Star. — London, England, 1829-04-03 00:00:00

1 1 ~'. I • ~ ; • : • • . * **Kt at. Pr I 1 '! 4 : . 7 • ,t 'AVUMBER 13,134.] FRENCH PAPERS. FROM ?HI JOURNAL DU CoIIIIIIRCI I MARCH Si. PARTS, Maus TO. tit omen cocain that negociatioas are going to be rammed at Cositandsteple on the gondolas relative to the Treaty of the lith of July; but ooly with Count Guillemblet and Mr. Stratford Can als*. who wW stipulate in the name of Ruda as well as of Frame sad England. Russia has consented to renounce its claim to be directly represented at the Porte. This is a concession of great kapettasoe, which tetnoves the chief Oglesby that has been m in the etertioos made for the pacification of Greece.— S lan t:fan, while it showed hod( disposed to listen to the conci liatory pronsaab of France and Inland, bad constantly refused to toceive a Hussies Agent as a negotiator in the affairs of Greece— mod M. Jaubert, who was sent by oar Government to Constant'. ogle to moods the way, met with insurmountable resistance on this point. The understanding of the Turks were unable to con prebend how the twofold character of Russia was to be ezphined —as an implacable enemy co the Danube, and a pacilic aud disin terested arbitrator on the coasts of the Mom; or rather as acting two different parts in the Msditstraneam.-as a neural power when its Meet was combined with that of the allies, and as a belligerent when it blockaded the Dardanelks„ and when k attacked the Rap ttas vessels nu the coast of Candle. The Porte refused to consider It is any light bat that of an enemy. By commies not to appear in the Degociatioas which are about to be remained. Russia has greatly facilitated the result : it would *haps have removed all obstacles by wholly withdrawing front the alllance. We eventide* we perceive in this deference of !lauds to the wish (irks Miles, the commencement of a pacific dispositios in its own quarrel. The oompkte execution of the Treaty of the 6th of July minim fall to weaken its arms in die North. Its Generals did not speak like its negoclatiws; if the latter took care to separate the question of the Treaty of Bucharest from that of the Treaty of London, the former avoided, in their Proclamations to the scaly. malting a distinction which would have been no better auadersteed by the Russian soldiers than by the Counsellors of the Sultan. The Russians fought for tke cause of religion, for the deliverance edicts martyred brethren, and not for cold interests of Sovereignty, w 4eh did not at all affect them. When Greece Is once est of the question, their enthusiasm will have no shown , . The Afeesepredea Olso‘ves and Goalie de 7rmsce contain no news. FigNeld Poses—PalUS. Mimi SI —Five per Cents. 1071. 9Se. 100 e. lOnf.—Tbree per. Cents. Thf. SOc. 40c. 55c.—Bank &oek, I,lllol.—Nrapolitan Reales. itSf. 30c.—Royal Spanish Lean, —Harian LosnolSS —Rachange on London, one ntieth, (paper), t5l. 40c. (money), WIC 35e.—Three months, (paper). !SG 2k. (money), 9.0. 90c —Corns IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS. APRIL 2. The crowd mend the deers of the House at as early boor was very great, and as soon as the doors were open, the rush to gain admission was tremendous. The I.ORD CHANCELLOR entered the House a few mi. notes Wort 111.111 o'clock. The assemblage of Peers was trety greet, and the space around the Throne was crowded with Ladies and Members of the House of Commons. The M .rsels of DOW NSHI RE presented a Pedtioa from the Roman Catholic Clergy of the Diocese of Droners, against cer tain clauses respecting the hanks. Lord ItOSSLYN presented a Petition from Roston against further Concessions. Lord ELDON presented Peddoas from certain Protestant Dis seaters la London and Westminster, from Glasgow, and twenty three other places, all against the Cat!Wit Clahns. • Lord TRY MIA JI presented two Petitions against the Dia , franchisement of the Forty-shilling Freeholders; and also a Pe tition from the inhabitants of Westmimter and Store), praying lot a revision of the Poor Laws. . Hee the cries became very loud and general for the Order of the Day. Silence befog o►tained. , Lord KRNTON rose to speak to the subject of Order. He fed he should be ashinsed of being 'a Member of that Howie, were their tartishly, to refuse the bearing of parties ion this im• pietist question. It wars taivieo which affected the religion of the leople, and the religion of the King upon the Throne, and it was coati tent with the rules of the Hasse. that all Petitions should be heard previous to going on with the regular Order. of the Day. Their LoNiships wete now called upon to proceed' while/ so many Petitions remained anpresented, and Petitions pe culiarly deserving the attention of the House. and they ought to be presented belore the Bill was taken into consideration. He must charactefiae the proceedings as being most indecent. It was with the greatest surprise the public beard of the Noble Duke bringing forward the measure at all, and now to hurry it through without receiving the Petitions. would only add to the disgust bad created. The Duke of RUTLAND presented a Petition from the Mayor and Corporation of Leicester, and another from Cambridge, against the Catholics. Lord lIKAUCHA hl P, in presenting a Petition. was about to read a letter that he had received respecting a Petition that bad bail presented on a former evening, which was objected to by several Noble Lords, when Lord ROLLK rose and said, if it was not allowed to be read be would move an adjournment of the House. Laid GREY said. their Lordships amok! bear in mind that an •rder bad been made for the convenience of the House that when any Noble Lord had Petitions to present it was necessary for hint to put down his name in the Clerk's paper. This was done for the regularity of their Lordshipe proceedings; but if a Noble Lord was to take advantage of his name being down to make motions, or to enter into explanations, instead of presenting Petitions, it would lead to great confusion. Having said so much, be hoped the Noble Lord would not enter into bather explanations at the present time, but reserve them for another nigftt, and proceed to the important business before their Lordships. which, he hoped. world not be unnecessarily delayed. He could nut under-tend what the Noble Lord no the cries bench meant by indecent haste. and wishing to get rid of the Petitions. He was sure that nu such feeling as that alluded to existed. The Hal of KI.DON assured their Lordships, that in hie opipinu it was highly uncoststitutinn 4 to treat with inditerence the petitit.no ut the people. lie thought the Noble Earl (Grey) hail cast sum. rtflettlun upon his conduct in that Hume—(Cries of Order, order). Cord WILK was ready to withdraw his mutton for adjourn. breast, if the Mouse should prefer that fine of conduct. land FA UN HAM had several Petitions to present, and rbusilel have presented them yesterday, but be understood from the .Itiglotst authority in that House that Petitions would be te• caved this day. He had ten Petitkins to present, and seven times that number waiting in the robing room. He bad beard it said that the better way was to divide upon the qu-tstiou, and debate it after, but he thought the sentiments of the people ebriold be heard before the House decided on the principle of the 1111: Lord BRA UCH A 31P then presented several Petitions in favour of Concessions. The Bishop of BRISTOL presented Petitions from the county of Hereford, seam the meagare. Lord HOW IC presumed Petitions from Plymptoo,Appleby, and mbar parts of the county of Leicester, la favour of the measure. 1..0rd REI , RSDA LR bad a Petition to present from Boddior ten, signed by a Lady, who opposed further Concessions to the Ca tholics. She had signed it herself, baying refused to permit any of het enemas to add their names to it. Lord JROSEBERII Y presented several Petitions in favour of thti4lllllllllle. FARNHAM presented several Petitions against Cancer slob, from the nuttily of Cork. The Marquis of CONY NG HA* presented a Petition from kite Catholics of Routh, for the removal of civil disabilities. The Duke of NEWCASTLE presented numb, rof Petitions egaust further Ceneesaion, and produced a letter, by which it oF. peered that ad order bad been issued by the Government forbidding persons holding situations under the Crown to sign Petitions. ;ever.' other Noble Lords preheated Petitions, both for and against the Catholic Claims. CATHOLIC HELIX/ BILL. The Duke of WELLINGTON rime, and moved the Order of 60 Day far the second reading of the Roman Catholic Relief DUI. The &der having been read by the Clark at the table, The Duke of WELLINGTON addressed the ileshe following effect—My Lords, it is now my duty Is move your Lordships that ibis Ball be read a second tome. la explaining the grounds on which I am in duced to recommend this measure to your Lordships altentlOn i I may be undtr the ueces,lty of rcque ting a FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 3, 1829. larger portion of your Lordships time and attention - on the present occasion than I have hitherto been in the habit of doing ; but I do assure your Lordships that it is not my intention to occupy one minute of your Lordships time in making any statement relative to myself or to my conduct in this transaction, any fur ther than to 'iciness the sincere regret which I feel in being compelled to differ on this subject from many f whose opinions I entertain the highest respect, and fir whom, personally. I feel the most sincere regard. I must. however, ad f, that, having considered the part I have thought proper to take on this que tion to be no. thing less than the performance of a duty incumbent nn me, I mu t state that no feeling of private regards no respect that I may entertain for the opinions of others, can make me depart from the course of what I con ceive to be my duty on this question. And here allow ins to say, my Lords, that, in comparing my own opi nion on the subject wi th that of others who, halls ex perience and other causes, have had the best opportunity of forming a judgment upon it, I may claim your Lordships confidence that I would not have adopted my present opinion if I had not believed it to be a sound and a jest one. My Lords, I shell, in the fist place. call year Lordships attention to the state of Ire land. MrLtirds. I know that some persons consider that the state of Ireland has nothing to do with this snea.nre—that it ou.ht to be left out nf the question altogether. Others have said that Ireland has been in a disturbed state for these last twenty years—that we are accustomed to the fact—and that it should make no alteration in the circumstances requiring your Lord ships consideration. Ttue. Ireland has been disturbed all that time, and long before it. But, my Lords. al low me to state that circumstances of considerable aggravation have occurre i within the last year or two, and that peculiar circumstances have added consider. ably to that aggravation; for, my Lords, I must de clare, though the Government possesses no legal proof of die fact, that there existed a general organization of the people for purposes of mischief. This organi sation, my Lords, has been proved, not only by the open declarations of those who sought and managed the organization, but by the effects produced by it. The organization was proved by the elections that have taken place same time back; it was proved by the election for the county of Clare last year, and by the events which followed the election. It appeared in the proceedings of a Gentleman who went, accompanied lby a body of men, to the north of Ireland—in the pro ceedings of a Gentleman in Templemore, in Killinaule, and other parts of that district—in the proceedings of another Gentleman in the south, for instance, in Clan mel, in simultaneous meetings—and in the acts of other Gentlemen sent from the Catholic Association. In all these transactions there appeared an organisation pro ceeding from a superior source of authority. My Lords, that organisation produced a state of society in Ire land that aggravated the previously existing evils of that unfortunate country. Let me take, for example, the attack made on the town of Ard at midnight, by a body of people from a mountainous district, andF their repulse by the armed inhabitants of the town. That was an occurrence, my Lords, which could not 'have taken place in any other state of society than that with a hich Ireland was at that time 'Acted. Let us take a similar attack on the town of Charleville. Let us take the conduct of the Catholic Association in deliberating that treasure of inducing the Catholics to cease dealing with the Protestants. Can it be be lieved, my Lords, supposing the Catholic Association to have approved and recommended that proj-ct of Catholics ceasing to deal with Protestants—can it be believed for a mnment that they would not have been able to carry the measure into execution? And, fur cur, is it ssible to believe that the same authority would not have been able to dissuade the people from discharging the contracts into which they may have en.. tered with Protestants? My Lords, l say that these cit. cumstauces prove that the people of Ireland were fast verging towards that state of society ins hich it would have been impossible that the system of trial by Jury could be used for the administration of the law, the oistribution of justice, or the protection of life and pro. pens , . This, my buds, is the state of society to which I have desired to draw your Lordships attention, and for whose evils I have to entreat your Lordships to pro- vide a remedy. Before, however, I bring the question iof the remedy under your Lordship,' consideration, 1 an. anxious to show the effect of the state of the law on the King's Frelogatise. My Lords. his Majery was unable to create any new Peers; and the reason was this, that the Ministers west not able to recommend his Majesty to mate ary, for the cleating% of a Peer would nave caused the election of another Member of Parliament; and an election was that sort of occurrence which, in the then excite) condition of the parties on both Q.; might have given list to the shedding of blood, and have terminated in a civil war. Another objecti. , n against a new election was, that it would have tended to give an additional triumph to the Ca tholic A sociation. But I may be told by Noble Lords' that this state of affairs arose from the non execution of ' the laws. My Lords, there was no tangible violation of the laws; there was no resistance. In those places where the military were not at hand the Magistrates were terrified. Nu troops were employed except on the occasion of processi .ns in the north of Ireland, be. cause no opposition was offered to the King's troops, and no instance occurred in which the laws could not be enforced in the usual manner. When, therefore, I bear Noble Lords reproach his Majesty's Government with not having carried the laws into execution in Ire. land, as had been done in England, it proves to me that those who say so do not understand what has been the state of things in Ireland. When. in the year 1819, it was deemed necessary to carry the laws into execs lion in this country, the measures taken for that put .pose were directed against a body of people assembled for an illegal purpose, who, when called upon by the Magistrates to disperse, refused, in consequence of witch the Magistrates were obliged to order the troops to disperse them by force. But in the case of Ireland no such orders could be given. because the Magistrates had no troops capable of enrorcing them. In a case which extended over the whole country, it would be seen that it would be quite impossible to have Magir trates at every spot, and seedy at every boor to put an end to proceedings so outrageous and so disgraceful to the country. It appeared clearly that neither the form of the power nor the means possessed by GO•01111111ftt would enable them to put an end to such a state of things. It was necessity. thenifore, to come to Parlia ment to ask its authority for other =awes capable of effecting that object. We all know perfectly well that the opinion of the majority in another place is, that in order to put an end to the state of things which I have been describing, it is necessary to concede what are called the Catholic Claims—(Loud and repeated cheer ing). We might, to be sure, have come down and have asked of Parliament to enable us to put down the Catholic Association; but what chance had we of pre vailing on Parliament to pass such a Bill as that which has lately become a law, without swing, at the same time, that we were ready to enter on the whole clues tinn of the condition of Ireland? Suppose Parliament had given us a Bill to put down the Catholic Associa tion, would even such a law as that which has la-ely passed be a remedy for the state of things I have d e . scribed to your Lordships s' Would it do any one thing towards putting an end to that organization which have stated to have existence? Would it do any one tbing towards putting dotib the meetings of that very body against which it was direct .d ? Would it. in fine, do any thing towards ameliorating the state of Ireland alone, and unaccompanied bs any other measure ? It may be said, well, if that won't do, let us proceed to blows! We all know what is - meant by coming to blows—civil war--(Cheers). Now, I believe that every Government must and swot to be prepared to carry into execution the laws of the country by the force placed at their disposal, if necessity shall so require. I do not mean military force, but the ordinary force at the dispo sal of Government. And, ab ive all, they should be ready to oppose any resistance that may be offered to the laws by the disaffected, ill-inclined, and ill-disposed. 1104 in the present case, as 1 More already stated, there was no resistance to the laws. Nay, farther, I am positively certain that this state of things bordering upon civil war, attended by all the evils of civil war (and which have endured for the last year and a half). might have continued much longer to disgrace the country and the Government, and that those who were at the head of, and who directed those proceedings, would have taken good care not to I ffer such resistance as would have given to the Government such force as might be necessary to put an end to them. Those per sons knelt/ too well that they could not offer effective resistance to the King's Government; that they them selves would be the first victims of any collision; and, being able, and sagacious, and well-informed men. they were perfectly aware of what mischief might have :c -oaked to themselves, and therefore would have taken very good care to avoid it. Consequently, this state of things might have continued for several years, without his Majesty's Government having an opportunity offered them of effectually putting it down. But, even if such an opportunity had been presented to us, I should have thought it my duty to correct it by other means than force—(Cheers). I am one of those who have been engaged in war beyond most men, and, unfortunately, Iprincipally in civil war; and I must say this, that, at any sacrifice whatever. I would avoid every one ap proach to civil war. I would do all I could, even sa crifice my life, to prevent such a catastrophe. Nothing could be so disastrous to the cranny, nothing so de structive uf its prosperity, as civil war; nothing could take place that tended so comPletely to oemoialize and degrade as such a conflict, in which the hand of n• igh boor is -raised against neighbour—that of the foists against the son, and of the son against the Lather—of the brother against the brother—of the servant against his master—a conflict, I repeat, which 'trust end In confusion and destruction. These are the consequences to which men must look who engage in or encourage civil war. The measure, therefore, behne your Lord ships was the best that we could plan to prevent such a calamity, and fur bringing it for ward I will hold my self responsible. Let u. look a little faith-s. If civil war be so bad when occasioned by resistance to Go vernment—if such a collision is to be avoided by all means possible—how much more necessaty is it to avoid a civil war, in which, in orris:• to put down one portion. it a oulif be necessary to arm and to mite the mites ? I am quite sure there is no maa that now hears me that would not shudder were such a proposition made to him ; yet such must have been the result had we attempted to terminate the state of things to which have referred otherwise than by a measure of concilia tion. lii this view, then, merely I think we are joisti fie.' in the measure we have proposed to Parliament. But let us in addition look to what has passed at oilier per inds. I am old enough to remember the rebellion 01 1798. I was not then in Ireland, being on service at a considerable distance from it; but, if 1 ant not much mistaken. it will be found that the Parliament cf that day went (walked, I believe,) up to the Lord Lieu. tenant, a resolution which passed unanimuu ly. be seeching his Etcellency to use every means in his power to put down that rebellion. The Lord Lieut-- leant did so, did take the 1111•111101 VS recommended, and did succeed in putting it down. %Shot happened after wards? In the very next Session Government pro. posed to put au end to that very Parliament, and to unite it to the Legislature of Great Britain, principally tor the purpose of proposing and carrying that measure now before your Lordships; and, in point ..1 fact, it was the very first measure proposed after that legisla tive union. Is it possible, therefo e, that Noble Lords can believe, supposing there were such a state of things as that which I have anticipated, that it could be car ried on or concluded without recourse being had to this very measure? I am certain that when we look to the division of opinion that prevails in both Houses of Par liament un this subject—that when we look on the d 6 vision of opinion that equally prevails in every family of this kingdom and of Ireland—in every family, I .ay, from the most eminent to the most humble—that pa r . titularly when we look to the disunion of opinion which prevails amongst the Protestants of Ireland on this same subject, your Lordships will see a vast difference in the' manner in which such a contest as that to which I have alluded would be now carried on, and that in which the former was conducted—(Hear, hear, bear). — Your Lordships would recollect that a Petition has been recently presented to you which proves that diversity of opinion amongst the Protestants of Ireland to which have referred. In 1798 the contrary *as the fact. The House of Commas and the House of Peers in Ire land were then unanimous. How stands the case at pineal ? The petition I have just mentioned in favour of the Catholic Claims was signed by seven Marquise., !minty-seven Earls, a vast number of Peers of other ranks, many Baronets, and not less than 2,000 other persons, all possessing considerable property in Ireland. Will it be emended, then, this was not an altered state of things? It may be necessary to observe. that the contest now must be carried on under circennuuwes totally different. My Lords, is it possibly to benese that Patoliameat, at such a period as the present —that Parliament, aware of these changes—that this Hon e, seeing the opinion expressed upon the subject by the (abet House of Parliament—seeing the opinion expressed by many of the Protestants ► f beim+. and the mho r expressions of public opinion fevinuable to this mea sure—that this House will continue to oppose the con cession? It is impossible that this House could coo tinue to go on long with au •11 an oppaoitron, without increasing the difficuties of the country. h been re Decease , y to see what benefit can arise to ally one class of the State, by continuing a pertin •cious moon e • tit of which so many evils may arise. lam told that that resistance is to preserve the Constitution of 16S8—that the Acts of 1688 permanently excluded Rom en -Catho lics from power—and that they being so excluded, it .s necessary to incur all the evils to which 1 have refe red for the purpose perpetuating that exclusion. If Noble Lords will take the trouble of looking for themselsea, they will see how that matter stands. I meant , e omen sent exclusion of Catholics from Pediment. lit the Bill of Rights many things ate petusenently enacted, awl properly so; and these ate, that liberty shall be ponsa 'sem, that the security of the Protestantism of the Fermin who sits on the throne shall be pet martini—that i., that the King shall be a Protestant, and that he shall sat marry a Papist. Teen there is an oa•h of allegiance. which is also permanent; but there was.no permanency given to the oath cf supremacy, nor to the declarati.ss against transubstantiation, for the Oath of Supremacy was altered before the end of the reign. With respect to the out , ' to be taken by Members of Parliament, a d the declera•ion to be made agaiust tt it ulotaatiatiou, against the invocation of Saints spoil the somber f the mass, these were not imposed by Acts of Wilh.m 111. but by Asti of Charles 11. Diving that reign cell in oaths were prescribed to be taken by persons of the Church of England, namely, those of the vile teentb and fourteenth years of his reign, and in the tweeity-fifth and thirtieth years oaths were framed to exclude Ca tholics born Parliament. At the Revolution. King William thought it would be proper to extend the basis eat his Government by the admission of Pr. testant Diso smite's, and therefore recommended that th it pal, of the Oath of Supremacy prescribed by the IS+ and lb It Charles 11. which the Dissenteis could ion take. should be r. peeled. This. then. I say, is the !nom yof 'hose oaths froM Charles H. to Witham HI The temea..J.4 of the Oath of Supremacy which the Di s •niers could take, could net be taken by the Catholics. D tiger hid arisen in the reign of Chat les 11. and continu d to exist in the time of William Pl. but the oath was altered, although not as respected the Catholics, because the great principle of the Revolution was to narrow as much as possible the excitatory laws, and that principle was embodied in the Bill of Rights. YetjNotsle Lord-, its stating what they cell the camciple • 1688. et elated that the laws excluding C tholics sere eqoally peter as Dent with that pail of the Bail of Rights,which secured the Prot smote* of the Ceownl Why, .sny Lord.. if you refer to the words of the Act, you well see dust this is just the diffeseihe between that which is pet nostorl4 and chat which is not per moment —that the Prot -giantism of the Crowns it to last for ever. tlie iibeitr's of the pecyle to last tor ever, but not these oaths. Neat, we have the Act of Union with Scotian.% %%het does that say ? a• That the (oohs to be telt n by Measlier.. f Parliament shall be those laiJ down in the Act of Va A. loam and Mary. until Parliament shall Macro sae ditece —end this is all that is now • ailed the permit , ent each'. *ion of Catholicsl That wa, the oath to be taken hy Members of Parliament as laid den by she .1c of William and Mary. " until Pailiament s all toilet a lid direct'—(Cheers)—and that is all that can be said per manently to exclude the Cathol cs. N .w. I beg to ob. %nee that, if the Act that excludes Catholics from se is in Pediment is to be permanent. these i• an •ihrt. the Bth of William and Mary. cap 8. sec.lo. which requires officers of the army and navy to take tin e very oaths previous to the assumption of ciattnissions. N -oi ask your Lordships why an Act mode in the 1.1 William and Mary. excluding Catholics from Perlis. merit, should be deemed MOM permanent than an Act made seven years sifter by the same Monetcty, ex cluding Catholics from the army and navy, Which hest has been several yeats ago ee l cited ? 1 ans sure the Noble and Learned L rd will give an an-wee to this questi• n. and show the House upon what groom'', he considers one of these Acts to be a' pet manent meestate and the other not ; sod that be will show your Lore ships how he was sight in consenting, in 1817. to tie feral of the Act of Bth William I. chap. 8. s et. Rut, my Lord, the troth is, that ',either of these A. is was permanent ; that the Par liemesst of this coontr ! . in the reign of Queen Anne. by the Act of U.►ann with Scotland, recognised cut the Act of William, so tar 411 it relates to seats in Pailiament, was not peimanent, and that the Noble and Learned Lord was pet tectly right in consenting to the repeal r f the Bv. N mot an, I. ch. 8, sec. 10. Now, my Lords, if this esclusire clause ill the Act of 1688 be not permanent—if it has been re cognised as not being permanent by the Acts sit Union of England with Scotland, and oh Gre t Boutin w ith Ireland—l would ask your Lordshi,is whether yru are not at liberty to consider tlx expediency of now erpealing it altogether, for the plop. se of relieving this country from the evils under which she is tabour ing—whether you are noi called u 0.. to r view the whole state of the representation i n Ireland ? I would even ask your Lordships whether. even if the Act of which 1 am speaking had been I.eraianent. you would not feel it your duty to take this subject into you: con sideration under the present circumstances of she coon try ? I would ask your Lordships whether it is not desirable to repeal this law for the relief • f the Perlia ascot itself, geoaning under the weight of the P apish infbience, which is in Ireland eaercised and brought to bear upon elections? I would ask year Loodshaps (if there were no ether motive for the rep, a ► okether is would not be desirable lot the purpose of relieving the country from the influence which 1 have joo turn tioard ? My Lords, I have no*, I ho, e. aulfisiri de shown bow the present state of t e law operate. upon the other great interests of the country, but I now wilt to call your Lordsbips attention more particularly t the manner in which it weeks upon the Church stse f. That part of the united Church of England and Lucia d which is situated in Ireland is placed in this peculiar situation—it is the church of the atom ity of the p• ogle. must. at the same time, say that there does not exist a more exemplary, a more pious, or a more awned body of men than the clergy of iliac Church. That •part of the Church does certainly enjoy the Jimmie ?• will P_ 1. I&• Al?, -44't Iz> . 11 ~..i . ,AN. . - ... ~ • , , . 1 .. ‘ ~ ..:4 ,.. %- Pales Sly , cit. i I