Star. — London, England, 1830-11-12 00:00:00

NOT EXCLUSIVE. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. EXPRESS FROM PARIS. CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES, Nov. 10. The order of the day was the continuation of the discussion relativ e to the press. Yesterday Al. Benjamin Constant proposed to grant a delay of two months to the new papers, in order that they may furnish t heir,eattlionnextext. After some preliminary discussion, M. Lafitts, Ali:lister of the Finances, spoke as follows One of the most remarkable characters of the representative go vernment into oblige every man to come forth and speak candidly in presence of the country, so as to let his intentions, conduct, and ma tires be known by all. It is also one of the most distinguishing cha racteristics of our times to be able, as was the case yesterday, to think differently and act differently, without losing any title to both esteem and consideration. Yesterday, some explanations were given— but no attack wsa made. Truth gained by discussion, and yet the lenient disposition of each :man to his neighbour did not give way to sentiments of rancour. Ourselves members of the late administration, we must afford some explanations concerning our line of conduct : we shall be concise and clear. Our differences of opinion arose not, as might have been supposed, from a system of anar chy, and from a system of preservation. No, gentlemen, this was not the case. Every member of the council was perfectly aware that order ought to be the constant companion of liberty,—that the rigorous exc. cution of the laws is indispensable until they are reformed. Every one was alive to the experience of 1789,—every one knew that the revolu tion of 1830 ought not to IF beyond certain limits,—that Europe was to be forced to conciliation by the alliance on our pan of dignity and. moderation. We all agreed on these different points, because the mem ben of the council werefall men of sense and prudence. But in our opi. nions on the manner of appreciating and directing the revolution of 11130, we did not think that it was so soon to degenerate into anarchy, that it became necessary to take precautions against its result, and show towards it any feeling of distrust and hostility. But, except this general disposition, no fundamental difference of system divided the members of the late Cabinet. In this situation of affairs the reins of power tempted no one. At a later period numerous competitors will struggle to seise them, for we hope that France will soon enjoy profound peace and tranquillity. But at present it is rather a source of fear than pleasure to govern. Each party offered to maintain the direction of affairs. We perfectly agreed on the basis of the system,--we only dif. freed in the more or less confidence entertained on each side. Both en deavoured to seise the government. I repeat that every one pressed on to sine it, but we were told also, gentlemen, that the best condition, the best title to power, was confidence in the revolution. Perhaps their opinion was the best—perhaps it would have been better, in order to direct and understand it well, it would have been better not to entertain any apprehension against it. Perhaps the feeling of order and justice, which are the true maxims of a government, might have become more popular under the influence of certain names than of others. We are not, certainly pre sumptuous enough to think that ours were those names, but we have been obliged to think It, since we have been called to the direction of at. fairs, being repeatedly told that we could do more good than others. We regretted sincerely that such should be the case, but we have re. :mined near the Mil/like true and faithful subjects. Notwithstanding our conviction of the contrary,, it was said that we alone could ensure the triumph of order ; we have been forced to try our strength at our own risk and peril. Well, gen apemen, we accept this. perilous situation : we shall fulfil It with courage and resolution. Order and li berty will certainly triumph ; the laws shall be executed; they shall never cease to be executed until they are legally reformed by your de cision, and, when you shall deem it necessary. We shall accomplish the , duty which has been imposed on us. The best guarantees we can offer are the confidence of the King, our own union, and the support dell good citizens. (Marks of adhesion.) We particularly reckon upon your support, gentlemen, because you are awa re that it is not sufficient to wish that the Government be strong and firm, it is nnees••ey to join your efforts, by giving the support of the national representatives.— Gentlemen, 1 felt It necessary to enter into these brief explanations in the mane don' colleagues. I hope that they will be sufficient to jrnify as far as an equitable reserve will allow, the part which each of us has acted in the late events." The question wu then put relative to the whole of the law. Number of votes, 237. For the law, 142. Agsbut, 92. A very ardent discussion then took place relative to the ladepemlettoe of the members of the Chamber, in consequence of M. Lameth having been summoned before a tribunal, without affording any motive foe the summons. FAZWCII FUNDS, PARIS, Nov. 10.—FIve per Cents. 90f 50c 00e 91f 10c 90f 90e 91f 90t 90c 91f 90f 90c 911 10c 15e 90f 90e. Four per Cents, 76150 e. Three per Cents, 6012 k 10c 20c 3k 40e 30e 40c 35e 30c 60120 e 4k 25c 20c. Bank Stock, 1630 E Rentes de Naples, 641 50c 60c 50e 20c 50c 64160 e. Rants d'Espagne, 131 1 13. Royal Spanish Loan, 58. Rent. Papetuelle d'agne, 43i 43 421 Haytian Loan, 340 f 335 f SfOf 330 f. Exchange on London, one month, 251 25c; three months, 251 15e.—Court Assilienfirse. SPIRIT' OF THE JOURNALS. Cunowicr.z.—The Belgians,hr;ra received the most positive assur anca from our Government, that there is not the slightest wish in any quarter to interfere with them. The Duke of Wellington has stated in the frankest manna, that an amicable arrangement between the Dutch and Belgians, to prevent the unnecessary continuance of hostilities, is all t hat is sought for by third parties. The Belgians would be left entirely to themselves to choose their own government, and all that the English Government wished was, that they might so conduct themselves as to afford no cause hereafter foe the interference of their Deighboun. We understand that the young men are generally inclined to a Republic, and the partisans of monarchy are chiefly among men of a somewhat advanced age. Now that that the fear of interference is removed, it is supposed that the prevailing opinion will be for a Republic. The state of property, whish is very divided, the sober and economical character attic population, and the continual Irritation In a small community, likely to be caused by the captains necessarily attendant on monarchi cal establishments, would seem to point to a Republic as the best adapted for them. No man would think of a monarchy among the frugal Swiss, or the cultivators of North America. On the other hand, wherever there is a rich Aristoaacy, Monarchy is the natural form of Government. The state of property in any country determines the go vernment. The Republic of Poland was a mere abuse of language. Truss.—Of all the occurrences, either of a foreign or domestic na ture, which it bas ever been the duty of this paper to record for the law thirty years, the suspension of the King's • 'laid° the city.—now that it is explained, or, rather, appetite to admit of no rational explanation—iss beyond all ccmpariaoo, the most absurd. We cannot laugh at the affair —we wish we could; but it is degradingly Mindoro and con. ttwptible. In plain English, the hearucheering festival at which the King was to have visited his loyal city of London on Tuesday last, has been set aside, because Sir Claudine Stephen Hunter, Aldennan,and cries Lord Mayor, wanted to ride upon a whits horse at 14mo:salon For this purpose be frightened the Duke of Wellington, " the man rot frightened" Buonspene himself, and made him run away from the field of Waterloo ! Nay, in reality, he frightened the pliant Duke so much more than he intended or expected, that his Orace would not go to the dinner at all, and, what is more, he would not let the King go, though both would nave been under the protection of Sir Claudius Hunter, hart. riding upon a white horse ! This is a lamentable conclusion of a scene to which we and the public looked forward with pleasure. The Court of Aldermen very properly mean to adopt some measure by which .hey may give °Scud expression to their feelings on the occasion. Cs sox ictz.—The Court of Aldermen wen yesterday busied in en .:eavouring to elicit from the Lord Mayor and Sir Claudius Hunter (the Lorton Towns of the late Lord Mayor) 'owe information respecting ti;e evidence on which they came to the conclusice that the metropolis i‘ta to be deluged with blood on the day co which the City was to be •ormurtd by the presence of their Majesties. Their industry 'mak* ployed on Ald. Hunter, to whom questions in evert shape were put ‘,..hout effect. It would seem that each of theft distinguishedmagivustee "au ar zious to have alone the honour of saving the state ; for Sir C. says h, knew nothing of the letter of the Lord Mayor Elm, and be appears to have been somewhat mortified on proceeding to the office of the Home Secretary, to find that he had been anticipated—that the discovery of the danger had been already made. It appears that it was proposed to intro duce an army by stealth into the City of London (in hearses we suppose) —that the military were to be divided into five bodies, to he com manded by five Aldermen, and to lie in ambuscade till the breaking out of the conspiracy, when each Alderman should with gallant bearing dash forward with his troops on the astonished conspirators.— Sir Claudius Hunter, who is a personable man, had not neglected the means of appearing to due advantage on so great an occasion; for though he was shy of answering the question directly, when asked whe ther he had not applied for one of his Majesty's white chargers, his admission that he was anxious to appear in a manna becoming the first magistrate of the city, implies that the application had actually been made. The loyalty of the aldermen is not more unquestionable than their intrepidity; but, as heading troops is somewhat foreign to their pursuits, some serious mistakes might have been made in their charges. Considering what a formidable business a royal entertainment is, it is perhaps as well that matters have ended as they have. CIIIIO,ICLE.it is a somewhat melancholy truth, that humanity is wonderfully streng thened by fear. (ill Bias's charitable inclination s were wonderfully heightened towards the lame beggar on the road side, when he perceived, beside the hat stretched out for alms, a musket resting on two sticks, with the muzzle pointed towards him. The evils of the Poor Laws might have remained long enough a subject for senti mental discourses, had not other motives lately come Into play. The farmers say they have been frightened into an advance of wages. This advance of course they cannot afford to pay, and in the struggle be. tween them and the landlords and Clergy, the latter will have the worst of it. 0 the advantage of possessing an enlightened self-interest—to use the language of a certain class of philosophers ! The eyes of the landlords and parsons will be opened to the defects of the current mo rality; and as Lord Winchilsea stated that the great cause of redun dancy was, " the giving relief according to the size of a man's family," which "encouraged early and improvident marriages; it would not sur prise us to tind an extra allowance given to bachelors, gradually 'meas. tog with the number of years they remain single, sub' to deductions for natural children. At all events, the premium in favour of large fa. mines will be withdrawn. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Nov. 11. Their Lordships met at five o'clock. Petitions were presented praying for the abolition of negro slavery, by dm Earl of Carlisk, from Cumberland ; by the Duke of Rutland, from several places in Rutlandshire ; by Lord Limerick, from the county and city of Limerick; by the Archbishop of Canterbury, from Canterbury and other places ; by Lord Bexley, from Ease: ; by the Bishop of Lon. don, from several parishes in London; by Lord Arden, Lord Cawdor, Lord Morley, the Bishop of Gloucester, Lord Grosvenor, Lord Wham. life; and sixty-one petitions by the Marquis of Lansdowne to the same effect. The LORD CHANCELLOR rose to move that the Order of the Day be discharged for the introduction of the Regency Bill, and that their Lordships should be summoned for Monday neat, to take that subject into consideration.—Agreed to. Till LORD MAYOR * / DINNER. Lord RADNOR rose to inquire of his majesty's ministers whether they could adduce any better grounds for having advised his Majesty not to attend the Lord Mayor's Festival on the 9th, than the letter writ. ten by the Lord Mayor Elect ? Ministers o u ght t o h a ve i ns tit u t e d an inquiry whether there were any grounds for that letter. It seemed by it that the Lord Mayor only apprehended danger out of the city of London. It would appear from what he (Lord Radnor) bad learned, that when the letter was sent off to the Lord Mayor, the ministers had not much confidence in his lordship's communication, for the person who was instructed to deliver Mr. Peel's letter to the Lord Mayor, was to ascertain previously if the letter addressed to the Duke of Wellington waa a hoax or not ? (hmr hear.) It was inconceivable how the Go.' moment could so have betrayed his Majesty in giving such advice, without having previously ascertained its foundation, and whether it was gentile* ; but the noble duke stated on a former evening, when the subject was alluded to, that be (the Duke of Wellington) had other grounds and sources of information, which induced the Government to advise hie Majesty not to attend the festival. Hs concluded bye:mess ing& wish that his Grace would lay before their lordships all the infer. madam that governed his n =r i s ministers in their most injudicious decision, which he (Lord considered a great calamity. (Hear.) The Drab of WELLINGTO said that be was sorry that the noble lord esasthamd that a great calamity which was contrary to the opinion of the mojeilty of the other house of parliament, die beam of lords, and the people. Tbc letter alluded to by the noble lord was laid before his thejneyZutd received his Majesty ' s sanction. The noble lord in. gaited wee tb lord mayor's letter the only ego received upon the sub. jet*? He replied that he bad received several other communk:adeos, but did not Math any 6nportaaes to these, until he received the one from the lied mayor, which he laid before his colleagues, whim his right bee. Aimed the secretary of state for the home department had a con home with the lord mayor upon that letter. The secretary of stele received further information upon that subject. The infor. NNW the government had was suthcient to justify them in advising his Majesty not to attend the dinner (bear, hear.) As to instrue. done fiber to the bearer of the letter, to mos:tale it the bed mayor's Isom was genuine, after the secretary of state having a moderence with the Lord Mayor, it was felt that it was important to asserndo whether it was his wri ting, and his answer was, 1, That the whole of it was his." The noble duke continued, that be did not enter tain the least doubt but bloodshed would have been the result, if his Majesty had attended the festival. The Lord Mayor clearly and dim. tincdy stated that the civic force would be insufficient to preserve the peace. What was the inference ? That the military would be required to preserve order, notwithstanding the 40,000 spe ial constables men. tinned the other night by the noble lord, as prepared to preserve order. What was the condition of th e ci t y o n T u esd a night ? He advised his Majesty under the apprehension of bloodshed. He felt justified, and gloried in it. He refused to submit the information to their lordship's inspection. (Hear, hear.) The Marquis of CLA NRIC IRDE deprecated the advice given to his Majesty. It was the unpopularity of the Duke that rendered danger likely. Lord WHARNCLIFFE highly approved of what government had done ; they were justified in not running the risk of a riot. (Cheers.) TEE NEW POLICE. Lord DURHAM intimated that be would, on Monday, present a petition upon the state of the New Police. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY presented a petition from the coal-mine proprietors of Newestle.on-Tyne, and one from the coal. mine proprietors of the county of Durham, praying legislative relief. Lord TTEYNHAM supported the petitions. The Earl of WINCH ILSEA said that he trusted he should be sup. pated in the Bill he was about to lay upon their Lordships' table. It was a question of great Importance, that of the administration of the Poor Laws. To the abuse of those laws the condition of the poor was mainly attributable. If th e a b use was no t s p ee dily checked, it would still further tend t o deteriorate the condidoo of the peasantry. His object in introducing thi. subject to their Lordship's consideration was, to restore and confine the operation of the poor laws to that class which they were originally intended for. Secondly, for the purpose of Cage employment to the labouring classes, to enable them to obtain an existea. Thirdly, that they'sbould be relieved out of another fund. The 43d of Elisabeth was intended to grant relief only to aged widows and orphans, and never contemplated that the healthy 11- bouring man should benefit by it. (Hear, hear, bear.) The abuse lof those laws had tended more to th e derno:disation of the poor than any other cause. The system of paying wages out of the poor-rates ' was a principle that called loudly for legislative interference. He had conversed with several of the peasants in his part of the country, and they all expressed a desire to obtain honest employment. One of the objects of the bill was, to enable the justices of the peace to make an assessment for the support of the Labouring classes; that the as. seamen*. should be made between from May to November, and that in October a return should be made to those labourers who were de pending on their labour, and likely to require aid. He intended, by a provision in the bill, that those farmers who paid a certain sum to labourites should be relieved from the assessment altogether. He moved the first reading of the bilL Lord SUFFIELD did not think the bill before the house was likely to remedy the evils so generally and so justly complained of. He ad mitted that the poor law s h a d a most demoralizing effect. He attributed the road =Widen of the peasantry to a superabundance of labourers over the demand of labour. Ile regretted that the Duke of Richmond's motion for an inquiry into the state of the poor laws was not entertained last lesion. He considered it the duty of government to Institute as immediate measure far the employment of the poor.—(Hear, hear.) There were millions of acres of unmelaimed land in England tha t might be rendered available, if a fractional part of the poor.rates were applied to that purpose, and would ultimately lasso the poor -rates, and tend to introduce habits of industry. In his county the principle was generally adopted, of letting the peasantry have a small portion of ground ; and what was the result ? that for the last 31 years the poor-rates had only in. creased fourpenee, the rates at that period being 2s. 3d. and only 2a. 7d. at present. He would recommend that a committee should be ap pointed to take the entire question into consideration. The Marquis of SALISBURY expressed his determination to move the appointment of a committee to inquire into the state and operation of the poor laws. His lordship named next Monday week for that purpose. Lord TEYNH AM said, he understood the question of the poor laws as well as any man, and attributed the distress of the peasantry to the operation of Inance. The tax on malt and hops tended to curtail the comforts of the peasantry more than the operation of the poor laws. He condemned the principle of the bill before their lotdships, as adadated to inflict an additional tax upon the landlords; it was cruel that the land should be brought to such a state. He concluded by stating that farmers in Kent and Sussex had come to the determination), through intimida. deo, to grant the labourers in those comities lbs. a week. The fluke of RICHMOND said that the noble lord who had just I sat down, was not justified in the statement he had made respecting the farmers of Rent and Sussex. lie denied that they were influ enced by intimidation ; they may have increased the wages of the labourers, but that act should hare been attributed to humanity. The ministers knew nothing of the condition of the peasantry; they resided in London and Brighton, and did not possess large estates in the country, to enable them to form an opinion of the distress that prevailed throughout the agricultural classes. Be hoped that a committee would he appointed to inquire into the state of the poor laws, and that a remedy would be devised. lie considered that the duty on hops was not injurious to the peasantry. The removal of the malt tax would increase the consumption. Lord TEVNHAIId said that he had a letter to bear out his as. senion. Lord STOURTON said, he did not attribute the distress of this country to a superabundance of labourers in this country, but to a su perabundance of unemployed labourers in Ireland, and recommended that the state of the Irish peasantry should be inquired into. It was impossible to believe that happiness and comfort could exist on one side of the Channel, and poverty' and wretchedness on the other (cheers). — He recommended the introduction of a moderate system of poor laws into Ireland fur the aged. Government ought by all means possible, to force employment into Ireland ; the Government were bound to do so ; a considerable portion of Irish capital was expended in this coun try and subject to taxation, and in return government should lose no opportunity to promote the improvement of Ireland. He teem mentied that the waste lands should be reclaimed, and the people colo nized upon it (hear). He regretted that the great question of eman cipation had not restored quiet to Ireland. One of the causes of the disinclination on the part of capitalists to embark their wealth in Ireland, was the constant state of agitation the country was in. (Hear, hear.) The good sense of the Irish he trusted would soon convince them of the injury that arose to their country from the agitation of a question, he meant the repeal of the Union, which was impossible could ever be repealed. He concluded by stating! that one of the great causes of the distress in this country was the, condition of Ireland. (Hear.) Lord CARBERRY deprecated the agitation in Ireland. If a re.i peal of the Union was granted, a separation would follow. If the country was quiet, capital would be embarked in various speculatioos, which would soon raise it front its present distressed state. Lord GORT disapproved of the agitation in Ireland, and would resist every eillwt made to effect a repeal of the Union. Earl W INCH I IsS EA said that the principle of his bill only extended to those districts where unemployed labourers wire obliged to throw themselves - upon the poor-rates. He denied that the yeomen of Kent were induced to raise the wages of the labourers through intimidation. The bill was then read a first time, and ordered to be printed ; and to be read a second time on Tuesday week. The Duke of WELLINGTON was not inattentive to the question before the house, the administration of the poor laws, which was so va rious throughout the country. It was out of the power of Government to fix a remedy for all the evils. The Government were willing to give any assistance to find out a remedy for the evils complained of, and to enforce that remedy when adopted. The Duke of RICHMOND expressed the satisfaction he experienced at finding by the feeling of the house, that his motion last session was not a factious one, butithat a necessity existed to inquire into the state of the poor laws. The Marquis of SALISBURY said that he was informed that day. by a member of the administration, that the noble duke's motion last session, for an inquiry into the poor laws, would hav e be e n ent e rtained, only th at it was coupled with another question. The Duke of RICHMOND—Then government ought to have moved an amendment on the occasion. The house adjourned at Eight o'clock till to.niorrow, HOUSE OF CONIItIONS, Nov. 11. Petitions in favour of the abolition of slavery were presented from the protestant dissenters of Durham;7o from different places inStafford, Buck. Ingham; several places in Suffolk, Penrhyn, and Derby ; 145 tram differ. ent congregations of Wesleyan methodists; Melbourne; Southampton; Jersey; Northumberland; Newcastle.upon-Tyne ; Dissenters of De vonshire ; Kiddington ; Kingston-upon-Hull; a Baptist Congtegstion in Lancashire; 255 from different places in Yorkshire; Wareham; Presto.; certain towns in Cumberland; Kingslatul, Middlesex; 23 from Essex; and fit= Limerick. Mr. H. DAVIS presented a petition from the inhabitants of a parish in Bristol. for a repeal of the House Duties. Mr. SYKES presented a Petition from the merchants, ship owners, end inhabitants of Kingston.upon-Hull, fur a repeal of l the duties on sea -borne coals. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL gave notice that he would on an early day after Christmas, move for leave to bring in a Bill for the bet rer regulation of the gs in the Court of Chancery. Sir R. BATESON mien &Petition from the inhabitants of Bally earth. in the county of Down, in Ireland, praying that mesas might be a fforded them to emigrate to Upper Canada, in America. Mr. O'CONNELL said that It was a strange state of things to find men who professed loyalty and obedience to the laws, compelled thus to solicit voluntary banishment. He thought that some other means than voluntary transportation ought to be adopted, to relieve the distresses of the petitioners. Sir R. BATESON explained that the petitioners were persons be longing to a trade which had declined in Ireland. They were cot ton.spinners, and thought they could do better in Canada than in their own count. Mr. LITTLETON Acted his motion on the labourers' wages bill, or truck system, until the 24 of December. Mr. O'CONNELL promoted a 'petition from a person named John Machin, residing at Dundalk, Ireland, complaining that, instead of his vote having been received at the election, it was rejected, and the peti timer assaulted. The petition therefore prayed some alteration in the law relating to voting. Ordered to be brought up. The hon. and learned gentleman also presented a petition from the operative hatters of Carlow, for a dissolution of the legislative union between England and Ireland t and from persons residing in London to the same effect. On Lord MORPETH presenting petitions on slavery, Mr. K. DOUGLAS observed that it was most important that hon. gentlemen who piled the table of that house with petitions, should take are that these petitions were properly got up, and that they came from Friona who were capable of judging of the subject fairly and rationally. The slavery question was of great importance, and care should therefore be taken, as well on account of those who held property in slaves, as on account of the slaves themselves, th a t no prejudice should arise to the discussion of it from petitions got up by thoughtlesspersons, and signed indiscriminately. Lord MORPETH said that the people of Yorkshire, from whom the petitions which he had had the honour of presenting came, were persons of great intelligence, and who could not be at all affected by the obser vation of the hon. gentleman. Mr. SYKES thought the remarks of the hon. gentleman perfectly uncalled for, and ungenerous. The abolition of slavery was and out for by every friend of humanity. Mr.BETH EL presented a petition from a congregation of Protestant Dissenters, at High Wkkham, and other places in Yorkshire, for the abolition of slavery. Mr. WILES prevented a petition from the minister and laymen of the county of Dorset Association, for the extension of itligious liberty to the Jews Mr. R. GRANT intimated that he purposed bringing that question forward after the recess. Mr. BERNAI. moved for a return of the claims of British subjects on France Agreed to. Mr. HODGES presented a petition from the mayor, commonalty, and inhabitants of Tenderden, praying for an inquiry into the agricul tural distress of the country, and also for a reform in the system of elect big members to serve in parliament. Mr. DENISON presented a petition from the inhabitants of St. ' Mary's, Newington, prsying to be relieved from the expense attending the new police system. The hon. member said that he did nut concur in the prayer of the petition, although be presented it, fur, as far as he had observed the new police system, it seemed to work well.—(Cheers.) Ordered to lie on the table. .....,.... li►. KENNEDY gave notice of a motion for a reform in the law of election in Scotland, on limitlay next. IS. HUM K presented a lonition from Lana►k, for a reform of Pat. Ramat. Lord BELGRAVR begged leave to cull the attention of the house to the name clan excellent prelate. He alluded to the venerable Bishop of Chester, from whom he had that morning received a letter on the subject of a request, which he (the Bishop of Chester) had to make of that bowie. But, in order to save the time of the house, he would read the passage of the rev. prelate's letter, to which he alluded. The noble lord then read as follows :—" I will esteem it a very great favour it you will state to the house to.mortow.night, thAt it is sty earnest re•locet that honourable members will be pleased to suspend their judg. mints on the question respecting me, about to be brought forward, until I shall have had an opportunity of preparing a statement on the subject, which, I assure them, will prove most satisfavory. I also earnestly hope that the ex parts statements and allegations which ap peared in the newstwpers, and which I could nut have answered, will not bias their minds, or raise any unfair prejudice against rte." Har ing read the venerable prelate's request, he (Lord Belgrave) had per. formed his duty to that right reverend friend : sod, therefote, the only observation that remained for hint to make was, that he would reserve what he bed got to say for a future period, when he would speak his sentiments boldly and independently (hear). ISCII•LETTING ACT (trizt.awb.) Mr. O'CONNELL rose to move for leave to bring in a bill to repeal the Statute of the 7th Oto. 4, c. lU, commonly called the Sub-letting Act. He said that be had been induced to move for the repeal of this statute, thinking that it was better sad more convenient to make en ori ginal act than to patch up an old oat. The Sub-letting Act was pees. liar to Ireland ; it had no force in England ; and he contended that then should be a case made out to show why the law of landlord and te nant should not be the more in both countries. The statute divided itself into two objects, and therefore it might be considered as, in fact, two statutes. The fret part took up all existing contracts and lasses; the second part referted to contracts and leases hereafter to be made. The tint altered the Nature of the contract be tween landlord and tenant, by giving a literal weaning to words which I had only a legal meaning before. And this, he maintunted was unjust; ! because it in fact made this part of the statute an r.t.portVado law. It struck out a qualification which was of advanuye to the tenant and the contrary to the landlord—which was a boon conferred upon the poor rand exacted a kindness from the rich—according to the ancient covenants a:parole waiver was allowed. For although a covenant might be made that the land should not be let to undertenants, yet, if the tenant did so sublet and the landlord knowing this received one year's rent, the contract thence-forth ceased to be binding. Touching the principle of the fire: part, he contended it was a violation of contract, and he trusted there was nu man in that house would rise to defend it. The second part, he admit , ted, was purely prospective, and therefore a legitimate topic fqf kgisla tion. It; after the passing of it, men entered into contrac.6, they did so with their eyes open, and they could blame the legislature for entrap ping them. This second part, however, operated universally against:: sub-letting of the lands of Ireland, with thtee excepted cases ; that o: a lease of lives renewable for ever, of a lease tor ninety nine years u' upwards ; and thirdly, of all lands in the possession of the Clutch. which, by the way, were very extensive in Ireland ; and be afterward s ,remarked. that he never knew a Church of any creed or shade of doctrine that was not very attentive to its temporal affairs. (Hear, hear, lieu, and much laughter.) lie asked why the law should interfere betwen landlord and tenant, esitecially whet:, before the passing of this act, the landlord could in two norms prevent his tenant from under.letting. The one he had already mentioned, lit which a parole waiver was admitted; the other was to be made effectual by a strict wording of the contract. The result of this act, therefore, was to take away from Ireland all freedom in the only trade it bad— namely, a trade in land. It certainly did not do this in words, but it did it in fact ; for it prevented the landlord from distraining tile under tee nant, or, in other words, the occupier of the land. Thus it destroyed all freedom in the landlord, for no man would consent to give up his right of distress, which was the only mode the landlord had of reco. vering, since the middle tenant had no power of recovering from the occupier of the land. The question was, ought tile legislatnre to interfere to prevent the existence of under.tenants in Ireland? lie thought I not ; it was a prevalent opinion that it would be well for landlords to clear their lands of under -tenants, and he was aware that it was stated page after page in the ciedence of heartless sad interested men, that it was advantageous to have fewer human beings and a greater quantity of provisions upon the land. Neither %as he disputing the landlord's right to get rid of his undsr.tenants ; he had a right to do so ; and the absentee landlord, in whom interest would always - be ready to smother humanity, might perhaps continue to exercise that right. But the government should not compel a landlord to do so. Ii a man chose to exterminate his peasantry, he should do it in his own name, and not be able to shield himself with the commands of government. He was free to confess that this was not a government act ; it was introduced in a vile party left handed way, and he trusted that now there would be no op. position to its repeal. In the legislation upon this subject since the Union two evils had been inflicted on Ireland. The first was by the act which then for the first time enabled landlords to distrain the growing crops of their tenants ; and the second, that which afforded to the land. lord a cheap and expeditious mode of ejecting his tenant. These two measures he might describe as measures by which a landlord could first ruin his tenant, and then turn him out cheaply. He knew that there were sonic ;serums who imagined that the Subletting Act was beneficial to the poor, and it should be his endeavour to show these persona that they were mistaken. It might be said that the effect of that Act was to create large farms, and so the Act was passed by the political economists (for it was not a mere Government measure) to establish a principle, no matter, as it seemed to him, at what expense of misery to the po or . Th e consegtiences bad alr eady been dreadful. The number of poor persons who had been corn. ;wiled to resort to the filendicity Society of Dublin for support was so great, that that Society was nearly ruined ; and hail it not been for the individual kindness of the Governor of Ireland (he meant the Duke of Northumberland), who, out of his own pocket. assisted it with the sum of 1,0001. and had it not been her the equal generosity of a lady of the same family, who should be nameless, it would have been, ere now, completely broken up. Such generosity did both parties the highest credit; but he feared that the effects of such acts as that now under discussion would be too widely extended to be met by such means. The object of this Act was to create large farms ; but in order to do that, the people must first be got rid of—tor one effect of this Act was to prevent any man occupying more land than he could himself cultivate (unless he was fortunate enough to be a tenant of Church Lands,) since he was not allowed the libesay of dividing it with another tenant. Indeed if any such occupier of land (not Church Land) was to give the labourers under him a holding on the land, they might retain possession without paying him any rent for it.— The consequence of these measures would be, that first the tenant might be ruined by a distraint on his growing crops ; next, that he might be turned out of poatst by a cheap and expeditious mode of ejectment, framed for the benefit of the landlord ; and lastly, when he was in this destitute condition, he had no hope of again getting into possession of a farm—for a landlord would hardly be likely to re ceive him, and a tenant could not, and ought not, to be expected to make him an under-tenant ; subjecting himself, as he would do, to all the inconveniences Impos e d en such a proceeding by the provisions of this statute. Under these circumstances, he assured the house that he felt convinced a remedy was absolutely necessary for the evils this act bad occasioned; and, unless that remedy was afforded, he apprehended nothing less than a servile war. He concluded by moving fur leave to bring in a bill to repeal the sub.letting act. Mr. DOHERTY remarked to the allusion regarding personalities that had fallen from the hon. member, and if they were meant to apply to him (Mr. Doherty) he would say that it had never been his desire to be personal, and if the remark was suggested by what had passed on a previous occasion between him and the hon. gentleman, he ( Mr. Do. betty) had been led into it to repel unfounded attacks that had been made upon himself. Ile thought that the hon. gentleman had taken an injudicious measure, and one that would occasion a great deal of unne. cessary trouble. The right hon. secretary for Ireland had prepared a bill to amend the subletting act. That bill was fully framed, and it would have been much better had he awaited the introduction of that bill, instead of coming forward with suggestions on the subject. The hon. member had made a misstatement when he said that the tenant had no means of distraining on his under-tenant, for if the under. tenant kept vexatious possession, his person could be distrained upon for the expenses. It had been the opinion of every yerson of experience, that the excess of the sub-division of the land in Ireland had led to much misery. The honourable gentleman had said that he did not value evidence taken on such a question, because the interrogations were all couched in leading questions, and brought out the answers con• forming to the desired intention. In 1824 and 1825 two committees sat to inquire into die state of Ireland, preparatory to the formation of this bill ; and on the 25th of February, 11,25, the honourable member fur Waterford had himself given evidence, in which he gave a most unqualified picture of the wretchedness and aisiress of the peoee, in their food clothing and habitations. (The honourable etem ber here read a lung extract from the evidence of Mr. OTottnell.) He (Mr. Doherty) denied the ex post facto opetation of the statute as alleged by the lion member. The only object of the legislature was to deal with the agricultural interest of Ireland. and rot with the tenantry. The law was the same in Scotland, a country ranted for its agriculture, and the law was there approved of, it did not prohibit landlords front subletting, but it made it imperative that such permission should be ac. kuowkdged in writing, that it might not be effected by any means of which lie at the time he gave up his right might be unconscious of the consequences. The experience of this country and the experience of Ireland was sufficient to show the advantages of the 1aw.... One of the greatest evils that Ireland suffered was the repeti. don of distress running from tenant to tenant, perhaps three were six or seven (or more) individuals concerned between the landlord and the tenant in possession, who, in rotation, all h:Itl claims on one another. He (Mr. Dohetty) would forego every other consideration. coal be accomplish any measure that would alleviate the evils that afflicted Ireland ; and he hoped that now. when distracting questions did not exist, by the cu.eperation of parties, mem: tneasttre for relief might be accomplished. He would obserte, however. that with regard to the qurtition or the introduction of the poor laws, gentlemen ought to weigh well the matter before they sanc tioned their adoption. If the subletting act was asserted to be the cause of the distress, the tuotrtion must be limn Ireland—Mr the effect had preceded the cause. The endo r se of the honourable !mother woidt had just been read, was given in 1825, and the Subletting act had not come into force till 11i21i. Mr. Doherty quoted the tp oieto of Dr. Doyle as being favourable to his opinion of the notoine. But the landlords of Ireland could alone mend the state of Ittlard : like she man whose waggtm had stuck in the mud and who prayed t t 11cr. cults fur assistance; the god told him to put his shoulder folio. wheel : hr (lid so—and the waggon Wilai soon extricated. The hotelletels bate now begun to put their shoulders to the wheel : they were becoming ashamed by the voice of ptililse opinion, and they would sent', have a yeomanry that would vie with any other country in tic world. Mr. Do. bevy concluded with an earnest appeal to Mr. O'Connell to re.iitt,ider his motion. Air. V. STEIVA HT eipttanctl his surmise that the hnn. mummer for Wm erirod should have any objections to the act. as it was f4%oittable both to landlord and tenant. Col. BERESFORD, after some observations in favour of the Sub. letting Act, pmceeded to NUM, that a stigma of inhumanity had been cast on a noble relation of his by the hon. mtmhcr tor 'traterford. dlr. O'CONNELL.—Ii the bon. gentleman will afford me an oppor. tunity of an explanation out of titiq house t and if he is not satisfied with that explanation. not only shall I consent to his stating to the bowie the expressions I may have used, but I shall be prepared to retract them. Cul. IiEItESFORD. however. proceeded to read an extract of a newspaper, in which Mr. O'Cunuell was made to my, at a public meet. ing in 'Maori, that Lord Beresford turned the poet people out of their tenements, converting their holding. into pastures he fear-footed AM. male, and exported the produse of Ireland into Me for his bene fi t. Now he (CciL Ileresfored) was authorised by Lord ftessised to give to this mutation the most Muddied denial Lewd B i let the lands to his tenants, with the pewee at cultivating that laity phased, anti if they turned them into pastors, it was bemuse del head *sit , own mit in so &deg. 314 A. DA WSON said, he could not see hew the combs the land with twenty houses could &whew the wit Vit was an evi 1 • i , i-.