Star. — London, England, 1830-03-11 00:00:00

I ' r. • ference, thought hale and prudent to give star support to the es. tablishment of the**conetkuden In that country, in ardor to more the good will of the party there attached to the ematitution *f i t/ land. Mr. Canning, at the time, fairly thought, that if the a tution were established with the aid of England, the gratitude of that party attached to it, for our exertions, would render the connexion between the two countries still more intimate and advantageous. By the countenance then afforded to the constitutionalists, we induced them to come forward and risk their lives and fortunes in supper of the constitution ; and, now, by the policy which we since aida pted, we delivered them up to be massacred by Don Miguel, or punished and degraded in any way that his malice and cruelty could devise. We abandoned them to be sacrificed in their own country, or to be driven out of it; and what was the species of refuge we afforded them here ?—(Hear, hear.) But upon that point he should not dwell now, as the right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Hunt) was pledged to bring all the transactions relating to Terceira before the house. He would only say, that one mind appeared to pervade all these transactions.—( Hear, hear.) But it was asked, why suspect the conduct of England in these transactions ? Why suspect It ! 6' Who finds the heifer dead and bleeding fresh, And sees, fast by, a butcher with an axe, But will suspect 'twas be that made the slaughter?—(Cheers.) if there were not pounds for suspicion, wh not let us know thing relating to these transactions ?—( lo ud cries of "he ar " Peace," " peace," was now the word. He (Sir F. Burdett) trusted that this country was not so fallen in condition and in energy as to be afraid of war. The minister who would declare that this country durst not go to war, did not show any respect fur the honour and character of the country which were here so deeply concerned ; and if the mere word " war" were to silence all argument upon the subject, then he (Sir F. Burdett) would say that in that case the nation was undone.--(hear, hear, hear.). Though greatly distressed at present, this country, when com pared with other countries in Europe, possessed always sufficient resources to maintain its honour. War, undoubtedly, should be a last resource, but if necessary, this country was escapable sever to maintain its honour and put forth its powers. (Cheers.) If an English minister should get up in the House of Commons and say, t hat this country was not in a state to go to war for the defence of its. honour and character, then he (Sir F. Burdett) would say that some heads should be brought to the block. (Hear.) A greatman, whose memory he respected and admired, and than whom no man could be a greater enemy to war—he meant the late Mr. Fos—had well said, that the cases In which war might be dispu. table, were those which included a war for aggrandisement, which was dishonest; a war of ambition, which was indefensible; and a war of interest. which was disgraceful ; but he added, that when.. ever our honour was concerned, we should be always ready to stand torward in its defence, and that unless we did so, we would be no longer fit to hold, and we could not hold, our station in the eyes of the world. Was a dread of war to induce us to recognise the despot Don Miguel— " lilonstrum a vitio nulls virtute redenipturn ?" Was it come to this, that the least resistance being exhibited on his pan, we should submit at once, and all because, as the right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Calcraft) had asserted, that we were unable to go to war ? (Hear.) That was the surest way to involve us in war; and if we were net prepared at all times for war, we could have nothing but a disgraceful, miserable, and unprofitable peace. (Cheers.) He could not believe that we were unable to go to war, after what had been said by the noble duke at the head of the government in another place. Indeed, the present adminis tration seemed to be composed of ministers who, like the fabled monster with two mouths, spoke one way in one place, ant: ar.other way in another place. (A laugh.) Peace was now the word. England, it appeared, no longer dared to raise her sten dard of glory aloft before the world, and to bear her streamers against the driving thunder -storm, and all the winds of heaven; no, rile must now yield to every wind that blows, and even to the blast ut Don Miguel : and must she be content to put her honour in her pocket because the Minister of War declares that she could not go to war? air. Canning was not the man who would have adopted such policy, or have brought this country to such a pass. If we are hot able to go to war, why, in the name of common sense, .ticiald we retain our present immense military establishments P— sby out at once Doff the lion's hide, " And hang a calfskin on those recreant limbs r—(Cheert.) If the heart was gone,—and in truth the head seemed not able to. direct the heart or hands to any noble enterprise,—if that were the case, the sooner we got rid of our enormous establishments the better. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Caleraft) had argued the question as one of pounds, shillings, and pence. If that were the proper view of it, what did we want with missionaries ? and why keep up an army of soldiers and diplomatists ? (Hoar.) If we were only to mind our own shop, and.not hay* any thhig to do with the affairs of our neighbours, we' sheeld at least get a chance of saving our money. He was sure that the people of this country would support ministers in any wise course of measures for the sup port of the national honour. The noble lord had made out a coins plete case fur the production of these papers, and he (Sir F. Burdett) did not see how they could be refused. Mr. CALCRAFT explained. He never meant to say, accord. ing to the extravagant misrepresentation of the Member for West minster, that this country was not able to go to war.--(hear, hear.) He never conceived a doubt on th a t p o i nt , w h ere t h ere were good grounds and just cause for our going to war, but he contended, and would still contend, that no such grounds existed here. Mr. PEEL said, that in rising upon this occasion, he felt it necessary to ask for more than the usual indulgent consi deration of the House. He could not but regret that It had been deemed advisable by the Noble Lord, no doubt for good resems, though he (Mr. Peel) could not divine their nature. to submit to motion of this important description to the house, upon day which was usually devoted to relaxation, and upon which titer. was a distinct arrangement and understanding =wag men et ail parties that no public business whatever of any cense (h:MX should ever be brought forward.—(Loud and general cheers.) His (Mr. Peel's) time had been ao much and so inces. santly occupied, in consequence of the lateness of the debates during the last two days in this house, that he really conceived he had some claim upon the noble lord's forbearance, and that he had some right to expect that such a motion as t hi s would out h a r e been brought forward on this day, which was a soil it parliamentary dies non.—(loud cries of ei hear, bear, hear.") He (Mr. Peel) had been detained in the house, by public busy. beet, till t our o ' clock this morning. (Hear, hear.) lie *as after. wards obliged to devo.e a considerable portion of the day to the transaction of public business connected with the office in which he presided. and which could not be postponed ; and he felt, therefore, that he ercered under great disadvantages upon the discussion of this question. (Hear.) He laboured under this great disadvantage, tiort while his noble friend had an opportunity to select his potions I.! attack, without considering it necessary to communicate pre viously to goverrinent the points which should be made the edict et his attack, he (Air. Peel) was called upon, on the part of his Ma. J. sty sgo vrrnment, to enter upon an explana tion of haneactioas thth web' spread over a wide extent of surface, which embraced a an. wiltrinie period of time, and which did not particularly relate to the peculiar department over which he (Mr. Peel) presided. Noiwith. stsuding these disadvantages, however, he trusted he should be able to give a satisfactory answer to the charges and 41:11:auon* of his noble friend. In doing so, however, he hoped al lowances would be made for the peculiar situation in Which be (Mr. Peel) was placed, and for his inability to refer publicly, at present, to the documents and particular facts of the case, which would furnish a complete refutation of the Noble Lord's charges. And here he could not avoid declaring, that in the whole course of 14 public life lie had never found his prisete feeling. clash so much soh those public considerations from which he could not, coasts t...tly ai.h his views of the public interest, depart 0 occasion. If he could refer to all t h e papers connected with those transaction taey w ou ld furn i sh a most triumphant answer to his Noble Friend ; wey would afford a full explanation of the whole ease, and they would %hew why his Noble Friend had selected some of theme Iran. sections toe animadversion, and why he had prudently abstained from referrin g 19 others- He (Mr. Peel) was confident that even without t of rice hose ducunienis, lie should be able to give a satisfactory vindisadoo condca of his majesty's government, and oldie cause which, as a minister of the crown, he thought it most proper to pursue la tefertne e io the interests of that country with the administration wf tee affs.rs of which lie was charged. Ihe 100. baronet, the member ter M'emirister had mad e a s p eec h that could easily be mad e , f or he Lot only spoke for himself but against himself. It was stay to make charges against hi s majesty's ministers, and than call ,40) . Olin to ans s er t h em , w h en t h e expressions to which they had re. "Psere IltVtr used on this aide of the house: His eight hon. friend nYthaster ut the Forces, had sufficiently aaswerrd for himself an. that h. ad. it wale ceser asserted on this side of the house, that this country would be unable to sustain a war, whenever a war would , be ,! 4 "nrY sad just. He conceived that of all the just cum., of war, ninon of the honour of a country was that which was most . 1 6 2_ 1 7 . could conceive few cases in Which mere cootriders: of interim could justify country for • involving itself in .",01 so..curred moat cordially with the doctrine of Mr. ' t e .ni. , that Ole hest vindication which a country emikl plead fee of the r'g in war was, that it was accessary to the vindication Knits na g' honour ; but making a concession of all these lai r i f • to the honourable baronet, he still thought that it was mat or legitimate inquiry, whether, when we'srere invited to awe nby 1 . 0 war therwas any engagement expressed Vf= ai lat mad* the coi.i.try, yml or inoral obligati= My ion ut interest wh t 44 'eh required it to involve itself In that war, or to hold r 7, rmenacing language, which, if it were dloiregarded, left us no nativ e but tile commencement of war..—(llww, War.) did iVe llkat tither his noble.friend or tharlioasurable bayonet lit7st occeie e him io be arguing the question unfairly, if, nukin g aciiiiissions, he proceeded to annelid that it ~~ . 1 1, . was our interest not is involve mmelves In wan, me* for 1 petit and parataatst easkifirefisa. He deeWiellia. hie at iltw net conider hiss as stain Me .sles assumed it to be this s—dist Ids =od e was. first, that there wen emits eltrennienlsr enleleem Mpelled this country ts pursue a dillieent annie Sum dee which It actually had pursued. His amble Shod did um Mote Idiu. elf to be an advocate for war.....bis nobasikind had become tams—aud Obstefore he would merely say on that Wiest, that if war were necessary, let us have war; bat if it mum* vacessary, let us net senjure up such a phantom to deter moo lb= Ihillowle. the dictum of reason. His noble Mend, be repeat* died set that we *mid go to war—he claimed that we should do emeadlistg dir. from that, though he did not state what thee sentething t="t should be; he said that we should hays sum ead a dif. tone in the language which we addressed to the Government of Portugal, and that we should have enforced certain rights which we possessed by treaty, and which we had failed to enforce. His noble Mend had likewise said, for he had taken down his words, We bawdy slunk from the engagements into which we entered, and we have legal claims on Don Miguel which we have failed to en. force." Now, if he was not much mistaken, be should be able to show, that if we had basely slunk from our engagements, his majes ty's present advisers were not the only persons who ought to bear the disgrace of such misconduct,--that if we bad failed to enforce our legal claims on Don Miguel, the noble lord and his friends were equally implicated in such failure; for the period when the execu tion of sueb engagements, if such engagements there were. could have been most - efectually compelled, was when his noble friend him. self held office under the aown (cheering), and at that time he had never heard from his noble friend any of those remonstrances which be had made so vehemently that night. (Cheers.) He would admit to his noble Mend, that even supposing that there ware no express engagements, there might be moral obligations on the contrary which ought to have the same force. He would in the course of his speech consider that question fully, and would inquire whether there were any engagements expressed or implied requiring our interference with the government of Portugal, or whether there were any moral obligation possessing the face of a formal con tract. He must here stop to vindicate the memory of his late right hon. friend, Mr. Canning, from the imputations which had been thrown on it that night, if the assertions of the hon. baronet opposite were well founded. He must contend that the whole of Mr. Canning's, language in that house, and the whole of his written communiettUns with foreign ministers, which were on record, con. tradicted the assertion, that there was any thing either in the mode he which the Portuguese chaster was granted, or in the mode in which It was conveyed to Lisbon, imposing any obligation upon England es mintain It in fall and undiminished integrity. If our troops Me, is it was contended, sent to Portugal to interfere with the in. Menai institutions of that country— ' Mr. E. DAVENPORT (we believe)—Nobody said that. Mr. PEEL understood the noble lord and the hon. hart, to have both said, that the circumstances under which the charter had been carried to Portugal excited expectations there, which we were bound to realise. If that were so, how was it to be reconciled with the lan. gunge of Mr. Canning ? Mr. Canning had not disapproved of Sir C. Stuart's conduct in bringing the charter from the Brazils to Portugal ; as to the granting of that charter, England could not be responsible for it, and he would therefore leave it out of consideration; but be cause Mr. Canning had not disapproved of Sir C. Stuart's conduct, his noble friend argued that expectations were raised in Portugal which we were bound in honour to fulfil Now that was not the view taken by Mr. Canning of the consequences which were likely to arise from the charter's having been conveyed to Lisbon by a Portuguese agent, who happened to be a British subject. The directions which Mr. Canning sent to Sir C. Stuart were, that be having left the charter at Lisbon with the parties who were commissioned to receive it, should return immediately home to prevent any such impression from being made either upon the Portuguese people, or upon other nations. That was evident from the language of Mr. Canning's des. patch to Sir W. A'Court. On the 22d of July, 1826, he wrote thus to Sir W. A'Court t " It is the anxious wish of his Majesty'. Go vernment, that nothing may have brim demo by Sir Charles Stuart, whether under the commission of the Emperor Don Pedro, ot at the solicitation of the Portuguese authorities, which an be liable, either in Portugal, or throughout Europe, to be misconstrued a an authoritive interference in the internal concerns of Poured. Should any thing of that sort unluckily have occurred, his ma. jesty's government relies confidently on your excellency for doing away the impression which it would be calculated to by a discreet use of the explanations and declarations, contained in my despatches to your excellency, and in those of which I have transmitted copies for your information." Again, on the same day, Mr. Canning wrote thus to Sir C. Stuart :—" It is the de. sirs and determination of his majesty's government, to avoid, as far as possible, the appearance of a ny direct interference of Bri. dub agency in as establishment of the new order of in Portugal" He did not suppo se that any gentleman things contend, that-because Mr. Canning enjoined Sir C. Stunt to avoid, the' appearance of British interference, he intended to authorise him to any on that interference in a secret manner ; by no means. Mr. Canning intended to deny the existence of any desire on the past of the British government to interfere in the establishment of the new order of things in Portugal. Mr. Canning expressly said,, that he founded his approbation of the charter on the implied assent of the people of Portugal to it : and in a despatch, dated the 17th of July, 1820, and addressed to Sir W. A'Court, he says—" It appears to us, upon the whole, that the best chance of a soft and tranquil issue to the present extraordinary crisis in Por tugal will be to be found in an acceptance (as immediate ao may be suitable with the importance of the measure) of the charter of Dori Pedro, coupled as it is with his abdication of the throne. Any othet course must, as it appears to us, be full of danger." But what did Mr. Canning say afterwards ? " But if, nevertheless, another course shall be pursued, we shall not be the has anxious for its peaceable and happy issue, than if it were one which we had ourselves asiserL" He thought that he had now satisfactorily shown that Mr. - Canning had never admitted that he was responsible for the establishment of the charter in Portugal; and that the bringing of it to Lisbon by Sir C. Steen, who though a British subject, was a Portuguese agent, was no claim upon Dag. land to support that constitution against the wishes of the Para. gorse nation. (Hear.) The next point which be had to notice in the speech of his noble friend referred to the primal el Vienna. His noble friend, and after him the honourable baronet, had both argued thabeause the signature of a British minister was attached to. that protocol, we bad contracted an engagement to see that the engagements into which Don Miguel had entered were faithfully observed. As the house had been told that this motion had been made not so much with a view of obtaining any new documents, as whh a view of costing a censure upon his majesty's government, he hoped that the house would, alth oug h it was an unprecedented night fur debate, listen so him with tsm whilst be entered at some on the defence of government. The circumstances under which we parties to the prosocol of Vienna ware very fully explain. ed in a despatch sent by Prince Metternich to 'Maw Esterhary, the Austrian ambassador to this counhy, and by him communicated to this government (Hear, bear.) Honourable members would find it at page 29 of these papers. (Hear, hear.) He could smug the house that no 4nstructioea had been given to Lord Cowley, the British Ambassador at Vienna, to be present at the con fames between Don Miguel and Prince Esterhaty. The intention of Don Pedro to constitute Don Miguel his Lieutenant in Portugal was known at Vienna, and was communicated by Prince Metter. nich to Don Miguel. In consequence of the excitation which then unfortunately prevailed on the minds of the people of Portugal, it wits thought necessary that Don Miguel should go forthwith from Vienna to that country. Prince Ileac el& proposed to him to go thither by way of Patio and London. To this plan Don Miguel expressed great reluctance; and this was the manner in which Prince Metternich. explained the matters on which he invited the British Ambassador to a confirence.—fice p. 32. " See keg ourselves thus animal in our progress by the unexpected re. sistance we had met with from this young prince, 1 determined at once, confidentially, and in the fullest detail, to make the British ainbassador (whom I had previously informed of the objec t and end of my conference, with the Portuguese plenipotentiaries acquainted with all that bad pissed between them ad me, and ween his niejessy and the infant. I afterwards invited Sir Henry Wellesley to meet these gentktun and me, to take together into con. sideration the means which we could yet adopt, in order to overcome the resistance of as infant, and, in the event of our not succeeding, to concert such measures, as, with the consent of his government, from which we • Were quite ekterwaileof nog sic separate °limf s. in this giliar, it might be necessary to adopt without del a y, i n onkr not to potting such a doggerel's .ssatr-ef things. in Portugal." finch ware the chow stances, he repeated, under which Lord Cowley had become a pity to that protocol. Bet Lend Cowley wryer Gorged to MO: did Don Miguel should pedant the ts into which be bad entered towards Ids brother and towards his countryman. He Imo se guarantee for the execution et those eopgatiento—(luier, hear.) He was nothing mom thin a witness to their having-bear *nawle--(bsee, bees); and thus he thcatibt that there was an sad to the weenies that Load Cowley, and through him the Milli Hermitian, was a party to die tit which Deo.bliguel formally made with h brother and w th his people6.-(beas; berm) His noble friend had likewisa seated that there has •agmtosel de London signed by Don Miguel previous to his departure fee Lisbon, and that . such protocol must have been duet en beim DoeMiguens arrival her,, as it was alluded to in a despatch what about the same time from Lisbon by Sir F. lamb. (Hew) He stitLhot feel himself at liberty to state to the house the som. tents of dm protocol; for in arguing on °facia deetucelitil, If which he had desermlool to 'dose she" plodoetams, he ANA mien think it right In describe their contents. Whenever these Omit~ mina ehoold be Smug% to-a deal *me, sbetimelimmilmboabl be pewiej t ed, and then his noble Mend would ese that theme was no engagenient, either express • vir implied; eempellist Its tare vent Don Miguel from acting as he had done. (Hese, hear.) rtir;r.7 - Moab shun had ban laid, in the came of the debate. en the tips =of the British troop s in Portugal when Does Om at Lisbon, and afterwards wise he commenced Ida Airtime 41110 SON if his brothers or at any rate of his brothaelriesgb• ten • Ace Mewl tale to be the most impoetaat pert of bis noble Mare gm*, ad he know that it was that which had emoted the gems* terriemies es the sea His noble friend had mood that the appmanes of our keeps in Portegil was a direct interference in its Internal gBlrs. "It mattered not whether it was intentional or not," he said, s' but a direct int er f erence it certainly was." It was true that the iliritish troops were at Lisboa when Don Miguel arrived. It was true that instructions were given to our commanders to avoid interfering in the internal dimensions of Portugal, with this proviso, that in care of necessity, they were to grant protection to the members of the royal family. said the hon. gentleman opposite— " Nothing could have been more easy than for us so have retained pomade') of the facts on the Tape," and on that point he agreed with the hon. gent. that if we were right to go to war with Portugal to support the constitution, or to control Don Miguel, the time tor going to war, or for using those menaces, which, if disregarded, leh no alternative but war, was when Lisbon was occupied by oar forma. Could there be any question upon that point P The period during which we had 4,000 or 6,000 efficient troops in Portugal, was the Ceirwhen it would have been m ost expedient for us to interfere; lien we omitted that opportunity, and directed our troops to withdraw entirely from Portugal, we abandoned all right of inter ference for the future. It was only tight that he should state to die house that the British minister had withheld the order for the withdrawal of the troops, contrary to his instructions, but in con formity with what he considered the interests of his country. The British government, in the instructions which they had given him, had maintained the position laid down by Mr. Canning—that the troops were not sent to take any part in the internal dissen. DIM of Portugal ; and thus they were allowed to stay at Lisboa when Don Miguel arrived, and also when he assumed the Royal and usurped the Throne of his brother. The British lei. from good motives disregarded his instructions, acting therein with each perfect propriety as to receive for it the approbation of the Government at home.—(hear, hear.)—His reason for disregarding them was his desire to ascertain whether there was any engagement binding us to correct the extraordinary conduct of Don Miguel, or whether the interest of the country required that a menacing tone, or even war, should be adopted towards him and his intrusive govern. ment. All this took place, he ought to observe, after several appear ances of an Intention, on the part of Don Miguel, to assume the royal authority, and to place himself upon the throne. The decree for convening the Cortes at last came out, having the royal signature, instead of the signature of the king's lieutenant, attached to it. The question, whether it should interfer e or n o t, then came regularly before t he British government, and yet, though such was the ques. lion brought before it, the order that every British soldier in Por tugal should he withdrawn was repeated—and, if he was not mis. taken, the letter which contained that order bore the sipature of William Huskisson.— {immense cheerio .) Thus, if the King's go. vernment had basely slunk from the per formance of its engagements, it was at the very time that it could sheave interfered with the greatest effect ; and if it were base to slink from the performance of such engagements, the King's present advisers were not the only per sons obnoxious to that imputation.—(great cheering.) There was another circumstance to which it was painful even to allude, but to which he undoubtedly must allude, because it formed one of the combination of c'rcumetances which led his noble friend to sup. pose that we were under engagement to make Don Miguel perform his contract towards his bra and his people, and that was the oath which Don Miguel had taken before the emperor of Austria, the Ring of England, and the B r i t i s h gove rnment, to stand faith. fully by the constitution. (Hear.) He admitted that such • pro mime was given in the most solemn, and that it had been violated in the most shameful, manner. Goa forbid that he should say one word in vindication of Don Miguel's conduct upon that had. (Hear, bear.) He was well aware of the alliance which his noble friend was sure to form with the sympathies of all who heard him, when he had to deal with the engagements of a person upon whose character such reflections could be east, and cast with justice. He was also aware that his noble (deed had availed himself largely of that natural sympathy which be was sure to excite when he pleaded in behalf of that young person whom we admitted to be the legiti. mate Queen of Portugal. He (Mr. Peel) was bound as a Minister, to consult the great interests committed to his charge, and to decide on the merits of the question, not by listening to appeals to his feel ings, but by pursuing the dictates of reason and expediency. It was true, then, that Don Miguel had disregarded the oath which he had sworn to his brother. What weft the circumstances under whkh that oath was disregarded—how far the violation of it was in con. phases with the prevailing feeling of Portugal,--were points into width be declined to inquire, for he was not prepay to vindicate thus. ((ssers.) He had, however, head it whispered that the same dresseetemes had happened before in the same family, and they might thseshee entitle him to have some allowance made though he (Mr. Pal) sineitted that they could not palliate his oblivion of the esommesed ts. (Hear.) Honourable members could not have forgettom fiat the Brazils had been separated from Porta& gal some years age in nearly the same manner as Portugal bad recently been separated from the Brazils. He was afraid that it somehow or other had happened that Don Pedro had contracted towards his father engag em ents similar to those which Don Miguel had contracted towards Den Pedro. He was afraid that it likewise had happened that Dun Pedro, relying on the stamen of the peo ple, had violated his engagements towards his father as decidedly as Dos; Miguel had since violated them towards Don Pedro. lie (Mr. Peel) had some reason to believe that when Don Pedro was administering the Government of the Brasile in the name of his father, he took the following oath. [Here Mr. Peel read a long extract from a letter of Don Pedro to his father, Dun John, King of Portugal, in which he protested to his Majesty that be never would be a perjurer. That if the people of the Bra zils were mad enough to think of elating him Emperor, the election should not be until he and all the Portuguese in the Befalls were cut to *ems, and that he swore all this faithfully to his majesty, writing is his own blood, *give It greater ethcacy, his'oath to be faithful to the king, the Pentiguese nation, and the constitution.) (Loud aim of “ HOW, hear.") Circunimtences arose shortly afterwards, which proved the value which Doe Pedro set upon this oath. The prevailing feeling of the Brazils was so strong in favour of erecting the Brazils into an independent state, and of separa ting them from Portugal, that Don Pedro felt that he had se. alternative but to yield to that feeling and to declare himself Emperor, if be wished to pawn any amicable relations with Per. tugal. It was true that the cases of Don Pedro and Don Miguel were net ; for in the case of Don Pedro there was not even the *Wow an obligation made with England ; than was enough et reemitiesse between them to show that they o ug h t n ot altogether lothimpod the way in which these engagements had been violated Innonselior member of the royal family of Braganza. There was another argument of his noble friend, which might appear to pos. mess some importance—A' You repudiate," mid his noble friend, " all interference now, though I have shown that all your former course has been a course of interference. I claim your adherence, net to your exception, but to your rule. You have interfered often before in the affairs of Portugal, all I ask of you is to interfere again now." Now this, he begged leave to say, was a fallacious argument. He admitted that Engl a nd h a d often Interfered with the affairs of Portugal the relations of England to Portugal we so peculiar, that it was impo s sibl e t ot E ng l an d not to interfere in them. We had guaranteed, In repeated treaties, the independence of Per. fugal; and that guarantee gave us • right to interfere in the ma :segment of her elflike. His Noble Friend had said , " You inter. feed at Vienna about the separation of the Brazils from Portugal, and also about the appointment of Don Miguel to be Lieutenant of that kingdom t why do you net interfere for the restoration of the charter P" He (1110 Peel) could tell kis Noble Friend shortly why, We interfered in the case of the Brazils, because under our media. den a negotiation had been entered into for separating the Brazils from Portugal, and foe placing the crowns of the two countries on different beads. When Don Pedro, by the death of his father, united the two crowns on his own had, we were compelled by the treaty which had been signed under our mediation to interline in order to compel him to make his election of the crown which he would prefer to wear. The treaty of 1826 rendered it necessary for us to call on Don Pedro to fulfil his obligations under it, and to se. parate Portugal and the Brazils for ever. Such interference as this might possibly be found by his noble friend in numerous cases ; but where could his noble friend And any interference ea our part with the Internal regulations of the government of Per. P (Hear, hear.) We had been related to Punnet for up. nods et her centuries, and in that time many champs bad ocatured In tie hen of government of both counuies. There were treaties hoed with Portugal in the reign of Charles 1.. and also in the time et the Commonwealth, and by those. treaties we were bound to nothing more than maintain. her independence against all 'smallest& When the Emus met la 18E2, and claimed our In to:fame in• their behalf, what was the answer given to their ap- Oaths by Mr. Canning P It .was this.—" We have undertaken , and are r ead y at All hazards to guarantee, the lade pas Portugal from foreign powers, but we bays nothing to do wkhoind we decline to Interfere in,. its burred regulations. He therefore said that there was no moral obligation, hay.rg the force of a hound obligation, arising from our past interference in the allialso.offorruga4 which anti upon us to interfere at present hr the • noistaiint of the charter. But then came seethes qoestioo— ,did any andheatiees of interest compel us to interfere otherwise then we Whim had interfered ? He really did not understand the coures•whielt hie noble friend wished the Government to posse& We , had ashes • may other alternative but war, or the "mama of war. We had withdrawn ens. . minister from Per. 4 1 11 PI dine, Ws and be was withdrawn mtill. The English thakaa was generally known, become the 'manatee for C M , I 4ifent of a loan made in _ this country to Pon Miguel. The sessep.seemns 1 .441Vb1e1. )iti• somas Don Miguel.refused take the oath of fidelity to his brother and uprise charter, the Bri. dab minister sent back the first instalment of the loan, which had al. or, • ..- . .... .. . ... ... . reedy arrived In the pert of Lisboa Ow the disks of re. deka, Me did not intend' to speak, fir It: appeared that they were to farm the selsject of snooker modem He knew not to . whin acts, save these which he had 'Madded, Reiland could here resorted, shaft of Wir, Er t h e application of such snemees as, if disregarded, would remier wet a natural con. 'mance. Now, was it for the interest if Ragland. be would ask, to go is war for the putters, of compodlieg Don Miguel to perform his empowestia, or of enforcing on a reluctant people a constitution flat Which they had no ? (Hear.) Under what eireeromances, he would ask, was that constitution granted ? The house had been told that it was the duty of England to range herself on the side of free esestitutions, and despotic govern. moms; and that she ought, upon that pried et, to throw her sword lute the balance of parties which were now ividing Portugal. in plain English, the argument of the hon. bars. and of his noble friend, red when eel silts dazzling rhetoric, was nothing more than thie.— "We ou gh t to go to war fur the Portends e constitution .''—( hear, hew.)Now, whatever the feelings of the people of England might be at p r e s e n t egarding the propriety of such a war, he would ven ture to predict that two months would not elapse from its com mencement' before the supplies for ling it would be withheld. Was, then , that constitution granted with such deliberation and con. saltation of circumstances as ought to precede the rant of a form of government ? It was true that that constitution ema nated from a legitimate source. But under what circumstance* ? Don Pedro received intelligence of the death of Don John on the 28th of April. On the 30th of April he had an interview with Sir Charles Stuart, when mention was first made of the Por tuguese constitution. Bir Charles Stuart, in his despatch to the British government on the subject, said, " he produced the project of a constitution for Portugal, to the compilation of which he had devoted the greater part "—of what, would the house suppose ? of his life P No : Sir Charles Stuart addle!, "of a week . (Hear.) This was the manner in which Don Pedro had framed a constitu. lion by which a country 2,000 or 3,000 miles from the Brazils, was to be governed. Before this country resolved to go to war, in support of this emanation, it would at least be mania, to ascertain how for the affections of the people of Portugal were enlisted in its favour. On the let of March. 1328, Sir Frede rick lamb wrote, in a despatch to the British government— ". Den Miguel is constantly assailed with entreaties to make himself Ring." In the course of the same month Sir F. Lamb stated in another despatch —" No party here of any consequence at. aches the least value to the charter. These facts being perfectly undeniable, he implored the house to reflect upon the consequences of forcing upon a reluctant people • constitution, however good in itself. It should not be forgotten that an effort had been made in Portugal to oppose the assumption of Power by Don IlligueL The army aided that attempt--all the disciplined force of the country was in its favour, and yet the attempt signally failed. The failure of this attempt to dispossmis Don 3liguel of his usurped authority warranted the assumption that we should meet with no cordial support from the people of Portugal, if we entered upon a war in support of the constitution. It was said that Brazil had proposed to us to enter Into • treaty. the object of which was to dispossess Don Miguel of his power and re.establish the constitu tion; but it was quite evident that this would be merely a nominal treaty on the put of Brazil, and that the whole burden of the war, if it were undertaken would fall upon us. B es id e s, th e re were good reasons for supposing that even it the Government of Brazil were in clined to defray its share of the undertaking, the le ople of that country would not consent to such &sacrifice in favour of Portuguese inter ests exclusively. On the ground that there w as nothing which called upon this country in vindication of its honour to go to war, or to pursue any other course than that which had been pursued,— on the ground that the interests of the country, apart from consi derations of honour, were opposed to war, he would resist the ma. Lion, the object of which was to express an opinion in favour of another line of polit7. He wished on his own account personally, sad es con with the Administration, that the papers moved Ix could be produced 1 but in the present state of our relations with Portnpl, be was bound to state his opinion, that it would not be fa the interest of Englund,—it would not be for the interest if Plsetelpl,r.i t would not be fur the interest of that party with Owe sympathies of his noble friend were so justly and so heeentably engaged. On these grounds he was bound to st at e , on his responsibility as a Minister of the Crown, that it would not be wise to produce the documents at the present moment. The noble lord had stated, that the papers already produced on the subject were garbled extracts. He denied that most distinctly.... (bear, bear.) He trusted that the house would not be Imposed Epos by whatever they might have heard with respect to the pplasetioras of his 3lajesty's Government for arbitrary power ' IPA illepotie institutions, and of its indifference to free inn I MAM'. sad to the fate of those who had been engaed in malntalnieg theen,—he hoped, be repeated, that the _ house imald an efiper itself to be led away by vague accusations, tits ipieftwit was insensible to the painful situation of those =whole& involved themselves in difficulties, from their ad. to the free institutions of Portugal. He could state with imillitbst ministers were at the present moment labouring earnestly obi Nikitously for the protection of their interests, and he could MMNII the house, that one of his main grounds for withholding his *ea from the motion before them, was his deliberate conviction that the unreserved communication of documents would not pro- mote the interests of those unfortunate persons. (Hear, hear.) An attempt had been made to raise a prejudice against government, by darting that ministers had insisted that Don Pedro should give his daughter in marriage to Don Miguel. He could only meet that positive assertion by as positive a dental. (Hear, hear.) The British Government had never attempted to press the mar liege of Don Pedro since he declared his insuperable and very na tural repugnance to the union. Indeed, all communications with Don Pedro on that subject had been made rather wish the view of ascertaining his sentiments than any other object. Afier the explanation he bad offered, he was sure the house would bear him out in the assertion that the British Govern. meat had done nothing to disgrace the honour of England. (Hear, hear, hear.) The Government professed no friendship for arbi. testy power--It expressed no approbation of the course of con duct which Don Miguel had pursued. 'He claimed permission to share the sympathy which was felt for those individuals who were suffering on account of their attachment to free instate. lions, and their adherence to the cause of Don Pedro, whom they considered their legitimate monarch ; but he trusted it was possible to reconcile that feeling with obedience to the diorites of calm and sober judgment. He thought it was the true policy of England to maintain peace as long as it could be maintained consistently with honour, and not for one hour longer than it could be so maintained. Intlx 2 prusent instance he was of opinion that the maintenance of peace was perfectly consistent with the honour and interests of Eng land ; and let the judgment of the house be what it might, he, tow one, never would be a patty to a vote, which would have the effect of oontraventing the policy which the government had hitherto pur. sued, and of which he belived the house would, at no remote period, have cause to repent. (Cheers.) Mr. HU:SEISM IN next addressed the house. Some of his ob. servadons at the commencement were inaudible. When we could hear him he was expressing an opinion that our foreign policy had altered for the worse since the death of Pair. Canning. The policy of Mr. Canning was equally opposed to the two extreme parties— those who wished every thing to retrograde to the position in which it stood prior to the French revolution, and those who desired to revive the spirit of that revolution. (Hear, hear.) The right honourable gentleman then contended that hell the moment the British troops were sent to Portugal, the country was divided into two parties, one called the English and constitutional party, and the other the Spanish and despotic party. (Hear, hear.)—. From that moment, too, England teas, in the minds of ;Ite people of Portugal, identified with the 'upon of the constitution. liis sight hon. friend argued with perfect security on many points of this cop; and why, because he had refirsed to grant the papers which they had deemed it necessary to call for. His right bon. Mend had • stated that Sir Henry Welleeley had no authoety front this govern. •alent to interfere. Ile (34. Husklsson), though he stood t her e as tote who hadfbeen in the service of the crown, did not mean to refer to any communication which be might hate had in the course of his official dun( a, and which his tight honourable friend might wish to conceal from the houses but be knew from another EillErr,—from a source which had beenmade public—from informs. Tina given to the Portuguese people, and which information had . ft em& its way here—that cis right hon. Met d had not narrated the enact facts of the case. He could assert, without fear of comedic. the, that Sir H. Wellesley was apprized that the great object of this enemy was to effect peat, and reconcilistion between the princes of thalami/ of Braganca, and to maintain inviolate the constitution of Porteel g and he was surprised that his right hon. friend, the real dent of the board of trade, who was at the time in his Majesty:, councils, should have said that this government endeavoured to bring about a compromise ; for be was perfectly convinced from all the information which be had received on the subject, that so far as EQ. land, was concerned her object was the maintenance of the Poem guest constbution. When it was asserted that Sir H. Wellesley acted acted as • mute on this occasion, he begged to recall the atten tion of those who made this statement to the other parties who were employed in the business. Sure he was, that it was not probable that Slr H. Wellesley or Prince 31euernich, both of whom were fa. vourable to the Portuguese constitution, would, at the instance at Ron Miguel's friends, consent to compromise it. He found besides that the .protocol of the 23d of October began in those wools-- 4 The last protocol having been agreed to and signed, the Ambas sador of England Immediately afterwards stated that he had is most Important communication to make to the congress." Now, what Illas that communication ? Why, that individuals then constegatel in Spain, and most improperly supported by other persons in Part', were ab out to interpose fOr the 'tufted of overouniirg the Phi. legume government, and that therefore it would be necessary to call on Don Miguel to act firmly in support of the constitu. ton. In this point of view, therefore, he contended a l it t his country did, to a great extent, had the liberal party in e ( - i .~.