Star. — London, England, 1830-12-17 00:00:00

PRICE 01: SI/CKS k Stock. 191: 7 II 66 3 per Cent. Red 1:1 66 6 S per Ct. l oat. billy 36 Pt, Ct. txl 901 31 rer a. lied. 9O Si per Cent. Ncw, bbut vrr Ct. 4)26. 99 98i Long Ann. 17 1.16 Do. 30 Yr., Apl. Oct. Do. 39 Yrs, do. July & Jan. FOREIGN FUND Brawl MK 6 pr Ct. 57/ Do. Acet. 1) s! 3 1 , . (t. 57 Ditto Acct. 67 114 b. lan. 6 pts Ct. Ditto Ace. AEI C. 'RN-EXCHANGE, INVOSTATIONS ✓Wheat, English (qrs.) - 2,550 ; Irish . . Foreign . 1,150 Barley, English - - 9,350 ; Irish - - 150 11 A Bli-LA N Bic. 17. SINCE 7110111 DA Barley, Foreign: . . 1,450 Oats, English 7,500 Irish . - l OHIO Foreign - . 3811 Flour (sacks) 00 j COAL-EXCHANGE, Dac. 17. Ships arrived during this month During the week Best NVallsend Coals :Other sorts .. :Ships at 31stket, 86i. 'ME EVENING STAR. LONDON. FRIDAY, DECEMBER 17. This day the Russian Minister, Prince Lily EN, had a long conference with Lord Viscount PALMERSTON at the Foreign Office, in Downing-street, where a Cabinet Council was held at two o'clock, attended the same as yesterday,by the LORD CHANCELLOR, Earl GREY, the Marquis of LANS DOW NE, Lord DURHAM, Viscount MELBOURNE, Viscount PALMERSTON, Viscount GODERICH, the Ego.' of CARLISLE, Viscount ALTHORP, Lord HOLLAND, Mr. CHARLES GRANT, and the Duke of RICHMOND. We find that the Russian force which is nearest to Warsaw is that of General GRUM AN, whose head-quarters are at Kowno, 120 leagues from the former city. This corps consists of 80,000 men, and will probably be the first that will come in contact with the Poles. Private letters from Brussels, which we h ave this day perused, mention that Mr. CARTWRIGHT, on his arrival at the Hague, demanded an audience of the King of Hot.- D, which his Majesty refused, on account of being pressed with much business. On the 25th November, the King gave orders for the blockade to be raised ; and on the 27th, he changed his mind, and revoked bis previ ous order. Advicee are received this morning, at the North and South American Coffee-house, to the 12th October, from the Agent at Buenos Ayres. The condition of the country was much the same as on the date of the last despatch ; and the provinces in the interior were tranquil. Trade was dull ; and Exchange upon England 61, 61. We find by some comments in a recent publication, that we have not been so successful as we hoped to have been, in making clearly intelligible our views, on the much agitated subject of Parliamentary reform ; and we shall, therefore, take the opportunity, to add something more to what we have already advanced on that subject. It is well known to be a primary essential to all wbo attempt to prevent the misinterpretation of what they may advance in discussion, to be very precise in fixing the meaning of the important words, of any proposition under examination ; and it too frequently occurs, that for want of attention to this essential, at the commencement of a discussion, it will be found, on close scrutiny of what has passed at the end, that nothing has taken place like a contest in argument, bear ing on one particular proposition, but a logomachy, or battle of words, having no concentrated relevancy to any one pro position ; but having relevancy to matters as diverse and separate from each other, as there is diversity in the several individuals engaged in the contest. It is unfortunate, too, that words lose their original and etymological meaning, and have others attached to them, of an entirely different cha racter. These are the usual impediments to the accomplishment of clear intelligibility between disputants ; and it appears, that what takes place on the subject of Parliamentary Re form, is a complete illustration of such errors. The word Reform, certainly meant, when used by its first inventors to form again ; which meaning does not infer any pre ference for an original form, unless we add to it the thing to be reformed ; but when we do so—when we say to reform the British Parliament—we have at once the original word limited, or rendered more definite ; and it then means to form again the British Parliament : which British Parliament is supposed to be a something, having once had a definite form which we are about to restore. As an analogous interpreta tion, it may be said, that the word reform, in this sense, is nearly synonymous with re-edify, or build over again ■nd to re-edify St. Paul's, would be to build St. Paul's again, according to the original plan of Sir CHRIS , 7'OPHER WREN. This, then, is one definite interpretation of the phrase reform of the British Parliament, to which it is so important at present to attach a clear interpretation. But is the one we have given the only current one, in the writings of disputants on these subjects ? We shall find, on the contrary, that there are at least two other meanings to the phrase continually in use. One set of politicians must maintain, judging by their de. veloped opinions, that to reform Parliament, means to new form Parliament; or give to the thing denominated a Parlia ment, a form which it never bad. This application of the phrase has two points of difference ;—it involves, not only a different interpretation of the word reform, but a different and rather more indefinite interpretation of the term Pritish Parliament. The verb to reform they in terpret to new form ; and the noun Parliament they in teipret generally, a national representative assembly or congress. Their meaning of the word reform does not so closely approximate to the meaning of the word re-edify I but their meaning may be illustrated by the analogy we before AT FOUR 'OCLOCK. India Stuck, India Bonds South Sea Stock Old Annuities £looo Ezch. Bills 21 20 £si (I Ditto 21 20 £lOO and £2OO Do. 21 20 Advertised Bank for Acct. Cos. for Ace. 82§ I f 821 TWO O'CLOCK. Sp. Bds. 5 per CL 16* Do. Ace. 16* Sp. Ms. 1829, 5 per Cent. 12 Do. Account Fr. !its, 5 p Ct. 88f. 75e. ' • Exchange, 29f. 30c. used ; according to their views, they might reform the British 1 Parliament, by giving it the form of the French Chamber of Deputies ; so they might re-edify St. Paul's, by giving it the form of St. Bride's. A third class of modern politicians attach to the word reform, the meaning of to correct, or rectify an ex isting form, and this interpretation of the word, w•e con fess to be that which includes what we mean, when we say we are advocates for a reform in the British Parlia ment. The use of the word reform in this sense, certainly is not so accurate, as to the original etymo logy of the word, as the use which we first illus trated ; but this use of it is not confined to politics. It is for instance usual to speak of reforming manners—meaning by the phrase, the correction or improvement of manners. It is in fact another current interpretation of the word reform ; and as all such words when used, involve ambiguity, we would propose to use the word rectify in its place, and shall do so, when in .:future discussing this sub ject. A reform of the British Parliament, according to this souse, is a rectification of the existing British Parliumeut— that is, in other words, putting right that which has be come wrong, in that representative assembly, the specific essence of which is peculiar to the British nation. We have been longer than we expected in these prelimi naries, but we intend to continue the subject, and wish to bo, if possible, clearly understood. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE-EXCLUSI YE. PARIS, Dim. lb. Stn,—Among the different revolutions, which are at this moment in progress, there is one so silently advancing, and so devoid of the volcanic explosions of other countries, that it is scarcely noticed ; and yet but a few leagues from the frontiers of France, and in the very heart of civilized Europe, a change following the march of the times is operating, which if not so splendid in its energies, so overwhelming in its effects, will have the tendency of consolidating the nations into one family, governed by laws, modified indeed by pe culiar circumstances, but all having for their basis represen tative freedom. I allude to the political revulsion, which is daily changing the constitutions of tbo Cantons of Switzer land. Many of your Readers will probably say, what, can the Swiss Federation went a change Helvetia ? the eldest born of liberty, has always enjoyed that blessing, while other nations were groaning in servitude, and vassalage. It is here, that comparatively speaking, the hardy Swiss, se cured by the sterility of hi climate, and the simplicity of ancient manners, has not sunk into that state of meutal slavery, which fettered the surrounding nations, but in many of the Cantons, this boasted freedom, is but a shade, celebrated by poets, and novelists, but shrinking into insig nificance before the torch of history, which like Ithuriel's spear, has the power of detecting the disguises of falsehood. Switzerland at this moment, not only possesses fewer consti tutional privileges, than either England, France, or Belgium, but also less of electoral liberty, than some of the German powers. The Patrician privileges, form the basis or the constitution of most of its provinces; but four cantons have preserved the ancient forms of their early and hardly acquired liberty. A political regeneration has for a long time past, not only been necessary to place this interesting country in unison with its vaunted freedom, but also to keep pace with the liberal institutions of its neigbboers. The differences of religion, have served to ratify this order of things, and in many of the Catholic cantons, not a Protestant is allowed to reside. The united observations of travellers, have estab lished the fact, that those districts, where the reformed reli gion prevails, are eminently distinguished from their neigh bours, by the superior intelligence and industry of the inhabitants ; and it is remarkable, that in Hese di sacratoires, the representation is not confined to the Patrician body. Many partial meetings have taken place in the different cantons, and hitherto the popular voice has been successful, as at Friedbourg, where providentially blood was not shed, for had that effusion occurred, it would have been the signal for a civil war, and history records bow the Mountaineer fights for his liberties, and home. It is a very mistaken notion, that Switzerland is compelled from her poverty to hire her sons to foreign powers, to be the ready agents of despo tism. She possesses abundance of land, and many mann , factures, whereby to feed her scanty population, but the capitulations, as they are termed, by which she binds herself to sell her people to the best bidder, are a source of power and emolument to the aristocratic party, who contrive to guide the helm. The reflecting part of the population, feel themselves disgraced, by her freeborn sons beco ming the tools—the executioners of the sanguinary will of a despot, and consider it derogatory to the descendants of Tell, that they should be employed to rivet the chains upon any people, whose own military power refuses the odious task. After the return of the remnants of the Swiss regiments from Paris, to their native hearths, the wisest statesmen endeavoured to prevent a recurrence of this disgraceful traffic—this European slave trade ; but they were overruled, and the King of Holland has now some regiments of these mercenaries in his employ. The Press is exposed to *censorship in someof the cantons,and this disgusting drawback upon the rights of a nation calling them selves republic, is another most fertile source of discontent. From what I have stated, you will perceive that the sons of Helvetia have much to complain of, and, by a vigorous and manly stand at the present advantageous moment, I have no doubt but they will renovate their early consti tution. Theirs will be less a revolution than a reform, and having preceded the rest of the Continent in the acquirements of their political emancipation, they will not remain stationary while their neighbours are making such rapid strides, in attaining those rights, )•y which the human race was invested by its Creator, but which they have suffered to lapse, from the united influence of sloth, luxury, and superstition. Dresden has been the scene of some dis turbances, and Saxony seems ripe for revolt. The National Guard of that city, were to have been disbanded, but they refused to surrender their arms, and paraded the streets in full force, their band playing the hymn of the Marsellois. It is currently reported that the Russian go vernment has issued orders to disarm the Landwehr, which is that formidable body of militia, from which the contingent of the regular army is supplied. The continental monarchs, with the exception of France, do not dare to arm their subjects. Never was the employment of couriers more extensive. They are passing and repulsing in all parts of Europe, with the greatest rapidity. The ministerial trials com menced this morning, and Paris is perfectly tranquil. I am, Sir, &c. J. H. CITY, ONE O'CLOCK. The funds have become very heavy since the early part of the morning, when Consols were 82$ for the Account ; since which they have receded to 82. At present they are 82i. CITY, TWO O'CLOCL To the present hour, there Is not a feature in the funds worth observation. Consols, which left off yesterday at ,8211 for the Account, opened at 8211. NOT EXCLUSIVE. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. TRIAL OF THE EX-MINISTERS. CHAMBER OF PEERS, Dscemsza IS At 10 o'clock this morning the important trial of the ex- Ministers commenced before the Court of Peers. The morn ing was cold and snowy, consequently unfavourable to the congregation of any considerable crowd in the streets. Num bers bad, however, assembled before 8 o'clock in the neigh bourhood of the Odeon and Luxembourg, but the great mass of persons visible were national guards of all legions and grades. They lined every avenue, their bayonets glittered among the gardens of the Luxembourg, and the whole palace was in a state of siege. The court-yard was entirely occu pied by the civil and military uuthorities, who, with excellent arrangements, secured prompt ingress for the privileged few who had obtained tickets of admission to the interior. At 9 o'clock the whole area of the Chamber of Peers was filled by spectators. The Peers did not take their seats be fore 10 o'clock. The gloom of this beautiful Chamber corresponded with , the solemn business of which it was about to be the theatre ; and in the internal arrangements a great alteration was made from its ordinary appearance. The President's chair was on- I tirely removed, and in its place a square space was allotted for a select number of the members of the French bar, who' sat to witness the proceedings. The principal advocates of the Paris and provincial bar were in attendance. On the right of the place allotted to the French bar, and on the spot usually filled by the clerks of the House of Peers, was a commodious box enclosed for the prisoners, with four chairs provided for their accommodation, and a desk and stools for their counsel : the accusing Managers had a sim pler box, on the other side of the bar division. About one third of the space on the floor was railed off fur the use of the members of the Chamber of Deputies, who were in full attendance. All the small boxes behind the seats of the Peers were filled by those privileged from the different Embassies, and the foreigners of rank who had tickets. The small semicircular division behind the Presi dent's chair, which is commonly left open to admit Peers to converse with the President, was on this occasion enclosed for the use of Peers' sons, and Peers who were not yet of an age to qualify. The public had the semicircular gallery, nearly two thirds of which were railed off for the journalists—the remainder was filled by those who had tickets, so that in point of fact for unprivileged strangers there wore found only four places. The Ministers of the King sat, as usual, in the front bench upon the floor. The Peers wore their full uniform, and among the spectators, officers of the court, and journal ists, the greater number were in the uniform of the Na tional Guard. For the first time in the Chamber of Peers, members had their seats marked, as is the custom on nights of important business in the British House of Commons. The building was completely filled, but the distribution of places was so mechanically correct, that not the slightest confusion prevailed. A few minutes after ten o'clock, and before the Presi dent took his seat, the prisoners were conducted into their Chamber by four soldiers of the municipal guards, preceded by Colonel Festamel, the commandant of the prison of the Luxembourg ; they immediately sat upon the chairs pro vided for them. Two were dressed in black, except Polignac and Peyronnet, who wore brown coats and coloured waist coats. They entered the court uncovered, and bowed upon entering. Some gentlemen of the bar cordially shook hands with Count Peyronnet. They were not, however, seated more than a minute, when, upon some intimation, Colonel Festamel withdrew them across the floor, and through the same door of their entrance ; as they were retiring in front of the box allotted to the Deputies, a number conversed for an instant with Count Peyronnet, and warmly shook him by the hand. The prisoners, with the exception of Peyronnet (who maintained a firm and cheerful demeanour) were very pale and wan. Chantelauze appeared like a man on the thresh bold of the tomb. The fortune which had conducted Polig nac to his elevation appeared now to have entirely deserted him; he looked round with evident anxiety, but his eye seemed not to meet a sympathising glance. He is a man of very gentlemanly appearance, and his silvery hair gave a sorrowful hue to his aspect. Polignac is 50 years of age ; Peyronnet 52 ; Chantelauze 43 ; and Guornon de Renville 43. At half-past ten o'clock precisely, Colonel Festamel re conducted his prisoners to the bar: they were now followed by the whole corps of their counsel; of the letter,Martignac took the lead. He did not wear the professional costume of the defenders of the other prisoners, but wore his Court dress as deputy. As soon as the prisoners were seated, a number of wit nesses were introduced on the floor at the right of the court. The President then entered, and all the Peers took their seats in great pomp and order. The prisoners looked stead fastly at their Judges as they passed—Peyronnet, who is a tall figure, with his arms crossed, and apparently at perfect ease. Polignac followed them attentively with his eye, but no familiar recognition on the part of the Peers to the pri soners was observed during this ceremony. Polignac, how ever, at times, conferred with some of the gentlemen of the bar deputation, who were next his elbow. Silence being proclaimed, the President asked the pri soners in succession, beginning with Prince Polignac, their names, ages, and professions, as follows. The answers were given (except from Peyronnet, who maintained the utmost self-possession and naivete') in a plaintive tone, in particular by Polignac, who was at times scarcely audible. The tone of Chantelause was that of a man entirely subdued by physical indisposition. The Court of Peers was then called over by the proper officers, and the Peers answered to their names. The com missioners of the Chamber of Deputies, charged with the impeachment of the Ministers of Charles X. were in full Court dress. As the business commenced all the prisoners were furnished with paper, pens, and ink, of which they commenced to make immediate use, with the exception of Chantelause, who was evidently too weak for any per sonal exertion. The answers to the President's questions to the prisoners were u follow : The President, to the Prince Polignite—Monsieur It Prince, what is your name, rank, age, and plate of nativity P—My name is Jules Amand Marie Prince de Polignac, Peer of Fames. Your age, Sir P.—Fifty years. • Your domicile P—The reply of the prisoner was given by a sign of his hand, pointing to the adjoining prison, where he bad been so lately domiciled. _ Your pprofession P—l have none. The President then put the same interrogatories to Count de Peyton. uet, who replied. M. de Peyronnet.—Mr. President, before I answer I wish to say, that I have already prefaced my interrogatories elsewhere by a protests. don, which must be recorded by the Commissioners of the Chamber of Deputies. I wish here to record on your proem webs& a similar protest. My name is Count de Peyronnet, Peer of Prance, my age 63 years. My former maidence and protest me correctly given in the previous process, Mr. Presillsoe—The gran (once of the Court) will take a note of that deck:ads,. Tbe else loud= bft repeated to M. Gomm de Haaville, sod M. de CheiOulairs, the tame eekt he woe Deploy tee the Melee and Lobs, aid Sopa= years, bars at Reeve I and that be withal to have hie oseteisd Woe the coot to the arm tow as that oat de M. de Cheatelosse pee hie es Ware (411 1 yeas), was boo at Clase, tomerly Mahon if Pal k sea then :Waft at the Indoor. He pretested 111weriee. Prince Polignac then rose and aid—" I also wish to renew my pro. testation before the commissioners, and to have it here recorded." This conjoint protestation was against the competency of the to question their acts by command of the Sing in council. The Peers being all called over, and some other forms comp li ed will, the President rose and said, " The defenders of the prisoners know the terms of the Article 211 of the criminal code of instruction. I desire they will bear in mind to conform to them during this trial." The dreffier then read the record of the proceedings of the Chamber of Deputies on the 29th of September, and of the Chamber of Peers on the 28th of November, relative to the process against the accused. Dlr. President.—" Accused--you are charged with having signed the ordinances of the 25th of July. You will now hear this accuse. doe read according to the forms prescribed by the law, and you will an. aver afterwards the questions which it is my duty to put to you sept. rattly." The prisoners Polignac and Peyronnet inclined their heads in assent to this intimation. The act of accusation was then read in due form, and in the Ingm ar in which we have already published it. It charged the Ministers anti conspiring, through the means of the memorable ordinances of Jule $ to overthrow the charter and liberties of the French people. Al. Berenger, the Reporter of the Commission of Accusation of tl, Chamber of Deputies, then rose and addressed the Court. Ile that the resolution and act of accusation which they had just caused to be read against the ex-Ministers of Charles X, it was for them Mb,: to proceed upon. As the organ of the commissioners, he said he demanded justice for the violation, by these ex-Ministers, of the law of France ; the attempt to overthrow by an act of arbitrary power her institutions and for the blood of her citizens so daringly and unlawfully shed. In making this appeal in behalf of the people of France, he begged to assure the Court of Peers, that the good citizens of Paris, who had salted so much in their struggle, sought for justice only, and that justice in strict conformity with the law, the jurisdiction of which they had re-established. He had to accuse the ex-31inisters of vio. lating the electoral laws, under the form and pretext of a dissolutioa of the Chamber of Deputies, and to demand justice against the perpe. trators of these crimes. The nation demar do, and has a right to demand this act of justice .when I prove to you these crimes. —lt was, he knew, necessary that the tribunal which had to ad. judge such a cause should be independent, that its free deliberation should be secured, and its judgment above all suspicion of being in. duced by fear or bias. Of this important cause they would so judge as to acquit their consciences with:sattsfaction to themselves, and then I r had no doubt they would ►ecure the according voice of their country, and of Europe, which now kept its eye upon their solemn proceeding.— He concluded by a strong appeal to the Court to govern all its feelings during the progress of this trial, so as to secure the permanent asein. dancy of the laws, the liberties of the people, and the punishment of those who should be convicted of crimes which shock, as these did, the basis of society. The witnesses who had previously entered the court, and among show were M. Cassimir Perrier, Al. Lefitte, and other eminent mem bers of parliament, were here commanded by the voice of the GrLffier to retire. - - The President to the Prince Polignac—You see, Sir, the necessity ' which is now imposed upon you of repelling, in the best manner you can, this most serious charge. You ate called upon to do so to clear your own conscience, if you can, and also to acquit the cor.seiences of your peers. Upon your entrance, on the lith of August, into the ministry, had you been, for any time previous, acquainted with the intentions of King Charles X. respecting your appointment P—No. Did you, when called upon, aid or form that Ministry ?—I hada list of persons submitted to the Kiog,wbo chose those who were agreeable to his wishes. Was the formation of that Ministry preceded by several, or by any conferences, and was M. tie Cbabrol's retirement discosszd ?—I know of none of these conferences. The selection was made by the King, as I have already mentioned, and the retirement of M. de Chabrol was the consequence, I believe, of differences respecting the person to be named President of the Council. What was the nature of these diferences ?—1 can any nothing of the particulars which confidentially transpired in the councils of the King. What is the meaning of your distinctiob ? Justice requires front you the fullest explanations, it is your duty to give them, both fur your. self and your colleagues ?-1 cannot disclose the secrets of the council. I have no means of furnishing the particulars which transpired therein. Who dictated the answer to the address of the Chamber of Deputies' —I sin Ignorant about it. Was there not, I ask you, some opposition in the council respecting it?—lt necessarily gave rise to some observations and discussions. Was not the dissolution of the Chamber a measure long resolved upon? —From what epoch do you wish me to speak ? Was it not determined upon to dissolve the Chamber at the time of the prorogation P—No, it was not. What was the motive which led to the measure of dissolution ? The desire to have, as we hoped we should, a better Chamber. Why did MM. de Chabrol and Courvoissier retire from the Minis. try ? On account of differences in the council, but not because of the Ordinance for the dissolution. Was it not because it was wished to give a new direction to the council ? No. But dam were reports made in that council, were there not, respect. ing certain circumstances—you have admitted this yourself ?—To what circumstances do you particularly allude, and to what admissions of mine ? Did not M. Coot voisier declare he would take no part In these rio. lent measures ?—lt was after the repeat was drawn up for the diseolu. tion that he wished to take no further part in the proceedings of the council. Why did you select foe the Ministry MM. Montbel, Capel, and Peyronnet I—lt was to give the Ministry more strength of able speakers. What wu the motive of the King to require the electors, by a reds. motion, not to be hostile to the avowed wisha of the King?-I'o secure u far as possible the influence of his friends. Who drew up the proclamation ?—I don't know. Wu it not you who signed it I—Yes, it wu. [A number of quemions to Prince Pollgnac followed, which were in prc• cisely the same terms as those we have already published. Were not the secrets of tie electoral votes violated by order 1—No ; I believe not. A note being here handed to Polignac at his desire, which it was in- Minted implicated him upon his long consideration upon the ordinances, the Prince said, I see nothing in this note to justify your suspicion. I see nothing to show that we did not wish to repose upon the forms and principles of the constitution; and In a report which I addressed to the King, on the 7th of the same month, I proved the ne cessity of resting upon the charter. Where, I ask, is the proof that we wished deliberately to violate the charter? I see none in this note — (handing it back to the officer of the coat M. de Peyronnet here rose evidently to dress the Court, but he was checked, and informed by the President brat he could only be heard in his turn, when he should be fully heard. Al. de Alartignac (counsel for the defence) rose, and requested that no interlocutory remarks should be made in this stage of the trial, or indeed until the proper time aune when the accused could go fuily into their defence, the thread of the interrogatories should not be broken. (Hear.) THE PRESIDENT TO IS. DM TETILONNIT. You have said, that up to the moment of publication, no pan of the public was apprised of your intention respecting th e o r din aneo ?—I be. none. Precautions were taken to arrange the local command after their put - Hestia) J—Yes. Were not the proper precautions taken ?—No. Did you not, on the 26th of July, cause a communication In be made to the King of the public impression produced by the piomul• gallon of the ordinances ?—I can make ne communication upon that bead. Were not several hundred men, 500 or more, drawn up before the Tuilleriesl—Yes, it was 1 ordered General Wall to make that us& tart' disposition, on hearing that crowds were collecting in the streets. What councils did you hold during the three daysl—There was only a council held on the Tuesday, the 27th of July. Did you deliver any orders to the military, and to the Prefect of Pcr lice N.-No ; I did not. Did you not give orders to the Procureur du Roi, and also to busk the prss.es of the journals I—No. Were you informed speedily of the breaking out of the troubles ? —1 was only Informed of the opening tumult in the Patois Royal. Did you not order the execution of the ordinances I—No. that was not my province. Were you not at St. Cloud on Tuesday, the 27th I—No. Did you not hear that numbers of the manufacturers were discharging their workmen I—Yes, on the Tuesday evening only. Were you not aware of the protestations of tbe Deputies on the Tues. day I.—l was, through the medium of the public papers. Did you give orders to west the Deputies who bad signed this FN. testatlon I—No, I did not. Did you not cause orders to be given to the Royal Guard and the gen' dames to repel toms by fame and put down the tumult on the Pslsis Bold deities as intensely as any man can the blood which by bees shed ; I knew it deeply, and it was not caused by an ,. order Wee; and I know it will be In proof before you keratin t hat I lin • mean* entemedi the king to revoke the ordinances, an d Weed ei owl will he tedipted soevid , as ence a . peeenneferblg to the resisting people. This pane d Is The dida re not give any order to the t roo p s to use forte ?—No" wiener I l Ist Ifria had gives no order, there is a great difficulty In belies ill yma amid be ignorantgiven, that such orders we n OW N and if so, what weft till maims et your sees-inteefersece t Wbo gave orders to the polio for the illegal proceedings P—Their *Atm, I suppose. Illd yet not give the orders, or hear them gives, to distribute dfty weed sElllaielleteldges to the 1 had nothing to do with then... 11111 .• wen y is the hands of the Marshal is " 111 . 111 4 "skidaselettetl Pads in a state of siege. Tim whole mill selcree Was ascammily mita la is am au yea were a party to any of theme military ores% I