Star. — London, England, 1826-05-20 00:00:00

dente between ttnce islands and the Government at bowie, which h as beenlaid on the table of die House, up to lairnight ; for these three or four years past. one . page, one line, one sentence, one word, of any thing which has been done in those islands in compliance with the declared wishes of the Government, the Parliament, and the country. I refer to the communication of Go vernor Maxwell, the Governor of St. Kitt's, to Earl Bithurst, who says that only one law had been pasied, which was one relative to slave property, and that little or no progress had been made in ful filling the measures recommended by Government, At St. Nevis, the same measure had been submitted to the House of Assembly, and with a still worse result. I come now to speak of an island, in which, from its ini lportanee, its wealth; and its p violation, I should have -expected these measures would be most readily em %raced, and most easily carried—an island containing it's own bounds 340,000 inhabitants, a large Iliody of them whites, and rendered conspicuous as being 'toe example of other Colonies. If I look at the eleventh Tabular Return for the evidence of what has been done, I find five of the columns are complete blaaks, the re turn being nil; I mean those referring to evidence, mar riage, the separation of slaves from the land, the s p +ration of members of the same family, and regula tions for promoting the observance of the Sabbath.— None of thee have been attended to, and on all these points nothing has been done. In three Colonies some thing has been done. In one, an Act has been passed for the observance of the Sabbath, and to prevent slaves from being levied for the debts of their o xners on Saturday. This is a sort of Jewish Sab bath, and the law is not intended to promote the observance of the Christian Sabbath. Though not allowed to be levied op the Saturday, the slave is not prevented from violating the Sunday, and he may go to market before ten o'clock on that day.— A :right of property has been recognised in the slaves, and it has been directed that they may receive bequests and legacies; but by the same law they are forbidden to bring, either at Law or Equity, actions against those who shall withhold these bequests from them. If the executors, therefore, refuse to pay these legacies, the slaves cannot recover them. Perhaps, however, this was intended as a benefit to the - slaves, by keeping them out of a court of equity—(a laugh). This was a ridi culous attempt to give the slaves property ; and the Governor of Jamaica hears me out in this opinion ; for he says—speaking of it in a letter addressed to Earl Bathurst—" A 13111 has been passed, of trifling impor tance, enabling the slaves to receive bequests, on paying the legacy duty." Another Act hex been passed for Build. .ing a Church in Jamaica, which gives great satisfaction to the Right Rev. Prelate at the head of the Church in that Island, who speaks of it in the strongest terms of praise. To Earl Bathurst he says, "I have the highest satisfac tion in being able to assure your Lordship, that the same good feeling which I communicated to you on a former occasion, with regard to Kingston, continues to animate every part of the Island I have hitherto visited. Mr. Archdeacon Pope and myself have just completed a progress through all the parishes except two—The •general result of our observations has been a hearty desire on the part of the Proprietors genei ally, or their Representatives, cheerfully to promote, as far as their limited means will allow, any measures which I have thought it my duty to suggest." What will the House think ? For the benefit of the slaves? No, The Right. Rev. Prelate says, for " the benefit of the Church."-- al Public meetings have been called in many parishes, and private subscriptions are entered into, to promote the same desirable object."—The Bishop was satisfied with the state of the island, because he found the people ready to build the Church ; and he expressed his opinion,, that nothing could be done for the slaves till churches were built—till they were filled with congregations—and till the words of religion had operated on their minds. He thought the Churches should be first built, and then the schools ; but I think it would be better to begin with the schools; or we might have both schools and Churches begin at once. The Legislature of Jamaica has twice rejected a measure for carrying into effect some of the principles - of the Order in Council. A very respectable man introduced a measure, in . 1824, for admitting slave evidence, tinder certain restrictions, and this Bill, which was - the same as the Bill of 1825, with the same restrictions, so as to make it perfectly harm less, was unanimously rejected, or so unanimously, that only the person who introduced it voted for it. Nothing can exceed the violence, or perhaps I should say the vehemence, and the vituperation, with which the Bill was thrown ow. The Bill was afterwards, in 1825, submitted to a Committee. They began their labours in the early part of November, the Bill was brought in in December, and thrown out by a majority of two to one, many of those who voted for it declaring, that they would have opposed it in a subsequent stage, bat that they thought it ought to receive further considera tion, and not be too hastily withdrawn. The account given by the Governor, the Duke of Manchester, of these matters, is very important. The Bill con fined the evidence of the slaves to cases of trea son, murder, and manheim, and did not extend to other felonies, or to misdemeanours; and be states, that although it was so restricted and confined. and might be deemed very harmless—yes, indeed, 1 admit it was very harmless-..(hear, and a taugh)--pet . the clamours out of doors against it were such, that it was found perfectly impossible to proceed with it.— Hear, hear.)—The clamour out of doors was such, that, many individuals of, the above description, who had] voted for the Bill, found it necessary, as they thought, to yield to the wishes of their constituents, and there-1 fore voted against it. " We are disposed," these persons " to do all we can do with safety ; and, at the same time, our local knowledge best enables us to judge a hat can be done with safety." I beg leave to call the attention of the House to a Resolution adopted at a Meeting held in Jamaica, subsequent to the rejection of the BM. That Resolution went the length of alleging, that even new restrictions ought to be imposed on the sieves—that Sectarianism should be abolished—and that it would be dangerous to make any further con ceesion, unless a penitentiary feeling was evinced on the part of the slaves. Some new restrictions ought to be imposed ! Penitentiary ! The slaves were to repent of the injuries they had suffered from their masters, and of the efforts for relaxation which had been made is their favour; and, a ithour evidence of such repentance, it would be dangerous to allow any further concessi in their favour f This was' the language of these Colonists, a. d thus they appeared to regard any re laxations in favour of the slave population. B ay Sir, with regard to this point of Sectarianism. Now it is not my opinion only, but the opinion of many resvertabk lieholw. who if., nut go the foil length which I do in favour of the negroes, that if you really wish to diffuse Christianity among the boltrrts, the best way to do this is by - encouraging .ffeetinian Wacbws ; and the greatest bcaelirs Which the negroestaee reeved in this way have been from the Melodist teachers. This be been very generally admitted, and was so admitted by the 41se.ibmilie 'for.Tatnuon, even when opposing hint on sane ether pi OW' anted with the condition of the negroes. I now ease So anti lli what has been done in Barbadoes, which contains a popoistins of SO,OOO slaves; with respect to which I we the tabular return has. been made. and that as to improvements in cocain places, or parti culars, there are nine columns of rut Atehat I was by no means scar. prized ; and I beg leave to solicit attention, while I proceed to shew that all was ni/i and that nothing has been dune, or if there has beets any thing done, it is worse than nothing. An Act was passed in Barbadoes, in 19 , 25, for the benefit of the alive', and the House was. pleased to attend to its enactment with respect to the manumission of the slaves. The Act was entitled " An Act to repeal several Acts and Clauses of Acts, respecting slaves, and for consolidating and bring ing into one Act the several laws relating thereto, and for the better ordering and governing of Slaves, and for giving them further pro tection and security, and for altering the mode of trial of these charged with capital and other offences; and for other purposes." In the manumission clause of this Act, it is enacted, " that-if any slave shall illicover, or give information, of any evil designs or plots of any other slave or slaves, &c. or the possession or concealment, by any slave of slaves, of gunpowder, or any warlike instrument. for the purposes of insurrection and rebellion, whereby the accused thereof shall be legally convicted, such slave shall be appraised at his due value, and the amount paid to the owner; and the slave shall be free, with h pension of 101. currency ; or If he chooses to remain a slave to the owner, a pension of 251. currency." This was the mode of manumitting the slave, in order to encourage him to di:cover plots. Now in the year 1688, by one of the Acts repealed by this last Act, the very same provisions had been made, with this only difference, that the slave was set free with a premium of 40s. There was another clause in the same Act of 1825, which enacted, " That every slave who in the time of invasion, or in case Of rebellion, shall engage and courageously behave in battle, or who by any means shall kill or destroy one or more of the enemy or rebels, such slave shall be rewarded at the public expense, in such manner as the Legislature may t hi n k fi t; an d if t h e Legislature should think that he ought to be rewarded with freedom, that such slave should be declared free, and his value paid to the owner."— Now an Act had been passed in 1707, whereby it was provided that in ease any slave should behave courageously in battle, in case of invasion, or kill any of the invaders, he should be free ipso facto, without having recourse to the Legislature. I will not go any farther into the particulars under this bead; but I pledge myself to 'hew, that whatever advantages the slave had acquired und e r t hi s law, ;hey were only substitu t ed f o r e qua l or bett e r adv a n tages un d er the Acts of 1688, 1707, 1749, and other old Acts. Now, by the Act of 1821, " any slaves guilty of quarrelling, threatening, or lighting with each other, or guilty of any insolent language or 7 urea to or of any white, or of swearing, or of uttering soy obscene speeches, or of drunkenness, or of making, selling. throwing, or firing squibs, serpents. or other fire-works, o r o f cock-fighting or gaming, or of riding upon a faster gait than a walk, or of driving upon a faster gait than a gentle trot, on any road of this island, or through any of the streets or lanes of any town of this Island, or of cruelly whipping, beating, er ill-using of any horse, mare, or gelding, mule, ass, or other cattle, whilst under his charge, in the driving of any waggon, cart, carriage, or other chaise, or of negligently or of improperly driving any such waggon, cart, carriage, or other chaise, or of any disorderly conduct or ialw. viest;, every such slave, on conviction thereof before any Justice. shall be whipped at 'the discretion of such Justice, according to the nature of the offence, not exceeding thirty-nine stripes; the punish ment of pregnant women to be commuted for imprisonment."— By an Act of the 9th August, 1749, some provisions of this die. etiption had been made about quarrelling and driving waggons; but this Act, in taking up the subject, adds a heap of trilling and ridi culous particular. which were not to be found in the former Act. Then again, the punishment by the old Act could net be awarded except by two Justices. By this modern Act, it may be applied• at the discretion of only one Justice to the emoted of thirty-nine babes. By the old Act, the slave was punished if be Waved in solently to five or more white persons. By this Aci, be le punished for insolent language or gestures to or of any white lemon. Then? Were is another serious alteration made by them. The slave Is to be punished, not only for negligently or improperly driving; bet abe for "any other disorderly conduct or misbehaviour."— There cannot be any thing more utterly vague and uncertain. Who is to decide what is any disorderly conduct or misbehaviour? There is a Clans' in the Act also relative to the murdering of a shire, which well deserves the attention of the House. It is enacted, that if any person kill a slave by accident, he shall pay the value to .the owner : " but li any slave shall hereafter be 'killed while com mitting or attempting to commit any robbery or the** in the act of breaking at night into any house, out-houseon-uhifihbovise, or in the act of setting fire, either at night or in the.4ay.simo, to any house, out-house, or negro-house, canes, stack' ot r ematraels, cane tops, corn stalks, pea-trees, or cotton-wood, or etellytof dry fuel, or piles of timber, or while maliciously setting Archie's:pave:Cy gamy :value, or in the attempt to maim or injure any white person, the person or persons killing any such slave, shall not be minishei for the same either criminally or otherwise." So that under this .cierse, if a white man can set up any appearance of any of the acts enumerated being committed by a slave, be may, kill him under the pretence of any such acts, without toe slightest danger of being criminally or otherwise prosecuted ! Then, if any white person maimed, mutilated, or dismembered a slave, be was to be punished for suck offence, by fine er imprisonment, or at discre tion ' • so that this is all that hat been done for the slaves, ender sack circumstances, by as Act passed not much above half a year ago. Now, let It be observed, that there is no minimum of fine or imprisonment; so that the fine may be use shilling, aid the imprisonment one day. Whereas, when a white man killed a slave upon any pretence of robbery, or attempt at robbery; or the commission, or attempt at committing, or supposed attempt at centmitting a variety of offences, he is not to be prosecuted crimi nally or otherwise. Then there is a clause enacting, " That if any . person shall hereafter commit any wanton act or acts towards any alive, or if the same be committed by his direction or order, or with Ms or her order, privity or consent; or shall wantonly. and„ malidoudy and cruelly whip, beat, or bruise any slim or loss; or shall suffer, permit. cause, or . procure . the same to Ise done, whether su ch slave or slaves 'may or may not belong to him, such person shall be summoned before any . two or math Justices of the Peace to answer for the offence ; and such Justices of the Peace are hereby ordered and . empowered, on conviction.tbereof, to impose a penalty on the person so offend. ing, not exceeding odt. according to the nature of the offence ; and then the Justices are and required to summon the parties before them, and ermine into the case; and if the accusation should appear to be well founded, they arc to proceed to fine the accused in this 231." So that the slaves may be bruised, or in any way cruelly used—they may be maimed, wounded, their birdies may be cut in pieces—they may be so bruised as to make them miserable for We; and yet, tiniest any thing is dons that may extend to t4 life of the sufferer, the guilty person escapes with only these weembel poultice. There is still another clause of this Act, to width I Whit the attention of the House. I mean the demist which la lis ." that if any slave shall hear any ether slaves speebbemap floodlit: to mutiny, insurrection, or rebellion, or know otbis, honor their having in possession, or concealed, any gunpowder, wee. like, or mischievous weapon, fur the purposes of lesnmesise or rebellion, and shall not immediately disclose or disemer the same to his or her owner, proprietor, or possessor, or to . seine Justice or Representative, every suc h slave shall, upon emir& don thereof, suffer death without benefit of clergy, trainman. tion, or any other • punishment, as the Court beihre whom such offender may be tried sbeU think &AG inflict." I bos 'leech the House to consider these words—" any slave heathy another speaking words tending to mutiny." Why, what could slave know of the meaning of teiniisigo sesilins ? It =ma be es. tremely difficult for any one to say what may be the words which might be considered as tending to mutiny. But what judg could a slave be expected to form on such a questioo ? &opposing he knew another slave to have warlike weapons in his possession, , how could he judge whether such weapons were kept for purposes rebellion er ineurrection 1 I beg.t bat my Noble and Lamed Friends (Lord Nugent and Mr. &Arlen were talking together) will attend to me (a laugh), for the matter is well worthy their attention. Let them only think of the fact of its being one of the provisions of this recent Act, that if a slave did not discover words. spoken by others haring a tendency is itutiay, he might be undetected to suffer death without benefit of Clergy, or be transported, or suffer such other punishment as the Court chose to inflict.— This, and many other provisions of the Act, are monstrously vague and uncertain ; and, from the mode in which they are worded, hardly afacd the slave any, protecdun whatsoever, and yet it is said by one party that much has been done by the Colonial Legisla tures. We send out front this country certain iostructions one of which is to:imp:eve the mural and religious habits of the people. 4low, we say that nothing will be done, at least that nothing has been done and then a section or a Barbadoes Act is produced to us,. which, 1 lead to beoseitinessardie, the Act efJ 796,without the alight possible change in the enacting part, and only differing in the p amble. I new come to the sth clause of the Act to suspend the Art foe restriming the manumission-of slaves; and in referring as this part of the subject I beg to call the attention of the House a Return, signed " J. Nesbitt, Secretary to the Bahamas.' This. Return was dated late r in which they. will And that. Gimehilieler state that no tax or fine was imposed for niantnoisalan ; socks BIRO these Giodensca take credit to themselves for a clauee.to sera • tax which, in fact. had no Matinee In ISte—(Hear).—And this is the AM to _which I am referred es demonstrating the good which he. been efi r veted—(Hear, hear) —The* regulation respecting the sfuentem of ponfthment is a repetition, in so many words. of the Act passed at du liehavamio 1796, containing simply an alteration for sobstituting psivate punishment for public chasti.ement in the 'Who( females. ID the papers Which bad been last presented ter die House there were various passages referring to the beads of the *dens Resolutions - contained in the Orders in Council, containing, amongst other things, the prohibition of putting round the necks of slaves au instrument of torture, and various other previsions of that nature, every one of which was to be found in Acts of an ancient date. Now it had been said, that in Tobago, Sunday allerkets had been abolished ; it is quite true they are, but that ID the only Island in which this improvement has taken place. bl Jamaica the market is kept open till ten o'clock in the morning ;loin other islands the practice has been indifferently modified—but Tobago is the only island in which the Sunday market has been abolished. And here, be it remembered, that even in Tobago no provision has.heen nude for giving the slaves another day, as a sob- Istituto for Sunday, to work in the provision grounds, and yet they were encouraged, if not prohibited from working on the Sunday. Now this is very material ; for you do the slave a positive injury. un less you give him a day in lieu of the Sunday, to abstain from working; on which day you encourage him. He had formerly eighteen additional days, and the only substitute you propose is, the addition of ten days. But formerly he had fifty-two days and eighteen besides, and by your regulation of discouraging work on Sunday, he will be a loser of 42 days; and when this is the case, it Is ridiculous for you to think he will listen to your admonitions, or hearken to any attempt to discourage him from working on Sunday (hear, hear). Now with respect to the admission of slave eel. deuce, it has been proved, that in case no free persons can be pro duced in the cases of murder or miyheim,slave testimony is to lie ad mitted, that is to say, the evidence of two slaves will be admitted. if their statement be consistent. Now, in order to put the House in possession of the temper displayed by the Colonial Legislatures, I beg to call the attention of the House to the language used by that of Tobago, in which they state, " We have yielded rather from a desire to comply with the instructions which have been sent out, then from a conviction that those instructions will lead to any im provement in the condition of the slaves. But we most respectfully, and at the same time, firmly declare, that when these points are tarried, coneession will then have reached its uttermost." Here, then, we set how far they are disposed to go. They have stated their u/ttesetuns. No consideration, say they, would Induce them to go further, or fritter away, or tamper with the rights of property, which they considered to rest on as solid a foundation as property in England. So that here we find the very utmost point to which they will go is to reject any material provision contnioed in the Orders in Council, and only adopt that which is wholly nugatory, with the single exception of the slight provision I have men tioned for the admissibility of slave evidence. Now it has been said that Grenada, Dominica, and St. Vincent are the islands in which the • most good has been effected; bat I contend that nothing has been done in those islands. Now, St. - Vincent is said to have been foremost in carrying into effect the 'Orders In Council. The Honourable Member opposite (Mr. W. Horton) seems to doubt that the West Indian interests have ever declared that they have produced much good; but he should be happy to hear the contradiction from themselves. In folio 76 of the last papers but one laid on the table, the House will find the address of the Speaker of the House of Assembly of St. Vincent to the Governor, in which be states. * I am happy to inform .your Eleellency, that a Bill has been read a second time, the object of which is to render slave evidence admissible in all criminal matters on the basis of the Trinidad Orders, in order that we may go to the full extent of those in England, who have the full interest of the Colowiee at heart." Now, I contend there is nothing in those new provisions at all to correspond with the Trinidad Orders; and yet' this is the uttermost verge to which these Gentlemen will proceed to conciliate the good will of this House, having, in fact, mutilated and almost frustrated the Orders In Council. Now, with respect to the driving system, it has been provided, that no driver shall use such an instrument as a cart whip, by way of emblem of his authority: This prohibition, be it remembered, was confined to slaves, and to one instrument, called the cart whip. So that, accord ing to the regulation, they might carry any other instrument oe weapon, unites it happened to be what la called &cart whip. This observation applied to the Grenada and Dominica Legislatures.— Now, there was no prohibition whatever against the cat, such as was used in the army; that might be carried by the drivers, either. as a stimulus to labour, or an emblem of authority—(Hear.) But I shall state to the House what has been done with respect to slave evidence.. It is competent to admit the testimony of a slave, providetthe be deli baptized, and that two slaves be produced, who are examined, one out of the hearing of the other, and who saucer in the same story. He is then admissible as a witness, except &pink the overseer, and this exception renders the whole thing futile ; for It la to make them competent witnesses against the overseer principally that the privilege was conferred. So that, as far as regards the driving or the slave evidence, the spirit of the Orders in Connell had sot been carried into execution. AU thatthey have done is only deceptious in itself, and done, too, with the view of deceiving the Parliament and the people of this country. Sir, I shall not pursue any further the details of this subject ; but, if I do 'not, I trust my abstaining will bet be imputed `to my fear that I cannot substantiate all the e rps against the ' West Indian Legislatures. It is my firm op p ion , that the t a act of repeating to the Colonial Legislatures, hat we have air ady told them in language sufficiently intelligible, or of sending ack to them those Resolutions we have before adopted, unless ao. compels): them with something more definite and prempto , will net only be doing no good, but will actually be making had one. Sir, I have the greater confidence in proposing to you the nt Resolution, since I think that by adopting it you will be under. taking nothing new; but will merely be adopting the observation made by Lord Bathurst to the Colonial Legislatures, when he said Wilma% " If you allow another year to pass away, another Session . to expire, and content yourselves with merely making another pro mise—l cannot answer what may be the effect produced en the meeting of Parliament next year." Slr, that is what the Noble kWh*. hi effect said to these Colonists; and now that all the As flagibliss have met—that at all of them our Resolution has been amiiklered, and this threat (so to call it, or this warning, if thatword lii'More agreeable) has been laid before them, and still nothing has he done—for what has been done, is, in truth. nothing, or worse the. nothing—l say, Sir, after all these events have takes place, shall we go on again In the sense course we have before pursued ? I do, therefore, entertain a most sanguine hope that a considerable majority, or, if possible, the unanimous vote of the Members of dB, House will support their own consistency, and pass this Reso lution. If they do, and if this Resolution then goes out to the West iwiles, palm's* a different course may be pulsed; or if not, I shall say that Parliament will have next Session, on every account, and especially on their own forbearance, their extreme forbearance, to do that which, unless it is done by Parliament. I fear will never be done. I shall, therefore, move a liasolndret to this effect—" That this House has observed with the deepest regret that nothing effectual has been done in the Legislative Assem bles of the Colonies in the West Indies, in compliance with the declared wishes of Government, and of the Resolution of this , House passed on the 15th of May, -1125, touching the etindition of the Slaves; and this Douse, therefore, pledges itself, early in the nest Session, to take into its most serious consideration such measures as may he necessary to give effect to the" said Resolution." I have moved the Resolution pledging the Home to proceed on this matter next Session ; first, because it is go late to undertake any definite measure now. And secondly, became, although I have anything but a sanguine hope that the Colonists will do anything effectual before Parliament meet again, I tun yet willing to try the experiment once more, and after that time I think it will because an absolute and Indispensable duct of Parliament, should that experiment again fall, to adeitt some mea sures for enforcing their own Resolution—(Hear, hear, hear). Lord NUGENT seconded the Resolution. Mr.-WILMOT-HORTON trusted that, after the very long details into which the Honourable and Leained Gentleman opposite had gone, the House Would'indtilge him in making those statements which his duty imposed upon him, not perhaps in contradic tion to the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, but for the purpose of placing the subject in a different point of view. The Hon. Gentleman here read the proposed Resolution ; and then observed, that if the House wsa not already pledged to pursue a particular line of con duct, that Resolution might be necessary—if they had not specifically marked out their plan, and if it was not 'mown that Government were now about to adopt cer tain definite measures to enforce the observance of their orders, the House might accept the Resolution as one which was called for by circumstances. but when these things were known the case was different, and they would, it they thought with him that the Resolu tion Was entirely superfluous and unnecessary, reject it au such. That Resolution, in fact, appeared to him as an isdirectwed covert MAIM upon Government; as a !declaration that all which Government had 'hitherto dale was at best but idle and useless, and. could lotde. ierest the commendation of the country. • He Intel dm it had long ago been said, the Colonies had • sheivn a pith of contumacious obstinacy in their conduct." That opinion he had always opposed, and he beggedv say that he did not at all concur with it, even at the present moment. He Would appeal to the House, and trot only to them but to the country at large, to say , whether other motives beyond those of obstin icy might : bin be discovered for the conduct of the Colonial Leg sla tures ? He asked whether there was any man who did not see tfiat they had been retarded in their legislation by the belief that the measures which this House had recommended would be destructive to their interests? Whether that opinion was correct or not, was not now the question ; but when it was meant to spew that the Colonists were actuated by the absolute loveof slavery, he thought he could 'hew that the statement was un founded, and that their hesitation arose from the belief that the measures which in reality were recommended by the humanity of the House, were such as would be at tended with the ruin of all the parties concerned. He would not say actually chat the mistaken love of slavery might not have some effect on their minds, but still he was certain that it was not the only, or even the prin cipal motive of their conduct. In proportion as e . ,e Colonists were freed from that error, the liberal opinions of this House would gain ground in the West Indies, and in the same proportion would be the confidence with which he should look for a relaxation of their measures. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had corn-. plimented the Trinidad Order in Council, and certainly it was calculated to elevate the slaves, in a moral p int of view ; and he thought it must have had a beneficial effect as well on the masters as the slaves. He begge.l to say, that though the colonial legislatures had been accused - of slowness, they had not in fact been more slow in agreeing to the propriety of the principle of ad mitting slaves, than this House had been. The tenor of the Trinidad Order was, to make • the protector of the slaves responsible for the working of the system, he having the power of enforcing the law. He thought it would be little better than an insult to the owners of slaves to lay it dewh as a principle, that they were in sensible to the benefits' that might be conferred on the slaves whom they possessed. The Hon. Gentleman then went into a detail of the changes which had been • effected in the amelioration of the condition of the slaves, and declared that the free use of the Seriday had been so long withheld from them solely from the opinion that until they had been instructed it would be inexpe dient to give them one whole day to themselves. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had complained that the Negroes were not afforded the proper means for urging complaints which they might have to make against their masters. Now, upon that point it did seem to him that it was a mistake to offer to the N , groes a imams for complainings, where their complaints might be light and frivolous. With respect to the alteration of the law in Demerara, he begged to observe that that Colony formerly belonged to the Dutch, and that all which was dune there should be, in some measure, accommodated to the forms of that foreign law which had been se long in use in that Colony, and beyond this, that whatever alterations were effected, should be, if possible, effected by the Colonists themselves, v;hii ought to be allowed ample odportunity for so doing.. Thealteration which had taken place in Jamaica, as to the Saturday and Sunday mat kdts, had met with the approbation of the Duke of Manchester, who, as be was quoted on other occasions, as an authority, by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman opposite, most, of course, he considered of equal authority in the present case. The principle of manumission, too, bad been carried' into effect, by compelling the heir, when the last tenant had manumitted any slaves, to receive an equivalent ;n money for the loss which his estate might have sus tained in consequence of those manumissions. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman had spok•n of the unfavourable manner in which the sectarian chi cation had been viewed by the slave proprietors; and had declared, that they supported the Church Establishment, not so much out of veneration for religion and religious education, as from a dislike to the sects dans. Now, he (Mr. ,Wilmot-Horton) must say, that when the people of Ja maica saw the nature of the tuition desk out to the slaves by sectarians, it was not to be wondered at that they shoald prefer the tuition afforded by the Ministers of the Church of Eng land. He was of opinion that the conduct of the Bishop of is nuke was deserving of praise ; and that the Assembly of that colony equally merited credit, for the support which they had afforded to the Church Establishments formed there. It was impossible sot to anticipate advantages from their Resolutions. The Hon. Gentle man here quoted some expressions from a writer on the Colonies, who had asserted t h at their resistance tift the liberal measures of the • Government would cease as soon as they could be convinced dui the immediate consequence of those measures would not be the dal pression nor the destruction of their property. If any further prepf than what he had already stated was wanting, it might be found in the offer which they they had made to Government to evacuate the Island of Jamaica, if the Parliament would purchase it from them, with the view to try the experiment of free labour upon it. Ile thought the House could not debate the present question, without having regard to what were the opinions of the masters as to the probable event of making their slaves free. He was convinced that their resistance was only founded en their fear of the nature of that event; and if that was the fact, their resistance would be at an cud 'fag soon as they were convinced that their interests and the interests of humanity went together. The moment they were enlightened ea that subject, he should expect frum them a greater liberality of conduct, and an absence of that obstinacy with which he feared be must acknowledge their opposition had been too often characterized. His object was to persuade the House that'the Resolution moved by the Hen. and Learned. Gentleman was unnecessary, as it would only pledge the House to do what it was alreadybound to do by a previous pledge. The Hon. Gentleman then went in detail through the legislation of the different Islands, for the purpnee of *hewing that many measures had latterly been passed for the protection and benefit of the slave. He did not deny the accuracy of the Hun. and Learned Gentleman's statements; but he contended that there had been matedal improvements on the preceding legislation of the Colonial Assemblies, and these improvements were, he thought, such as to justify the expectation that they would con tinue progrea. sively approaching that model wilds Parliament desired to see , a•- tained. Before he concluded, he file called upon to notice and repel the personal attack which the Han. and Learned Gentleman bad made upon him. He denied that he had conducted himself so as to warrant the charge that be was an uncompromising supporter of the West India interest in the invidious sense in which the Hon . and Learned Gentleman had applied, that term to him. The opi. nions he held he had always freely maintained. and he was w I. ng that anything he 66d ever said or written should be produced against him • or that the words he had used in any conversation, whether confidential or otherwise, should be brought forward, in order to prove that he had at any time differed from the principle of the Resolutions of 11211, or the course his Majesty's Government in their prudence and discretion had pursued. lie challenged any man chew that he had ever expressed himself otherwise. There was no mystery as to the views and feelings of Government. The pan- • ciples by which they were governed bad been clearly and elegssoly stated by his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Canning). Be opte d t h at the Hon an d Learned "entleman would not for the hum be so prune to make imputations on his conduct, which neeeseerny operated very prejud:Cially against him, and implicated' the die. charge of the duties belonging to the dined= be bold. N sharps could be more inconvenient to him then that of partisanship, as is was alleged by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman. Mr. BROUGHAM disclaimed any intention of imputing par; deanship to the Hon. Gentlenten. Mast he had said resulted bens his basis& general y feand the lion. Gentleman the 1110111atiVOSOM advoemedte Inuit Tads We s er the question among the Mena. beseech, Adolnlitradan. On it late motion of his 800. Friend