Star. — London, England, 1813-05-14 00:00:00

~.. f the House ; much more justly l / 2 had they to com 'lain of the spirit with which it had been opposed. end of the temper displayed in the discussion. If hey were called upon to deliberate as- to the inexpe diency and,impolicy of an exclusive system of consti :utiopal rights and privileges, the question was forced ipon them even the necessity of discussing it was in tself a grievance—and they ought, in his opinion, to :ome to the consideration of the subject with the same Feelings and dispositions, as they would to the consi deration of anyother grievance —with a eiew..to remove It. For his own part, he could - never allow that this exclusive principle was an integer part of the British Constitution. It was indisputably a deviation from the general rule, and should be defended upon its own grounds, not as forming a part of the Constitution. It should not be classed amongst those great prin ciples and privileges of which the free people of this country were so justly proud, nor defended upoo, any inferences drawn from the Bill of Rights, or justified as inherent in the nature of our excellent Constitution. The existence of such a principle of exclusion was an evil irreconcilable with any notions of well regulated, freedom—it put a distinction between whole classes Of individuals composing the population of one and the same State—it went to destroy that harmony and unanimity which are so essential to the well-being of every nation—it produced a degradation of one class pf the community to palter to the pride of another— and checking the moral improvement and intellec tual cultivation of the degraded class, generated a sense of injury and a feeling of depression in their 'minds, incompatible with the quiet and prosperity of I the empire. Unfortunately it was not now for the first time that the Irish people had to complain of such a grievance—it had attached to them from the earliest times of their connection with this country, and was closely interwoven in every period of their history ; it had gathered strength in its progress, till the revolution of 1688 broke the pride of Ireland, and consummated the oppression which had been ace,* tnulating for ages. The violence of those domestic quarrels which at that period distracted the country gave rise to the exclusive system, which, whilst it stiffed opposition for the moment, embittered future hostility—took away the rights of a whole people— Ind left behind an endless source of disquietude, in the afflicting sense of injuries received, disappointed hopes, and vengeance unsatisfied and unappeased. The result of the conflict had been on-one side, total defeat—on the other, unqualified triumph ; and as the consequences of such a state of things had been Continued through a series of national heartburnings and grievances to the present time, it was the duty of Parliament by a generous policy and a wise legis lation to endeavour to heal those distractions which had so long been the bane of the prosperity of that country, and not to listen to the counsels of those who appeared to tremble lest the odious distinction should be removed. They should not allow the spirit of such a system to be transfused into the gene rous principles of their free Constitution, nor attempt to hang up the bloody spoils of a suffering people upon the altar of a holy religion. This was all owing to that fatal watch-word of division, Protestant As cendancy. If by these words were meant an ascen dancy in the enactment of wise laws, or the practice of a humane religion, no man would more gladly embrace a watch-word which, by enforcing impartial justice, would establish a feeling of benevolence to wards all classes of subjects, and a spirit of loyalty towards the Sovereign. The laws, however, as they now stood, were a perpetual insult to the Catholics and standing reproach to the Protestants. He knew the importance that was now attached to this ques tion, and was glad that the attention of Parliament and of the country had been so strongly directed to its consideration - ; but unless the distinction should be done away, he could not but fear that as long as a vindictive spirit may exist, it would be vain to hope that it should not be exasperated by a feeling of a se cret malignity ; and it would be impossible to im prove, to soften, or to ameliorate the tempers of men, whilst they were liable to feel such a spirit rankling in their bosoms. The excluded class would be as a barren spot, to which, whilst all around was clothed with luxuriant vegetation, the effects of cultivation could not extend. If at any time the Government should determine to slight the claims of this great Body, they would inevitably spread a principle of dis wisfaction throughout the whole, and make that a rallying point for every species of discontent—for every description of public grievance—for every minor denomination of popular suffering and indignation. To prevenuthis state of things they must get rid of the master grievance. They should abjure the prin ciple of exclusion by which the Irish Catholics were debarred the possession of their civil and political rights. He knew that this system was supported by authorities which he respected ; but he could not but consider it a violation of the principle of Eleition that they should nut be admitted into that House. That principle required that the Representatives should be chosen from the Body of the Electors. If it was contended that the Roman Catholics were a people that would not obey the laws, he should not make that a charge upon them ; but say it was an effect of the system ; and the great cause of it was, that they felt no identity with the State. Restore to them the feeling of a common interest with their fel low-subjects—let them but find themselves once ad mitted within the pale of the Constitution when they can look upon the acts of the Legislature as so many laws issuing from their own body through their own Representatives, and then no class or description of subjects will yield a mere ready obedience to the laws. This country had, during the course of its connection with Ireland, attained an eminent state of prosperity, in commerce, in manufactures, in every art of peace and of war. Ireland too had during the same period her variety, but it consisted in the supe rior intensity of suffering and the increased severity of inflictions. It was peculiarly unfortunate that those periods of our history to which England looked with so much pride should have been to Ireland the sources only of shame. Let them but go back to the reign of Elizabeth or the Protectorate, which, in the atrocity of its cruelties, exceeded any record of former times—let them contemplate the era of the reforma tion—of the revolution—of the reign of Anne—of the accession of the illustrious House of Hanover— and of the rebellion in 1745, and they would find that they were all periods of degradation to the Irish Catholic people. It had been said that they already possessed the elective franchise, the right of serving on grand juries, and various other important pri vileges, but these considerations proved rather that they ought to be admitted to the full enjoyment of every other constitutional privilege since they had enjoyed. so many without any danger to the State. Was it conformable to any known principle of pad• cal science to reject from its defence—to separate from its interests—a fourth part of the population of the Empire ? Let the existing circumstances be re ' versed. Let it be supposed that the Catholics predo minated over the Protestants, and not the Protestants ever the Catholics. Let it be supposed that the Ca tholics in that case would have exercised towards the Protestants the same severity that the Protestants had actually exercised towards the Catholics, that they would have enforced the same restrictions. — What would have been the result ? What an ex tinction of individual and national glory I How many great and transcendent names would have been swept from the annals of the empire I Desti tute would we have been of that moral and intellec tual light shed for so many years over us by a Burke. Destitute should we have been of that military re nown which a Wellington had achieved for hie coun try, while 4ghting the battles of liberty and inde pendence in the Peninsula. The genius, the wit, the eloquence of a Sheridan would have been unknown. That House would never have heard the brilliant and unrivalled display of talents by which a Right Hon, Gentleman opposite to him (Mr. Plunket) - had on a recent occasion electrified it. That venerable voice (Mr. Grattan's) which was first raised in Ireland to break the fetters of oppression, which had since been raised io this country to prosecute the great work of emancipation, and which he trusted would soon in dulge in tones of exultation at the ultimate triumph of that sacred cause, to the accomplishment of which its earliest and its latest efforts had been devoted, would for ever have remained silent—( Hear, hear.) — To deny to the Catholics of Ireland the privileges which they required, would be to leave them with beating and struggling hearts—it would be to array one conflicting principle against'another—it would be to set human nature in opposition to itself. Impo tent indeed, he trusted, would be the contest, as it respected the security of the empire—hut though it might leave our security untouched, it could not fail materially to injure our happiness. To deny to the Catholics of Ireland the privileges which they requi red, would be to allow them to retain the means of harm, ana to deprive them of all incentive to good. It would be to abandon them to all "the tumults of rage, and to put them in possession of the engines of vengeance. It would be to bind the strong man, but to leave his locks unshorn—(Hear, hear, hear.) It had been said by the Learned Doctor, as it had often been said before, that oaths were not considered by the Catholics as binding. How happened it then that in a Court of Justice the oath of a Catholic was taken against a Protestant ? How happened it then that the treaty of Westphalia, the contracting parties to which were composed of Catholics and Protestants, and which the Pope had expressly declared to be nu gatory, was signed by the Catholics, the Protestants being aware that such had been the Papal declara tion, and that it had remained inviolate until the French Revolution ? As one proof that the Learned Doctor was erroneous in his estimate of the modern Catholic character—as one proof that it was not so replete with bigotry and intolerance as it had been described to be, he would read the affecting declara tionsof a virtuous and distinguished Catholic, taken from his dying mouth—a man who had evinced the most sincere attachment to the Sce of Rome, and who died a martyr to that attachment. The words were to the following effect- 4, I lament the error of my brethren who have departed from the Catholic faith, but I pretend not to judge them—and I trust that the same Jesus CURIST to whom I look for re mission of my own sins, will extend bis forgiveness to theirs." This was a passage which occurred in the last will of Louis XVI. Such was Catholic bi gotty—such was Catholic intolerance—(Hear, hear.) Adverting to the case of the venerable Lord Staf ford, he described the various circumstances by which it was attended, and then asked, if a Catholic Judge, a Catholic Bishop, and Catholic witnesses, had acted towards a Protestant, as a Protestant Judge, a Pro-' testant Bishop, and Protestant witnesses, had acted 1 towards a Catholic, what the Gentlemen opposite would have said ? As the case stood they ascribed the events to which he had alluded to the spirit of the times. Had it been as he for a moment supposed, they would have ascribed them to the spirit of Po pery—(Hear, hear.) To him the inquiry into the principles of former periods appeared worse than use less on such a question as that before the House.— Why on a subject, the merits of which depended on the ever-varying fluctuations of opinion, recur to the history of the middle ages ? Why ransack the graves of men long since forgotten ? Why recall the me mory of crimes which ought to be buried in oblivion ? Why turn the attention of the House to acts, long past, the wickedness of which was surpassed by their absurdity ? He protested against a decision on such grounds. But it seemed that the Bill did not provide the attainment of all the objects which it professed to seek. He would not enter into its details. He felt incompetent to enter into them ; and at any rate that was a discussion which would with more pro priety take place on a future occasion. But gene rally speaking, he confessed it appeared to him that the Bill was admirably calculated for the accomplish ment of its purpose. It proceeded on the fundamental principle that the Constitution of the country was es-1 sentially Protestant—that the Government, that the Sovereign of the country ought to be Protestant. So long as the Government, so long as the Sovereign was Protestant, so-long would the Protestant Consti tution be secure. For his part he could not conceive it possible that it had entered into the heart of any man who had supported the Bill to separate our civil from our religious Government. Never was there a more desperate imagination, if such a proceeding had indeed been imagined. Never was wisdom more wise than that which sought to render the union in dissoluble. Nothing could be more admirable than' those establishments by which the Protestant priest hood of this Empire were nurtured from there first entrance into the temple of knowledge, until their admission into the more holy sanctuary of the Church. In those establishments the purity of childhood was mingled with the vigour of youth and the wisdom of more advanced life. It was to the , Protestant esta blishment, any attempt to touch which he had depre cated, that the empire was indebted for the vigilant survey over the whole range of thou noble inctitu. tions by which they were maintabsed in undiminished excellence. Every thing should be,studiously avoided by which its integrity might be endangered, or which should prevent the Legislature from doing that which ,he was sure was the wish, as it was the duty of every ' man who heard him, naately, to transmit it to poste rity sae and unimpaired. (Hear, hear.) When he heard so much said, however, of the necessity of se curities for the Protestant establishment, he owned that he thought it a very ill compliment to the Mem bers of our own Church. It appeared to him as if those who were so much alarmed on the occasion thought that the passing of the Bill was to give die death-blow to the vigilance and zeal of :he Protestant Church. That vigilance and that zeal had, he con ceived, been pretty well manifested in the petitions from the members of the establishment, which had been presented to Parliament on the subject before them. He was far from blaming the' petitioners. — One of those petitions had proceeded from the Uni versity of Cambridge, for which, as the place of his education, he felt the most reverential affection. That and other bodies of a similar kind bad an undoubted right to guard to the utmost of their power the Pro testant establishment, and to keep a vigilant eye over every hostile circumstance by which it might to them appear to be threatened. But from this very diligence and zeal he derived his 'firm hope, that the passing of the Bill before them would in no way affect the secu rity of the Protestant Church. The shrine was safe as long :is the lamps by which it was surrounded continued to burn so brilliantly. ( Hear, hear.) There was nothing, in his opinion,in the tenets of catholicism which rendered it unsafe to admit Catholics to a par ticipation of civil privileges. If indeed such dangers were to be compared, he had no doubt which would be found to preponderate. What was the descripticift of danger of which the House had that night heard ? The influence of the Pope ! Let it be allowed that that influence had ever been tried on the Irish people —let it be allowed that it might again be tried—at what period did Parliament think the papal appeal more likely to be effectual—when the great miss of Irish population felt degraded and humbled by the destitution of the privileges enjoyed by their Protes- . tant countrymen, or when they were inspired with a sense of their own value by the acquisition of their just rights ? Were hardships and deprivations, or com forts and enjoyments likely to be the better antidotes to such danger as that apprehended by the Learned Doctor ? It was true that he could conceive the exis tence of other causes of alarm than papal influence. He could conceive, barely conceive, the possible exis tence of Catholic preponderance in the Privy Council. He would even conceive the preponderance of Catho licism in the breast of the Sovereign. But even in such a case would Parliament slumber ? Would there not be in reserve the whole nation drawn up behind the Legislature, in defence of their religious e sta b lish. ments ? Would not the members of the Church and of the various sects diffused throughout the country unite in maintaining the various and powerful holds of Protestant Christianity ?—Did it not then appear that the danger of refusing the Catholic claims was not uncertain but existing ' • not remote, but present ? But it was said that the Catholics would not be satis fied with the Bill. Unquestionably it would be very delightful if it should be received by them in the same spirit as that in which, lie trusted, it would be passed by the Legislature. But even if any local and temporary irritation existed, or was expected to exist on the subject, what effect ought that to have on the deliberations of Parliament ? The injuries,the wrongs, and the sufferings of Ireland remained the same.— The rights of the Irish people remained the tame. The principles by which the Legislature ought to be infltienced remained the same.—Besides, if the intuit. diate effect of the Bill were not conciliatory and ad vantageous, it was not in the nature of things that it should not ultimately prove so. Was it possible to imagine, that after the passing of the Bill the Catho lic would refuse any commission in the army—that he would decline advancement in the military or legal professions, that he would voluntarily exclude himself from a seat in Parliament ? It was impossi ble, and it was equally impossible but that a great improvement in the moral character of the Irish must eventually take place. Let Parliament, therefore, proceed, neither startled by its own fears, nor check ed by the disapprobation of those whose disapproba tion it would deserve. Let the Legislature persevere in repairing the wrongs which Ireland had sustained. He used the word o persevere," because it was gra tifying to reflect that in the reign of his present Ma jesty the liberties of Iteland had commenced—in the reign of his present Majesty he trusted they would be consummated. No more indelible record could be preserved to the glory of a Monarch than the estab lishment of the freedom of his subjects.—(Hear ! —And at what a moment was this measure of conci liation and union proposed ! At a moment when all Europe was striving to throw off the yoke of the most degrading tyranny that had ever been exercised over human nature—at such a moment was it fitting that Englandshould refrain from availing herself of every possible means of assisting the common cause. To her, indeed, the contest was fraught with consequen ces the most serious and important. The nations of the Continent were engaged in a struggle of the in stant. With us it was only a part of a protracted and systematic resistance. We had no retreat—we must push the combat to the utmost extremity. To other nations it might be permitted to remain insignificant, contemptible, and secure ; Great Britain could be safe only while the bird of victory flapped its wings around her throne and her altars.—(Hear, hear !)- -To be secure at home% we must be conquerors abroad ; and to be conquerors abroad, we must re move all dissatisfaction—we must remove every se cret obstacle which might check the circulation, and chill the warmth, of the life-blood of the Em pire. If they were to be told of the sudden acces sion of four million's of men to the strength of the country ; would they not consider such an occur rence as a special interference of PROVIDENCE ? This was offered to them—and would they refuse it ? Would they refuse that treasure which was richer than all the gold of the earth ? It had been the boast of Lord Chatham that he had sought for virtue among the mountains of Scotland, and that he had found it. Let them seek for it amidst the mars'tes of Ireland, and they would as surely find it. How many individuals were at that moment in existence whose only demand was to be rendered use ful to their country ? How many men of genius and valour who panted but to be employed in her defence' Would Parliament reject such prokrred aid ? Would they allow such beings to fly to a foreign Court, there to be received with transport as an invaluable tre. , - number o li f ol nicffis-. sure---a treasurse in comparison with which t h e richest subsidies that this country could offer w ere worthless ? And yet such was at present the c a s e . e rt r y a Generals, , who were and a Irish Catholics. was a fact that there were at that moment in th e c A er u s st c slan su b ann ord y in t a h t i Guilt and shame must certainly attach to any coun try that could thus refuse to avail itself of the services of its sons. Was it possible to contemplate their state without emotion ? Did they not sometime s mingle tears of bittey regret with the exultation of military renown ? Brooding over the recollection of earlier days, must they not lament that they could never be called to defend their native land —m us e they not larnirft that though they might die the deal)* of a hero, they were forbidden by their country to die the death of a patriot ? ( Hear, hear.) Material also was it in the decision upon this question to con. sider the condition of the English Catholics, who se patriotism and loyalty had long secured to them the approbation of the Empire. Among them were many persons descended from the most illustrious ancestors, whose names were associated with tl.c brightest passages in the page of British history, and who had been distinguished with honour by the Sn. vereign, and with admiration and gratitude by the people for their services to the country, before to 'serve his country became a crime in a C itholic.— iJfear.)—What must be the feelings of the descert ants of those illustrious men, when on the very threshold of existence ? However ardent their bene volence, however elevated their genius, they were driven from the course of generous and patriotic competition—they were sent to pass life joyless, silent, and obscure—and they were compelled to transmit their ignoble inheritance to their unhappy posterity. • .--(Hear, hear, hear.)—What must be the feelings of a father, conscious of the growing talents of a be. loved son. but conscious also that the bloom of his youth and the vigour of his manhood must be alike unprofitably expended ? He implored the House to terminate such painful sensations ; he implored them to listen to the voice of nature, which in this as in most other instances was the voice of policy ; he im plored them to abandon a system pregnant only with private sorrow and public calamity.—(Hear, hear.) Some wise and good men had contemplated the pos sible arrival of a period at which, by mutual benevo lence and concession, the Catholic and the Reformed Church might approximate to a reconciliation. He knew not if there were any symptoms of such a happy event existing, but unquestionably it was an anticipation of the most pleasing and virtuous kind. Let Parliament perform their part towards this good work—let them exhibit true Christian forbearance.— If such an object could be accomplished, then might this empire indeed boast of a Constitution which combined within itself the soundest principles of vi tality and happiness—which, without sacrificing any of the important interests of the State, soothed add united in its defence all descriptions of men—which, preferring its own religious faith, because it felt it to be the noblest and the best, abstained from hostility against the religious faith of others; which grounded its religious belief on truth ; and recongnised the principle that charity and truth ought always to be identified ; which admitted that every mode ot faith as long as it revolved round the grand illumina:iag center of Christianity, should be permitted to do so unmolestedly ; and that the whole should be so col , stituted as to afford an example of that harmony by which the great system of the universe WAS so de lightfully modulated.-( Hear, hear.) Sir FREDERICKOOD said, the proper time for discussing the merits of the Bill would be, when the House went into a Committee on it. He ridi culed the idea of the necessity of going all round the world for information on the subject. It was due to those gallant men who were shedding their blood, both in the Arn and in the Navy, that this measure should pass for their benefit and relief. The Right Hon. Gentleman, (Dr. Duigenan) Judge ot the Preroga tive Court of Ireland, and Vicar-General of four Dio-- ceses, had himself married a Catholic; and he (Sir F. Flood) was rather surprised that he &iould have been so severe on a body of men, nut of wh.ri he had selected a seaman as a rain/Ik, and who had been the solace of his life for many years.—( Loud latighing.)— He contended, that no securities were necessary, for be knew very many Catholic Gentlemen with estates of from 6 to £30,000 a year, and who would nor, therefore, be very ready to risk their property by en gaging in plots against the Goveinment. He hoped to see all invidious distinctions done away among the English, Trish, Scotch, and Welch. Lord CASTLE REACH began by observing, that although his vote was undoubtedly pleoged to the sup port of the second reading of the Bill on the table; and although the Committee would form the proper stage for entering into an investigation of details, yet he trust ed the indulgence of the House might be extended to wards him ' *whilst betook a general view ol those points in which heshould cordially concur with the Right Hoc. Gentleman (Mr. Grattan), as well as those in which he could not entirely acquiesce. He was not desirous, therefore, of dwelling on, or inviting the attenti , a of the House to those considerations of expediency appli cable to the fundamental principles on which the B ll proceeded, particularly after the review taken by that principle by his Hon. Friend (Mr. C. Grant) in a vein of such glowing eloquence ; and was happy to think, that, while there prevailed this sort of unanimity in fir , t principles, it was not probable that minor and sithr:- dinate arrangements should create any insurmounta obstacles or differences oropinion. He should co , . therefore, offer his view in 'this stage, rather than el the Committee, that such explanations might bo mzde as might lead to an accommodation betweri himself and those persons to whom this Bill appeared in the same important and necessary point of vies% He approved of the discretion and delicacy of t ie framers of the Bill, and thought they had done thcl duty in not referring to him in the first instance.-- Anxious as 'he was to give all the assistance in his power to this momentous measure, yet from differenc.e, of political views. any intercourse between Itimse-i and those Gentlemen might not have been useful.-- He felt it, however, to be proper to offer now a on did exposition of his principles : he might, perh 4 P s, suggest something which they might be disposed to adopt in their great object of conciliating disigreetng interests. It was difficult to approach t!,:e existing I ;~