Star. — London, England, 1830-12-04 00:00:00

FORSIGN INTELLIGENCE. NOT ZICLUSIVE. CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES, Dsc. 1. At half past one the proms verbal of the preceding sitting was read and adopted. The benches were filled at an early hour, but none of the Ministers were present. The order of the day was the discussion of the proposition of M. llumblot-Conte, relative to the daily calling over the names of the de. puties, in order to oblige them to attend the debates with punctuality. Al. Etienne was of opinion that the proposition evinced a narrow. minded, if not even ridiculous feeling. He said that though the pre. mium of eligibility might be lessened, the members would never be young enough to admit of regulations which were rather too similar to the rules of a school. The project was intended to save time, he was of opinion that it would, on the contrary, give rise to a greater loss of time than before. The communications expected from the government are, at least, delayed for a whole hour, in consequence of the discussion of the present law, and the lion. deputy (Al. E.) thought that in future the at tempts made by the deputies, accused of negligence, to justify them selves, would consume more time than their present dilatoriness. Be. sides, the culpability of the Chamber was not so great as had been maintained, and not later than yesterday the President informed the Chamber, that the order of the day will not allow the sitting to be pro. longed. We have all sworn, said the orator in concluding, to act the part of good and loyal deputies ; punctuality is one of our duties, and we esteem ourselves too much not to think that our oaths are much stronger obligations than any calling of their names. Al. Peton supported the proposition. Laugier tie Chartoure opposed the adoption of the proposition, though he honoured the intentions of the honourable member. He (M. Laugier) enumerated the different labours to which the Chamber will have devoted itself, and at the end of the session he did not think that any reproach of negligence could be addressed to the assembly. M. Ilumblot Conte persisted in his proposition, and required that the calling over the names should only be made on these days when the debate begins by a deliberation of the Chamber. At this moment (a quarter past 2) the Minister of War and the Minister of Justice entered the Chamber with their portfolios under their arms, when M. Hum blot Conte left the tribune. (The cries of " Aux voix, aux rola," re. sounde3 on all sides.) The discussion was then closed. M. Dunieylet, reporter of the commission, supported his conclusions for the adoption of the proposition. The commission presented two paragraphs. The Ist, That the Chamber may open every day at 1 o'clock ; the 2d, That whenever the bureau should think that the Chamber is not in sufficient number to deliberate, the President should call over the names if ten members required it. 111. Bernard—The motives of the proposition arc just and reasonable —the reproaches addressed to the Chamber are too true. (No, no.) Yes, i.,entlernen, the negligence of some of the members, their hunt: te,cnce (Oh f—oll !—to older !) Gentlemen, I ant surprised at such a motion for the word indifference ; the con clusions of the commission sufficiently show that that indifference exists. (No, no.) If a feeling of honour, of duty, is not sufficiently powerful to make us punctual in the accomplishment of our functions, wo to France. (Movement.) We are certainly a nation most terribly forgetful; really, on seeing our dilatoriness—(lnterruption)—gentlemen, unless you drag me from this tribune, I will speak my thoughts, and my full thoughts ; I repeat, that one would think that half a cen. tury separates us from the great event which has changed the face of the country, and yet hardly four months have elapsed since human blood ran in our streets. (Noise.) One would think that we have for gotten the great events which separate us from the month of July; that in the midst of the most profound peace a few deputies should neglect their dlties,•or not feel their importance. ludeed, such a thing would not be astonishing, but in the midst of such grave and important cir cumstances, when the earth trembles under our feet—when a party, en couraged by the generosity of the nation, ventures even to threaten the King—when that party pants for the moment when it may see the stranger invade our country—when France wants union, institutions, good laws--those laws which we have promised to give he r, but which we have not yet given—shall we disdain to fulfil those functions that we have aspired to with so much ardour? We are men of honour—we ought to fulfil our functions both towards our friends and our enemies. Every one ought to say, " I will do it because such is my will, and my will is such because I ought to do so." 1 vote against the propo. position. (Bravo, bravo.) The question was then put ; the first paragraph adopted, the second rejected. In consequence, the names w i ll not be called over. In this sitting, the President of the Council of Ministers brought forward a communication from the Government. He said—" Gentle men—We come to propose to you a slight reparation of one of the greatest injuries which have been occasioned to the country during the lut two years. It is to restore to the State what is called the Common Fund of the Indemnity. The second article of the law of the 27th April, 1825, enacted that the sums which remained free after the accounts were completed, should be distributed among those of the, persons indemnified, who should have received, at any time, the smallest share in the distribution of the mil.- -These sums might have been considerable if the law had been justly interpreted, if all the doubtful eases had not been determined in favour of the individuals indemnified. Nevertheless the sums that remain free arc still considerable. The sums which may remain free out of the ca pital of the milliard may amount to 100 millions. It is unnecessary to add, that we speak of the nominal capital. So large a sum deserves not to be neglected, and we propose to you to restore it to the state. The reasons which authorize you to the step are evident, and had already struck the late Government, which in ha projects of improvement had more than once thought of employing the common fund on some great and useful public enterprise." M. 'Aline then argued that the indemnity granted to the emigrants was an act of great injustice to all the other classes, who, during the revolution, had been much greater sufferers ; and the emigrants, be. sidee, were least of all entitled, as the injuries to be repaired were principally their own fault. However, as an injustice may in time constitute a right, it 'has so happened in this cue. The ind n es e un o lz was given in inscriptions in the grand hare, which have been g sled and sold, and become the bona fide property of their pre. sent holders. Nobody, therefore, thinks of touching the seven hundred and odd millions already inscribed in the grand tiers. There were still one hundred and fifty millions not yet liqui dated, which were merely a hope when the revolution of 1830 overtook us. However, sales bad been effected in con. sequence of these hopes, and i t lies, therefore, been judged equitable to continue and complete these liquidations. But the respect due to the grand livre, and the regard to the transactions effected under the pro. tection of the laws, were not called for with respect to the common fund, and it is proposed to restore this sum to the State, and to add it to the resources for the service of 1830 and 1831, which will have extraordinary demands, and fur which there are all the means of providing amply. The minister continued, " I will take this opportunity of giving you some explanations respecting our present situation, which exaggerated alarms represent in an inaccurate manner.—( Marked signs of attention.) Fears of war, conceived at the sight of considerable armaments, have been spread within these few days, and have acquired sufficient credit to influence the commercial state of the country, without, however, shaking its courage. The interests of nations require tranquillity, for if their greatness may result from war, their prosperity depends solely upon p eace . W e still preserve the hope, that this precious peace will be preserved. The several Cabinets continue to give us the most pa cific assurances. The bonds of friendship have been drawn still more close with a country which has preceded us in a career of liberty, which has applauded our efforts, shared the joy of our victory, admired our moderation, and which has with us a community of interests and of civilization—(Great sensation.) We could not every where expect the same lively sympathy ; however our national royalty, what never happened before, has been recognised as soon as it was founded. Hi. therto war had been the invariable medium of recognition, and every new Government had need of the glory of fields of battle, and of the ratification of victory. The throne of Louis Phillips raised by the powerful moderation of Fr a n ce , was immediately greeted by the en. lightened moderation of Europe ; and it has thus been proved that the experience of these latter times has been common to Princes and to nor. tions. We must not however be surprised, gentlemen, that the great commotion which has taken place among us has inspired fears in other countries, and caused precautions to be taken. The events accomplished in a neighbouring state may have caused a general crisis to be apprehended. (Hear, hear.) And this apprehension explains to you the armaments which have been made with views of security, and not of attack. We attest to you , Gentlemen, and we sh a ll be helived by you, and by France, that w e ave received, with respect to these armaments, ,the most satisfactory, and the most positive explanation. (Sensation) These explanations will not hinder us from putting ourselves in a suitable attitude. You will immediately have the proof of this, but they will induce us, on our side, to behave with the greatest prudence, and to advise it to all those w hose poi Ida arc the same as ours. ‘Var Gentlemen, is a melancholy and gloomy prospect ; • the chances of it would be terrible ; we do not fear the results of it for ourselves ; it even appears to us, that with the ardour that animates all the French. the cause of liberty would again owe its salvation to them. But this manner of making the cause of liberty triump h would cut treasures and torrents of blood it is better to make it triumph through peace. (General marks of approbation.) France will not permit the principle of non intervention to be violated. (Bravo, bravo, long continued applause.) But it will also nut itself to hinder a peace to be endangered which might have been preserved. It war becomes inevitable it must be proved - in the fated the world that we have not desired it, and that we have made it only beams, we were placed between the alternative of war or the abandoneneot of our principles. We shall be only the stronger when to the power of mu arms we shall add the conviction of our right. (Genera assent.) We shall then continue to negociate, and every thing mikes us hope that these negociations will be sucenefuL.but while we Aral arm in a very short time, Gentlemen, we shell vs, be. 'ides our fortresses, provisioned and defended, live hundred thousand men well arm ed, well organised, an d well 0101111000.4 A million of National Guards will support them, and die King, if it shall be necessary, would place himself at the head of the nation. (Lively enthusiasm manifested in the Assembly—reiterated applauses—saes of " Vive le Roil Vive la Libertis," burst forth on all sides.) This en thusiasm communicates itself to the galleries, and all eyes ere turned to one of them, in which is the young Duke of Nemours.) We should march linked together, strong in our rights, and in the force of our principles. If storms should burst forth at the sight of the three colours, and become auxiliaries, so much the worse for those who should have let them loose. We will not be responsible for them to the universe.— (Great sensation.) As Minister of Finance, I must a.so inform you, that the means of defraying the expenses of war will not be wanting. The budget which we are preparing will lay befcre you the important reduction in the ordinary expenses. For extraordinary expenses we should have 80 millions, by which the land.taz has been reduc.xl, and you know that a revenue of 80 millions represents the capital of a loan of 1,400 or 1,600 millions. We have to sell woods to the amount of above two millions, which produce but little in our hands, and would produce much in the hands of private persons. We shall, therefore, have immense pecuniary resources to support the re sources of men which our heroic population offers. (New sensation.) But I repeat it, with full conviction, peace is infinitely more probable than war, when France and England will have it, when other powers wish it, we do not know how it can be disturbed. We shall, therefore, continue to negociate, but we shall negociate, supported by 600,000 men and a million of National Guards.—(From all sides, bravo !) The minister then presen ted the project of law for the application of the common fund of idemnity to the service of the state. The minister of war then addressed the chamber on the new law re. lative to the recruiting of the army, which will soon be laid before it ; but in the present state of things the King's government had judged it advisable not to wait till the proposed law had received the sanction of the three powers of the legislature, but to ask immediately to be autho rised to call out 80,000 men of the class of 1830. After going into various details, the minister concluded as follows : In asking you, gentlemen, for a levy of 80,000 men, the King's go. Torment has no other motive than the necessity of placing the French army in harmony with the wants of the moment. On all sides the foreign powers have not ceased to give the King the most formal assurances of 'their intention to maintain peace, yet scions events are passing under our eyes. More or less considerable armaments are making at this moment in a great part of Europe. If the King's ministers longer delayed to propose to you measures calculated to maintain France in the elevated rank which she holds, they would have neglected the important mission which is confided to them.— (Marks of assent.) The unanimous cry of France is peace *he has given sufficient proofs of her resolution not to interfere in the internal affairs of any people, for her good faith to be suspected. She has long since abjured the genius of conquest to think only of securing her liberty at home, and her independence abroad. But if either the one or the other should ever be threatened, our army, and a million of na tional guards will know how to consolidate them.—(Cries of bravo.) It is the attitude, at once calm and imposing in France, which, while it makes us respect it, must be the strongest pledge of peace. Such is also the idea which has dictated the project of law which we have the honour to present you. Deputies of France, you will be fully impressed with its necessity, and will not hesitate to adopt it." The Minister then presented the project of law for the levy of 80,000 men. The journals contain also, at very great length, the part of the in. terrogatories of the ex.lilin4sers before the Commission of the Chamber of Deputies. FRENCH FUNDS. Pairs, Dec. 2.—Five per Cents. 91f 90f 80c 50c 60c 50e 30c 50e 45e 50c 60c 90f 65c 70c BUc 70e. Four per Cents. 77f Three per Cents. 61f 50c 30c 25c 40c 45c 65c. Bank Stock, 1,620 f 1,610 f. Bente de Naples, 65f 50c 30c 50c 30c. • Bente d'Espagne 121. Royal Spanish Loan, 57 57i. Rents Perpetuelle d'Espagna, 45 443. Haytian Loan, 320 f. Exchange on London—One Month, money, 21/1 21s. These months, paper, 26f. 15c.—Cours Authentiqus. ._ 1 SPIRIT' OF TUB JOURNALS. TIMICIP.— We do not know that it is necessary to contradict farther than we have done, the report that the Chancellor had resigned all the Church patronage under a certain value into the hands of the several Bishops, in whose dioceses it might be situated; however, we do so contradict it. It is wholly false in fact, and ridiculously absurd in res. son. It is almost incredible that persons could be found stupid enough to believe it. His Lordship will most likely do what other Chancellors have done : when he presents an unknown clergyman on the recom. mendation of another,—inquire first the character of the rev. gentleman from the Bishop under whose jurisdiction he has lived. Tunts.—The Duke of Newel'stie made lan night, in the House of Lords, one of those characteristic displays which have so long marked him as the pride and glory, the dams d turaerets, of the venerable borougiusystem. The system cannot surely have any thing to fear when it has such a champion Cm aowsetz.—The Duke of Newcastle, referring last night to a re port in the Chronicle of a speech lately delivered by Sir Thomas Den. man, on his election at Nottingham, in which he applied a passage to himself, asked whether it was right for the King's Attorney-General to come there and utter language calculated to draw him into contempt " He was shocked (he said) to find that the King's Attorney. General could join in such conduct. He was surprised that such a person could I adopt the slang of the misguided populace, and pander to the fevered feelings of the licentious. He would not be attacked—he would not be vilified in this manner. He gave this public notice that he would de fend himself from such imputations, and vindicate the rights of his class." To vindicate rights Is all very well; but 'the public and his Grace may differ as to whether the consciences of the freemen of Newark belong of right to his Grace or not. This is a ticklish question ; and we can hardly wonderthat his Grace, under all the circumstances of the ease, should be averse to have his rights scrutinised. He wished (he observed) to say, that he was anxious the Noble Earl (Grey) should forbear for the present to agitate the question of Reform at all. It would only be productive of agitation in a time of ordinary excitement. We confess the language of the Duke of Newcastle, and some others of his class, at the present moment, does not a little surprise. Little do they know of what is passing in the minds of men at this time. All I that we hear from the country ails us with the most serious alarm.— While his Grace of Newcastle is quarrelling with the use of the word Borouglunonger," in an election speech, the landholders and farmers throughout the country, are absolutely meditating the destruction of tithes. At this moment tithes are not saleable ; and men who would I have purchased livings gladly half a year ago, now hold back. We could say much mare if we chose ; but we abstain for the present. This we know, that the farmers throughout the country are in a state of alarming discontent. They laugh at tumultuous assemblages—an evil which they tan meet ; but the incendiary has paralyzed them, and they look forward with honor to the: period when 'the thrashing shall be finished, and all the men at high wages are on their heath'. A gentle man, who has attended many of their meetings, says that the gloom on their countenances only gives way occasionally to a bitter smile, when they bear any anecdote of a clergyman being brought to terms by a rope round his neck. We do not believe that men, like the Duke of Newcastle, are aware of the full extent of the danger. Poor.—The argument employed by the Duke of Newcastle, " Mom I not do what I will with sly corn," occurred, it will be recollected,in a letter addressed to the Chairman of a Meeting held at Newark last year, on the subject of the Newark elecdon,and was, at the time,tnade the occasion of most virulent and acrimonious strictures upon his Grace by that party which never forgoes an opportunity of venting the bitterness of its hatred against established authority and superior station. His Grace asserted, as he was entitled, and even bound to do, the legal rights of property; he acted as every man, under similar circumstances, would have acted, in enforcing the observance of an agreement subsist ing between himself and his tenants, and adopting the only mans in his power of retorting upon those who had violated conditions well understood, and deliberately entered upon. We approach not now the general question of borough influence ; let the principle be honourably and consistently attacked, and we shall see whether it can be shown to be mischievous; we speak here of ex isting rights, and maintain that his Grace was strictly justified in resist. la g the attempt to invalidate that influence which has always been con sidered naturally to appertain to property. And who are they who so unsparingly condemn the noble lord foe his conduct on this occasion ? They axe thaw who are eternally rating about independence, freedom, &c. which, however, they with admirable judgment would deny to others, whenever it happens to militate ri 7r, their arbitrary notions of sight and wrong. They proclaim the of the people ; but has the aristocracy no rights equally sacred ? tis convenient for men of en larged and liberal ideas to overlook these, when engaged in the honour able occupation of leading the unthinking away by gross misrepresen tations, and, for their own purposes, pondering to the worst passions of the multitude by sMmelmsly vilifying all that is high and ithsairions in the land. Tratss.—lt is, perhaps, one of the most fortunate things upon earth, though the must Administration be not pledged to its support, that a Bill brought in by one of its 'sambas, foe the establishment ci local courts, should be one both et reform sad rotresehmest, and, therefore, the beet touchstone possible of public virtue. lake ithewial's spew, it will make the lovers of phials: sod . earruptios—the insessible to the suferinp of the pserbs..sisrt forth is their naturally odious shape. It it:a -ram is said that one person, poaseuing a sinecure of nearly 10,0001. per annum will find the proceeds of that infamous pension or place almost annihi. lated by the success of the Bill: he will boldly oppose its pro. ;;rest'. The opposition of another will be more wily, as the gains to be pared down are less enormous. It is well ! Let them prlace their speeches with an account of their motives. But from whence do the sums come? The nine thousand a-year and upwards, and the sum of lesser magnitude ? From the poor suitors in courts of law ; from the oppression of the oppressed ! The people call for this measure as one of double merit in these difficult and dangerous times, as one of reform and retrenchment united. Humanity anti justice call for it. The number of causes at circuit may probably be reduced by three.fourths, should the bill be carried. What a felicity for the coun try. But what an incitement to opposition by the bar, unless the bar were indeed composed wholly of honourable and disinterested men. Our own opinion of the measure, which we have considered as well as we are able, is, that tt will be almost of as much utility even as pulls. mentary reform ; and, unlike parliamentary reform, it is unattended with danger, and kids to no undefined consequences. STATE OF THE COUNTRY. :.r►-~ DREADFUL FIRE NEAR CAMBRIDGE. THURSDAY NIGHT, Dec. 2--At the moment in which I write, one of the most awful fires that has been for some time witnessed is yet raging at the village of Coton, within a mile of Cambridge. The farm on which it broke out is in the occupation of Mr. Angier, and be. longs to King's College. The occupier kept a thrashing machine. Thirty stacks of corn, all the out-buildings—every thing, in short, on the premises, except the house—have been destroyed, including even ti.e cows, horses, and the rest of the live stock. It was impossible to stop the progess of the flames, as no water was to be had ; indeed, fears were at one time entertained that part of the village must be involved in destruction. All Cambridge, University and town alike, lent every assistance possible, but all was in vain. The haste in which I write must be my apology for mistakes. P.S.— Should anything particular transpire, further than what I have already stated, you shall have the details. I have just heard that there was a tolerable supply of water on the spot. It is a fact, that the Col leges of St. Peter, Downing, and St. John, have received threatening letters ; also three farmers in the neighbourhood, who persist in keep ing machines at full work. Their names arc Fh:ch, Collins, and Nutter. From the Cambridge Chronicle. Yesterday evening, about six o'clock, an alarming fire broke out upon the premises of Alr. Richard Angler, of Coton, in this county, which entirely consumed the contents of two very extensive rick yards ; and the fire was still raging when our paper went to press, but the flames were so far got under, as to leave the strongest hope that the dwelling-house and a granary of wool would be saved. Some cot tages had likewise caught fire, in one of which a villager re sided, upwards of 100 years of age, but the inmates had succeeded in escaping. The flames were at &st discovered at the farther end of the rick yard, in a bean-stack, by Mr. Angier himself ; and from the situa tion there can be no doubt that it was the work of an incendiary. A stranger had been in the village during the day making some very sus picious inquiries. We regret to state that Mr. Angler is only partially insured. MARCH, ISLE or Es.r.....This neighbourhood has been Inksted with a gang of desperate marauders, who have committed various acts of depredation, destroying thrashing.machines and other agricultural pro. perty. Between 300 and 400 men were enrolled in a very short tune, for the purpose of preserving tranquillity. OXFORDSHIRE. Extract from our Agent's latter r— " County Fire Office, Regent-street, Dee. 3. BANBURY, DEC. 2.—The didurbances continue. Mr. Pain's machine was burnt on Monday night, but the rioters took it to a field, where there was no danger of any other property. Mr. Wildon's ma chine was hunt on Tuebday at Bodriath, and last night at Tadmorton, the machines were destroyed with axes and hammers. I believe now they are generally destroyed in this neighbourhood. Many of the principal farmers pull them down themselves, as there is not much saving in the expence. About forty labourers from South Newton went to Mr. Stewart's, at Wykham Park to-day ; they behaved very orderly. There seems to be a willing ness to allow the labourers 2s. a-day, if that will satisfy them." BANBURY, Disc. 2.--In the country around, the demolition of ma chines continues • but in every case, I believe, the work has been ac complished in the open fields; to which, indeed, the farmers have, many of them, conveyed their machines, leaving the labourers to de stroy them at their pleasure, and out of the reach of danger to other property, In some plates agricultural wages have risen to 10s. a-week, in the hope of deterring the men front illegal conduct. In others the labourers demand more, and have refused to work in consequence of its not being pledged them. Hence large bodies of men have been seen on the roads to-day ; and their progress has given rise to reports which are little to be attended to. NORFOLK. LAWOHAM. NEAA HOLT, DtC. I.—Monday morning, about one o'clock, all the labourers employed in the parish want in a mob to Capt. Marryat's, and compelled his men to join them on peril of breaking their tools, &c. They accordingly all joined the rabble, with the ex ception of the gamekeepers who were superintending them, and returned to the village. Frederick (Capt. blarryat's son, of 11 years old, a mid shipman,)rode immediately to the village ,and when they saw him, they hooted him, and tried to seize him, but he was rescued by the game keepers and labourers employed by Captain Marryat, and returned safe home. Yesterday the men were not allowed to gu to work, till Mr. Thomlinson, the Magistrate from City, came over, and it was agreed to raise their wages by most of the farmers. Mr. Thomlinson gave them a pot of beer each. and they adjourned very amicably to the public house. This day the men have been permitted to go to work again at the lake. At Bingham, the labourers are just the same. A woman has been taken up who had one of the fire-balls eoseealed about her person. I hear this afternoon that the sailors at Blakcney have refused to work until their wages are raised. DORSETSIIIRE. Doric tizazia.—We 'learn by a second edition of the Dorchester Chronicle of yesterday, that five men were on IVednesday conveyed to the gaol here, charged with having formed part of a riotous assemblage at Eut Stoner on Monday. That paper also states, that on Wedm.s. day afternoon a mob of several hundred persona assembled at Hen. eridge, where they destroyed thrashing-machines belonging to Mr. liray and Sir William Medlycott ; but a large constabulary force being sent from Shcrborne, the rioters dispersed previous to their appearance. The constables and yeomen of Sherbome and its vicinity were also called out about one o'clock this morning, to quell a disturbance at Tut.hill, five miles from the town. NORTHA3IPTONSIIIRE. Ornrms.—A very serious disturbance took place here on Sunday. Three rioters were brought to the gaol here, previous to their final com mitment to Northampton, when several hundreds of the labouring classes assembled, and attempted a rescue. Many respectable inha bitants were mounted on horseback to protect the escort, but they met with a desperate resistance. The mob tore up the pavement, and hurled it at them, at the same time using the moot inflammatory language. Several gentlemen were seriously woun.ied, and, altogether, it is stated that more alarm was created than had ever before been experienced in Oundle. The prisoners were, however, ultimately safely immured in gaol. Our lart accounts, which are up to Wednesday, represent the town as quite tranquil at that period. form special constable have been sworn in, and the inhabitants have f a well-armed and well. mounted patrol amongst themselves. BERKSHIRE. The labourers of Enfield have shown some a of a riotous disposition, by aseembling armed with sticks, P run ranee mers, and other weapons. A party of them recently entered a public.house, and took possession of a joint of meat which was routing before the fire, and speedily demolished ft. Would not this feeling subside, if their labour procured them suffident to purchase something beyond their al. lowance of bread ? At a mooting held in an adjoining parish, at which a noble lord presided, one of the resolutions was to this effect,—" That it was expedient, and very desirable that the poor should be paid in m o n e y," thereby admitting that the truck-system wee in practice. The noble lord owns three-fourths of the land in that parish : surely he will enable his tenants to pay " in money," after such a declaration. In another adjoining parish, at a meeting recently held, it war determined to find work for the unemployed poor at the usual rate of wages in the parish ; viz. 10s. per week. In many in. stances, where the labourers have families, that, sum would not amount to the allowance which is termed their " bread money; " and yet these village Solon. fancy they have done something to appease that spirit which has spread so much destruction around them. . WIj.TS AND HANTS. HINDON, DEc. 2.—This little place and its vicinity,which have heal the scenes of the late disturbances, are now quiet. The party of the 9th Lancers, which have been stationed here for a few days, left Hind= for Bristol this morning. I have visited Tishury, Foothill, and Zoo Hnowle, and the labourers are quietly pursuiag their usual occupations. The heal authorities have certainly succeeded in putting down dia. order by ths strong arm, and witbast soneensu ; fee although, in ' some places, the farmers have spontaneously speed to rain the ware of the men, and to renounce the use et sieshiony, tietracy and large firbtste, seedy bare refold lo Iless eo backed by &mob. Tbdeme of tbs. unglemes at , that sky would make no stipulates whiles the otesltestiooed r resbomot the law, but dist they mold be seedy to owed w to y sisinset of pinwale whets sebeeillowleo &NM be peeteeed, baw Iwo anguish* eireoloted tbeseglmoot Ito elm" ; NA it ow sensime to be sees who. ka the Mr et do pommy Is eddy repand dash r'' ... IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Lac. 3. 314EW POLICE. Lord DURHAM presented a petition from Sr. Cani',erw 11, praying for modification of the New Police. The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition to the same effect, numerously and respectably signed by the inhabitants of Clapham, in Surrey. The noble duke said the petition was placed in his hands three weeks ago, with a request on the part of the petitioners, not° pre sent it whilst there was any improper feeling against the New Policemen. Petitions against Negro Slavery were presented he Earl Oro‘renor, the Marquis of Bute, the Bishop of Sc. As4ph, Lord Witarnc!iff•, and Lord King. On the motion of Lord TENTERDEN, the House stun ir.to f•am ndttee on the Administration of Justice Bill, which accordingly paslrd through the said Committee, and was ordered to he r, ported to the House on Alonday. COMPLAINT AGAINST TNT. ATTORNEY-GENESAL. The Duke of NEWCASTLE said he was desirous of calling the at tention of the house to a transaction in which he was personally con. cerned. The noble duke had to complain of an attack, which lie could not describe to be a breach of privilege, but he considered what had been said respect/ng himself, nothing less than a grass libel on his cha racter, intended by the words, used to bring hi m into !:erred and can. tempt. (Hear, hear, hear.) Feeling that to he the effect of the attack made upon him, the noble duke considered himself justified in stating his case. Looking this morning in a Aliening paper of yesterday, he saw a report of a speech putportio,r to hate been delivered by his Majesty's Attorney-General, at the election for Nottingham. (Hear.) The noble duke read the repot t, wl.ich stated Lit Sir T. Denman, the Attoreey.General, was re-elected for Not tingham on Monday, and in the cour:e of his speech to the electors tie. dared himself the supporter of election by ballot, :tiding, that he would use his utmost efforts against the boreughteong.,ene and he of that the wicked and scandalous saying—" Shall I rot do what I sill with my own ?" used by a noble duke, and acted upon by o hers, caught to be abolished. Having no doubt that the noble duke meant himself, he wrote to Sit T. Denman, the Atterney. General, to know whether he had used the words. The answer he re. ceiced frem the King's Attorney-General was certainly tot explicit, but full of legal sinuosity. It appeared to be no negation of It; then he had a right to presume the speech was the spe.e.h of the Attorney- General. lie nii 6 tit ask their lordships, whether it was right for the King's Attorney-General to conic to the county where lie (the Duke of Newcastle) had the honour to hold the office of King's Lieutenant, and use language which must draw him into contempt with the people of the country ? Was it right that the Attorney-General should come to abuse him in a way that made it dangerous to sliew his head in that place ? Riots might he the consequence of such language, and the Attorney-General have to prosecute the petsona he had eixited. He might ask the noble earl at the head of the government, whether such words were to be used by the Attorney-General? He could ye: help saying there appeared to be a system of annoyance against The noble duke could not make out why he was to be bunted down. Ile could not believe the Attorney-General ought to join in such feelims, ar.d thereby add to the fevered feeling of the public. The noble duke did not regard what was said about hint by an open enemy, ',manse he knew how to repel it ; but a secret enemy lie was obliged to meet under disadvantage. He gave ne Lice that he would defend himself as well as he could, face to face, upon any point. Ile felt indepeirdenee in his own person. He bad nothing to fear, and would meet a"v question openly. lie feared GOD, honoured the King, and lee: d his country, and knew no reason why he should shrink flout the public investigation of any question. He bad great reliance I-. the wisdom of the noble earl at the head of the Government, believ ing him to be able to meet the difficulties of the country, if It would meet those difficulties. He would recommend tlic noble .a:1 to forbear pressing the question of Parliamentary Refomi, in lieving, as he did, that the agitation of that question at tile pie. sent time would be attended by danger. If it were brought his hope was, that election by ballot would be scouted. Englishmen ought to give their votes fair and openly. In every view of the ques. lion it was desirable that the dissatisfaction which was expressed upon the subject might be tranquillized, and the matter set right. 'I he Noble Duke concluded by observing that he should do no inure than throw himself upon the candour of their Lordships, leaving them to say whether he was right or wrong in noticing what he considered a severe attack upon him by the Attorney-General on corning office. as Earl GREY, as one of the minist e rs of t h e crown , w upon to express a few words to their lordships : at the same time he was under some difficulty from not being able to understand the object the noble duke had in view. In the first place he returned thanks to the noble duke for his flattering opinion of him (Earl Grey.) The noble duke had said he (Earl Grey) could serve the country if he was so disposed— could any one doubt he was so disposed ? In the present state of dis. turbances his first efforts would be directed to the means necessary to subdue those distutbances. The present was not the time to discuss the question of reform in Parliament, either with respect to expedience or the details, therefore he was not called on to repeat his former are guments; but whirl the question came regularly before the house, he should endeavour to state the principle on which the question of relent' would receive his support (best). In answer to the noble duke, who appeared to see danger in the agitation of the ciuestion, he nhouki bay. that a different opinion would induce him to bring it on. lie had stated his opinion in the course of the present Session, and that opinion was founded upon the full conviction that reform could not be delayed. The noble earl believed that delay must increase the general dissatiefac tion which prevailed on the subject. With regard to the particular object of the noble duke, he felt a difficulty. lie did not know how the house could act. The noble duke did not mention the matter as a breach of privilege, and the means to effo:d him redress did not appeer. The noble duke had appealed to the house, and lie (Lord Grey) certainly had to express his deep regret that such a cir cumstance had occurred. All hocould say was, that the learned person to whom the roole duke alluded, was a man who had stood long in the highest estimation ; respected by all, and admired by the country for loyalty to his Sovereign, attachment to the Constitution, and liberal principles. It appeared from the statement of the noble duke, that the Attorney•Otneral, standing in the situation of a candidate, was address. ing his constituents, and he no doubt the tight it was his duty to allude to matter's which he might suppose hostile io the (Redeem of election.— If every speech se an election was to be brought before that House, their Lordships would have enough to do. (Hear.) He would however say that he did not approve, any more than the noble duke, of selecting elections for making particular attacks, but be could not avoid admitting that the declaration was an unfortunate one which had in. duced the learned person to make allimadversions. His learned friend must hare thought the declaration adverse to the freedom of election. On ito o her view could he defend the addressing of such language to the people of Nottingham. But the question did not call on him (Earl Grey) fur discussloo. The noble duke had described the answer re ceived (rent his learned friend to abound in legal sinuosities, but it would be unfair to decide upon that answer, before they saw the letters which had passed. It was painful to be called upon to give an opinion in such a case, but he certainly regretted the soreness the noble duke appeared to feel on this occasion ; and his hope was, they might pro. teed to the order of the day, there being, in fact, no question before the hoatee. The Duke of NEWCASTLE in explanation did not slap to read the letters, and with respect to his motives he did not expect to have any other result. He was ready to meet any charges made openly in Parliament, but could not suffer himself to nmain under an imputa tion conveyed by the Kieg'a Attorney General, or any other person. He should leave their Lordships to form their own opinions upon his complaint. The LORD CHANCELLOR rose and said that the noble duke had been greatly misinformed as to the real statements made use of by hie (the Lord Chancellor's) hon. and learned friend the Attorney. General, and had he had the least idea of the noble Duke coming for. ward as he had done, he (the Lord Litancellt.r) would have been pre pared with a proper explanation of the conduct and expulsion &mi. buted to the King's Attorney-General on the occasion alluded to by the noble duke; as it was, he begged to say a few words on behalf of his lion. and learned friend. He quite agreed with the set. intents ex. pressed by the Noble Earl at the head of the administration, that state. meats made, and words falling from any individul as a candidate ior the represent/Wen of a borough in Parliament, net-warily bore a very different construction, than when the same statements were made lit an individual in the capacity of one of his Majesty's =did, officers. (Hear, hear.) Neve/theirs', when his (the Lord Chancellor'. attention was-directed to the paragraph in the newspaper complaint.l of by the noble duke, he confessed he felt great pain that Ins honourable and learned Friend shou d be charged with such untie. coming statements; certainly be considered that his hon. and leant' Friend was the last man in the world who could so far forget himself as to make use of say expressions at all similar to those attributed to him. 'wrested with that feeling, lie (the lord Chancellor) took the liberty of asking his Honourable Friend if he had seen such • paragraph In the public prints. Hie Bor. Friend said he had seen it, and that it was a gross perversion of fact, and a grievous exaggeration of words. His Haneursble and Learned Friend then laid before hint (the Lord Chancellor) and another person, a highly respected member of the p r o fmaion, an exact account of w hat really was raid on de secedes I and had he fans. gined that he would have been as it were called upon in defence of his hon. and learned Mend, he certainly should have been furnished with a paper containing what the Kings Attorney-Gamed did say on the occasion, and that popes should have been vomited by the sig. nature of the friend in wboee prance also , the explanation was made. The noble duke should recollect that be tai no more right to be exempt from arrietadversioa than any other public man; but be could inure that noble duke, that neither the words " sesidolous awl wicked," nor any synonyms, nor words of a like kind, were at all used by his honourable and leaned friend, althosigh he admitted a bread condemnation oldie senthnents of the noble duke, and others, might have twee applied; be was persuaded that if the noble dake saw the actual words used oe the occasion be (the Peke of Neweeede) world not have consikeed be had so mesh cause' to compleln• The noble ---- ~ i ti