Star. — London, England, 1830-02-09 00:00:00

L ?'IT:t of his being co eieec.r•', A . Government contractor.—To be I kin into consideration on Thursday, the 45tb of February. LAW Or 1.1 . 112 L. Vr. O'CONNELL gave notice that be would, on Monday, Webruary IS, more for leave to •bring ig a bill declaring that the obtication of truth is nor, and shall nut be considered, a libel. COAL TRAPt. ' Mr. DENISON brought up the report of the House of Lords .11 :he subject of the coal trade.—Laid on the table. MEXICO. Sir R. WILSON 'said he rose to call the attention of the House ror a few minutes to a subject of considerable importance which had been incidentally discussed the other evening; he alluded to c.ir present relations with Mexico. It was well known that a few veers ago 'a strong force was assembled at Cartbagena and Porto Rico, which produced considerable expense and alarm to the Re public, and not a little to the commercial interests in this country. nho had millions of property awaiting the result of the invasion which was meditated by Spain. TheiWzicansthreatened Cuba with a Emig force, arid information to that effect reaching Mr. Canning, he sent fie Mr. I lurtado, the envoy here. and told him it was his duty to state, that England would not permit any attack upon Cube on the part of the republics of Colombia and of Mexico, inasmuch as each an attempt might excite a negro insurrection there, and probably extend itself to our West India Colonies. This declara tion of Mr. Canning was conveyed to the governments of the two republic., and was acquiesced In by Bolivar. They dispersed their forces wish the hope that, having acted in conformity with the views of the British Government, no prejudice win& exist against their resisting any attack which_ might be made against them by Spin. Mexico and Colombia both suffered severely by being obliged to keep up a large naval force ; they were partly obliged to abandon it ; and they made application to the British Go. vernment to be protected against any attacks upon the. part of the mother country. They asked, at all events, that they should he strictly neutral, and preserved from any attack which might be directed against them from Cuba. This occurred in 1827, and re clamation. were made to this governmeptohowing the evibwhich would be inflicted upon the republic if an attack from Cuba were permitted. A further application totbis effect was made, when Barradas was at Cuba, and about to land on Mexico, where be imagined that the sight of the Spanish banner would soon find ranged tinder it the Mexican population. He landed, and soon discovered that this illusiun had ceased, and that they disliked the Spanish yoke; but though they defeated Barradas, stiU they were in no small degree of anxiety as to future attacks, for so far was Spain from abandoning the attempt, that she was forming another expedition, and that expedition was to sail from Cuba. It was, there fore, now but fair • that Mexico should know what our policy towards her was in this respect, and that the British property em barked in that country should not be liable to confiscation or de struction. Wheu Laborde put to sea, a report prevailed that an insurrection had taken place in Columbia; he hovered off her coast for about forty days, but finding the insurrection net so bad as he was led to expect, he returned to Porto Rico. During these tran sactions the province of Venezuela was obliged to keep up a force tor self-defence, which had the effect of preventing the Mexican bond-holders from receiving their dividends last November. (Hear, hear.) Again he begged to eaU the attention of the right honourable gentleman, and of the house to the state of Mexico, as it regarded the advantages held out to England by the early acquirement of the precious metals, the produce of her mines; advantages which had been so forcibly recommended to their attention on a former night by the right hon. member for Li verpool. He would state facts which had been verified as relating to one article of trad: with this country, employed in working the mines of South America. In 1827 and 1828, there was consumed in the mines of Mexico only, quicksilver imported from this country to the following amount :—ln 1827, the quantity ex ported was 379,579 (ounces, we believe ;) in 1828, it was 661,325 ; and in the months of December, January, and February, 1829-30, the exportation gave a proportion of 1,310,400 for the year. (Hear.) Could there be a greater proof than this of the advantages to be derived by the commerce and manufacturers of this country, front protecting Mexico against foreign interference, which interrupted her industry, and distracted the progress of her internal improvement? In 1827 and 28, the quicksilver exported front this money was worth from 45 to 55 dollars in Mexico, whereas such was the increase In the de mand and the price, that it appeared from intelligence received by the last packet that some bad now sold for 80 and 85. These were positive advantages to our interest, but it was not on that account alone that he wished the influence of the Government to be used in preserving the peace and tranquillity of the South American States. He desired that this country should nut be accused of acting with a partiality which degraded her, and of abusing the power which she possessed over the welfare of these States. The questions he had to put to the right hon. gentleman were these—first, whether any prohibition, restraining Mexico and Colombia from attacking Cuba and Porto Rico, was intended to be maintained by this Government? And if so, whe ther the same restraint would not be hereafter imposed upon Spain as far as Cuba and Porto Rico were concerned ; that was, whe ther those places should not be considered as neutral countries, from which no attacks should be prepared or made upon Mexico or Columbia? If such a prohibition had formerly existed against any hostile operations on the part of Mexico, he wished to know whether it would not now be considered in the nature of a dropped order in that house, and that Mexico would be at liberty, in the case of any further hostile interference from Spain, to Invade Cuba, as long es she observed the obligation and acted according to the laws of war ? Mr. Secretary PEEL could assure the hon. gentleman that on this, as upon every other occasion, it was his desire to answer any question put to his majesty's government in that house respecting the foreign policy of the country. as frankly and as clearly as was consistent with the general interests of the state. But he felt these questions to involve a point of such deep im portance, that the house would excuse him if he did not content himself with giving a simple answer to the questions of the bon. gentleman, but entered into a short explanation of the facts, and of the intentions and policy of the government. W hen a noble friend of his on a former night put a question to him upon the same subject, he answered it upon the strength of his recollection ; and if he bad then fallen into any mistake as to the occurrences which had been ries hired to, he was sure the house would readily have pardoned him when they considered that seven or eight years had intervened sines • they took place. But in the interval since that dismission be had re ferred to the documents, and found that his recollection. upon all the Substantial points had been correct. He then stated his impres sion of the facts to be, that in the year 1825, Mr. Canning, then being Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, made a public declaration that England would not resist any attempt made by Spain to re-establish her power and authority over her re volted colonies. At the same time, Mr. Canning declared that England would not recognise the right of any other foreign Power to ally herself to Spain, for the purpose of aiding her in such an ettempt ; but that if it were made by the Mother Country, and by her own resources, then that this Government would not interfere, but obser ye a strict neutrality between the contending parties. His noble friend had said that something more was added, about the difficulty of maintaining a . strict neutrality ; and it had been further asserted that Mr. Canning prohibited any counter attempt upon Cuba on the part of the South American States. His answer to that was, that if 'any prohlbidun was issued by Mr. Camping, prohibiting Mexico front attacking Cuba, he was con , fideendlat it had been made upon some peculiar ground, in vutsingeperhaps the common interests of humanity, or some par ticular and :paramount interest Of thi s country. Upon examin _ ing the records of these traosserbmB he found that his view of of Mr. Canning's motives had Inv the •tvue one. In the notes of a Conference betireen Mr. Carining and the Prince de P.lviac, which took place on the 9th of October, 1823, he found that Mr. Canning made tlita imporient• deetaraton,"_ Tbst the British Government would not only abstain from interfedng to prevent Spain from resorting to any negociations for the re covery of her colonies, but email std her in such negotiations • and in any case be strictly nentinieesan if war should be resorted • to by Spain - herself. But that, if Spain should form a junction with any other foreign power . who Jshould aid her in the war, dam that the British goiertinient would consider another case • to have wait'', and h. constatt-'would be influenced by other v.eas." This was the ground taken by Mr. Canning, and be referred with pleasure to another. partof the document. In which the Prince de Polignac, on the part of France, disclaimed in any case the intention of joining in hostile measures against the South American Colonies. Thus far the declarations of Mr. Canning on the question were in their possession. He had no recollection of any others, and there was nu record of any such prohibition as that which bad been alluded to. If any such bad been made, the pro bability , was, that le:hail been verbal, and of this he was certain —that it was made as an exception to the genetal rule, and jus tified by some peculiar considerations growing out of the circum stances of the case; either relafing to the, common interest of hu es he had said before, or to sonic paramount considera tions of State. He bad said that there was no record of. the act, or of the miniyes which dictated it ; but if Mr. Genies did make such arprolubition, he should think it rather referred to the manner in which the air was likely' to be carried on.— This he was bound to 'state in justice to the memory of Mr. Centring , so strongly did he feel the desire of promoting the tran quillity of the §quth Ames Lan Colonies—so anxious was he to pre • ' vent the revival 'or the opening oil fresh Iseitillties between them apd the Mother Cdnetry, that in the year 1824, just previous to our recognition of their independence, be offered Spain to guarantee to her possession of Cuba, upon condition of her entering into ••• negotiations, the basis of which old be, that their independence should be formally recognised, (Hear, hear, bear.) lf, there- fore, any such prohibition was ever declared by Mr. Canning, be was satisfied that it must have been made upon some special grounds. (Hear.) He was the mote confirmed in this conclusion, because there was on the part of the United States a declaration of suck an intended amicable interfer ence, in which special grounds were pointed out. In a note of Mr. Clay, the Minister of the United States, dated December, 1815, that government, then having recognised the independence of Mexico and the other Republics, be declared its intention to pre serve a strict neutrality in the case of a war between them and her former colonies. The terms of that declaration were, however, that if Spain should persist in carrying on war without the prospect of success, the Republics of Columbia and Mexico would probably retaliate, by making an attack upon Cuba, that being therms d'ap psi from which Spain could carry on her operations ; and that If a emir carried Into that island by the Republics should prove to be we of a desolating nature, such as the putting of arms into the bands ei one class of the inhabitants against another class, then it would be necessary for America to interfere and to prevent such a i woe of extermination from proceeding. This was the ground which .America had taken. What she said was, that she would not inter fere so long as the war was carried on on both sides according to the laws of civilised nations; but she would not see such a course taken as must lead to the depopulation of the island of Cuba, and leave it to be transferred to the possession of some European power. If Mr. Canning ever made any similar declaration, he was satisfied it must have been one of this nature. With regard to the recent expe dition sent out by Spain against Mexico, it was, he believed, almost . entirely sent from the Havannah. Almost the only person in it who proceeded from the mother country, he believed, was the commander of the troops ; and he could assure the honourable gentleman, whatever be might think, that it would have been ex tremely difficult for England to have prevented the sailing of that expedition by remonstrance alone. So much for what had been done; and now for the intentions of the Government as to the future. ,They felt a deep interest in the welfare and the prosperity of these infant states. They had recognised their independence, and were anxious to see that independence consolidated by their tran quillity, and by their security from foreign attack, so long as they gave no just cause of interference to other powers. He did hope that they would now turn to their own resources, and subduing their own party divisions ; establish an internal union and peace, which, after all, would probably be their greatest safeguard against foreign aggression, The Government of this country had hoped , that Spain, if she could not be persuaded to negotiate with her lost Colonies, would have seen the policy of abstaining from actual hos tilities against them. If there should hereafter appear to be any chance of a revival of Actual hostilities, the policy of England would be to use her best efforts for their prevention; but if that in tercession failed, and Spain was determined to proceed with hostile measures, then he bad no difficulty in making on the part of the British Government this public declaration—that so far as the law. ful operations of war were concerned on either side, this country would act upon principles of strict impartiality [hear, hear!]. Mr. G. LA MB rose briefly to state his reasons ft.r voting for the amendment to the address on the first night of the session. If he had had any confidence in the ministers, and he begged to say that he had none, he should still have found himself bound to vote for the amendment. The honourable Gentleman then went over several of the topics which were discussed on Thursday and Fri day nights. He observed, that in the course of the debate, on a former evening, allusions had been made to the state of the currency, and several .honourable Members on both sides of the house had suggested the propriety of an immediate altera tion of the law, which required an adherence to a metallic cur rency. On his part, he confessed he was not prepared to re scind the determination which they had come to on that sub ject, although he would not deny the inquiry into its propriety which was so earnestly solicited. On these grounds he had sup ported the amendment rather than the original address, with respect to that part which related to the internal affairs of the empire. lf, however, the ministers were accused of recklessness and carelessness of every thing connected with domestic policy, what was to be said with reference to their conduct upon every thing relating to Foreign affairs? [(ministers were charged with too great a resemblance of Whip in their management of domestic affairs, on the Continent they were considered the most tremendous Tories that ever apper tained to any party in this country. And be really felt there was but too muchjustice in the observations of the noble lord, the mem ber for the University of Cambridge (Lord Palmerstou), when be declared, on Friday evening, that the character of England was disgraced and detested on every part of the continent. He confessed it was with the greatest pain and regret that he heard the right hon. gentleman, the secretary for the home department, hold so low a tone on the subject of the position of this country, with reference to the continent, and admit that the fear of war was the sole cause of that temporising system of policy which was so loudly com plained of. That tone was indeed so low as to form a remarkable contrast with the language used scarcely two years ago by the Minister who then directed the councils of this country. The nation reposed confidence in Mr. Canning, because he had raised its name to that great and exalted station which it ought to occult among the states of the -continent; and when he unhappily sunk he bequeathed to his country as a legacy an example of the consequences of a liberal but straight-forward and determined course of policy, which, it was fondly hoped, would be followed by his successors. The confidence, therefore, which the nation felt in Mr. Canning had been continued to his successors, and what had been the result? Why, that they had obtained the reputation of being considered the foes of every liberal institution, and of having leagued themselves in strict alliance with feeble Sovereigns and bigotted Ministers— (Hear, hear.) The whole mind of the people of these coon tries, whose good opinion, he contended, it was th e t rue p o li c y of ngland to maintain, had been alienated by this course, and, instead of being considered the friend, England was held to be the enemy of all liberal institutions. He was told, however, by the right hon. gentleman, that war must be avoided, and that this was the cause of their adopting the policy of non-interference ; bat be trusted that there would now be an. end of the confidence which the country had reposed in them who maintained such a doctrine. For he could tell them that by their abstain ing from all that was liberal and just, through the apprehen sions of war, the time might come when the question would be, not whether they were to abstain from a particular act because It might lead to war, but whether they would not have war forced on them, and forced on them, too, when they bad ;deprived themselves of the assistance and the good withes of all the friends of freedom, who, formed he was per suaded, the great (hear, hear) majority of the population. The honourable member then referred to that part of the speech in which Portugal was mentioned, and observed, that as they were told all hope of a reconciliation between the two branches of the House of linger= was at an end, they must now be prepared, he supposed, fur the disgrace of the formal recognition of Don Miguel. flow, he would ask, was this recognition to be effected? By what artifice was it to be managed? or after what form and In what language was the Sovereign of England to enter Into terms of amity and friendship with as usurper, who was acknowledged to have even broken the sacred word of royalty? Of the doctrine of non interference, which the right hon. gentlemen had contended for, he should say no more than that it always appeared to him to labour ender two objections —one was, that it was utterly im possible to persevere in it as a system; and the other was, that no nation in Europe would give this country credit for natality if it attempted it. (Hear, hear, hear.) The right honourable 'env*- , man had quoted the opinions of a great number of eminent Statesmen in favour of the position that it was important to preserve the integrity of the Turkish Empire. But it was most unfortunate for thiright honourable gentleman and his argument that, at the very moment when this country fur a long series of years had acknowledged Turkey as an ally, that moment Turkey tound her ancient enemy before the very gates of her capital.— Now, whatever might be the well-merited diffidence with which the people of this country regarded the wisdom and experience a - wawa .. =misters, with regard to our domestic aid commercial policy, they wets sur e ly folly justified. im licit:lg the utmost reliance in their military knowledge, when they saw ' how many distinguished military men held situations placing lu the present Administration—when they saw • Field Marshal I Premier, and recollected the high rank and experience of his right honourable friend the Secretary of the Colonies (Sir George Murray.) and of his right hon. friend, who held a distinguished place in the Ordnance (Sir H. Hardinge)—they could not but reel 'Surprise at the confidence which seemed to have been entertained with respect to the impregnability of the passes of the Balkan, after they saw they were travelled over by the enemy with as much ease as if it had been the turnpike road to Walmer Castle, (Mar, hear!) lie had declared he felt no confidence in the pre sent ministry; and if an individual so little distinguished as he was should be considered worthy of any reply, be trusted he should nut be met with the backnied language of wilts is held fit to take their places? He hoped he never should he told that the Hoenig Commons did not supply a number of men who were well to guide the councils of the country. and worthy the confirZr ii j the sovereign. It had been the fashion of late'to fill the posts of the Administration by reeruttleg among the tanks of their enemies. I n one case they sought an Attorney-Gel/9i from among the' Whip. In another they sought for a lir of the Mint in on Hoo. Member who had been among their opponents; and , Widen they ended by selecting a saint, be lig Dot know in what party they had nut sought for support (Mien lad a laugh.) Ns looked on this, not as an attempt to inmost the strung* el the Ministry, but as a means adopted to softewheeility ; aid hi ob jected to it as calculated to deem the Indepaiduato at the Reese of Commas by eadeawmalas to pat an ani ht thsedigint of parties, and reuderft wee, seep lit it an edielat swab* Pen neat. hest 0 The Hiltitrak 'llwaher doididd e by pardoo (or treiblii-the awe mrinich it length; blltilitt strongly on these subjects, and he knew this was the only occasion on which be could record his opinions. Mr. Secretary PEEL said he role to correct a most erroneous impression which the honourable Member had formed of what fell from him on a former night: He positively denied that belted used one word which implied the fear of war on the part of this Government—(Cheers) So cautious was he to avoid misap prehension on that point, that he never suffered himself to use the word " peace," in the course of what then fell from him, without studiously adding that he thought peace not worth bar ing unless it was such a peace as was consistent with the honour and character of the country—(Cheers.) They might avow— England was strong enough, and powerful enough, to enable them to avow, a love of peace without the fear of being supposed to shrink from the effort of supporting a just war— And let him tell the hon. gentleman that those nations who were not backward in avowing the love of peace, when the time of dif. ficulty came, would perhaps be found the most powerful and ready to sustain war. The hon. gentleman bad alluded to the foreign policy of this country, and had stated that the character of the country had suffered ; but his opinion seemed to have been formed upon vague rumours which he bad himself picked up somewhere or other. Among the rest, the honourable member had heard that the government of this country had used some sort of influence in the appointment of the present Ministry in France. He had no doubt but that the honourable member's other information was equally erroneous, when with regard to this only definite charge against the foreign olicy of the country, he ventured to assure him that never was there a charge so utterly void of loins dation. There never had been any communication direct or indi rect, between any party in France, and any person belonging to the government in England, respecting the appointment of the Printer de Polignac. A Mascara spoke to the bitter and general distress which per vaded the country, but trusted in its character and energies for a return of its prosperity and comforts. He had heard with great satisfaction the determination of his majesty's ministers to main tain inviolate the laws which had been passed upon the currency. Mr. Alderman W AITH MAN contended that the class of re tail traders were suffering a degree of distress equal to that which had fallen upon any other class of the community. He had no confidence in ministers, and he believed, in saying so, he repeated the opinion of a great majority of the people. Mr. ROBINSON said, that he approved of that part of the address which assured the house of the continuance of that foreign policy which was likely to maintain for the country the blessings and advantages of peace. He bad voted for the amendment be. cause be thought it stated the condition of the country more truly, and because he meant to support all measures of inquiry. Lord NOR MAN BY said he had heard with much satisfaction what bad fallen from the right hon. gent. as to the foreign policy of the country, and laJped the government would act up to it. There was an opinion on the Continent that the general tendency of the present policy of England was in favour of despotism. Mr. H. DA VIS said that from the information he bad recently received, the distress of the trading classes was not so great as it had been represented to be. He had also seen a gentleman of high respectability and large landed property in Ireland, who had assured hint that he knew one property in that country producing a rental of 30,0001. where there had not been a single deficiency in the pay mate of rent. Mr. SA DL1.31. deprecated the practice of introducing the opi nions of individuals who might po overgrown capital, to divert the attention of the house from those enquiries which ought to ensue if they discharged their duty toward+ the labouring and pro ductive classes who sent them there, and who were the parties upon whom all the distress and suffering fell. Amongst these the distress was but too general, as no man could doubt; and the most courageous, humane, and patriotic course they could take was to court enquiry until they found'a remedy. Sir J. STEW Ala denied that the distress was general in Scotland, the only interruption to its prosperity arose from the badness of the harvest, which bad delayed the payments of rent, owing to the difficulty of effecting sales of agricultural produce. Mr. O'CONNELL said that he had received letters that morn ing from Ireland, confirming what he had before stated to the house as to the prevalence of agricultural distress in Ireland. Mr. FY LER said that he could bear testimony to the esistence of extreme distress in those parts of the country with which he was acquainted. In the city and county of the city of Coventry, and in many parts of Warwickshire, and in other places there were thousands in such a state of distress as not to be able to support themselves. He could also state from information received from the directors of the pour, that many persons who were formerly in comfortable circumstances were in that state, that they were with held solely by feelings of shame from receiving parochial aid. In one district of the county of Warwick was a parish containing a mixture of manufacturers and sgrsculturists. The population amounted to 7,100 persons, on a space of 6,500 acres. Of these there were 2,000 receiving parochial relief,-2,100 not receiving relief, but not able to contribute any thing to the rates, the whole weight of which was borne by 500 heads of families, the repre sentatives of the other inhabitants. These were facts which spoke for themselves, and no doubt many similar could be adduced, If every hon. member were to answer the call that had been made upon him, and state candidly what was the actual con dition of the people in that part of the country with which he was connected. The hon. member then briefly contended that the arguments as to the prosperous state of the country which I had been drawn trom the increase of our exports and the increas ed business on some of our canals, were utterly without foundation. To prove .that these were instances of prosperity, it should be shown that the increased exports were a profitable and not a losing trade, and that the increased business on the canals which had been named, had not been the result of the diversion of the trade of other canals in that particular direction, or the result of the di minution of land carriage in the same line. He rejoiced at the manly view which had been taken of the state of the country by the right hon. member for Liverpool, and he hoped that that right bon. gentleman, seeing the course which bad been adopted by so many other states with respect to their trade, would fed it twee,• sary to reconsider the subject of the free-trade system. He was glad to hear the promise of economy which bad been held out in the speech, but he was sure the noble Duke at the head of the Govermunet, to do any thing effectual, must either bring down our expenditure to our resources, or raise our resources to our expenditure. Mr. ROBINSON, in explanation, said he had been mistaken in attributing to the right hon. gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the observation that the hon. member for Kent had In troduced the amendment to the address from sinister motives. Mr. A. BA RING said be did not rise on this endless subject to follow any of the several hon. members who had preceded him, into the theories which each raised as to the causes of the present distress. It was not to be denied that distress existed at present In the country to an extent which had not been felt for many years; and it was the more severely felt, because now, at the end of fifteen years of peace, when we had reason to expect our con dition would be much improved, it was rather in a worse con• ditiun than at the commencement of that period. Reason upon it which way we would, we could not shut our eyes to the fact, and it struck him as useless to be endeavouring to ascribe it to this or that particular came, for to no one of the camas mentioned could it be fairly ascribed? It would be better therefore to apply our ' selves to the remedy, for it seemed to him that distress so general in its nature must be ascribed to sense general cause. He had his own opinion as to the Several causes which had been assiened.eut be owned be could not bring himself to believe that it was to be attri buted to any one of them. Let it be recollected, that if we felt distress, we were not the only nation in that condition ; it per vaded every country, from one end of Europe to the other, and extended to countries beyond the Atlantic—(Hear, hear, hear.) • A distress, then, which was so general in its extent, must, as he had stated, have some general cause—(Beer, hear.) — What that cause was, he must own he could not state, but he thought that man must be extremely ignorant of the nature sod extent of the evil who should say, " government most know it ; gosternment must apply the remedy ;" or as the farmers said in Some piece's, " government must do surre'ai" What could that government, or what could that house do to remedy the evil? He should like to see any man point out the course that ought to be pursued, and say, "tined the remedy."— Ho would admit with those gentlemen who advocated the apical ral interest, that that body was suffering in a greater degree than any other class of the community. Yet it would not be denied that this distress existed without any very low prices (Acorn; for corn was not on the average at a higher price for the last five years than it was last year, and up to the present. But the diffi culty felt by agriculturists was this : they had two bad years, and the farmer, owing to the nature of the corn-laws, obtained In one year the high price which would be a compensation to him for low prices in the preceding. Of these laws, however, the farmer could not complain, for they were made for his protection. (Hear, hear.) He might, perhaps, say, that be had not that protection to which be was entitled. In his (Mr. Baring's) opinion, a higher rate of protecdoo to the farmer could not be compensated by him to the country in a year of great seareity $ and if he obtained its it would be at the expense of a starving porde. dos—(l4esr.) It had always been a doubt in his mind whether the country could stand that kind of protection which the agri cultural interest required. At the same time, be would not. do swag with those corn laws which now edited, for that would be M Wect to dispossess an immense portion of the land•owoers ; for such were the charges upon land la a variety of shapes, that If protection were withdrawn, it would leave the present land owners little more than mere nominal proprietorship It wet. therefore, Only in a ease of the greatest • neesesity that * could consent to any alteration In the present *ton of oat earn laws. The question of the currency had been touched upon by many gentlemen who bad very different views respecting it. He was not going to enter upon it at that time, but he must admit that th e withdrawing of the small note circulation, however much be con sidered it as a measure of sound policy, was still one which bad been productive of much suffering. He had concurred in It on the ground he had stated, for he believed that the continuance of that currency would be productive of evils much worse than its removal bad created; but that the removal had created more distress than bad been anticipated, at the time, he could not deny. (Hear.) — But he did not think that the evil was such as to create a main ingredient in the present general distress. It was said, in answer to the objections against the removal of the small notes, that there was at present a greater money circulation in the country than existed when the notes were issued. That might be true ; but then it did not circulate into those minute channels through which the notes passed, and by which much activity Of business was kept in small towns. It was in those places that the loss of the small note circulation pinched most severely. He did not think that the distresses generally felt were the effects of the removal of a paper circulation, nor did he think those he had alluded to more particularly as the effects of the withdrawal of that circulation in small towns were hopeless of remedy without the recurrence to that system. The distress of the manufacturers he admitted to a certain extent ; but, compar ed with the condition of other interests, they were in a state of pros perity. It was no proof of distress in manufacturing districts to say that business was absorbed by a few large capitalists, for these things should be considered in the general state of the trade. If that which was formerly done by band was now performed by steam. or power looms,—if machinery was made to supply the place of manual labour, however much he might wish that it were not so, yet it must be taken with all its consequences ; and if any particular manufacture fell in this way into the hands of a few, it was like the breaking up of the small farms and turning them into large,—a matter with which the legislature could, not in terfere. The trade or agriculture must still be considered as a whole, without reference to the minor changes which may have taken place in its mode of management. He would now say a word as to another subject which had been introduced—he meant the general one of our foreign policy ; and on this he owned be differed widely from theme who blamed the government of this country for non-interference in foreign disputes. Some gentlemen who from year to year spent their summers in travelling on the continent, and who did not meet in the several towns through which they passed with all that attention which they considered due to them, took it, forsooth, into their heads that Englishmen were not respected, and that the English name was brought into contempt, because its government was not constantly interfering in every squabble in the continental courts.—(Hear!) In the policy adopted by France, Prussia, Austria, and other continental powers, many things might be important in continental affairs, which to us, situated as we were, ought to be matters of utter indifference. It was sufficient for us to take care that danger did not come too near our own shores. Undoubtedly, our long relations, political .and commercial, with Portugal, rendered the affairs of that country matters in which we were interested, but this did not-extend to an interference in her internal government. It was true that the person who now occu pied the throne of that kingdom was a disgrace to the crowned heads of Europe, but nevertheless he (Mr. Baring) felt grateful to our government that it did not go to war for the purpose of re moving him. He would prefer that the authority of the other claimant of the crown should be recognised; but why we should in volve ourselves in war to procure the recognition was what he could not see. Nothing, he believed, was more generally acknowledged by all parties than the expediency of adhering to a specific policy in the present state of the country. (Hear, hear, bear.) — Amongst other topics he could not overlo ik the happy results which had followed a late important measure for restoring tran quillity to part of his majesty's dominions. lie alluded to the complete pacification of Ireland, and was gratified at length to see the conclusion which bad been put to that solemn mocker y so long subsisting, in defiance at once of the legislature and the govern ment.—(Hear, hear.) On the subject of our relations with Mexico, he could not express himself with so much satisfaction. Wbik that country continues in its existing anomalous and unsettled condition, it must be placed under the temporary domination of one military chieftain or another—such as Santa Anna or Bolivar,—and various evil., which will more or less affect our selves, must ensue. lhose who venture money would of course be obliged to take their chance; but such a state of things must necessarily prevent the growth and settlement of their civil establishments, and the capital invested by English merchants in mines and otherwise will be so far embarrassed, if not put in jeopardy altogether. The attempts on the part of Spain to recover her colonies had already proved unavailing ; and he thought it was now high time to see a proper footing established from hencefor ward between them. We at least ought to have observed a consist ent course of conduct between the parties. If interference was jus tifiable in the case of the Mexicans as assailants, we bad surely an equal right to interpose when Barradas made his descent from the island of Cuba. This project was executed so late as 1819, and yet with no better success than before. Since 1825, when the declaration was made, no change had taken place, although the interval consisted of no less a space of time than seven years. The whole political world were now satisfied to conviction that the efforts of Spain had been totally abortive and unavailing, and that the question was therefore solved against her. He hoped that the right hoe. gentlemen opposite would be induced by those con siderations to use their most earnest persuasions with the Spanish monarchy, in order to attain a permanent cessation of hostilities. According to the present tone of ministerial arguments, it would appear the principle of de facto government was likely to be main tained in the caw of Portugal ; and if so, undoubtedly the same argument would apply here. Mexico likewise bad a defaces go vernment, which was undisturbed by any of the attempts, which had been hitherto directed against it. Before he sat down,in jetties to the ministers, be must say, that judging of the general operation of their measures throughout the country, he could discover nothing of au unfortunate character, which could with propriety be laid at the door of government, and he should on that account. be sorry to see the administration embarrassed or disturbed. Mr. AT I'l% 0013 said, that he by no means agreed with the opinions of the honourable gentleman, who seemed to think that an the measures of the existing ministry had tended to promote the general interest of the country, having been the result of de liberate wisdom and prudent political calculation. In sentiments couched in such sweeping and unequivocal terms, be could rot acquiesce. The notoriously distressed and disastrous state of the British population offered, in his judgment, a decided contra diction to so unmerited a panegyric. Our general impoverish ment was very easy of explanation, being mainly attributable to the change in the currency, as .d the consequer.t alteration of the value of money. That single measure had imposed an addi tional burden of la, 50, or 40 per cent. on every man in the com munity, in all cases of deed, mortgage, settlement, or contract. He regretted that his bon. friend had deemed it fitting to indulge so much in a laudatory strain, as, for his own part, he should wish to witness more of modesty within doors, and leas of vituperation without. Every one was by this time aware that the nation, in general, entertained but an humble opinion of the wisdom of Par liament. The people reproached their representatives collectively with inefficiency for the adequate discharge of the grzat functions which were imposed on them as members of that house. The ope ration of the legislature bad originated the distress, and were also calculated still further to increase it. Mr. THANT said a few words to a similar effect. He wished to know what was to become of the farmer, or bow he was topic a livelihood, when told by a high parliamentary authority that over-production was the cause of all his di Mr. M A BERLY was of opinion that it would be highly impo litic for the legislature to extend a remunerative protection to the agricultural interest, any more than to those who were concerned in cotton, iron, or linen. He attributed the distress of such numbers of the people to the local circulation ; and in practical In his elaborate treatise on political economy, Mr. Ricardo, if he s w p tSt ci on hat t t he mo be t c el r e w r ectans as ha scar nd, : ti of tt i r u les o c u ll g ot ho re con u a t it tlite i m n sv g p k t e io l l n e e o w f co e th u r e e ld k p i l d nz em ciia l. , naturally competed with capital, and in the end p roduced low had explained the principle by stating that re wh ar e e n rb g b r e e r a e t d and righ op g ul y' ent nations had a redundancy of wealth , capi tal distress would tie pthreoficotsuutotrythemigwhotrkconingthicluaestsehse. same,public come. He apprehended that the people would foe a lon m suffer verdict's arise. To this state of thilnlige,usnaihthisoopughthionth,ewewhadealthnoowf could not exchange it profitably in other p arts of the world, and so from the lowtw two. if ; ou sn r d ia y bo et ur pe w rh e a r p e s r h e ig m h u h p e r i r c a e t s e d e a .: t r e h t g e g h g w r ti mesne e ve bad would become worse. As to steam machinery, be couside red we were chiefly indebted for our ability to pay taxes. He ord , in conclusion, that Ministers would adopt his recent suggest:a it a principal source of our prosperity. In tact, it wasto h it that Mr. HUMB that loafers the house should be called on auwithraurkesspinz that currency, as it would prove a material re lie f to to cuge the Illidaters woad lay before them a states:wet Ihn expenditure. The custom hal bum see auk eiglested ot i Ct as yssts, but he expected that a. =l"en=rl view of ways and means would on this aces It was thee rend *it. the bows should resolve Itself into a eanunkteeenstninewers M eilmider the same question. _ Oa the miles of Mr. Lasts, a Dew writ was ordered r member to se in Parliament for Koaresb o rousb, in t r ine r oom of the RW, Hon. George Tierney. Mr. ORMNIE moved ter leave to bring in OW to t( * ) rem elab k wa ta bk ; candwats ellivlap in Inland and Wales to eater _ -'441/1$ ter dmir dibss , by apeman with the owners of Is. an he nd he he es. tat ad hat ish ea. ald in- ure go- ich is 100 ing at rf he tat Die le- nt/ rot he ra- I . to the di- en- , Let. ish iwe in rly ros ?** ed tat 4 )•• be led . cal on- nn, a. he bat pl- ow of he- ow fer sit Re so td bat ed, lots 'to on yet on% t ca- o a a. a our ta- ble of it • y.;::: -: ~.;: