Star. — London, England, 1830-12-31 00:00:00

A report has prevailed of an insurrection in Coraica, in favour of Napolton 11. This rumour has not the slightest foundation. Letters received yesterday from Baatia announce that perfect tranquillity con tinues to reign in the island.—Constitmlionnel, CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES.—Srrrixo or D=c. 28. Before the President took the chair, the deputies were all engaged in circles, in warm and animated conversation. On taking the chair, The President read a letter from M. de Martignac, apologising for his non-attendance, on the ground of having been attacked with a 'serious complaint, which had alarmed his family and friends, and which, though presenting no absolute danger, was likely to be of long duration. The President afterwards announced that the proposition of M. Boissy d' Angles stood first upon the order of the day, but that seven out of the nine standing committees had pronounced against its being read. Several members exclaimed—" It has been managed so on purpose." 11. de Rambuteau rendered a high tribute of praise to the National Guards of Paris and the Banlieue, for the ardour which they had dis layed during recent events, and begged Ministers to give the Chamber some explanations upon what had taken place ; these explanations were oecessary for the security and tranquillity of the commercial interest. If this proposition were premature, he (the hon. deputy) would with draw it, but he conceived that the Counsellors of the Crown could not object to give the explanations asked for. M. Lafitte rose and addressed the Chamber to the following effect:— " Gentlemen, ministers have never refused to give explanations upon their conduct, and particularly upon the course they pursued during recent events. They have already given the explanations demanded, and are now ready to explain every part of their conduct. I will not trouble you with details relative to the entrance of ministers into office. I will not tell you how difficult the task imposed upon them appeared; but this task once accepted, they did not recoil before difficulties ; they met them without discouragement, and feel that they have not been wanting in the resolution necessary to overcome them. Ministers have often been asked what was their system : this question is put to them every day, and more particularly at present, when a partial change in the Cabinet has taken place. Our acts will prove what our system is, and how we carry it into execution. Abroad. Ministers had adopted the system of non-intervention. The Holy Alliance had for its object to stifle, by combined efforts, the liberty of the nations ; the new principle of non-intervention has for its aim to suffer the germ of liberty to expand wherever it springs up. Liberty is good only where it is a natural fruit. With the principle of non-intervention you will inspire the foreign powers with confidence, and guarantee your own independ ence. This principle conciliates the dignity of France with the security of Europe; it was not an expedient, but a well founded truth. This principle has prevailed in our policy. However, the declaration of it does nothing, but its application may prove something. This applica tion has commenced, and it proves that the principle is not a vain theory. The five great powers of Europe have acknowledged and signed the independence of Belgium. (Cheers.) Thus this great question of Belgium, which, it was apprehended, would lead to a war, is decided in its material point. During the negotiations, the powers had taken arms with a view to security rather than of a on ; France consi der:4 it necessary to arm herself in her turn ; g tfe ni p a t i vparations for war centinite, and they will not be suspended till foreign powers shall cease to arm themselves. Thus France has been neither hostile nor weak ; she has resumed her rank and preponderance, and all things prove thet peace will be preserved. Her tranquillity at home will be an ar gument that will influence the powers as much as our armaments. The National Guards under recent circumstances will produce as much ef fect as a battle gained upon the Rhine, or at the foot of the Alps. if from considerations abroad we turn to home, you will perceive that the conduct of the government results from the nature of things. The paths epencti by the regeneration of July must be pursued ; justice must be ex. embed towards the opinions of all : the motto " Liberty, Public Order,' must at length be realised. These expressions are vague; but here, as for our foreign policy, we will state facts. A great trial has just been concluded : the enemies of the public repose attempted to sully the re. volutien of July, and the Government proved upon this occasion how it understood public order and liberty. It employed no extraordinary measures, but resorted to the customary means it formed the resolution to make the laws respected, and they were respected: Anarchy has been vanquished by the arms of liberty alone. The Government knows that the National Guards have done their duty with courage and prudence. The Government lays claim to no merit upon this mem sion, but that of having foreseen and appreciated the courage and prudence of the National Guard, and of having relied upon it. It perceived the danger, and announced that every one would do his duty ; and every one did his duty—the citizens -and their illustrious General. With • little less confidence the Administration would have been either weak or violent. The Government told you that probably there was a conspiracy ; it p ut this d ou bt i n the plea of a certainty, in order that it might not excite surprise. As to other information upon the details of the events, a judicial inquiry is In pro gress, and the delay which a conscientious investigation requires mast be granted. Moreover, the offences committed in popular tumults do not present themselves as conspiracies. These offences are frequently only the consequence of being misled. The real crime remains with the perfidious inst ig ators, who seek to take advantage of the misdemeanours of weak-minded men. Documents are already in the hands of justice. The Government is not willing to make categories by system, for ca. tegorier ought to be left with the restoration. Written documents will prove that the enemies of July mixed themselves with the enemies of December, and that alone they cannot allege as an excuse their ex cessive love of liberty. Wt. have these words written with their hands —we must have a republic to drive away the famil of Orleans. Such, gentlemen, was the conduct of the government, a nd its manner of main. taining order during the perplexing circumstances we have just passed through. An incident to be regretted occurred after the late agitation. It was said that the Chamber was attacking the government in every direction, and that the National Guards were losing their chief and all their officers. The issue again proved the excellent spirit of every body. A proposition made in the Chamber might have been misinterpreted, and it was withdrawn ; this mark of confidence given to the government proved the wisdom of the Chamber. The illustrious Chief of the National Guards resigned his post, notwithstanding our persuasions ; he wished to imitate the noble example of Washington ; he did a little earlier that which he would have done a little later. One of our colleagues, whose virtues had shed so much lustre upon the Administration, had also the intention of resigning his share in the Government; he would not do it on the eve of danger, but he did it the day after., One of our brave o ffi cers is at the h eadi of the National Guards, and you know what men have entered into the Ministry. Our sys tem will not be altered, gentlemen, b these changes. We shall proceed in the paths of regeneration opened in July, and whenever the laws may be threatened we will make them respected. The names of the men recently called into the ministry ought to give confidence to the friends of liberty. An election law, founded upon wide and solid bases, will show how we undcrst Ind the institutions that should be given to France. It has been asked why this law has not been presented to the Chamber sooner; the numerous laws that have been presented, and the labours of the Chan:bee are the cause of this delay. If the Election Law had been presented earlier you would not have been more in advance. The government has lost no time. However it may be, this law is about to be presented to you ; we think it will extend suffici ently the number of the electors, and satisfy the friends of liberty and t):ose of order. The opinion of Government is, that each ought to have complete action in ,public affairs. In giving force to the royal power, force must also be given to the national power. At home and abroad, the system of the Government cannot appear doubtful to any ore. Abroad, it requires that France should be listened to : at home, it requires liberty, but with laws. A mild repression has restored trans quillity in the schools. We seek for Paris to be tranquil, and that it should not be in the power of a few agitators to disturb commerce, credit, and the general security. (Cheers,) In this task the Govetn ment has need of support : it reckons upon the support of all well. disposed citizens, and will persist in enforcing respect to order and the laws, M. Otiillon Barrut raid,-1 am obliged to the honourable member for affording me an opportunity of explaining the events that have lately taken place, for I feel the necessity of throwing some light upon certain facts. The King's Minister has declared himself in an open and candid manner; but it is requisite that I, who have beat pointedly attacked, should answer more specially. It was but a few days ago that I declared from this place, that every reliance ought to be placed in in the Government for the maintenance of order and the laws, and I was nor deceived. i have myself contended in the name of lib erty against arguments calculated to destroy it : to-day I have to an swer accusations against myself, which have been published in the journals. (Expressions of surprise.) You will pardon, Gentlemen, the susceptibility of an honourable mind. have been accused of being privy to conspiracies; ray, even of entering into compromise with dr conspirators. What ! I have been acquainted with the plots of con spirators, and have not revealed them ! Ah, gentlemen, It is only when the effects of their conspiracies are at an end, that conspirators lay open their projects. Happily they have found in the people and in the National Guards a resistance sufficient to prove to them that all their plans were futile. We have been reproached with having con tracted with the youth of the capital, and of having entered into en gagements with them. Gentlemen , I confess to you that it wa s wi t h delight that at the very height of the effervescence I found these young men, whose seal it'd Judgment cannot be too loudly praised, interpose between the people and the agitators and by their de meanour and word% o f p eace , at once restore that order which had been ntomentarily disturbed. Proclamations have been referred to r in these there may have been some phrases that shocked susceptible minds (Hear, hear); but nevertheless, I did rot think it necessary to forbid their publication. I did not conceive I was wanting in my duty whoa I yielded to the application of these youths, whoa only desire, whose only object was to re-establish order and maintain Other proclamations have been mentioned : these were postetkup without ek having been submitted to me. Had they been placed under my eyes, I should most probably have struck out some sentences. I should have t eplained to the young men that they should never personify the liberties t:mey claimed, and I sin confident they would not have hesitated to listen my voice. Engagements have been insinuated and demands of insane -I,ori promised by the revolution of July : but I myeelf have spoken I" these institutions in a tgrodamation posted upon the walla of Paris, and which I may say was received with some degree of favour. This engagement vas besides a pledge of honour, and ought to be faithfully carried into execution. It has been said that I required concessions, and that I took advantage of a moment of confusion to exact them. Now I invoke the testimony of his Royal Majesty, before whom I was at that moment called, that I never had the team intention of imposing any condition, thus reserving to myself the greater freedom in defend Mg the cause of liberty. Let me here be permitted to examine a male. voknt imputation, and perhaps also the disposition of curers men's minds. I have heard it said that I took advantage of the imp et:cot:lent of the ex-Ministers to create a certain popularity for myself. Far from me was such a thought. I turned my mind to nothing but my duty—to adopt su:h measures as were best calculated to pacify and re. strain a misled multitude. It is not my duty to discuss the conduct of the ministry ; nevertheless, I cannot dissemble that there is a c.luse for general anxiety. But does this cause spring from the revolution ? Certainly not: for the revolution has been received with transport by every class of society. Among the three Powers of the state, one sprung from the bosom of the revolution of July, the two others had a previous existence. One of the last branches, I mean yourselves, has bestowed upon France a new constitution. You will shortly have to consider a new electoral law; and it will not be until a new Cham ber is elected by virtue of this new law, that there will be an end to all conflict between the Chamber and the country and it will be' then only that the genuine character o f th e revo l ut i on will be fully known. 1 beg pardon of the Chamber for this digression, and will conclude by replying to a reproach—light unquestionably—but still a reproach. I am in some measure engaged by similarity of opinions, with men, who as soon as they conceived their presence in the Government was no longer necessary, resolved to retire from it, You yesterday heard the hon. Gene , rat, with whose friendship I am distinguished, assign his motive lot re signing. For myself, I have not forgotten, that having on one occasion signalised my dissent from the majority of this Chamber, I might have been ed as an obstacle to the views o f t he G ove rnment, but I resole= to yield to the disgust with which I was filled, but to remain at the post his Majesty had assigned me. I have now entreated the King to fix a term when my mission may cease. I think that, if by die forte of circumstances, the prefect of the Seine has become a polid• cal character, it is time that such political magistrate should disappear. I could not resist the desire of laying these explanations before the Chamber, and whatever may be the result, 1 trust I shall not lose its esteem. 111. Lameth accused the journals of producing all the evil, and de. dared, that if the Chamber was dissolved, the monarchy was lost. M. Lafitte replied, that justice would have its course, and that every thing would be done to discover the truth. As to the dissolution, every member had a right to express his opinion, but the Government was not called upon to enter into any explanation on the subject. The country required some very important laws. The financial state of France, the unfortunate condition of commerce, the want of employment for the la bouring classes; every thing displayed a want of confidence, which could only be revived by the laws that were in contemplation and ought In be passed. As to the dissolution, ministers had only to wait for the expression of the will of the King, to whom alone the right be longed, and it was at least ill-timed to raise that question. 11. Bignen addressed the Chamber at great length, maintaining that there were four parties in the kingdom, besides the present Government ; but he felt no apprehensions from any of them—Adjourned. LETTER IN THE TIMES. PARIS, WEDNESDAY EVENING. The journals are filled with articles upon the state of parties consequent upon General Lafayette's resignation, but I assure you they compliment each other in writing, more than they do, viva voce, when you meet them in their pri vate circles. The new law of election will not, lam in formed, be introduced this day : to-morrow is intended to be devoted to it, and some warm speeches are expected. M. Mauguin has promised to speak this evening, and he humorously says, " that man is entitled to be heard who was described in one and the same day to be Consul, Minister, and prisoner," alluding to the rumours of the different parties during the troubles of last week, that the people meant to make him a Consul; the clubs, a Minister; and the Government, a prisoner. You will be struck in reading the speeches in the Cham ber of Deputies yesterday evening, that the President of the Council, who a few days ago denied the existence of a conspiracy against the state, although ho said the Go vernment would act as if they believed in one, now says, there has been a plot, and offers to produce written evi dence in proof of it. M. Odillon Barret (who retires with General Lafayette from office) rather negatives this assertion, and says, that as chief magistrate of Paris, he had no such proof before him. General Lafayette's house last night was thronged with visiters, and he was the object of every kind of homage. There are many rumours about the new electoral law, which is to produce the trial of strength between the popular party and the Government. Rumours of all kinds are afloat upon its quality, and the Ministers maintain a strict silence until the development in the Chamber of Deputies. I am informed, however, from a person who professes to have (and I believe has) access to good intelligence upon these affairs, that the government mean not to fix a general and unalterable qualification for the electors, but while they nominally reduce the present standard of 300 francs to 250 or 200 (more likely 250), to leave that still liable to a more reduced arrangement, according to the local circumstances and wants of the departments. In the first place they mean to double the present number of electors, which they consider will be sufficiently extending the popular basis of the national franchise. They will then request each electoral college to send forth a specified num ber of electors, and if that number cannot be found, accord ing to the schedule of qualification already alluded to, then there shall exist an authority to diminish its amount, so as to comprehend the electoral sense provided for the locality. An inflexible rule is, they say, inapplicable to the condition of France, and that by this descending scale, according to local wants and circumstances, the electoral voice will be better heard. The qualifications of the elected are differently spoken of ; some say the standard for them will be fixed be tween 500 and 800 francs ; others, that the present rate will not be altered. There are arrests in daily progress. A M. Dumoulin was yesterday apprehended—an old officer of Napoleon's, and a friend of M. Cassimir Perrier : but I understand this person was liberated last night. A boy, connected with the Duchess of Berri's household, was also taken into custody : but I have heard that the police act upon slight suspicions in these affairs, and that the most important disclosure yet made is M. Lafitte's, yesterday, when be declared that there was written proof to show that the friends of the exiled family were leagued to establish a republic, and expel the Orlean branch from the throne. Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg is expected at his hotel in Paris this evening. Rumour is again busy with the nego tiation of a marriage between Princess Mary of Orleans and this Prince—the dowry to be the throne of Belgium. Y. SPIRIT OF THE JOURNALS. Thou.—That which we only put as mattes of reasoning, we might have stated as matter of fact—namely, that parliament wuuld only be dissolved iu case (the thought of which is monstrous) it should reject Reform. bit James Graham &rotted in the house what were the inter. time of Ministers in this respect. It is more than ptobable—indeed we may say It is certain that the plan of Reform is not yet arranged, there being still more than a month all o w e d f or I ts plkparation. We know nothing of its rature, except from the motions already made to the house g but we hope to he a r no more o f nomination Members, or the sale of seats as common as that of bullocks in the market. CellOnieLC.—We can hardly Imagine that the place of an " at tending" on the Lords—such being the Parliamentary-phrase descrip tive of the capacity in which a Master in Chancery is attached to the House of Lords—will be deemed reconcileable with the dignity of the Peerage now possessed by Lord Henley hi his character of an Irish Peer, not less amply than by any Lord sitting within the walls of Parliament. There is indeed one statutory mode by which as Irish Peer may degrade, and for • time denude himself, of his Poem age. That is, by procuring himself to be elected to serve, and by serving for any county, city, or Borough of Great Britain, in the House of Commons ; but so long as such Peer shall so serve as a Pim ber of the House of Commons, " He shall not (says the Act of Union) be entitled to the privilege of peerage; nor capableof big elected to serve as • peer on the part of Ireland ; or ofrodng2ln such election ; at.d he sh a ll b e liable to be sued, indic te d, against, and tried as a commoner." Had meanly Henley as I self of this--the sole constitutional which be an time himself of his privilege of a peer..—the objection to his retaining the place of a Muter in Chancery would be removed. But be has not so duce, and no renunciation of his right to vote for the election of a peer on the part of Ireland, nor of his eligibility to be elected such representative peer,would be of the least avail. His case is therefore the ...one as that of any other peer of England, or of the Milted King. dom ; and unless it shall be held that the door of the House of Leeds mat be kept by a Peer, or Sir T. Tyrwhit yield his post of Usher to one cf their Lordships, we do not see bow Lord Henley can attend on them. and bear their Messages to the Lower House. But such anom. alien are the natural result of an impoverished P--war ; and after all by Po means so disparaging to th e " Orda," as the Spre which some of its members cut in the Pension List, where, as in the cue of the Countess of Mornhigtoo, we And the mother of four Peers, a Duke, a Marquess, and two Bums, subsisting on the eleemosynary benevolence of the Cro wn ; and where also it is sees, that until ashamed by the recent ex p osure of the fact, the mother of the Duke who insisted on his right to do what he would with his own, was a dependent oo this fund for the relief of titled mendicity. TIMEI.—We have already expressed our decided opinion that some modification of the tithe system is desirable, not more on account of the tithe-pater than of the tithe-receiver: for the present system leads to ill-blood and dissensions between the clergy and their flocks, to the scandal of religion itself. But let us be just : the clergy are not answer able for the abuses of the system which they constantly show a readiness to ameliorate. In the spirit of j ustice, then, we deprecate the abuse of the clergy, and, in the nam e law,-we will say a few weeds on the onhject of tithe being a tax, and not property, which is now asserted,— KS what will not be asserted by impudence to impose on selfish ignorance ? If it be a tax, of course it came out in the budget ! What Chancellor of the Exchequer laid it on ? Under what Ministry, and in what year, was it imposed? A tax, indeed ! If it were a tax, why was it not trebled with the assessed taxes during the war ? It would be no great advantage to the landholder if tithe were considered as a tax for, whether it were received by the government or the landowner, the occupier would find either of them much more oppressive people (and rendering no service in return ?) to deal with than the cler gyman. In our ancient law. books they are briefly defined to "an ec clesiastical inheritance or property in the church, collateral to the estate of the lands thereof."-11 Rep. 13. A tax ! How can tithe be a tax, when it existed for ages before taxes were invented, and when Kings carried on their wars and paid their servants out of their hereditary re venues ? fielder contends" that tithes were not int r od uce d h ere i nto Eng land till towards the end of the eighth century" (a pretty old title). " that is, about the year 788."—Selders of Tithes, 86. And Blackstone, the Commentator, says, " l will not pat the title of the clergy to tithes upon any divine right, though such a right certainly commenced, and as certainly ceased, with the Jewi s h t h eocr acy. Yet an honourable and competent maintenance for the Ministers of the Gospel is un. doubtedly jure divines, whatever that maintenance may be."--2 Com. 3. Undoubtedly the clergy have great and various duties to perform as the condition on their part of receiving tithes: and it were, we repeat, well if some arrangement were made respecting them, that might prevent squabbles and litigation. But how can a commutation of any kind take place, unless the property of the clergy in tithes be first acknowledged ? Robbery and spoliation, and perhaps murder, may take place, as in a revolutionary state ; and what would be the result ? That the farmer would, ultimately, gain oo relief; not only the new acquision, but the whole property of the landowner would follow, and the labourer be yet more oppressed. Cnoxrci.x.—Among the publications to which the disputes in the Netherlands have given rise, one has been sent to us, distinguished by great good sense—a pamphlet by Count Van Hogendorp, well known as a Minister of the late kingdom of the Netherlands, Ind highly esteemed as an able and informed writer throughout Europe. This pamphlet, of which we possess the second edition, was first published the VA October, 1830;—but matters had proceeded too far for the voice of reason to have any influence. Count Hogendorp states, with great truth, that " National Debts and Standing Armies" are the causes of revolutions throughout Europe. "We live (he says) in the midst of frequent revolutions. We seek the causes of them, we lose ourselves in long reasonings, and we shut our eyes on the only evident cause which explains them all. Let us free the people, and especially the labori ous classes. from the burden of taxes, no longer supportable; this is the only means of restoring order, securing the public tran quility, and preventing revolutions." The publication of Mr. Barber Beaumont, to which we yesterday alluded, forms a valuable commentary on the above positions of Count llogendorp. Mr. Beaumont shows the deep interest the poor have in the protection of property, and the deep interest which the poisoners of property have that the poor shall be in a situation which will lead them to respect property— The working man, unassisted by capital, would fre quently starve ; and the man of property, not having his espi. I tal required for the uses and profits of industry, would soon con- sume it, and sink to the condition of poverty. Thus reciprocally ser viceable are the poor and the rich one to the other—one cannot flourish without the other, nor scarcely subsist.".--He points out the persons who, without being capitalists or labourers, are also entitled to their share of the produce to which they contribute to give effect. Mr. Beaumont estimates the government, church, and local taxes at 76,000,0001. and the whole rental of real property as scarcely more than the returns of 11104, i, e. 38,000,0001. He supposes that not more than five millions of men in the twenty millions are employed in productive industry ; and, taking the annual earnings of the productive labourers of the United Kingdom at 87,230,0001. sterling, those who live on the taxes and tithes absorb nearly as much as the value of the industry of those who work, Reduction of expenditure must be accompanied with the uprooting " the great cause of the irritation, of the outrages, the lon of protection for property, and the anarchy in a Itich we are now unhap pily involved." As our overwhelming taxation has been brought on us through the degeneracy, and corruptness, and wastefulness of the House of Commons—" Corruption (he observes) bath now eaten up corruption : those who have fattened on the loans and taxes, now find out that the Government can no longer feast them as they did for merly." " All parties are at length so well satisfied that nothing short of Reform can pacify the country, or avert a Revolution, that a Reform of some sort will take place." Tisixs.—We alluded yesterday to the evident* on the trial of seve ral rioters at Winchester, from which it appeared that the farmers of Selboruc were egging the poor deluded wretches on, and standing by while they forced the clergyman Cobbold to sign a paper for the re. duction of his tithes by more than one-half. But the knavery of the farmers ! What scoundrels! To induce their labourers to believe they should receive higher wages if they would but first endanger their lives for them,—if they would but run the slight hazard of the gallows, by murdering the clergyman of the parish, if he would not give up his tithes, or a portion thereof, to them, the farmers. It seems as if every body conspired the destruction of the poor labourers In the county of Hants. Old Cobbctt excites them to the burning of borne and ricks by his lectures, as they charge him with their dying words; and the far mers urge them to massacre the clergy with a view to destroy the tithes. Having excited the mob to the destruction of the clergyman, upon the pretence that wages would be raised if tithes were lowered, the wretched objects of their delusion are placed at the bar for trial, and the authors, the fomenters, the only persons benefitted by the riot, are at large, and have the infamous audacity to appear as evidence to the character of those whom they have deluded ! In the history of criminal proceed ingot, there never was any tiling so monstrous as this. For our own parts, we shall never cease from crying " Justice, justice !" till these men are apprehended and put upon their trial. whom cannot easily forget the peculiar groAx and elegance with which he handed the Lady Mayoress into Guildhall, on (h.. 9:h Novembor, 1816, and who would have been struck with honor could they lilve foreseen that, in a few years, he would be the principal fouici:ta of a bloody carnage in Paris, and ulthr ately the caube of a general rev.. 1.1- don, and, moat probably, a long and sanguinary war thtough,Ait Europe. COUNT RD. From She Messa;,er des Cliambres. General Mouton, Count de Lobau, served as a soldier in the republi can army during the early years of our first revolution. He was raival by his courage to the highest rant in the army, and every step was gained at the point of the sword ; and never did a single cringing act or ward of flattery facilitate his advancement. M. de Lobau, a lesions republican, did not submit without pain t s the glory of a man by whose ambition his studghtforward and brave spirit was displeased. lie saw the sceptre of the Emperor in the four/Tau of the soldier. The sanc tion of the entire country was necessary to gain for Nap3l,ott the friendship of this brave man, who, having become his Aid e -d e camp, preserved, in the midst of a palace, the characteristics of stern virtue and true military frankness. M. de Lobau, in the days of peril, in our last revolution, was among the first to run to tl e breach. He was one of the municipal commission who then displaced all the powers of go vernment; and he quitted the Hotel de Ville, when he had no mere service to do there, Mgo to the Chamber to vote for the monarchy of Louis Philippe. Caned as witness in the prosecution of the ex- Ministere, he announced himself a soldier--a tett: seldier --who has seen all the battle-fields In Europe. and alwa3s presented hintstdi tii t':e fire in the front of our brave fellows. Thus it was •that Latour vagne never wished to be known as any other than a grenatl LT. M de Lobau is devotedly attached to our popular thron e . an d hi s o ld re . publican affections rallied without any effort to the supp Prt of hit,: witnn France has charged with the maintenance of her liberty. Count Treillard has quitted the Prefectute for the (tour Royale of Paris. Though still young, he wishes to dedicate his time to the Magistracy In the administration of that code wide!. his father 1.31 so much contributed to establish. He will occupy. sourer to Ist 1, in the Court of Caseation, that scat which Napoleon gave to hint who has made his name illustrious. N. de Treillard is retri•ti Member of the Legion of Honour. His successor, M.lisedt , late Iratiet- Secretary to the Minister of the Interior, and twice elected a Deputy within four months. Is an extremely active man, full or ar dour, and possessing high powers of mind, Firm actl devoted to order, a warm friend of liberty, he organised, on the !Y./tit July, the energetic resistance of a journal with which he was then c'nnected, and was one of the first to excite by it the legal resistance of the citizens.— He participated, as secretary, in the labours of the munkipal commis. sion, and refused, many times since then, high functions, through a feel ing of independence. But talents so eminent as his see necessary fur the support of power; and the new prefect of police will immediately make popular his name, until now but little known to t h e p u bli c . These are the men whom the Government presents to France. Such selections do honour to the Minister of the Interior. As fat as our young monarchy is concerned, the country knows full well that i, dl never betray its origin. Last night, Mr. Buckingham =rammed his Lectures on the abuse country, and was, as on the former night, attended by a 'tuna ha ., and respectable audience. He commenced by alluding to the total of Paris; its narrow streets, and the great disadvantage the ram:: of Paris labour under, in consequence of the wretched manner in which the said streets are lighted. After alluding to various unimportant matters, Mr. Buckingham adverted to the theAtrta in Paris, which were, he said, more numerous than those in Lo-- don. The Italian Opera House in Paris was not half as lar d that in London, and the consequence was, that those who ti ._ gunned that theatte in Paris, enjoyed all the finer portions of t!;e acting, and all the more delicate touches which the soul of song breathes forth. There was also the French Opera, which the Parisians called Le Grand Theatre; there was nothing similar to it in Londor. The theatres in Paris differed from those in London In this respect.— There they had one theatre for tragedy, and another for comedy. Tie former was called the Odeon, and the other the Theatre Francais.— Thete were at least five hundred reading.romns in Paris; in London there are not more than fifty. Mr. Buckingham then adverted to th. Journals of Paris. The Constitutionnoi, he said, held a similar station in that metropolis to that enjoyed by the Thews in London ; but the reputation of the former was established upon the high character of the men who conducted it; while that of the latter arose from its haring during the war made great exertions to obtain the ear. Bert letelligence. Such was the fearless power displayed by the editors of the Cossafittaiontwlagainst the Government of Charles the Tenth. that half a million sterling was offered to buy up the establishment, but the offer was rejected with disdain (applauve) There was another ;al. vantage which the pubis enjoyed with respect to the Journals of Paris; it was this, that all the editors were known. There was another cir. cumstance connected with the Journals of Paris, which he wished to advert to; it was this—two of them, viz. the National and the Temp. were set up avowedly so by Lafitte, the banker, tar the purpose of oppos ing the government of Charles X. and althoug hl the editors of them were maligned and abused in all manner of ways, so much so, that they were obliged to fight several duels, still they followed on the even tenor of their way,' and they and the other editors of the press at Paris, were the first to set themselves in rebellion against the Government, by entering a protest against the ordinance'', and calling upon the people not to pay the MI. The Lecturer then contrasted the English Home of Commons with that of the Chamber of Deputies of Paris. While the former was only to be got at by going un d er arches, &c. the latter w a s a building standing alone, presenting a most splendid appearance.— The interior was semicircular, and the sews were so arranged that each member had a desk before him. On the right side of the President were, first, the extreme tones, then the moderate tones, and then came the neutrals. or country gentlemen. On the left were, first, the radical reformers, next the constitutional reformers, and then the rm. derate reformers. Amongst the former of those on the left, were to be seen Genetal Lafayette, Odillon Barna, &c. Mr. Buckingham then alluded to the Tribune, which he said was placed near to the President ; and after adverting to the advantage of members being obliged to go there before they addressed the Chamber, he again observed upon the pat attention that was paid to the accommodation of not only the members, but of the strangers who came there, and that without their being obliged to pay for t h e aecommod;tion. The Chamber of Peers was held, he said, in the Palace of the Lux. emburgh, and was in quite a different place from that where the Chamber of Deputies was 'hunted. There were seventeen bridges in Paris, two of which were suspension ones. One of the latter was called D'Arcoli, after a young lad of founeen years of age, who was killed planting the tri-coloured flag upon it, on one of the three days in last July. After alluding to some of the other buildings in Paris, Pete la Chaise, &c. the Lecturer adverted to the Palace of Versailles, which, he said, cost the nation, under Louis X IV. rat It was a most beautiful place, but got into disrepute with owing to the vast sums it cost the country, and the monarchs of never resided there since the time of Louis XVL Mr Buckingham concluded his lecture at ten o'clock, promising on the next night to go at length into the reforms that had taken place in Prance since the revo lution, and those that were still liked to take kain that country. LADIES' FASHIONS. (Frees As Roisaillogasine.) WALKING DIESIL—Hat of lilac satin, lined with white, and orna mented under the brim with two bows of narrow lilac gauze ribbon ; also at the back, with very wide ribbon of the same, and a bouquet of heart's ease. Dress of crimson gees de Naples, trimmed with a deep fur of mane Zibeline; around the neck a =Berate of lace. Cape, which is cut into points at the shoulders, boa, and muff ; areof thesame fur as the trimming, CARRIAGI Dansw—Hat of white satin, lined with lilac, and orna mented inside with white gauze ribbon cut in vandykes ; the back tastefully trimmed with blonde and flowers. Pelisse of pea.green gros de Naples, fastened in (root with four bows of the same material : cape of ermine fur, which is fastened inside the belt. Two rows of narrow amine trim the front of this pelisse, so as to form what is called le tab. lier, and another of the same width nearly surrounds the skirt above the hem ; manchettes of fine cambric embroidered in vandykes. Belt of the same material as the pelisse ; brooch and buckle of pale silver : boots of pea.green pnmella. ()rasa Daxss.—Hat of pale blue tulle, rather low on the left side, and ornamented over that side of the brim with rich gauze ribbon; on the right side, which is much mere raised, are placed white ostrich few. theta, one falling very low, another placed under the brim, and fastened by a gauze ribbon crossed over the forehead. A deer. of blue gauze ar ranged in full folds over the bosom, and fastened in the centre by an emerald Scvigne. Around the bust a quilling of narrow blonde tie It figured blonde sleeves, fastened at the wrists with handsome worked g. id bracelets. Cloak of olive black levanthre silk, lined with white ems de Naples. A very deep cape, cut in vandykes, and edg. d with nch :tinge of the same colour ; a small falling collar, cut also in vandykes. and edged with fringe. EvEsixa I/meas.—Hat of rich plum-coloured veltiet. very b:u..41 tot the right side, where it is ornamented under the brim with a hitt g 412 e ribbon, cut in vandykes : it narrows to the left side, which ha. Rare. ly any brim, and is ornamented with three whit e ostrich feathers, taste fully disposed. Dress of pink gros des lades, or gros d'istitt r. The =arranged in folds, and made to nose from right to lest ; cape Ws of the same material as the dress. cut in vaudyk es, frets,. beneath which oppress an ornament composed of satin awl gauze, formed by a square piece, one end of which is tut into three or four long points ; and the other end, which is fastened under the fall, is go. there" and drawn. Around the bust a quilling of narrow blond ; very wide sleeves, composed of white tulle, over lesser ones of white s a tin at the knees is a fall with larger van dykes, connected by a circular c ut , but, in oche:respect', corresponding wirh the cape and epaulettes. The 1161111011114 se well as the vandyke, are on a larger scale ; and on the lirflt die a double ornameat is placed above the fall, with the perms up. weds. The beeoehee. buckles, and bracelets, are of real a.mea, or unaided In Illissra Beth the cape epaulettes and the ail lug at lb. lam as woad it taw t but some rich trimming is tral:4o4y ad is posjost flea lobs the falls. immoimmlll S 1. • i I v 1i I MONT ST. MIC HAE 4 The Castle of Mont St. Michael, in which Prince Polignac is doomed I to perpetual imprisonment, is well calculated for the incarceration of a 1 personage who has, by his criminal obstinacy, caused the carnage which recently polluted the streets of the first city of Continental Europe. It is erected on a rock which rises 400 feet above the surface of the sea, on the coast of Normandy, ten miles SW. of the town of Avranches, 90 miles east of St. Maio, and 180 west of Paris. It is a losoe in clacum- I (menu, and in some parts the rock is perpendicular; it is boded entirely at high water, but when the tide is out, the rock may be approached by the sands. lome danger, however, attends the passage to those who are not perfectly well acquainted with the track, u many quick sands intercept, where travellers have frequently been lost. There is a small town on the Mount. The castle, which crowns the summit, is accessible by steps cut in the solid rock. In die year 708, St. Aubert, Bishop of vranches, here first erected the chapel dedicated to St. Miehattl. le 966, Richard. the first Duke of Normandy, established a convent of monks of the order of St. Benoit ; and in 1024, Richard, the second Duke of Normandy, built the church, which still exists; but the castle was completed by William the Conqueror, 1070. The movisims that supply that formes are sent up in a ba sket, which is drawn by a machine. Tradition says that there was in this castle an Obligatory, or concealed trap door, where, in feudal times, pusses were taken whom the State directed should be secretly put out of the way. Under pretext of showing them the castle, they were condueted into a remote chamber, in which they soon met their des tined fate ; for, chancing to step upon the concealed trap door, they were pleated into the abyss, many hundred feet below, and to piom. Here it was mat, In former timer, the Kings of Promo and Dukes of Normandy and Brittany, made frequent pil grimages, and performed penance at the shrine of St. Michael whose sword and shield are still exhibited at the fortress, together with some cannon, left by the English, when they made a fruitless attempt to take pomessima fides rock. The Prise of the Abbey was Immidy Hommer of the tows sod mode, and the keys were brought to blestrovey evetabeg. It glossiest. elditelMemilitary order of St. Michael, ibnededl by Loa XI. ii 1471). 1111 s view from die summit is fine, embesehearthe Nests of if aftlititissy, with the town NA nibs of tbe cathedral of Avowable, dowsed ea a meatale, and the katenerdag valley, with the spa sew cif the bridals Mosel. We posse that the sewisese of the swilishoOs pima deo No abject his to eatery et deo sods& am, ss shut the nowt, es his flotation, will be essiewhet to by the pm see . : = l l wed the sight of the videos meek Clog lit ad beta atilead, will frequently remind himsimony happy is that hied alliediOL He became a " bit of a favour. its* with the bk wives al boOtons cif " Imam dibles," many of MIEMONIIN ~~~1 _