Star. — London, England, 1820-05-27 00:00:00

••• • .• a ^a•—•..-s irr ipecTa,-...1. r • ' • ••• •• •` "'Pr?' . •••• • • 11.• • •• , • e: • • . . % P r Ce 1* • et. VP - • . . 6 . eta. • 4.ri ( yo I 'Veto, ) 1) • . ( Atl i d e ( 0 4. \ aleA we Pl' •. • 1... , - 1 ‹:" SATURDAY, MAY 27, 1820. • NUMBER 10,376. PRICE SEVEN-PENCE. BRIDGES, I%IATOE. ACOMMON COUNCIL, holden in the Chamber of the Guildhall of the City of Loudon, on. Fuloax, the Ctith day of May, Is2o. RESOLVID, That it appears to this Court, that the great ex rdh-tee of die British Constitution must arise from the rode. exercise of the several powers vested in the King, Lords, and Common:. PARLIA.VENTARY PROCEEDINGS. I a moderate computat i on , at l east 2 00,000 p e rsons in treading them on the Sabbath, whO might otherwise be much better employed; but he rested his chief objection to them on the ground of the workmen which they necessarily employed on Sunday, and the systematic violation which their existence recognised, of all moral and religious duty. The Earl of LAUDERDA LB observed, that Sun day Newsilapers - were not as chargeable on the ground of violating the Sabbath as the Daily Papers. The fact was, that a Paper which was published on Mon day morning must be prepared for publication upon the Sunday, while a Paper published on Sunday was prepared not on that day, but on Saturday. If, therefore, the argument of the Petitioners, or of the Noble Lords who supported the Petition, had any weight, it would go rather to the suppression of Mon day s publication than that of the Papers complained of.—The Petition was read, and ordered to lie on the table. HOUSE OF LORDS, MAY ,26. Counsel were heard at considerable length on the Appeal Cause " Alajendie v. Caruthers."—To proceed again on Wed nesd.iy. The Duke of Dtvmssntar the Marquis of Exxlxa, and Lord Ywasposoncu, took the oath s their seats. Their Lordships then adjourned for some time, during plea sure.—On the resuming of the House, One Return (the Stage Coach Regulation), and several Pri vate Mils, were brought up from the Commons by Mr. Al. A. TarLoa. Sir M. B. Fouas, and of • r Alembers.—The latter Bills were respectively read the first time. Lord ERSK [ICE presented a Petition signed by Occupiers of Land in ths County of Sussex, praying for Legislative pro tection.—Laid on the table. • That as the King, by the creation of Peers, can at any time add to the Members of the House of Lords, if these powers •ere to unite wider evil Counsellors, or if, by patronage or undue jail:mace, they could command a majority of votes in the. House of Commons, a despotic power might be established, without zlriti;:z the forms of the Constitution. Lord SHEVFIELD presented a similar Petition from Agri culturists of the same County.— Laid on the table. The fluke of GRA FTOX presented a Petition of a like na ture from the tbunty of Suffislk.—Laid on the table. The Eari of HAIU WOOD presented a Petition to the same purport (rum Doneastei.--Ordered to lie on the table. Viscount SIDMOUTIL presented an official Account of all the Prosecutions entered upon within a certain period, pursuant to a former Order of the House. • The Marquis of LANSDO\V presented a Petition from the Merchants and Traders of Nmcastle-upon-Tyne, praying for the removal of the existing restrictions upon rorcign Trade. The Petition was read, and ordered to lie on the table. Chat this Court will not yield to any 'class of their fellow subje.t; in loyalty to the king, in obedience to the Laws, and in attachment to the Constitution; but when they reflect on the distressed state of the Agriculture, Manufactures, and Com merce; the state of the Finance ; together with the daily and overwhelming increase of I'auperism, they conceive that such misfortunes, to have fallen upon a nation enligetened, honour able, and enterprising, possessed of such vast resources, must have arisen in sonic measure from miuule and bad policy, OCCII. skilled by the People not having a due share in the choice of Heir Representatives. That the freedom and purity of Election is an essential prin ciple of the Constitutiot., as appeals from many of our most sacred laws, passed in various periods of our history, especially the third of Edward the First, the Bill of Rights, the second and eighth of Georg_ the Second; in which it is declared, that the Election of Men:Sers ought to be free—that the Election of 3:embers of Pathentect should be freely and indifferently made, without charge or e2;pcose--and that the freedom of Election of :Mt mbers to sorve in Parliament is of the uttnast consequence to the preservation of the Rights and Liberties of the Kingdo.n. That it has been declared by the Ilotise of Cniumons to be a high intringtment of the Liberties and Privileges of the Com mons of emat ihritain for any Lord of Parliament to concern himself in the Electicn of .11embers to serve for the Commons in Parliament. Thst nevertheless, by various changes which have gradually crept mto the system of flepresentatioll, it has become such as to pr....ace a notorious violation of thew essential laws; as it ap. pets L.y a Petition presented to the I - louse of Osmmons by the Ilan. Charks Grey, in the year 1793, in which it was offered to be proved that 160 :Members of the House are teturned by about hly voters each ; seventy others by voters not exceeding 100 e.,:is; sixty ethers by voters net exceeding WO or 250 each; that Si Members were returned by Peers possessing Burgage tenures, and 130 more by the interference of Peers. That chile the right of electing so considerable a number of 31enilwrs of the house of Commons remains vested in such sui..: And inconsiderable '.ioclies of men, 211 attempts to secure pur.:y of Eiection inuAt be rain ; and the puni:lment of a few det:ettd niftuders win only be stlavenive of respect for the law., and rubes tend to the concealment than the prevention of sue:. Wrencc4. thlt:zh this ••s:t•rn of Government, which has been by degrees substituted for the ancient and leg.ll Constitution of Par liament, has been openly defended by persons high •in office, under tkr specious apeilation of the Constitution as it exists in practice, it is quite evident that the present practice inclpdes the viuiation of the Laws of the svlich has been rally exemplified by the dliekssures of Bribery and Corruption, under yrosecatio:3 ordered by the House of Commons; while the moral and inspressive sentences pronounced by. the Learned Judges on the offenders must convince the most incredulous of tile nveessity of revising the preient system; especially when it is said that persons of high rank bargain and pay large sums for Seats in the House of Commons. Acd although this Court are of opinion that the extension and better regulation of the Right of Voting, with shortening the duration of Parliaments, would be a great and effective neform,l they will not presume to dictate any plan to the house of RM. mons, but earnestly implore a full and fair inquiry into the sub j:et, which will tend to allay the present discontents, secure the stability of the Government, and promote the prosperity of the Coentry. Itrsos.ven, That a Petition be presented to the Honourable House of Commons, praying for an immediate Inquiry into the State of the Representation of the People in Parliament, funded on the foregoing Resolutions. WOODTIIORPF. TO THE PROPRIETORS OP EAST-INDIA STOCK. Lames AND GeNrtestr.v, A VACANCY having occurred in the Direction of your Affairs, by the Death of that highly-esteemed aed worthy Director, Sir JULIN JACKSON, I respectfully venture to offer myself as a CANDIDATE to fill that important Office. In my Address of the 19th March, 1818, I submitted to you ground: whkh induced me to aspire to your favour, and I a‘Av beg leave to solicit your Votes and Interest upon the pre set.: occasion. Should Ibe so fortunate as to obtain, through yi.ur kindness, a Seat in your Direction, I shall devote the whole Li my time to the conscientious performance of its important Oaks. I remain, Ladies and Gentlemen, Your most obedient Servant, JOSIAS in; PRE ALEXANDER. 18, Hanover-square, London, May 17, 1820. Mr. J. 1). Alexander's Friends will meet daily at the City of London Tavern, where communications will be thankfully r .ceived. EAST-INDIA MADEIRA WINE, FOR SALE, At T he East-India House, on WEUNZSDAT the Slat instate, at Twelve o'Clock precisely, - 11IGHTY PIPES EAST-INDIA MADEIRA WINE, imported by the Company from Bengal, and :.ow lying in their Cellars under the East-India House. Prompt it Months*, Applications to be made, three days preceding the Sale, to 7,1 r. William Evans, Baggage Warehouse-keeper; or to Richard 2 , 4. min, the Company's Cellarman. TWICKENII4.SI. To be LET, Furnished, for July and part of August, !; EXCELLENT FAMILY HOUSE, w•itlt large waned Garden, Coach-house, Stables, &c. ten miles Lobtlon. Letters to he addressed to Y. Z. Mr. Mortimer's, Post-Office, Twickonlistn, Middlesex. • VO RISK ! NIONEY RETURNED if a BLANK ! L I, NEXT THURSDAY! i•lvery Ticket or Share bought between 18th May and Ist .134-, it drawn on Thursday, lit June, whether a Blank or p;. - .7v, may he exchanged, free of expense, for an undrawn is -i,(l or Inr an undrawn Share, er the Purchass-tnostey wilt be rued, if r , quired. And the holder of every Ticket or Share (bough t as afuresAid), if not drawn on Thursday, Ist June, may seccive the Purzhase-money back for such undrawn Ticket or pre, if the same be dernand,d on or before Tuesday, 13th Ja•!e; therefore, whoever beta. before Ist June, MAY GAIN, AND CANNOT LOSR, State of the Wheel—Only Two My* More : FM' It - Prizes of ae30,000 F!1( ' lt • Prizes of £l,OOO FOUR - Prizes of • £6OO Ft Y - Prizes of £4OO, £3OO &c. making., in Money end Consols, Silly-Aro Capitals yet Undrawn. Warranted undrawn Tickets and Shares are Selling by. CARROLL, the CONTRACTOR, No. 19, Cornhill, and 25, Oxford -street, London, who Shared and Sold, in the last few Months, 2,387 110,000 7,408 - £3,0110. 706 . 21,000 4,23 E - 21000 /.3-13 . 20,000 &c. Set. &e. CARROLL Shared and Sold FOUR Capital Prizes that driver An Flag Day, 27th April' SLAVE TRADE. Lord HOLLAND said he had one or two questions to put to Noble Lords opposite, in some degree connected with the general subject which would be discussed by their Lordships that evening. The first related to what had rcceutly taken place, in the way of communication with the new Government of Spain on the subject of the abolition : of the African Slave Trade, Ltd the fulfilment of certain stipulations formerly enter ed into with this country. The other seas, with respect to a mercantile regulation adopted lately by the Government of Rus sia which bad the effect of e xcluding British Sugars from the Russian market, and of giving the preference to the Sugar ma nufactured in the Braails. Dy this regulation the Government of Russia, although professing to act upon principles of huma nity, shut out the produce of countries where the Slave Trade was in effect abolished, and encouraged that of others where the infamous traffic still continued in unabated vigour. The regu lation to which be alluded was nothing more or less than a pro- hibition of the article from the &Wilt Colonies, and a bounty to that of the Drazils. He wished, therefore, to ask the Nobie Earl (Liverpool) whether any representation of the case bad been made to the Government of Russia ? Ile was aware that it was not a ground for any remonstrance, as no country had any right to interfere with the internal regulations of another, but as a matter of mutual interest and courtesy, he thought a fair representation would be attended to; he was, therefore, anxious to ascertain if any such had been made, or any nego elation entered into on the subject. The Earl of LIVERPOOL said, that in regard to the first point he could only speak from recollection, and as far as that went, he was not aw are th a t th ere b a d been any official com munication from the Spanish Government on the subject, but be believed that the present Ministers of Spain were perfectly ready to fulfil honourably all the engagements of their predeces sors. With respect to the second point, his Lordship said, that abate:. might be the merit or demerit of the regulation alluded to, be believed it was founded on a mistaken view of the subject. No representation had been made in reference to it, but he had no doubt that it would become the subject of a discussion which would kal to a satisfactory result. CIVIL LIST. The larl of LIVS11.1 ) 00 L mov --- td the Order of the Day for the committal of the Civil List Bin. Ws Lordship then took occasion to state that be was the bearer of a most gracious Dies sage from his Majesty, the purport of which was, that his Ma jesty consented that the House should proceed as it thought fit with the Bill under consideration, as he would give it his assent 1 in whatever way they pleased to modify it. This, the Noble Lord observed, was an additional proof of. the interest which his Majesty took in promoting the welfare and confidence of the nation, and was in unison with the sentiment s whi c h h e h a d ex pressed from the Throne. Ins Lordship then moved an Ad dress of Thanks to the King for his c4ndoscending ansi gracious Message, which was instantly agreed to. Ou the c immittal of the Bill being moved, Lord I)ACRE ruse to give notice, that on the bringing up of the Report, he shouhl move an Amendment to the last clause. The Earl of LIVERPOOL observed, that it was the ixten titan to report the Bill immediately, and suggested that the pro posed Amendment might be made upon the third reading. The Bili was then committed, the Report brought op and re ceived, and the Bill ordered for the third reading on Tuesday. ABSENTEE. Lord BULKELEY rose to ask the Noble Earl opposite (Li. verpool) whether it was the intention of his Majesty's Ministers to submit to Parliament any proposition with a •iew to diminish the number of those persons of property, who were draining so much wealth out of this country to spend among foreigners?— lie hoped it was in the contemplation of Government to Liam duce a proposition for layffig a tax upon such persons. The Earl of LIVERPOOL stated, that Government had no intention to submit such a proposition. For his own part, he did not think any measure of the kind practicable. In every way that he •iewed it, he saw that it would produce inconveniencles more than sufficient to counteract any good to be derived from it ; at the same time, he was perfectly willing to listen to any proposal of the kind, and give it a due exatr.ination. SUNDAY NEWSPAPI:RS. Lord KENYON presented a Petition, signed by several News-venders of the City of London, praying for the suppression of Sunday Newspapers. The Noble Lord observed, that the subject was one which demanded the attention of the Legislature. It was well known that the description of Newspapers to which the Petition applied, did, in almost every in stance, inculcate principles dangerous to the State, and subversive of morals and religion ; but a still stronger reason for their suppression was, that they existed by a constant violation of the Sabbath, as they must necessarily employ a number of hands to work upon them on the Sunday, and also have shops open where they may be exposed to sale. This was a nuisance that ought to be abated. His Lordship concluded, by throwing out an intimation, that he would, at a future day, bring in a 13111 on the subject. Lord HOLLAND said, that the argument against Sunday Pipers, founded on the nature of the prin ciples which they taught, was by no means a valid one—they were as amenable to the laws as all other Papers, and if they published matter of libel against Church or State, they could be punished like other publications, by the ordinary mode of prosecution.— He did not think that the Petition made out any case against the Sunday Papers, which did not equally apply to other branches of the Press—if punishment was deserved, let the law inflict it; but when a sweeping extinction was once begui., there was no knowing where it might end. He should therefoie take that opportunity of declaring, that if the Noble Lord did bring in the Bill of which he had spoken; he (Lord Holland) should feel it his duty to oppo.e it in every stage. Eat! GROSVENOR supported the Petition, and observed, that the Sunday Newspapers engaged, bt • EXTINSION OP POREIGN TRAM The Marquis of LA NSDOWN moved the Order of the Day for an inquiry into the practicability of extending the relations of commercial intercourse with foreign countries. The Noble Lord made some prefatory observations as to the imperative sense of duty under which he acted in coming fcrward with the present Motion, when so many others, much bet ter qualified to do it justice, might be mcniioned.— But as they had not offered themselves, he felt it his duty to undertake the task ; and he trusted, that how ever Government might abstain from bringing the subject under the consideration of the House, their Lordships would not be indifferent to the public voi,:e. He then proceeded to say, that the clouds. which some time ago had darkened the horizon, and which were then said to be temporary, had latterly increased, and assumed a wore awful and ominous aspect. Such a state of things justified him in pres sing inquiry, and he was certain it would be more sa tisfactory to their Lordships and the country that the real state of the national interests should be as certained, and the cause of their present embarrass ment. Ile had already stated that it was incumbent on him to enter into one branch of the inquiry, li miting it to one particular ; _but he n ished it to be understood that he would not interfere with the pro ceedings of any Noble Lord who might think any other branch more deserving of examination, far less was it his intention to divert the mind of Parliament from taking up objects connected with the institutions and establishments of the country, and from the pro motion of economy in every department. But that was a daily duty. What he proposed was an inquiry into the state of foreign trade, and the means of ex tending it. He had confined his Motion to this one practical point, for he was afraid that if the question wire to be grounded on the utmost latitude of whiCh it was capable, nothing but perplexity and confusion would follow. In such a wide field, every chivalrous supporter of a theory would be anxious to break a lance with a Knight of some other system, and the functions delegated to a Committee would be wasted • in a vain attempt to produce order out of the chaos of contending interests, and to deduce any practical re sult from opinions and theories so opposed and irre concileable. In limiting this question to the subject of foreign trade, he felt it necessary to state, that he did not do so in reference to the partial interest of any body of men. He looked upon it as intimately and demonstrably . connected with the interests of the whole country. So closely, indeed, were the real in terests of all classes interwoven, that even if their Lordships could be induced to enter into so impolitic a design as to serve the interests of one body of nien at the expense of another, he was confident that the plan could not, in its own nature, be carried into execution. The natural, close, and reciprocal con nexions which were founded on the wants and in terests of different classes, was stronger in itself than all the force of the Statute Book ; it arose from per manent controuling causes, and might be disturbed, but not subdued by human ingenuity. Whenever, therefore, the banner of a partial interest was raised in the Legislature, that interest must either give way to the paramount consideration of the general good, or if it should t:btain a temporary elevation beyond , its proper level, it would only prepare for itself, even tually, accumulated and increased distress. We had received a lesson from experience, which he hoped would not be thrown away. Who that reflected on past events, did not feel sensible that the interests of all classes had a common centre to which they must all converge or perish? Who, that looked to the. state of the country in the year 1815, did not ac knowledge that the effect of the depression of one class visited all the other branches of the community?: The effect of the depresiion of manufactures visited the agriculturist as the grower of the produce, and the distress of the one was the downfal of the other. After what had happened, it would be the height of folly or madness to separate those interests, and to misapply legislatorial care so far, as to prop up one upon the ruin of another. The Noble Lord here commented on the Corn Laws by way of illustration, without entering into the question which they origi nally involved. What was now preyed for by the least reasonable of those who signed Petitions on the subject of Agriculture, went, he said, far beyond the principle of giving a proper security to the land holder ; and therefore their prayer, if granted, must be ultimately mischievous ; for what would be the consequence of depriving this country indefinitely of the importation of foreign corn ? Why, the prices of corn would be raised until a year of abundance came ; and then the effect of the previous high priies, as we could have no place to export our super abundant produce to, would be to occasion a dread ful depression, which the farmer would feel severely, as he could not dispose of his corn unless at' prices far•below what would compensate him, and the evil would re-act on the manufacturer. He was aware that this was an extreme case, but it was one that ought to be coutemplitted, mit showed the tendeicy in all e artialle g iAation to become its own correc tive. fhe lesson which tile country had already re ceived ought•to make it omit all separate and nar row considerations, and look steadily at the corm; hilted principles dl national prosperity, in order to collect from general vita's, general and just results: Some specula:ive persons had indulged in very es - - tiaordinary theories, oil f late, upon the subject of ma nufactures, and a few had gone so fat as to say, that the country would be more prosperous if it had no manufactures. Without entering into the discussion as to what pursuits tended most to the happiness of individuals, he could only say, that on that subject the country had now no choice. It is commerce and manufactures, the Noble Marquis, that have made you what you are, and by those you must re.l main what you ought to be. It was a deinonstrable proposition, or rather an axiom in political etonomy; that a nation should grow what it could grow cheaper than import, and import what it could re ceive more cheaply than grow; from this principle resulted the obvious policy of a free intercourse. •No man could think of the extinction of manufactures in England, who had the common sentiments of his na‘ cure, without feeling deeply for the population that must thereby be delivered up to irretrievable 'cala mity and ruin. Opt of the twelve millions of the population of the country, if thete were two mil lions who depended for their existence upon manu factures, they could not be destroyed even by s l ow degrees, without the process of annihilation inficol big misery upon the other. ten mililohs. The fate of every class was connected with that of each other, and he would protest agajnst all measures but such as were calculated to protect all the interests and re sources which had made England an agricultural, A commercial, and a manufacturing country. . The great principle whi c h app lied to a ll countries, was more especially applicable to this conntry—that it would be always a gainer by a free interchatige of . its productions. What was sublimely true of man as an individual, was true also with respect to the intercourse between nations ; the beatuiful illustra tion of the Poet might be applied to it: " The generous tine by mutual kindness lives; • • The strength it gains is from th' embrace it gives.' The Noble Ilarquis then proceeded to observe, that in making any c h ange , h owever necessary ' an d salu tary, in long-established systemi, it should be brought about with due caution, and even W ith some tefer• . ease to existing prejudices. Ile said he remembered that when Dr. Adam Smith wished Mr. Burke to take steps for removing at once from the common • law, the penalties for forestalling, the impelicy 'of which Mr. Burke had himself acknowledged, the latter replied—" You, Dr. Smith, speak from your • chair as a professor of the pure mathematics ; but statesmen, even when satisfied in the soundness of principles, must look to the confliction of interesii, and the confliction of prejudices." In the present case there was much of both in a narrow sense to be encountered, and even on a scale of great magnia tude, there would appear to be something of the 'kind interwoven into the subject, which resulted from the long -continued artificial state of its relax tions. Owing to the events of the last thirty years, there had been an unusual excitement in almost all the nations of the world, by which means almost all those nations were compelled or induced to live on their capitals instead of their revenues. This excite• ment had called into existence a numerous unpto4 ductive population. The result of a return 2:4 change from that state, was an impossibility to con. tinue the rate or expendit ure. i!lany nations were, like ourselves, encumbered st ith an unproductive population, whose means of support was removed by the cessation of the expended capital.. There were more labourers than there was provision of labour, • and more artizans thari demand for manufactures..._ It so happened that this country, by its geographical situation, by its habits and government, had put such a capital in circulation, that it found no diffi culty in feeding the unproductive classes while the excitement continued; but, when it was removed, there remained the fruits in augmented taxes, mort gaged revenues, and an encumbered class of artizus. England felt the force of the visitation which the ex. traordinary change produced much more than poorer • countries, which could not support those enterprizes that produced an artificial prosperity. Here he ad verted to the Petition of the Manufacturers of Bir-. .mingharn, who asked why, in the midst of. so. mtrch plenty as the country possessed, there should be such misery and distress? and said , that what lie had just stated was an answer to that question. He next pro. ceeded to say, that to remedy such evils their Lira. ships' object should be to create a demand, and that demand was only to be treated by otening, without distinction,. all the resourees.of."foreign trade. A t present, however, all mea s u r e s which had that object in view were to be, in some respects; controuled by imperative circumstances But still, whateyer •con straint was to be adopted, k should be made the ere:' ception, andiiberty the general rule, and not. eon strairit the general rule, and liberty-the exception.—. Upon the subject of protecting duties he should ob serve, that he had no objection to them whets they' were such. as to admit the possibility of a fair ;coin-- petition. The oext.point which be should submit to'.. their Lordships' consideration'' was of a more prat- - tical nature, as it regarded the principle of: hiltich" Navigation. One in . which the. whole mercantile" body were scrdeeply interested. It was quite attain: • that many commercial men,' whose interests might • be supposed to be affected 'by it, were desinie : of - seeing the principle of further extension adoptedx...... It did not create any apprehension in the.mitidi of, ship-owners, that vessels shopld be a110wed:16.4,41 from the ports of Europe with any other ptod ne e. than that of the particular. country Which they • left (being, however, British vessels) ; a• liberty whfih3 by the existing. regulations, was at present denied.,..:,;. A ship now sailing from the. coast of France could not touch at any Flemish port for the puipose of tithing on board . the produce of the cowry, and the