Star. — London, England, 1826-11-22 00:00:00

~' 0. two languages moderately ; but at least you were might two songs, Hostler and well ; but in ail thaiti me P)rtiament had not learnt .even a song. If it hasilongoeything, itlad takelt a lesion from the Neble and Learned E al on the`WoolsaCk—a lesson of pausing. If- you travelled and saw an estate in a ruinous condi tion, its fields uncultivated, its fences broken down, you would say that it was no man's land, or that it was in Chancery, and the Chancellor was doubting. If the country were in a state of distress, and the nation half ruined, it was because the Ministers were doubting.— Whilst the Chancellor doubted, estates went to rack and ruin— _ _ The LORD CHANCELLOR—That was when myLord King was ChanceUor—(General laughter.) Lord KING resumed. 'fhe capital of the country bad d windled to nothing, because his Majesty's Ministers liad be .n pausing and doubting. They were most ex craw dinary pausers, and to d.) justice to the Noble and Le.ttned Earl, his pausing did mischief to poor suitors only, but theirs to the whole country. A revision and alteration of the Corn Laws were in contemplation; but whether the new Cora Bill would be made a Cabinet quest;on was not known. It had been made one in 1815, when a protecting price of 80s. per quarter had been modestly demanded. Let their Lordships look at what hid passed at all the meetings which had taken place in the country. They, he was sorry to say, and the other House, were considered as two bodies of Landowners, having the power of passing laws, and not ♦ery scrupu lous in making nit of that power. It was believed that an implied contract existed between the Landowners and his Majesty's ' Ministers, by which the one gained high prices and the others a high establishment. There was a tax ation of fifty millions a year, and no reduction of the National Debt since the return of peace. And there was a peace, or rather in time of peace, a war establishment of twenty millions! His Ma jesty's Ministers seemed to be trying an eiperiment not how cheaply, but how dearly, Government could be carried on, and they bad obtained that " bad eminence," that they were the dearest Govern ment in the world. It was in their power to reduce the public ex penditure, and in order to induce them to do so, he should propose an Amendment to be added to the Address, which was at this mo ment before their Lordships. The Noble Lord then read and moved the following Amendment : " We trust that a steady adherence to just and liberal principles of policy will prevent a repetition of those distresses which, in the course of the last ten years, have repeatedly and severely ailicted all classes of your Majesty's subjects. " We have observed, with the utmost anxiety, those vicissitudes in the state and condition of the lauded, commercial, and manufac turing interests—those alternate seasons of prosperity and adversity —of a short and fallacious prosperity, followed by wide-spread calamity and ruin, so unusual, and so unnatural, in a period of pro. found peace. " We cannot avoid comparing the state and condition of all the great leading interests of the country during the last ten years of peace, and contrasting it with the uninterrupted prosperity and eumfort enjoyed by all classes of our fellow.subjects during the ten tears which followed the conclusion of the American war. At that period the civil and military establishments were fixed on the most economical scale of expense—the advantages of our insular situation were duty appreciated—a state of peace was then, also, a state of repose from unnecessary taxation ; the wise economy which Worded ease to the subject, prepared. at the same time for the Government, the means of those astonishing exertions which were called forth in the course of the last war—at the same time, with a taxation exceeding fifty millions, little, if any progress, has been made in the reduction of the National Debt, and with a peace esta blishment of twenty millions, nearly quadruple, we fear that, from the state of our finances, this Kingdom is very ill prepared to resist the aggression of foreign States. " During the former peace the prohibitory laws did not apply, in practice, to the most important article of produce—to the trade in corn. The ports of Great Britain were then constandy open to the admission of foreign wheat at a low, and almost nominal duty, and at no period of our history did the landed interest, as well as the whole community, enjoy greater security and prosperity. The existing laws, which prohibit the importation of foreign corn, ex cept when the price of grain shall have risen in the home market to an extravagant height, are found to be highly detrimental to the public prosperity ; the cause an unnecessary waste of labour in the cultivation of poor lands; they enhance the cost of food; they di minish the profits of stock; they have a strong tendency to drive capital abroad; they are most injurious to trade, by limiting the beneficial exchange of foreign raw produce with the manufactured produce of British industry ; they encourage the establishment of rival manufacture in foreign countries ; and, lastly, they are unjust, inas much as they prevent the people from obtaining a supply of the first necessary of life at the cheapest market. During the former peace,and until the unfortunate era of 1797, the currency of the country was in a more Geed and perfect state, being composed in large peopor don of the Uwful gold coin of the realm, not in its nature liable to excessive issues and sudden contraction, we have since endured all the evils arising from a large, and in many instances, from an increased circulation of paper, creating, at one time, by undue ex tension, an artificial and delusive prosperity ; and, producing at another time, most sudden and severe reverses, destructive alike to prosperity and industry. In the course of ten years of uninterrupted peace, we have observed, with the utmost pain, the frequent recur rence of a state of calamity and ruin, unexampled in the midst of war, and feel convinced that, the only substantial security for the future, will be found in all traces of those innovations in our mone tary Elysian, made in 1797, together with such additional securities as may be necessary to place that part of the currency consisting of the promissory note of private bankers, on a solid foundation; and above all, in respect of the Corn Laws, and in the abolition of all that is still suffered to remain of the impolitic prohibitory code, which sacrifices the interests of the many to the few, and favours the producers at the expense of the great body of consumers, who ate of the community at large." The LORD CHANCELLOR then pot the Amendment to the Vote, and it was rejected nab /ikon* and news. coos. The LORD CHANCELLOR then put the question, that the original Address be agreed to. The Earl of LAUDERDALE objected to the House pledging itself to grant an indemnity for the Order in Council (as the Address implied), before that Order was laid before the House. He would, on that proper occa sion, state his reams for dissenting from the policy of that Order; all he wished searewas to caution the House against pledging itself implicitly to the Indemnity Bill, by too readily concurring with the Address. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM cordially agreed with the Address, though he could not but wish that Minis ters had declared their intentions of applying themselves to the real cause of the diseased state of the country, by embarking in a sound plan of retrenchment, and of di minutions of the public burthens. Without this the country would be jacialus per undas—one day pros perous, another steeped in distress, floating like the froth of the sea over the waves of chance, till the country would, he feared, be irremediable. This was, in his mind. the main source of renovation to the state—re trenchment in the public expenditure. Adapting the expense of the state to its means, and not a rivalry of extravagance with foreign nations, were the :luaus he would recommend. Free trade principles, or an alter ation in the system of the Corn Laws, without this necessary preparation, would be of no avail—if not actually injurious. He hoped, therefore, that Ministirs would realise the expectations of the country, by firmly pursuing some wholesome plan of retrenchment ; the country expect it front them. Without It, it would be folly to talk of the C orn Laws or free trade principles. The Agricultural interest did not set k far high prices, but for remunerating prices, under the bur then, which they and the other interests of the country were labour ing under. The Noble Duke concluded with censuritg the mea sures of ;Ministers in the last Parliament in relation to the currency. The Fad of DARN LEY entirely concurred with the observa thins of the Nobl e D u k e, and would support the Address, reserving to a proper opportunity the discussion of its contents. Lord CLIFDEN also thought the Indemnity Bill should be gr afted, as the failure of the oat crop in-this country and in Ireland, and the consequent necessity of 1, not only exonerated admitting a foieign suppl •Minis lets ttom blame for tie Orders in Council, but cons-. i minded the approbation of the House for the policy they then pursued. No men deserved better of their country thAn did Ministers on that occasion; and no men were mote lastly entitled to an unanimous Indemnity Bill from both Houses of Parliament. For that reasos he would support the Ad _dress of the Noble Earl (Conswallb). He toorthat opportunity of bearing testimony to the patient forbearance and amenity to tee laws of the suffering manufacturers, so deserving of the admiration of the House and the country—( Hear.) The Earl of LIVERPOOL did not wish to prolong this discussion, after the course which had been adopted by the Noble Baron. The Address was so framed as to render any opposition to it unnecessary. With respect to the amendment which the Noble Lord had proposed, the topics it embraced were of a character to ensure to it the condemnation of the House, embodying such opi nions as it did for discussion without notice. When the proper opportunity presented itself, he would not fail to express his sentiments upon the present subject; but as this was not the time for doing so, be would not now enter into any observations upon it. With respect to any address to be proposed when the Order in Council was laid before the House, that was not the regular course to pursue ; but it was to be followed by an Act of indemnity, and when that Act came before their Lord ships, it would then be in their power to move whatever resolutions they might think proper. It was only further necessary for him to remind their Lordships of what they ought not'to have forgotten, that one fortnight of, last summer was as alarming to this country as had ever been experienced in any country in the world; and also to remind the House of the change which subse quently took place in this country, and that more import ant still which had occurred in Ireland. With regard to the suggestion thrown out by the Noble Duke respect ing the currency, he (Lot d Liverpool) had the misfor tune to differ with him upon that subject ; but this was not the time to enter upon its discussion. The same observation applied to that most important subject, the Corn Laws; and he only rose now to say that this Par liament was carted in November under peculiar cir• cumstances for a special purpose, but he here gave notice that at the earliest possible period after the recess, it was his inten tion to bring forward that most important subject for the consider ation of the House. The original motion was then put Oa the motion of the Earl of LIVERPOOL, the Earl of Larrasatray was appointed Chairman of Committees. On the motion of the Earl of LIVERPOOL, the Standing niers of the House were ordered to be retained. Adjourned at Hate-ran Sts °Twat. HOUSE OF COMMONS. This being the day appointed for his Majesty's open. ing the present Session of Parliament, with a Speech from the Throne, the gallery was crowded at one o'clock, and at ten minutes to two the Speaker took the Chair. At two o'clock precisely the Usher of the Black Rod appeared at the bar, and summoned the House to attend in the other House, and hear the Speech from the Throne. On the Speaker's return, the House proceeded to swear in Members, and were occupied in so doing until half-past five o'clock, among the Members sworn in, we noticed • Sir Charles Grenville, Mr. Stuart Wortley, Sir Gerard Noel, Lord E. Somerset, the Hon. Mr. Curt, Sir John Sebright, Lord Nugent, the Marquis of Worcester, Mr. Charles Grant, and Sir George Clerk. The Speaker then proceeded to read the usual Sessional orders. The Clandestine Outlawry Bill was read a first, and ordered to be read a second time. The Customary Committees were ap pointed, and ordered to sit on certain days. RETURN NOR LEOMINSTER. On the Standing Order regubting the proceedings of the Roue in cases of double Returns, being read, Lord HOTHAM said, he was anxious to call the attention of the House to this Standing Order, which required that he should retire. He was thereby left in a difficulty, out of which he wished to be relieved: The return, instead of one indenture, had two. He had been returned, in conjunction with Mr. Bish and Mr. Ste phenson, for Leomiaster, and if the House thought proper to enforce the order, he should bow to its decision and retire. Mr. WYNN, hating cited a precedent to anew that a Member under such circumstances had been permit ted to take his seat, the same permission was given to his Lordship, and the conversation dropped. THE KING'S SPEECH. The Smut* acquainted the House, that the House bad been in the House of Peers to hear his Majesty's Speech, and to avoid mistakes he had procured a copy of it, which he would read to the House. The Right Hon. Gentleman then read the Speech.-fir which we the Ins ff plierelay. The Hon. T. LIDDELL then rose and said—ln rising to move an Address of Thanks to his Majesty, I wish to say, that I am not at all desirous to dwell at any length upon the subject. The task which I have to per form is not at any time an easy one, and not rendered more so by the peculiar circumstances under which I claim your attention. I shall, therefore, bespeak the indulgence of the House, while I am adverting to the topics comprised in that Speech, for which we are, I hope, about to return our thanks. Those are four in , number—lst. The late Order of Council for the im-, portation of Oats, &c. 2d. The conclusion of the War in the Burmese Territory. 3. The assurances from Fo reign Powers, and the exertions of his Majesty's Govern ment for the preservation of peace; and 4th. The dis tress of the country, and the sympathy of his Majesty with the sufferings of his people. And, first, as to the late Order of Council, with respect to which his Ma jesty " confidently trusts that you will see sufficient reason for giving your sanction to the provisions of that Order, and for can ying them into effectual execution." I will venture to say, that upon the beneficial conse quences derived from that proceeding, there is no dif ference of opinion in the country. It is needless to remind the House, that at the end of the harvest the most just and well founded apprehensions were enter tained, that the supply would not be sufficient ; and that, at the same time, the market prices were ex tremely high. When, therefore, the distresses of the manufacturers, both then and now, are considered, I will say, that if his Majesty's Ministers had not issued this Order of Council, they would have been accused of apathy to its distresses, and be as liable to the condem nation of the country as they are now entitled to its applause—(Hear, hear). But his Majesty's Ministers have pursued a better course—they did not shrink from the respunsibilittwhich was cast upon them, but broke through the shackles by which the country was bound ; and, by a well timed proceeding, admitted that corn which was wanted to our markets. Let the House take all those circumstances into their consideration, and they will not have any difficulty in. giving their full sanction and concurrence to the measures adopted by his Majesty's Government—(Hear, hear). The next suhject to which I shall advert is, the glorious termina tion of the Burmese war; and whatever difference of opinion may have existed as to its commencement, I think there can be no difference of opinion as to ics coo clthion having been glorious, as well to the Government of India as to the army which was engaged in it. For, in the first place, it was, is my opinion, a war of self-de.. htnce,provoked, by the conduct of the Burmese. As to its commencement, that I also think was just and necessary, because, from the circumstances, it was un avoidable. It has been often and justly observed, and it should always be remembered, that our empire in India is altogether an empire of opinion, and it is by moral influence, and moral influence alone, that we shall be capable of retaining that empire. When, therefore, that influence is attacked, and when all other moderate measures and negotiations fail. then we are compelled to h sire recourse to force both to resent the insult, and to chastise the aggression —(Hear,) and I sincerely hope, that the haughty and arrogant Court of Ava will be in future restrained from outrage, by the recollection of that chastisement which was so deservedly bestowed upon it. The next topic I shall draw your attention to, is the assurances which his Majesty has received from all foreign Powers, of their earnest desire to cultivate friendly relations, and I am sure that the House will cordially join with his Majesty in effecting the continu ance of peace, as well as in arresting the progress oPezia ing hostilities, and in preventing the interruptio n of peace throughout the world. While upon this subject, I will also express my hopes, that, from late events, more par ticularly in the West of Europe, we shall soon every where see the establishment of Representative Govern ments—(Loud (.'heer's from all sides of the House)—and of the assistance of this country to such designs, and of her perseverance in that liberal line of policy, I enter tain not the least doubt, so long as the management of our foreign affairs continue to be entrusted to toe pre sent distinguished individual who holds that office; so long will those duties be, as they hitherto have been, well attended to—(Hear, hear). The country does not, and will not, forget the timely recognition of the AMT. rican Colonies, and the valuable privileges which were thereby acquired for our trade. For these and other services, the country owes to that Statesman a debt of gratitude, which will be paid best and most to his satisfaction, by the approbation of that country. And here, I may be permitted to express a hope, that the time will soon arrive, when he can extend his efforts towards putting an end to the long protracted sufferings of poor, distressed, and persecuted Greece—(Cheers). I hope soon to see her restored to that freedom, and that rank, which so many associations concur in causing us to wish for, and to which she is, from every circum stance, so well entitled to. I fear I have wandered, in some degree, from the subject before the House, and I may, perhaps, have erred in doing so ; but I hope that I have not miscalculated, in supposing that the wishes of the House are in favour of a gallant nation, strug gling for her independence, and that, in wishing for its freedom, civil and religious, I shall meet with the ap probation of every Member of the Heise. (Cheers) And now, with respect to the expressions of his Ma jesty concerning the manufacturers—Sir, the country knows that his Majesty has felt for their distressed con dition—it has witnessed his munificent acts. Those acts speak for themselves, and I will not, therefore, weaken their effects attempting to dwell upon them. Upon by this subject I have certainly a more painful part to con sider. I am aware that the manufacturing interest labours under great and heavy privations, and is my earnest hope that the collective wisdom and united labours of the Representatives of the tzeple, may be able to secure to them relief. I am, myself, inclined to look favour. ably upon public affairs, although I admit that the retrospect of the past year presents a gloomy and griev ous aspect. But better prospects now aw a it us ; an d teas I infer first, because our internal consumption has not been diminished; and secondly, because our internal tranquillity has not been disturbed. Seducers have, it is true, appeared, as they will always do i n t i mes o f distress; they have endeavoured to lead the people astray, but I am happy to add that their temptations failed, and their designs were viewed with abhorrence. With respect to my own political conduct, I can only say, that I am not pledged to any set of men or mea sures, and that I will support the p resent Administra tion only so long as they are, in my opinion, right, and no longer; and so long as I am entrusted by the great county which has chosen me to be its Representative, I hope I shall de my duty as such honestly and inde pendently. But with respect to the state of the country, I do sincerely hope, from the events of last year, that gamblers and speculators have been driven away, and that the real capitalists will take their place, and be supported. I do also trust that the trade of the country will be be nefitted by those very circumstances which have lately agitated it; as the elements are cleared by a temporary convulsion, so it is my opinion the political horizon will reassume its serenity. Trade itself will improve, and .although its improvement may be slow, it certainly is progressive—(Hear, hear.) If I have diverged from subjects before the House, and strayed Inc. irrelevant matter, I have once again to u rge m y c l a i m to your indulgence—(Loud cheers.) For the encouragement with which you have heard, and the kindness with which you have received me, I beg to return my most heart felt thanks. It now only remains for me to read the Address which I have to propose. The Hen. Gentleman then read the Address, which recapitulated the leading passages of his Majesty's speech, with the expression of the grateful thanks- of the Commons for his care, and sat down amidst load cheering from an sides. The Hon. G. WINN, in rising to second the Address, felt equal anxiety and pleasure. He rejoiced that the first words to which he had the honour of giving utter ance in that House, were expressive of the loyalty which he felt towards his Majesty, for the constitutional and patriotic manner in which he had uniformly exercised his Royal Prerogatives, and particularly so on the present occasion. He was aware that the feeling of loyalty and attachment to his Majesty was prevalent throughout the House, and he knew too that the only satisfactory reward the Sovereign could receive for his continued acts of munificence and kindly consideration,was a more warm attachment from the subject. He was fully sen sible of the advantages he derived from following the Hen. Mover of the Address; he saw the favourable im pression which that Hon. Gentleman had made upon the Hesse, and although that circumstance must tend to render his (Mr. Winn's) imperfections more evident, still it would insure the proposed Address much consi deration and respect. Notwithstanding, however, the ability with which his Hon. Friend had remarked on the chief points in his Majesty's speech, still there were one or two subjects on which he felt it necessary to offer some observations. Of the glory arising from the way in•which the war in India had been conducted and concludeJ, there could be no question-.it would be no thing better than a waste of time were he to detain them by dilating on the management and finish of that wavi but he was induced to regard the peace which had been` made, because he thought there were particular reasons for believing that it would be as lasting as it was ho nourable. Under many circumstances the acquisition of territory was not desirable to a nation. With a com mercial people wealth too frequently introduced luzu r. luxury undermined and enervated industry, and ruin was the necessary consequence of what at first appeared to be a benefit. When a nation was essentially agricol. tural, she could boast of hardy sons, but they were far from being so intelligent as commercial people, and they therefore frequently became the labourers tor others._ Nor were a people decidedly warlike, more free from decay and destitution than those he had already enu merated. They might for a time run a career of glory, but the world soon became tired of bloodshed and de. vastation, and the soldier degenerated into the ruffi an and plunderer. In this country, however, we had th e advantage of uniting, he might say, the different g' od qualities of the different nations he had alluded to. As a commercial people, we were powerful beyond rivalry ; as an agricultural people, we possessed ample means for greatness; we had a sufficient space of diversified country, both flat and fertile, with an abundance of in dustry for its cultivation ; and, as a warlike peopl e , there was too strong a love of glory among us not to protect onr reputation, but too well-regulated a disci. pline for us to overstep the bounds of prudence. It w a from these considerations that he viewed with pleasure the peace which had taken place, and from them Ora he believed that it would prove beneficial and lasting. To thew that he had not over estimated the powers of this country, he would allude particularly to two tit. cumstances of recent occurrence. They would prove the power of Great Britain, and also the sound di , cre. tion with which that power was directed. The fist occasion was, when the admirers of freedom saw se ith dismay the thousands of France crossing the Ps rennet, for Spain, and sighed to launch this country into a fresh war, notwithstanding the vivid recollections of the eon. sequences of the last great struggle. Tnen the Right Honourable Secretary for Foreign Affairs directed the energies of the country sot to a useless and prejudicial expenditure of blood and treasure, but to increasing out own resources. He maintained our honour with foreign nations, and found fresh vent for the production of our manufactures. That it was wisdom, not fear, which stayed our arm, was evident from the second transac. lion to which he meant to refer. He alluded to the recognition of the independence of the new Stares of South America. To act for this country on the occasion, perhaps, required greater skill than was necessary on the other. He had to deal between States struggling for their independence and the Mo ther Country, which claimed dominion over them. It was not to say that because we bad a power superior to Spain that we should exercise it, but we were caled upon to act, as we had required others to do, io confor• mity with the Laws of Nations; and beyond all ques• tion the way in which that nice matter had been eze. cuted had fully proved that the Right Hon. Secre tart' possessed talents equal to the most trying occasion_ (Hear.) The justice of the course pursued had never been doubted, and the sound policy of it was proved by the subsequent conduct of the Continental euwen, who, gradually, though possibly too late, were adopt ins a similar measure to that which had opened a fresh market for our manufactures. Such conduct however was to be regarded with admiration, not only as it affected the questions to which it was parti cularly directed, bat also as to the effect it must produce in the feverish state of the public mind, when coofidence in those who composed his Majesty's Government was essential to the well being of the country. Ile unsettled state of the South American States yet required a pro. tecting countenance, and it was most gratifying fax the public to feel convinced that they might repose the most ample trust in the ability and conduct of thißight Honourable Gentleman to whom he had alluded— (Hear, hear). He felt with the Honourable Mover for the miseries which Greece endured, and most ardently did he hope that her persecuted children would soon meet with some relief. Whatever might be the result of the straggle, it was some consolation to know, that she could neither want the sympathy nor the assist ance, could it be rendered with justice to his country, of the Right Honourable Secretary—(Hear, hear). With respect to our military establishments, he must be permitted to say, that he could not conteno plate without a serious apprehension of danger to the country—any considerable reduction—and be deemed it of the highest importance that we should maintain our character as the arbitress of nations. H.l would now come to our other internal affairs, and in particu lar to the measure which Ministers had adopted for the admission of foreign corn. The circumstances were such as fully to justify that measure. Not only was there a deficiency in the crop of oats—and the strongest probability of a scarcity—but there existed the most serious apprehensions of a failure of the potatoe crop in Ireland. He could not bear even to think of the fear ful consequences which might have ensued if a defi cient supply of oats had concurred with a failure of the crop of potatoes in Ireland, of which the most alarm ing apprehensions were at one time entertained.— Having mentioned Ireland, he could not pass by the opportunity of expressing his warm feelings in favour of that interesting and beautiful country, and his sincere disposition to concur in any measures that may be proposed for her benefit, excepting such as might in any way compromise the Constitution in Church and State. Hon. Gentlemen might not all be fully aware of tt e importance of the potatoe crop to Ireland, but he could assure them that the tranquillity of the country was mainly dependant upon it. It was therefore imperative on the part of Government to adopt such measures as might best counteract danger of such appalling magnitude. He trusted the measures which had been adopted for the advantage of Ireland, coupled with the introduction of English capital into that coun- try, would be productive of the happiest effect, and he wished to impress upon the minds of Gentlemen connected with Ireland, the injurious effect of what ever obstructed the introduction of English ca l ital. He could not consider the Order in Council as in any manner pre judging the question of the Corn Laws. Upon that su'iject he was open to conviction, but so far as he bad yet been able to make up his mind upon it, he was not aware of the necessity of any alters* tion, anal this, indeed, was another reason why he approved of the Order In Council, because he greatly preferred the occasional inter ference of Government to any permanent alteration of the Cato Laws. With respect to the distresses of the country, he felt in common with every man the deepest regret that they bad been so long continued, but he would indulge the hope that they were now approaching their termination, and he was fonified in this hope by the fact that the deficiency which had appeared in the Revenue had not been shown in those departments of it which depended upon the internal consumption of the country. He did not strap lir ot the country—and it was acossolatlon to him, as great a consolation 10 him as it could be to any man to reflect, that it did not require any extraordinary talents to enable Gentlemen to do their duty to the country in that House. He had to apologize for having detained them so long, and would conclude with tie expression ot his confidence, that a House of Commons, composed of men. bi.vi"lg had the education of English Gentlemen, combined sub that sound and superior education which every man might give bini self,--amposest of men, who,e minds were free front prejudice Puke. and actuated by seal and anxiety for the welfare ot their country, would be enabled to co operate effectual y iu sta.:ding the