Star. — London, England, 1827-05-03 00:00:00

~. that the present Administration was to be founded on the same principles with that of Lord Liverpool's. The Administrations are materially different; that of Lord Liverpool was founded upon the principle of supporting • . present laws—that of Mr. Canning i s founded u p ors„ k.:*-ii„, '.:Ns-W4principle of changing them. It is well known to . your Lordships, that Lord Liverpool was opposed to the Catholic Claims, while Mr. Canning is one of their most able and zealous partisans. It is also e vident, that the . Government cannot remain neutral upon the question, and in proof of this, I refer your Lordships to Mr. Can nig's speeches, in which he says, that the infl ience of the head of the Government must be paramount. I have been accused of ingratitude towards his Majesty, and of aspiring to the situation of Primt Minister, and that, in consequence of my disappointment, I threw up the command of the army. These charges are absurd. Every or.e.who knows me is aware, that my being Prime Minister was out of the question, and no man ever spoke to me to whom I did not express the same opinion. As to the other, is it likely that I who raised myself to that high situation —I say raised myself; not because I forget the assistance I have received from the Noble Lords at my side—not that I forget the assist ance I derived from the gallant officers and soldiers vl'ho fought under me—not that! forget, most of all, the gra cious favours of his Majesty—still, I say.l raised myself, because whatever favours may have been lavished on me, or whatever support I have received, I should not 1 ' have been raised to that situation if I had not done my King some service. Bearing in my mind these cireum -1 stances/it is little to be supposed, that when brought into the situation which I recently held—when called to the cemnnnd of my old friends and companions--when I had again an opportunity of recommending to the favour of the. Sovereign , those friends and companions , for the rewards which they undoubtedly deserved—it was, I say, little to be supposed, that I should lightly, or on insufficient cause, resign an employmentbso congenial i to my habits and my wishes. I need n o ti I trust, as 'sere your Lordships, that I am most sincerely anxious lo set myself right in your minds, on a subject that so nearly affects my feelings and my charactq, at the same tithe that I am fully conscious of my inability to address • thif House in the manner that I ought to do, and with the effect that I earnestly desire. Still I am not without confidence in receiving for my actions a fair and im partial interpretation; and I the more readily indulge this hope, when I recollect that not one of my colleagues with whom I communicated—not one man to whom I spoke on the subject—entertained the slightest doubt as to the course that I ought to pursue; they felt to a man that I was.placed under the necessity of tendering my resignation: We have been accused of forming a con , ' spiracy fbr the purpose of embarrassing the councils of ' the Crown. - My Noble Friend, the Chancellor for the Duchy of Lancaster, was amongst the number of those who, at the same time -with myself, sent in oor resigna tions—though he has since been induced to return to the service of his Majesty. (Hear, beat, and laughter). Trim Noble Loid, if there was a conspiracy, is as open to the accusation as I am; nor could rounds for such a charge have Wasted without his privity. Now, I call upon that Noble Lord to come forth, and state,whether or not there were any such proceeding on out part, or any intention of the nature implied, with reference to the formation of 'a new Government? My Lords, I have no fear of contradiction on that point from him. It has been asserted elsewhere, but, whatever quarter it ' comes from, I hesitate not to pronounce it a foul falsehood. (His Grace then read. the letter which he had addressed to his Majesty, tendering his re signation, and proceeded to say)—When I retired, I did so under the full persuasion that it would be impossible for me to remain in office consistently with a sense of public duty—in fact, that, filling , the office of Commandeisin-Chief, I must be in ,constant communication with the Ministers of the CrOwn, and even with- his Majesty himself—that no change could be made in the constitution of the army, in the nature or objects of its service, witliout that mutual understanding and cordial cmoperation, which, in circumstances such as my relation to the present Government would neces sarily plate me, it would be visionary to hope for. The House knows, that the supreme direction of the army is necessarily4ested in the Cabinet—that the army at pre sent in Portugal could be continued there, or withdrawn, at the pleasure of his Majesty's advisers—that in Eng land, in Ireland, and in every other place where our troops are stationed, no order coeld be issued in refe sl rence to them contrary to the opinions and views of the responsible advisers of the Crown. Could I, then, in such .an Administration as it *was proposed to form, 4. continue so to act as would become a public toile t tionary ? Could I, in common with such colleagues, follow in the footsteps of that illustrious and le i mented Predecessor, whose example it was my pride to follow? and, satisfied am I now, that if that 1 Personage had survived long enough to hold the situation of Commander•in-Chief, up to the time at i which I retired from it, he would have done precisely as I did. Again, I would repeat my convictiom'—and one very consolatory to my feelings it is, that, in offer ing fny resignation of the two offices in question, I had acted in full conformity with what I think myself jus tified in assuming avduld have been the conduct of that illustrious Personage, if placed in similar circumstances. My Lords, when I did submit to kis Majesty my resig nation of those two offices, I did so in consequence of Vie communication which I had with the Right Hon. Gentleman himself, and I wish the letter which I wrote to him on that occasion, to be fairly examined, and this I do in the fullest confidence, that no ground of offence can be derived from it, for the object of it was nothing i more than to learn who were to constitute his Majesty's Government, and who was to be placed at its head. Here I may take occasion to observe, that I had a con venation with the Right Hon. Gentleman, in which he I stated, that cne of the plans submitted to his Majesty's I consideration was, to call the then Chancellor of the Exchequer to this House, conferring upon him the office of First Lord of the Treasury, and this he stated as one of the modes of keeping men together ; but I had • no difficulty in expressing my entire persuas'on, that no scheme could be devised less calculated to produce the effect contemplated, namely, that of keeping a Go vernment together. Coupling this communication with the letter I received directly from the Right Hon. G:ntleman himself, was I not justified in inferring, that he, at the time he addressed to me the letter in question, • was not at the head of his Majesty's Government? At one time a negotiation, the recollection of which must . be in the minds of many Noble Lords, took place, and in which a Noble relative of mine, now Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, took an active part. On that occasion, my Noble relative waited of a Noble Earl, and a oble Baron, for the purpose of stating that he had been commissioned by his Royal Highness the Prince Regent to communicate with them mid other eminent indi- viduals, in order to the form,. ion of an effectiv. tmited Administration. Now, those Noble Lords en once took it for granted thee my Noble Relatia was to be placed at the bead of that Government. - I'hey negociated with him as one fully authorised to form a Cabinet, without its ever appearing to enter. their minds, that the fact of his being authorised to, negotiate, made him necessarily , and. .as a matter of course, a person to be looked upon as the head of the intended Administration. If the Noble Lords of whom I hove spoken, contemplated the powers with which my Noble Relative was invested in the light in which they' certainly appear to have contemplated them, was I not justified iq similarly viewing the situation of the Right Hon. Gentleman? The Marquis of Ha,tings was sub sequently employed upon a negotiation of the same, nature, and was certainly quite as unlikely to be placed' at the head of the new Ministry as my Noble Relative. He was in fact, at the time, ignorant of the proposed bead of the Administration, yet he was freely negociated with ; nor was he, for a moment, regarded by the parties to whom he addressed himself in the light of the in tended head. I have thus, soy Lords, shewn from the two cases to which I have referred, that none of the parties took it for granted that the negotiator was to be the Premier. Now, I will shew, from the conduct of the Right Hon. Gentleman himself, that he was, in a similar case, governed by the same principles. When, upon the death of Mr. Perceval, Lord Liverpool waited on the Right Honourable Gentleman, to propose to him to become a Member of the Administration then about to be formed, what, I will ask, was the very first question put to the .Noble Lord? The first question was, " Who is to be First Lord of the Treasury?"--(Load cheers.) The whole of this, your Lordships are doubtless aware, is recorded in a written memorandum still in existence. Now, my Lords, if the Rioht Honourable Gentleman was justified in putting AA a question in 1812, might I not, without any great breach of propriety, take the liberty of asking a similar qtlestion in 1827? Your Lordships will observe, that I throughout my recent communications with that Right I Honourable Gentleman, I have in no respect departed from the example set me by himself. I. believe that Right Honotirable Gentleman to be as entirely incapable of any unbecoming act as any other individual in exis tence; but I Confess, the circumstances under which the reply to my communication was made appear not as satisfactory as I, thought myself entitled to hope for. I put the simple question—Who is to be at the head of his Majesty's Government? It had been stated that on the 10th, the day on which I put this question, the Right Honourable Gentleman was actually appointed to the office of First Lord of the Treasury, and therefore fully authorised to give that answer to my i n airy which was ultimately given ; instead of that, how er, be thought it necessary to communicate with his Majesty on the subject. Then, am I not justified in supposing that he was then wit in that office? and, if not there, surely I was entitled to information as to the individual who was to fill it,— Prom all the circumstances to which I have called your Lordships' attention, I feel no hesitation in affirming, that, even on the 11th, that Hon. Gentleman had not received his appointment. Ido not mean to deny that he was not fully authorised to send me the letter, which had the honour of receiving from him; but really, it is too hard that I should now be told that my conduct on this occasion was peevish, ill• tempered, hasty, and so an. I simply confined myself to putting a single ques don, and when the reply arrived, I thought myself called on, for the reasons already stated, to tender my resignation • in doing which, I must take credit for being as little influenced by personal considerations as any man. During seven or eight years that I have sat in - the Cabinet, I have had the best reason for believing that I enjoyed the good will of all my colleagues— nay, even the good will of the Right Honourable Gen tleman himself ; and I fearlessly appeal to the Noble Lord opposite, in support of this assertion. I have been remonstrated with upon my resiation—those have been found who have said to me " You did wrong, you should not have resigned; the letter addressed to you was not intended to produce your resignation." But, can your Lordships, after a review of the circumstances , to which I have adverted, concur in such a view of my case? It has been supposed, that I, and my colleagues, had entered into a conspiracy to impede the formation of a new Government. But I entertain the fullest con fidence, that this, the earliest, opportunity which I could command, of stating the truth to your Lordships.l and the public, will have the effect, totally and for ever, of removing this imputation. The facts have been faithfully stated to your Lordships, and you will deduce from them such conclusions as you think they justify, but I take leave to say, th,at I entertain no ap prehension for the result. Lord BEXLEY said that the charge of conspiracy or cabal was totally destitute of any foundation. Such an idea he felt confident, never entered the mind of hitnself or his late colleagues. He could offer no better proof of this to their Lordships, than by referring to the mantier in which he himself had acted. He deeply regretted that the country hsfd been deprived of the, important services of those with whom he had so lon g acted. Having entertained the same sentiments they did upon one most important public question, it might very naturally be asked why he remained in office with those from whom he dissented on this question? He was always of opinion, that however political men might differ on the Catholic Question, they should not carry their exasperation so far as to refuse acting together in the same Cabinet, if they thought they could, in other respects, contribute to the welfare of the country. For himself he ci,uld only say that whatever part the other Members of the Government might take, he was deter mined, as far as in him lay, to maintain a Protestant Crown and a Protestant Parliament. The Earl of MANSFIELD said, that highly as he valued the feelings of those distinguished individuals ss hu had retired from office, he much doubted whether the course they had pursued was judicious, or tended to assist the Protestant cause, which, no doubt, they intended to aid. If they had kept open the communi cation with his Majesty, they might have recommended Ithe formation of a Ministry on Protestant principles, backed by the assurance that such a Government would meet with the warm support of a large majority in that House and in the country. If the Ministry were even to be divided into two parties, that decided ekepon derance might have been given to the Protestant cause in it, which would ensure its continued superiority. However well those Noble individuals bad meant, the; had not taken that course; and one consequence was, that the country, had to regret the retirement of so many individuals by whom it had been so long and so ably served—had to regret the loss of the eminent ser vices of the Noble Duke, of the Noble and Learned Lord (Eldon) near him, and of a Right Hun. Gentle man whose talents and unwearied zeal in the public servkie hadmodered him so deseatedlr popular in tie country. He (Lord Mansfield) would fa .n express his opinion of the great merits and important services of those distinguished individuals, end he might do so *idlest apprehension of having his mstives questioneJ, for the general voice was to bail the siring ani not the setting son; but he did not wish to cripple their fat ailed of praise by uttering it in their. presence. 1.4- 1 *mad, however, be ungrateful in the country to pass over great merits. To the brilliant achievements di one of them (the Noble Doke) the country was indebted for that high pre-eminence which it had obtained among] nations. Of the talents of the Noble Earl (Eldon) in the Court over which he had so long presided--of his unwearied assiduity and extraordinary discrimination as a Judge, it was unnecessary for him to speak. They, 'were well known to the public ; but it might be added, that doting the time be had ably and faithfully dis charged his duty to the public, he was made the con stant object of the most unrelenting calumny. But when the feelings of party should have passed away, posterity, that rigid censor, would do him certain though tardy justice. As to the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Peel), he had already clearly and manfully explained the reasons which had induced him to retire from office, and the publicity given to the deb ates in Parlia ment had already sent his explanation through the country. In the course of the discussion elsewhere, a hope had been expressed.by the Right Honourable Gentleman at the head of the Government, that the retirement of his Right Honourable Friend (Mr. Peel) might be only temporary. In that hope he was certain the country most fully concurred, but whether he continued in voluntary retirement, or again accepted office, en his zeal and honourable consistency in the cause of his country every reliance might be placed. He bad his fault, but it was that of diffidence of his own great talent, and of the high consideration in which he was so justly held by the country. This led to the loss which the country had sustained in his re tirement. To die admiration which his great talents so justly called forth, might be added the sincere re-, spect for the total absence of selfishness, and his un assuming manner,—qualities so rarely found in a per son so highly gifted—(Hear, hear). But enough of re signations. He would now say a word as to the new Administration. According to the accounts which had gone before the public, it appeased that in the first in stance Mr. Canning had suggested the formation of es Administration purely Protestant; but why be had proposed such an Administration, he (Lord Mansfield)' could not say, except that, like nine pins, he had set them up for the purpose of knocking them down—(Hear). That suggestion not having been successful, he made another, and then he expressed his surprise and regret at the resignation of his colleagues; but considering ] what bad since passed, and what had been stated by the, Noble Duke, their LOrdships would see what was the nature of his surprise, and what were the grounds of his regret. It had been said that Mr. Canning did not know by whom the recommendation of the teceat changes had been made. He (Lord Mansfield) would be very unwilling to ask the Right Hon. Gentleman to tell that which he did not know, but he should like ex tremely to have his guess on the subject. He should. like to learn who it was that " in the porches of the Royal ear did pour out such leperous distilment, poi soning it against those who had before enjoyed the confidence of their Sovereign. He had heard much of what had recently been done, and as far 'as what had taken place arose from the words and acts of his Ma jesty, it was not a subject for inquiry; but it might be inquired whether the words and acts bf his Majesty were not the words and acts of his Ministers? In a Constitu tional point of view, of course, the Eing could not do that which should be made the subject of blame; but be might be made accessory to that which was blameable in others, and of which he himself was to be the victim. During the life of the Sovereign his acts were constitutional!" exempted from censure; . but when once the tomb closed upon men, their character became the property of history. The public knew their character, and would often judge from what they bad done, that which they would be likely to do under par ticular circumstances. Applying this to the character if his late Majesty, be would suppose that it had been pro posed to him to form an Administration, it would * 4 be difficult to suppose that he objected to a divided Cabinet, on one important subject ; but it would be difficult to suppose that he would give his assent to thel rormation of such a Cabinet, unless the preponderance was decidedly Protestant. Yet if even that . were the case, and it was proposed to his Majesty to place at the head of such a Cabinet the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Canning), who had been the constant, zealous, and most able advocate of a principle to which his Majesty was hostile,was there any man who could doubt that such a proposition would have been instantly rejected? Had it been at the same time proposed to his Majesty to place at the head of the Government of Ireland, — to place as Se cretary for the Home Department,—individuals distin guished for their constant support of the question of Emancipation, to which' his' Majesty had declared his conscientious hostility, was there any reason to doubt that those propositions would not have been refused? Sup pose, again, it were proposed to his late Majesty to elevate to noble rank, and to place as Lord Chancellor of Ire land, the brilliant advocate of that measure to which he hail so strong an objection, could his Majesty's refusal of the proposition be doubted for an instant? Those who knew his Majesty's character and sentiments, could hive no hesitation in stating what his determination would be in those cases. Still less could they doubt it, after they had learned that his Majesty had had an in terview with the Archbishop of Canterbury,' and had authorized him to convey to his Right Rev. Brethren, his determination to exclude from a preponderance in his councils those who proposed a measure which he could pot conscientiously approve, and that that impres sion had gone abroad through the country, and was hailed with unmixed satisfaction. If, however, after such opinions bad been expressed, it was found that his Majesty had been advised, and had acted on the advice, to take a different course on all those Points, it would no doubt be on object of interesting and important inquiry, to know by whom that advice had been given, and on what ground. He would now say a word as to who were the Ministers. On this matter they learned fr.rm the press that some of those highly respectable individuals were only lise the doubles in the French theatre, holding the place of the real characters which were afterwards to appear. The rapidity with which the Right Hon. Gentleman who formed the Cabinet when disappointed in one quarter turned to another, his junction with the at the very moment that he parted from his ] 'Tory friends, must have reminded them of the quotation in the Anti-Jacobin, for dui Rigid Honourable Gen. tleman was familiar with . quotatious—.• A. sudden thought strikes me : let us swear eternal ftieudship:, (Laughter).The coalition thus formed had been s t em , as Si unnatural, and unprecedented." Unprecedente d it might be in some respects; but for hi s (Lord ' eld's) part, he thought it was very natural ant able, but he had his doubts whether it wa, quote, —(A laugh.) Those who had marked the prog i circumstances for some time past must have 1 upon this coalition as very natural. Its apprie,eg , have been perceived in many of the recent me , where the opinions of one side of the House w ere , -' nia d and ficlopted by the other, and where from day the approaches in one quarter were very fay( received by the other. The coalition, then, so might be thought of it its ocher respects, could said to be unnatural. But leaving this junctio n its own way, there was tine grea t i p t o w in a t s t r o l s; anxious, before he concluded, to call their L et , attention—that was the Catholic Question. hair recollected that that measure had been propos e d , ried in the other House, thoug h cld ch Lordships. It was understood that it was not the tion of the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head , Government to introduce it at present. The Catholics of Ireland were advised, and their priests would r• the advice, to observe for the present a morbid thvgic stillness—" to seem like the flower, but serpent under it." But their Lordships would deceived by that course. They must not wait • plan had produced its effect. They could not, . wait until members of his (Mr. Canning's) opinions been introduced into that House; and he should, • fore, on the 4th of June, submit a motion to their ships. It was not necessary to mentir.n the words of that motion at present ; but its effect to move their Lordships to adopt resole inns of Catholic emancipation—emancipatih- ' sense in which the word was ever applied; or declaration to the contrary, such as became a Fr House of Parliament, and such as he beleved since the time of James IL bad been advised to Viscount GOPERICH said, that it was with . anxiety that he felt himself compelled to address Lordships ; anxiety arising, partly from his 4 lately called to that House, and partly from the guised dismay which he felt at having to contend individuals, and to differ from persons, for must be allowed to say, he felt as much respect Noble Lord in that House. He had not wits" separation which had occurred in the King's , without, he could assure their Lordships, lean., regret, which all honourable minds could undergo& and appreciate. He was sorry that his Noble Ft* felt it their duty to withdraw their services at when it was peculiarly to be wished that e continue them. An Hon. Friend of his, not a that House, had withdrawn his services because . opinion he could not form a part of aCabinetwith to Catholic emancipation at its head; but he conceive that his other Noble Friends had . from a similar opinion, because the Government Lord Liverpool did not exclude persons who c sentiments favourable to Catholic ell ancipation. had thought that Lord Liverpool's Govern been of a contrary opinion, he would never b; member of it. He had not the vanity to suppose that Administration would have suffered by hr to take a part in it,—no such opinion as this err his head,—but, as an honest man, he would fused on principle. and he must sly, that ' understood the principle of that Government been as he had stated it.. ' With respect tr, which he held in the present Administration of looking upon it-as an honour to be should have considered it as a calamity to , if, by adoptiog any means in his power, have kept together the elements of the late tration,wbich were now unhappily separated. aodLearaed Friend had said that they had been time of the basest calumnies; but whatever' niet bad been,he could assure them that they harbourodinhis breast. It had been said that had teemed with these calumnies.and it had also that the press was under the influence of but he Was sure that the latter allegation w rect, because he was convinced that the prf too independent, and far too powerful, for ment to exercise any influence over it--( Those Noble Lords might laugh, but if they side of the House, and had to try the caper' would soon find; probably to their incouve his opinion was correct. As to conspiracy Hon. Friends, he was far from imputing arty the kind to t hem. He would not cast such , cation upon them ; nay, he could not cast such potation upon them, even if there existed ci which attached the most powerful suspicion them. Many of the difficulties which bad their origin from want of More communican really believed that if there bad been more nication, much of what he called the mischief taken place might have been prevented. Right Honourable Friend told him - of received his Majesty's commission, he (N' derich) said, he would certainly fulfil hi commands, and remein • and he made • to the communication, because he felt that . 15 years the Catholic Question had been left opeti in the Administration; while at the same periods qirso ordinary distress and difficult,. sters of the Crown had been in the possession confidence of the King, of both Houses of .- and, he thought he might safely add, of the (Cheers). It was true that this Administration deprived of its leader; but then he saw no doubt that if the rest remained united, ' continue to effect the same object, and it reason' that, without waiting to ask himself . he bad undoubtedly not hesitated for a mow that his services were at the command of . —(Cheers). He felt that he should have been basest and the shabbiest parts, it he t 1 decision according to that of others, as their could not possibly apply to his case. It w" impossible that the circumstance of the head nistration being a friend to Catholic Ernancii form any, even the slightest objection with Government at present was not constitute , nor altogether satisfactory, it was not him and his Honourable and Noble Ft object of Mr. Canning was to keep the the late Ministry together, but they had . and that without any act of his (Mr. Canniag.s). : 1 ; kind of situation was he then placed in? What w, 5 . ,,, to lay to his Majesty ? Was he to say, 4 6 I w;4 11 1 7 away and leave you in.such a predicament a 4 .DO SO neigh was ever placed in before r He (Mr. was undertake we toll awar form e an tha Admitiistration• Of yt otherand said the wConti''' .4 a . nature, and he (Viscount Goderichi did not ico is r in the chierap J stifib ecedftte4 will nd and jolt's. ite suddes rngre st of ve lo o k ed hem aCK might bed measures, oadi Pere patro. sal om day to Tuts amiably ties whatever ON' old riot bd ash In to nosh tIM Ich h e dm boo Lotdbhips' t would btl is 1• 11 ed and car blta ed by th a t t the intent hid iead of the Soh e Catholics Pen sold repeat the i bid and le- to • but be th e *bo mid not be awl it until this ate" t, halite.; tin pinion' had hi mid, there. bin their Lord. 10• 1 he precise bad ct would be intro in farm of f n the tuba* *hi Or to elicit* whi a Piotevaot Frio ed no King, and to refuse! Pith no small Bel tddress slack be I is being m Got n the undit. contend with ape Or whom he sad aspect as dry rata ✓itoeised the 441, sg's Commit , feelings of wit .1 understood ' Vegl iends bat pat at a tune'* dot they shooli tai Memberof teat iuse he woof (Ch twith a hod Per he cold no bat id withdtan had rsvernment of a p so entertaited (Th ration. If be ahii ernment Ind the r have been a Los .'Suppose not boo by hi. Tering s e t alarm nt u e l y ch d e ne r t b . a ta l o i t w e e : ea t his to the Oct ration, *and has s coveted ? * Al be dreaded, CCI rer, he cnold wh late Admit*. ha ed. H Nobb Gs l been the lie be er those taloa. woo had not be Pro that the plat an , !also been stil Govm nail; Ca was not cot• eel press was * P 4) sr the Goya PrO -(A laugh).— his they sot on bn ha . KT mot, dui Hi, ,venience, that the icy among Ni be )tlncuiis4icciruonnihcaacturhiiamosethoanagni:7l3.ngitibzialot:f3; cotb:; feni a ic ia°r dc hi h e e ivv l s t c h h o ben a ca :lwi li : B F ceiti a a d (Slicount Go- , as his Majegl' an e this aerrie at for the lot Va l e country.— bomi: O laotsfi l ti gina tfse suolittoet they as y mwhhi n f t , sie t a serieashi e t on reason er f t I ni h cuaim ii t e uftadoi e to : e m ntnhrlotagjlees been ths 014 ti n a b ebl Etitbort.43}eitctliziwb° t is rl f l had made be wl th as iiia i bi t.ctEtn(enitdhiwwi t yietprift h o,daihtslaseme e rfshieitsi.n i almtie r aenochd:somwtairn).n.i4 t ain,Awen e i.uiolaic a :,c4irdaton to wtat:stasiririt i 7.,), d n they ;wound".4" c o tra: tr . sot gat,