EVIININ(1, MAY 20, IMO. PRICE 7D.