Star. — London, England, 1830-09-29 00:00:00

EXPRESS FROM PARIS. We have just received by express the Oazettc do France, !:ted Tuesday, and the other Paris journals of Monday. We extract from them the following account of the debate Tx the IMPEACHMENT OF THE LATE MINISTERS. _ - " CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES, Matioae, Stab 27. The business of the Chamber was this day of great interest_ namely, the debate u i r r o e n aa r a report of the Special Commissioners, ar raigning for High the el-Ministers. All the lobbies of the Chamber were occupied at an early hour by strangers. Among them were several English ladies. At 12 o'clock, when the doors were opened, it required the intervention of a Captain's company of the National Guard, to secure proper order in the admission of t ho se who had tickets for the diplomatic tribunes, and those belonging to the other public functionaries. All the places allotted for strangers were at once filled. " At one o'clock the President, latfitte, opened the sitting of the Chamber. The attendance of members was considerable. " M. Devaux (du Cher,) in the name of a special committee, sane. tionad the bill sent by the Chamber of Peers for the abrogation of the law against sacrilege. The debate on this bill was then fixed for Wed. nestle): next. a. Manguin's proposition for an inquiry into the state of the nation has been admitted by more than three bureaus or sections. " This proposition will be discussed after that of the bill of impeach ment against the ex-Ministers. " The President then announced the order of the day for discussing the report of the commission from which this impeachment emanated. " M. de Martignac first ascended the tribune. He was the late Se cretary of State fot the Department of the Interior in the years 1827 and 1828. He spoke with great solemnity, and was heard in pro found silence. Indeed the President, at the opening of this important business, hammed that no interruption should take place in &discussion of so grave and serious an import. M. de Martignac spoke to the following effect :-- "' In the month of August, 1829, the Prince de Polignac overthrew the Ministry, of which I formed a part. Separated from him by a po litical misunderstanding, outraged by the writers who appeared to be the organs of his opinions, I have not had since any communication with him. At a moment when a capital charge hangs over his head, when his life is menaced, he thinks of me, and calls me to his assistance.— Yesterday he applied for the aid of my counsel before the judges who soon will pronounce upon his fate. I was moved and surprised at this proof of his confidence, but I did not consider the danger of the task to be so great as he supposes ; I have followed the dictates of my heart—l have promised all my efforts-1 will keep my promise ; but I must not take part in this discussion. The explanations that I have given are necessary to make you understand my position.' " During the speech of M. Marugnac, M. Mauguin entered the Chamber; he ascends the tribune, and reads his proposition, which Is thus conceived : a commission shall be formed of nine members, to col lect documents, and make a report on the situation of France. This proposition will be discussed to-morrow, but not until sites the debate nn the act of accusation. " M. Gaetan de la Rochefoucault--Gentletnen were it not that I am profoundly impressed with the se n t i ments of my duty, I should not dare appear at this tribune. This is nut an ordinary discussion, it is an accusation—a prosecution of men whom you are going to muse of crimes which subject the criminals to capital punishment. I see the criminals—l behold their crimes with horror—l have long re. fleeted within myself upon the course I am bound to follow. The report which has been presented to you requires that the Chats. her of Deputies should accuse of treason the old Ministers for hav ing committed crimes provided against by the 91st, 109th, 110th, 120th, and 125th articles of the Penal Code. After having exa mined all the facts of the case, I am convinced that they ought to be accused of the crimes provided against by the articles 109, 110, and 123, but that no prosecution be founded on the 91st and 125th articles. (Here the speaker entered into a discussion on the nature of the facts of the case : he distinguishes them into those anterior to the 20th of July and those subsequent to that period, and then he cond. nues)—ln order to condemn the accused it is not sufficient that they should appear culpable ; it is necessary that a previous judgment should not have been passed upon the very same men for the same crimes. Now, I ask, why has Charles X. been driven from his throne and the country ? Was it because the Ministers tampered with the else. dons ? No, certainly, Charles X. has been driven from his throne because his Ministers signed ordinances hostile to the institutions of the country, and which brought about a civil war. Remark, gentlemen, that the Char. ca said the King is inviolable—the Ministers are responsible ; but you have thought, with reason, that the responsibility of Minium did nut suffice. You consider that if you respected this responsibility you would acquit Charles X. on the contrary, you have rendered him responsible for the crimes of his Ministers. They signed the ordinances—you have dethroned )hits; and by such a line of conduct you did away with the rule laid down by the Charter. You have taken up the ordinary principles of legisladon—you have seconded the degree itsemonbl - you have reached the summit of the Sen tence has then been passed; the crime has been judged and punished; and you have, by the act itself, acquitt e d t h e i nterme di ate crimina/s. Without doubt you do not intend - to re-establish the inviolability of the old Xing, of which the responsibility of his Ministers is the essential consequence ; yet you intend to revive both for a ma. ment, in order to condemn Ministers whom you have already judged and punished by the destruction of • throne which ought to have subsisted as long as they were responsible. Yes, Gentlemen, the evident cones. quence would be to acknowledge the inviolability of the ex.liing. The illustrious man who saved France in the crisis through which we have passed has said—' It is worthy of our revolution to distinguish itself from the first moment by great acts of humanity.' You have now, Gen tlemen, an opportunity of performing o n e o f tbme great acts of hums. nity ; and, after having adopted the generous proposition of M. de Tracy, will you pronounce sentence of death ? Should I stop to answer those who dare to threaten us, by saying that the people require this accuse. tion. If the people required it, I am sure you w oul d refuse it; but the people have given the lie to this assertion. You know that these young men, full of soul and generous sentiments, have judged that they could not render a more worthy homage to the memory of their unfor tunate friends who died for liberty than by signing on the spot where the execution took place a petition against the penalty of death. " The speaker terminates his speech by proposing to accuse the ministers—lst, of having abused their power in endeavouring to vitiate the elections, and deprive the citizens of their civil rights ; 2d, of having menaced and dismissed the public functionaries for their opinions. " M. de Bricqueville maintained that no doubt is entertained in the department of which he is representative, that the late incendiaries of Normandy were excited to their criminal proceedings by the fallen party. He hoped that the authors of such heinous crimes would be discovered and punished. " M. Berryer next ascended the tribune (profound silence.) He pro. needed to express himself in these terms :..The imposing silence with which the report of your Commission was listened to, seemed to indicate that there existed in this Chamber such a feeling of adhesion to its conclusion, that it must appear to most of you a species of temerity for any one to approach this tribune with the purpose of combatting the resolution with which the report terminates. But it is particularly in such circumstances as the present, when all minds !seem to be united in the same opinion, that it becomes the duty of the coura geous titan to express with more than ordinary determination the send meats which his conscience dictates to hint, much as they may be in opposition with those generally prevailing. I do not conceal from my. self that the position such as I have alluded to; difficult at all times, becomes peculiarly so for me. My voice must be suspected at the pre sent moment. The friendship which for many years past united me to several members of the last Ministry is known to all of you, and pro bably I shall only be listened to as one advocating the cause of the ac cused, either in consequence of the circumstances of any position or of any agreement with the parties themselves. Certainly I shall not ab. jure in the day of their misfortune sentiments which are of another time —but their defence is confined to an abler and graver organ. Believe me, then, when I say that this solemn deliberation, faithlul to the feel ings which have induced me to remain amongst you, I shall be able to rise above private feelings, and fulfil loyally the duty of a deputy, and the high functions of justice which are this day imposed upon us. I shall enter into a discussion of the details of the report of your commis sion. The examination of a great part of that production will require the lights and the meditations of posterity. I shall only submit to you some general reflections respecting the resolution relative to the last admi nistration. • France; says your reporter felt the necessity of laying be. fore the world the grounds of complaint it had against the last adminiatra. don. All the people of Europe have their eyes faxed upon us,' Let us maintain, gentlemen, this elevated position, and in the presence of thisim mcn.a auditory, legislators, and judges, let us restrain the emotions which may arise within us, and which will naturally be more violent is.cause they are more recent—let us put aside all resentment and regret—let us forget what we may have suffered--and let us hold a language and observe a conduct which may be approved at all times and in all places- This is an essential part of justice, ofl which the rules are eternal and immutable—a violent struggle arose between France and her King. War has renounced the final dos' eision,' says the report. This Prince, to whom the deputies of the nation said, a few months since, the sacred rights of his crown were the surest guarantees of our liberties.—that the succession of ages had placed his throne, for the happiness of France, in a region in accessible to storms,—this Prince lost, in a few hours, his throne and his country, with his royal posterity. He has been conducted 'a the land of exile. War has pronounced the fine' decision ; and it is ,loposed to the conquerors to accuse and judge the ministers of this abo. ashed government. A similar spectacle has been offered to the world in -veral countries, and at several periods, amid the sad course of human .11 mtemions; but always the equity of history has condemned, and will e'er condemn, such judicial displays made by the victorious party. gentlemen, I express a deep reeling which is engsaven in my -:art ; and pardon ate for saying, that I have some right to express .ayself with this confidence. In 1815, then, penetrated with sentiment' shich will influence me during life, when political passions were is `very respect more ardent and exciting in my temperament. from the I, 4reith of impetuous youth. I said, • A pri4oner, a public robber, a pari tide, are always criminals, and ought to be condemned in all mites and in all countries. It is not, honever, the same with state crindnalw—hand them over to other judges, when time calms conflicting interests modi fies passions, and then their liws may be in safety, p e rhap s in honour.' It was with these sentiments, gentlemen, that I sat next my father for tie defence of Marshal Ney, and that I also assisted, at least, in saving the lives of Generals Debelle and Cambrone. In the present day a completely new revolution has worked in the centre of our system ; the people in combatting have taken a signal vengeance upon those who had reigned over them—all the powers of society have at once passed into the hands of the opposite party—opinions attached triumphantly. I wounded interests rule, and you think that the beat measure or dignity which liberty, the guarantee of justice, can have. is in the infliction of rigorous excesses against the authors of the political acts which have preceded the late immense change. It is wished to *Cane the es-Mi nisters of high treason. Towards whom—towards the King who has been hurled from the throne, or towards him whom you hived call ed to be his successor—against the order of things which the people have destroyed. or against that which you have now mated ; against the Charter of which you have yourselves overturned the fundamental principle, changed the character, and modified the dis positions ? No, gentlemen, when on the 7th of August you wrote on the front of your declaration, that in consequence of the violation of the Charter, the throne of Charles X. was in fact of right recant ; and since the day when commissioners chosen from the midst of you conducted this Prince and his family to the shores of France, you have abandoned the right of accusing the Ministers of that King for these same facts—for these same violations of the Charter. Hero permit me to recall to your recollection, in my turn, the constitu tional law, of which the consequences have struck every mind. The Charter says, 'that the person of the King is inviolable and saered— that his Maulers are &else respostrilk.' These two principles are car. relative, mutually dependant, and inseparable. The responsibility of Mi. nisters is the guarantee of the inviolability of the King. This inviola bility of Royal persons is the foundation of the responsibility of the agents of their power,so that the responsibility of Ministers,—the invio lability of the Prince,—becomes a convenient pretext, and an easy road to tyranny. Without the Royal inviolability Ministerial' responsibi lity opens a career of perpetual disorders and incessant anarchy. The exercise of the right of accusation by virtue of the responsibility of mi nisters is both legitimate and necessary in the natural course of a con stitutional government, in the circle of the regular motion of political laws. But it is unjust and exorbitant, after t hes e violent commotion, where the whole ado. of the state has been changed, where the laws have perished, and where the sceptre has fallen from the hands which held It.' /n declaring the throne sawn in striking at the Ring himself, by the overthrow of his laws : in even striking at him through his pos terity, you have assumed that he had willed his own acts, commanded their exigency, and you cannot afterwards punish his ministers tor their obedience. The revolution which you have consummated has abolished the political order which the impeachment of ministers could only intend to maintain and avenge. I will not here stop to examine what might have been the result of inquiry into the rights exercised by the govern ment which is no more, or into the legal con seq u e n ce of the principles expressed in the proves verbal of the Charter which you have suppressed, —in this 14th article which you have modified,—in these still subsisting depositions in our laws which qualify the crime of an attack against the privileges which the King derives from his birthright. Still less will 1 hold the thought of regarding these ministers free front reproach; and the too legitimate complaints which are raised against them are not those alone of those who call for their condemna tion. The fairest crown in the universe has fallen from the brow of the heir of so many Kings the character of a loyal and humane Prince so pievously compromised delivered over to such serious accusations— the long peace and immense prosperity of a great people menaced with so many desolations and disasters. Yes, these Ministers are culpable, but you cannot become their accusers, and I can see no judges for them upon the soil of France. In fine, Gentlemen, to whom can you submit this accusation ? Wh o i s to pronounce on their fate ? The House of Peers. But is this tribunal, which is founded upon the baiis of high political justice, the same House of Peers which it was when Ministers perpetrated the acts of which you complain? Is it even the same as upon the day when you originated this accusa tion? Since that time 93 Peers of France have been by you despoiled of their rights of peerage. While that accusation was pending you have altered the tribunal for its trial, and precipitated from their seats a numberof its judges. lam net about to combat over again what you have done, and which was, perhaps, an event consequent upon your re velation ; but does not the fact itself demonstrate that, after this revo. laden, so vast in its results, you cannot, witho ut a v i o l a tion of all moral *der, pronounce an accusation for anterior acts, and then refer it for trial le judges whom yon have constituted ? It is impossible, gentle. rots, that these reflections have not before now presented themselves to year minds. If this deliberation, which involves questions of life and ands, is illegal for your consideration, it is not alone a feeling of humanity which must penetrate your soul; the gravest considerations ought to arise also. .Every consideration of policy ought to operate upes you, and arrest your most serious attention, in the high old= in which you are placed. This your able reporter wisely isilsated before he descended from this tribune— , Justice is not yen. s' ing said he ; ' this is the cry which rises from every heart.' at this moment to consider the political combinations, the interests, the passions which are now in agitation. I in. mob you here, In the name of the justice of these eternally moral laws, always powerful, and ever in good time avenged upon earth. Excited only by a sense of my own personal honour, of the honour of this Chamber, of the honour of my country, I oppose, under these circumstances, this proposition of accusation ; I do it upon de. liberate conviction, without affection, and without fear. " This speech was delivered with great vehemence; it was at times interrupted by murmurs, which were, however, overpowered, chiefly by the liberal party, who called out Silence.' "M. de Podenas said that the acts of the es-Ministry were high treason. " M. de Lardemel said that he did not think the late advisers of the Crown really intended high treason. They probably considered them selves acting right in consequence of the interpretation they gave to the 14th article of the Charter. He therefore voted against the impeach. meat. " M. Enauf, supported the accusation, principally on account of the fires in Normandv. " M. Arthur. (le Labourdonnaye said, that if the same dynasty still occupied the throne he would not hesitate to invoke the utmost rigour of the law against the late Ministers ; but in consequence of the change which had taken place he could not support the proposed accusation. ' " After some further discussion, M. de Tracy answered the speech of If. de Berryer. " M. de Persie proposed that the question of accusation should be put separately with respect to each Minister, be g inning wi t h P r i nce P o . " This was opposed by M. de Villemain, but was ultimately adopted. " The President then put the question in the terms with which the report of the commission concludes • viz. the Chamber of Deputies ac cuses of High Treason M. de Patinae, for,' &c. " These several resolutions were put to the vote seriataps, and were carried, first by the members according to their usual mode of rising in their seats, when an immense majority, including the whole of the bench of Ministers, appeared in support of the propositions. A ballot was then taken, and there appeared on the scrutiny 244 suffrages in the majority, against 47 in the minority ; among whom, of course, was M ' Berryer. To-morrow the Chamber will proceed to dismiss the cases of the other Ministers--that of 111. de Polignac being the ene determined to day. That of M. de Peyronnet will be the first on to-morrow. " The Chamber did not adjourn till half-past 6 o'clock. AFFAIRS OF BELGIUM. No Brussels papas had reached Paris on Monday, but the following intelligence received by the telegraph is given " TELZORAPHIC DISPATCH PROM LILLE, SEPT. 27. " Brussels is still blockaded by the Dutch troops. The country purple are arming end assembling to come to the assistance of the town. The Belgian refugees, who were at Valenciennes, have returned to their country." " The Journal die Commove states, that a party of Belgians and French volunteers, who left Patio on Saturday for Belgium, were met beyond &nits, marching in good order. Wherever they pass they are received with flattering marks of attention." According to the lame paper, Brussels was, on:Friday morning, en tirely in possession of the people ; but the Palace, the Rue Royale, and the contiguous quarter, were successively taken and re-taken. It is reported that Prince Frederick is killed, and that 1,600 Belgium soldiers had joined the people of Brussels. Faixcm FUNDS, Pairs, Sept. 27.-Five per Cent s . 97£ 36c. 30c. 31c. we. 97f. 99f. 96c. 971. 20c. 97f. 25c. 30c. 25c. 40c. Last prices -Five per Cents. 97f. 20c. Four per Cents. 87f. Three per Cents. 67f. 2k. Ik. 46c. 60c. 40e. lbc. 30c. 35e. 40c. Last prices-Three per Cents. 67f. 40c. Bank htock, 1,716 f. Rents de Naples, 68f. 75c. 90c. 640. 081. 7k. Rents d'Espagne, 19 10 4. Royal Sish Loan, 61 614 Rents Perpetualle d'Espagne,4o 40 40 pan Haytian Loan, 380 f. Enduing. on London, (one month) paper, 2.5£ 46c1 (three months) paper, fliM 30c.-Cours Auesinitigue. THE HAGUE, FRIDAY NIGHT, SEPT. 24. An Aide-de-Camp of Prince Frederick left him last night at half-past nine. He had not lbw entered Brussels, but was with his staff in a house outside Porte de ficaerbeck. one of the gates of the city. A pro posal had been just then sent up to the Prince from the lower part of the town (all the upper parts being in his possession), offering a surrender. He had consented to cease firing, but no terms were known. Generals Constant and kbuerman were wounded in the attack, the former shot through the wrist, the latter severely in the thigh. A Co. lend of artillery was killed. There were no further details. Not a soldier had flinched during the attack. Between 2 and 3,000 French were known to be in Brussels. Not a shadow of authority remained In the town. All the self-ereaSed chiefs had disappeared. Count Vander. meet, who is mentioned as having succeeded Major Vandersinissen, is a man of ruined reputation. His father is a member of the first Chamber of the State. General. M. liscidaiix,l7lso tame out from Bmsaels before the attack, to porky wi Priam Prelaid, made the following proposals to Prince' Frederick's aide-de.camp (for he did no: see the Prince at Vilvorde :)- Ist That the Koval army should retred: to Malines 2d. Tiut the former garrison of Brussels only should be allowed to enter the town ; 3d. Ti.:.t though the °fudge cockade should be mounted by the citizens, they might wear also the Brabancon colours at their button holes and In watch.ribands ; 4th. That there should be a general amnesty. The aide decamp asked him if he had seen the Prince's proclams. tion ? He replied that he had. He was then requested to write his pro posals and sign them. He did so (with his companion Evrard, I be ' lieve.) He was then instantly arrested on a charge of high treason. What his fate may I,e, I know not. Nothing later than the Intelligence above-mentioned is known here. The Princess of Orange and the ladies of the Hague have been busy all day making lint for the wounded soldiers. I sent a letter last night by an extra courier, who went by Calais, with the address of the Chambers to the King, and the proclamation of Prince Frederick. There was no sitting of the Chambers to-day. SATURDAY MORT, SCUT. 25, SALF.PAIIIT The Government here has been left in the moat extraordinary igno ranee of the Brussehaffuir. No official intelligence whateter has arrived to-day from Prince Frederick, but a sort of news arrived about one o'clock, that 496 prisoners reached Antwerp yesterday from Brussels, and that another column was on the road. Beyond that every thing is unknown. The impatience of the King, the Prince of , the Am- 1 bassadors—every one, in short.—is extreme; but the ma ss of better or det show a phlegmatic calmness. that requires to be seen to be believed. The destruction done by the cannon in Brussels was said to be immense. Many of the finest houses in the Rue Royale are destroyed or greatly in jured, particularly those of M. Mean, the banker, Baron Heckeren, and M. de Bousils, one of the members of the States-General. The defence must have been desperate. This long lapse, without decisive intent. gence of succe,s, bodes no good to the royal cause, and is altogether in conceivable, even if there was no positive news to communicate. The States-General tin nothing. They were not assembled at all to day, nor do the members form an opinion as to the course things will take. Every thing, in fact, is breathless suspense and uncertainty. There is no news front the north that you will not have. Berlin, Leipsic, and Dresden, are quirt. At least the Ministers have no news to the contrary, up to to-day. You will bee that 100,000 Prussians are on or near the Rhine. • A Dutch Mail brought us last night Hamburgh Papers to the 21st of September, the Prwasion State Gazette of the 20th, 21st, and 22d of September, St. Peternburgh Journals of the Ilth of September. A curious illustration of the apprehensiveness of Governments is given in an article dated Berlin, describing the alarm into which Berlin was thrown by a crowd gathered by the arrest of :Our tailors playing at a game of chance. The garrison was under arms, the squares were occu. pied by hon.:, foot, and artillery, the Princes rode through the streets. It turned out that there was no cause for alarm, and the tailors were wrongfully arrested, and in consequence, the Police officers who threw the Prussian Government into such agitation:have been suspended. AU this is very curious. The following are extracts CHRISTIANIA, SEPT. 10.—. The Storthing has addressed to his Majesty a very long and respectful petition, expressing the wish of the Norwegian nation that the 17th May may be allowed to be celebrated, in a becoming manner, as a f e stiv a l dear to the nation, and solely as the , anniversary of the happy epoch when N orwa y exc h ange d an un li m i te d IMonarchical Government for a Constitutional form of Government. BRUNSWICK, SEPT. IB.—The Address of the Magistrates to the Duke, presented on the 31st ult. is now published. It it well known that the Duke would not take any notice of it, and this was the origin of the great dissatisfaction expressed by the people. The Address represents that the prosperity of the city has greatly declined, from various causes; and that the dis. tress of a great portion of the inhabitants is such, that they look forward with alarm at the approach of winter. Above 500 fatuities in the city, that live by daily labour, formerly found employment In pub lic works, but this year none such have been carried on, and no indem nity has been attained by other means, as the distress of the times has affected the wealthiest citizens. A great many rich families have left the city ; hence the value of real property has declined to less than one half of the price that was paid for it a few years ago, and the number of tie poor is greatly increased, and the distress in the country acts again on the capital. All these evils are Increased by a bad harvest, and con sequent rise in the price of corn ; and unless very vigorous measures are adopted before winter, the discontent of the inhabitants must rise to the greatest height, and famine and misery increase. In this state of things they beg his Serene Highness to convoke the Assembly of the States, in order to deliberate on the best means of remedying the general distress. DRESDEN, SEPT. 16.—Various Proclamations have been published here. One from Prince Frederick expresses his satisfaction at the manner in which the citizens had, with great personal sacrifices and nee Elect of their own affairs, put a speedy stop to the excesses of the posed. He observes that as peace and order are now restored, it is a duty to restore the peaceable citizen to his peaceable occupation, and put aa end to a state of things injurious to business, and troublesome and prejudicial to domestic arrangements. As it is no longer neces sary that so great a number of the citizens should be armed, he ex presses his confidence that they will conform to the measures announced in a Proclamation, which declares that it is wished the citizens may con tinue their services ; for a few days only, after which there will be a new organization of the Burgher Guard. BERLIN ' SEPT. 18.—Four journeymen tailors, who were arrested on the 16th In the evening, at a public-house, for playing at a game of chance, gave rise to the assembling of a curious crowd, which soon dis. peered. The Police, however, thought that in these times seri ous pre cautions might be needful, and therefore yesterday evening the garrison were underarms, which caused again a great crowd to assemble from mere curiosity. The Royal Palace, the arsenal, and the squares were occupied by infantry, cavalry, and artillery, which caned some un easiness among the peaceable citizens. The 'Princes themselves rode through the streets, some of which were barricaded to obviate the pressure of the crowd. All is now quiet, and nobody has any idea that such scenes could even assume here a political character. The Prussian Stale Castile of the 19th gives an account of this affair —it announces that any attempt to disturb the public peace will be met with the most vigorous measures, and that the tailors having been found innocent were retuned, and the Police Officers who ar rested them having exceeded their duty, had been suspended by his Majesty's express order, and will be called to account.—Hainturgis Papers, Sept. 21. The Prussian Male Casette of the three following days (20, 21, 22) makes no further mention of disturbances at Berlin. ST. PETERIBUROH, SEPT. 11.—The number of vessels that have entered the port of Cronstadt up to the 3d i nstant , was 1 , 071 ; d, 943. _ _ The Northern Bee gives a most distressing account of the ap pearance of the cholera morbus in some parts of southern Russia. It seems to have come from Persia, where it raFes in several places, among which is Tabreis ; at the end of July, it appeared in Tiflis, where, in ten days, 579 persons were attacked, and 237 died. The disorder was the most fatal in Astrachan, where, in the first two days, near 200 persons died in twenty-four hours The disease, how. ever, abated. Among the victims are the Civil G overnor of Astrachan, his son, and eight of the twelve Inspectors of Police.—Sl. PetcraLsirgh Journals, Sept. 11. HAMPUNON, SEPT. 21.—BoasEw HALVE, 11ALP-P.IbT roust o'cLocit.—A good deal of business is doing in the funds, but almost the only buyers are the Bears, who are liquidating their accounts : prices, in consequence, are on the decline. For distant tarns buyas are not to be met with, without difficulty. Silver has been taken out of the Bank, to be sent, it is said, to Russia —Discount 6 per cent. Anglo-Danish Loan, 64 ; Three per Cents. ditto, 64 ; Anglo-Russian, 971; Hamburgh Ditto, 96 ; Polish Bonds, 11l ; New Prussian, 4_per Cents. 89; Austrian Bank Sh a r es , 1142 ; A ng l o- N e apolitan, 73; Pal. comets, 68.—ilassburgh Reporter. taLCNIIIIGE ON Lo9now.—Hamburgh, Sept . 21.-13 Bii ; Two Months, 13 G. Bremen, Sept. 17.—Two Mon ths, 602, 601. Vienna, Sept. 11.—Three Months, 9, 66. Berlin, Sept. la—Three Months, 6, 211. St. Petersburgh, bept. 10.—Three Months 101. SPIRIT OF THIS JOURNALS. Teresa.—lf any one bad had the hooray to remonstrate with Charles X. and to tell him of the gross iniquity, the outrageous op. pression. the revolting folly as nganled himself, and the beanies* cruelty in relation to others, of the ordinances of July 25, and then to ask him what could induce his Majesty so to break faith with his subjects, and so to endanger his throne and its succession in his family, we apprehend that Charles, trout the extreme weakness and other deplorable qualities of his head and heart, would have an. swered in these words..-." liave not I a right to do what I please with tray own property'!" It is quite certain that Charles X. looked upon his people as a species of property which he might tor ment or trample on as he thought fit, and also on the prerogatives granted him by:the Constitution as another species of property, which he might make his instrument of castigation upon the people, as it liked him. Now let us ask the Loris Newcastle and Exeter—do they un derstand this matter ? Do they see what it was that brought a b out t hi s mighty French revoluti on o f July, 1830 ? Was it net the perversion of " property" to ends destructive of those for which it had been given ? And yet these foolish noblemen—kings, as they no doubt fancy them. selves, each in his little realm—these foolish lords, with the newspapers of the last two months before their eyes, are just copying, with more than Chinese exactness, the scheme which drove Charles from his throne, anti instigating the parties aggrieved by their barbarity, to indict on them the fate of that now memorable despot, or of his con. genial adviser. These two borough-anointed Pens, when th e y expe l honest men from t h e i r habitations for exercising a constitutional right in a manner approved by the constitution; and actually turn electors into the highways, for daring to choose as members of Parliament, those whom they judge most capable of fully discharging their duties ; these two Peers, we say, have perpetrated a amp d'eget against the people of England, which they, the pecople, a quick-sighted and resolute people. may be apt to repay in cobs not hitherto current among members of th e aristocracy. A better case tor Parliamentary reform could never be I Imagined by the most sanguine mind than this 'bleb the news. papers of t . ”r las: few days have annourrei its—air the an. Ing re notice.. to quit by the reapec•bc agents of the Duke of N:we.stic imd of Lord Extter, ' I Koch t ~!;•,, of their several mates as had at the late election voad against the crearmvs set up for candidates at Nesark and Stor-,Mtil by the said Noblemen, and this avowedly as a punislunen, t, c suet, a disposition of the votes of the parties so pro, cuted. Thy Dohe et Newcastle's famous answer to a reproach upon the subject re here al. ready noticed—" Might he not do what he pleased with 11,: pro perty ?" " No, my Lord Duke," we rejoin : " you must t y e a pmperty, and not abuse it. You may eject a terant for abn lc!. of or l r covenant exprest.ed in the leak which binds him; but not fly doing what his !vase door not forbid." It is a case, we trust, 11l letter of the law will ere long explained by the spirit of th • Conti tution. CHIONICLE.—The middle classes of London arc somewlsst lib,. the Head of Louvain University, described by Goldsmith. Greek had never been taught under any of his predecessors, and he del nor, then! - fore, see the use of Greek. The sort of education given to the Aristo cracy naturally determines the education of all who look up to the Aris tocracy. If the seats of learning at which tie ,Iristocraer are educated are not calculated to form valuable members of society, we cats hardly expect to find the other schools established on a better principle. The class of teachers will naturally acquire. not what they themselves niche hold in the highest esteem, but what they can tn.::: to the moat I:rentable account ; and persons anxious that their children sb..s: Id one day app.-or to advantage in society, will endeavour to proem,. :h em t h e in b u il t. Non which is given to those who are at the heed er society. It may safely be said of the higher ranks of this cmantry, :hat they ;ear. the University utterly destitute of any sine brands to knowledge of the slightest use to them in after life. An acquaintsece wish two dead lan. guages, admitting that in the acqui t itir. :: o f t h esis sonu knowlcd-r is obtained for an active life. Yet a smattering of Greek and Ls.in is, in nine:sr:in eases out of twenty, all that 3 gentleman carries wish hint into the House of Commons. The education of a genti;nian in hoglaud commences after he has quitted the University ; unfottunately bustle of life seldom allows him to acquits what demand serious application. In the aceettnt of the trial of De Poiret, to which we yesterday alluded, we find that distinguished individual, In a letter:co his !fiend 11'i:demons, refusing to become a Member of tier. States-General, from a consciousness of his not possessing Cm relit: • site knowledge :--‘ 1 fed too great tin anxiety," he says, '• tomb!! try duties, to let any one impose upon site those which I am iucapabl.:.if pet. formine. My friend, the education that has been given to me is useless; 1 was taught Latin, Greek, and Roman History, and Alytholugy.•- , The education I gave myself consisted of our studies in brick, Ecclesiastical History, and Caton Let., all which is useless with reference to what we are speaking c.f. Of Political Ecoroiry, Law, Administration, Finance, Commerce, not a word do I know. I hope, my dear Tielernans, that these six lines are enough for any rea sonable man, under the circumstances, to save me front thy reproacii tit indifference in all public affairs, and the general good. It is not sty fault, if I am wholly unable to pay my entire debt to my country ; it shall make part of the inheritance of Agathon (his von), who will pay it along with his own." Compared with the great mass of British be. gislatots, De Potter would have at least this superiority—that he is sensible of his deficiency ; but they have yet to learn that a I.egitdator needs any other qualificition than a pecuniary one. Hriat.D.—Something bearing very much the character of the puff preliminary," is going the round of the Press, stating that Sir Hobert Peel Is " wanted" as Representative fur Liverpool, but that the reasons which induced Mr. Canning to resign the seat (viz. the incom patibility of official duties and thos,t emanating from so Lr3e a budy of electors) are likely to operate against the Right Hon. Baronet luting it to comply with the request. From all that we can gather persons best acquainted with Liverpool, we very much doubt whale: such is the wish of any great proportion of its constituency. The vtople of Liverpool, who know as well as any people in the world " a tidal from a handsaw," are, of course not insensible to th e advan tages of having " a friend at Co urt ," in the person of one of the King's Ministers, for their Representative ; yet it does not follow that what may be very convenient for the people of Liverpool may not be quite otherwise for the country at large. And the truth we believe in thi. ca.e to be to ; and that, though Mr. Canning fortunately had at hand a plausible reason for abandoning the repr es ented= of Liverpool when he became a Minister, we have no doubt but that his true reason was the incompatibility of local interests where it is a man's duty to look to general ones. ln fact, it is most desirable that a Minister of any country, but more especially the Minister of a great commercial country, should be unshackled with local claims and partial interests. No man has been a Minister without having found how difficult it is to possess this esanption even without embarrassments of his own seeking ; and that, therefore, to add to them willingly and knowingly is indiscreet and foolish in the highest degree. There are then, in the nature of things, reasons enough why Sir Robert Peel ought not to be the representative for Liverpool, without descending to any that may apply to the Right Hon. Baronet's personal qualification for the office. At the same tim e t h ere can b e , we should think, no difficulty upon the subject; but that the town of Liverpool, whose rats good for. tune it has been to have become at once as intellectually as commercially prosperous, can have no difficulty in selecting from among its own po. puiation a person possessing at once the local knowledge, and the talent, character, and weight, which its representation naturally calls for, and ought to possess. Monett/re PosTA—The French Ministers would seem to have eons. posed their differences for the present, and to have determined to per. severe a little longer in the attempt to govern the country they have revolutionised upon principles inimical to revolutioo. The terms of this temporary reconciliation, and the ground of this renewed hope, so far as they can be collected from the facts which have occurred, appear to be, that the Clubs which contest with the Administration the do. minion over France, shall not be dealt with simply by means either t.l force or of cajolery, but by a certain skilful admixture of the two. Thus we find the Minister of the Interior, in the Chamber of Deputies, de nouncing the associations, and threatening them with the ap plication of a law of unmingled tyranny, while, on the very same day, an assembly of the most formidable of these clubs receives from the Commander-in-Chief of the National Guard, the Republican Lafayette—master unquestionably at this moment alike of the ministers and of the King—not a hostile interruption, but a friendly and conciliatory request conveyed by one of his stair, to adj ourn their proceedings on account of a tumultuous crowd having been collected around the place in which their meeting was held. The Club, we are told, acceded to the request, not, however, in deference to the odious and arbitrary law which M. Guizot invoked in the Chamber of Deputies, and to which the message of the veteran Revolutionist, M. Lafayette, cautiously avoided all reference or allusion—not in deference either to the opinions so clamorously expressed by the Chamber of De puties, but in deference only to the person, sentiments, and eha. recur of this Republican leader. It is impossible not to be struck by the contrast which theme different precectlings present, when we view them us proceedings of the same Government, taken on the same day. The denunciations and ducats of the Minis. ter—the loud and boisterous clamour of the majority of the Cham ber in the morning, followed in the evening by a communication of so mild and respectful a character as that of the Commander-in-Chief of the National Guard, is au admirable display of unanimity, firmness. and vigour, on the part of the Government, and is well calculated, ate doubt, to exalt the Ministry and the Char:bet in the estimation of the country, and to inspire :he ardent and enthusiastic associations with lire. solution and dismay. There is much boldness and energy, but we imagine very little exaggeration, in the declaration of M. Manguin, that " France is now at war with the administration ;^ and the violent and unseemly expressions of displeasure by which it was nceived in the Chamber, so far from impeaching, ought to be taken as one of the strongeet_possibl e attestations of its accuracy. Wh at i s t h e present Ch amber of Deputies itself but a Club—a Club contesting the aacendancy with other rival Clubs, some of which are better entitled than it is to Le considered a fair representation of Revolutionary France? Of the Club which chooses to all itself the Chamber of Depute , , the Ministers arc the leading Members. Its interests are, its tle,ery must he, the same as theirs. Is it wordetfut, then. that in this assembly the assailants of the Administration should be heard with li le favour. or that their animadversions shcald excite anger in the proportion in which they ate felt to be true? DESTRUCTIVE FIRES.—About twe:vc o'clock last nirist a fire was discovered to have taken niece is the house of .Mr. Evatio , , the sign of the Castle, Greenfield-street. Clerkenwell. The dames were first discovered in the lower part of tic 'cease, and progressed so rapidly that all escape from below was nyder/Al impracticable, aid the inmates were with difficulty 'saved from destruction. The parochial engines were soon on the spot, hot they had but very little effect in staying the progress of the fire, and in ten minutes the whole building was in one body of flame. The engines from the various fire offices on their arrival were put to work with great effect, and suezeeded in stopping the farther extension of the fire beyond the two adjoining houses, which are considerably damaged. We regret to say that rot a vestige of the property and stock was saved ; and Mr. Evans, though insured, will be a groat loser by the accident. The building is insured in the County Issuranee, and the Stock in the Ph oenix.—Another lire took place in the cooperage of llr. Hall, of G uiltiford-street, Blackfrians-road, which was not overcome until it bad destroyed the workshops of a glass-cotter, with the building in which it commenced. CORONER'S INQUEST.—Yesterday evening an Inquest was held at the Crown and Cushion, in Parker -street, on the body of James Hants, a indict, who died suddenly on Sunday night, at Me re. sidence in Parker-street. Catharine Hart is deposed, that she Is Wife the deceased ; her husband has been oceariorally ill for along pasted; nothing agreed with him; he got medicines from Bleheys-eourt ; he took them on Saturday and Sunday; they did not arse with t I h:td occasion to go to Wapping on Sunday night; I returned at three in the morning ; I found my husband lying stretched saes the bed, deed and colt!. Alr. Powell, surgeon, deposed, that the deceased cams to the Dispensary; I gave him a prescription to relieve hie cough ; *hake the deceased died of an organic diatoms of the beset, or a rupture of the longs. —The Jury remised a verdict of" Natural Death." . 7 :" : 1! r I; El