Star. — London, England, 1830-02-19 00:00:00

towns or places so selected, shall be according to the oldest qualifications known to the law, and the practice of the country—namely in all the inhabitant householders pcyiug scot and lot—or in other words assessed to any tax, parochial, or Parliamentary ; and the Committee are di rected to report such selection to the Secretary of State, who is to cause the same to be published in the Gazette, and to send copies thereof to the Lord Chancellor, the Speaker of the House of Commons, and the returning officers of such towns and places ; and such report is to be deemed, and taken to be, the enfranchisement of such towns or places to send Members to Parliament. Sixthly:—As the object of this Bill is to restore the repre sentation to its ancient purity, I propose, among other excellent old laws, now either repealed or become obso lete, to restore the principle and practice of pay ing Members the wages of attendance, accord ing to the value of money at the present day, which I consider should be 21. a day for citizens and burgesses, and 41. for Knights, or Members for counties. No part of our representative system is better established, and it remains the law at this day. If this principle had been strictly adhered to, as it ought to have been, few of the abuses that we now have to com plain of could have existed—for, as fast as towns fell into decay, they would have been relieved of the burden of sending Members to Parliament, and other larger and more wealthy and populous towns would have been en franchised. Seventhly :—I propose, after all populous towns and places shall be represented, that the vacant seats which may remain should be filled first by a repre sentation of those counties in Scotland now subject to alternate representation only, and then by adding one or two Members to such other counties in the Uuited Kingdom, as the Committee may think stand most in need of such addition : and it is provided, that before the Committee shall add to the County Re presentation, they are to add to the electors of all those cities and boroughs, (now open, and not justifying a Re pott upon the grounds stated in this Bill) by adding there to such Hundreds and Parishes round the same as the Committee may think proper, in order that the electors so augmented may be fully able to bear the burden of paying the wages of attendance. Eighthly :—in order to ensure to any householder assessed to any tax, the tight of voting, I propose to enact that any such person, who may not be included in any of the places to be enfran chised, may vote at the enfranchised town or place near est to his residence, provided he agrees to be assessed for payment of the wages, &c. With respect to Scotland, I feel that after the Petitions for Reform from Edinburgh, and almost every Borough in Scotland, now before the House, it would be most unjust towards the people of that part of the United Kingdom, and also most unwise and impolitic to leave the representation in Scotland in the state iu which it is : and, therefore, I mean by the foregoing enactments, that its representa tion shall be reformed and placed upon the same footing as that of England. Ninthly :—Having gone through the enactments as applicable exclusively to cities, boroughs, towns, and ports, in the United King dom, I propose as was proposed by Mr. Pitt in re spect of counties, that the right of voting shall be extended to copyboldera, and certain leaseholders, not only because the greatest authorities in the Law of England, with Lord Coke at their head, have laid it down that copyholdere have an estate equal to free holders, but because these copyhold lands and beneficial leaseholds, as they exist at this day, were tenures utterly unknown when the right of voting was limited to freeholds ; and above all, because their, copyhold and leasehold lands, bear the same proportion of taxes, parochial and Parliamentary, as is borne by freeholds. Freeholds also that happen to be situated in any town, that is a county by itself, ought rot for that reason to be taxed and unrepresented. I therefore propose, that the proprietors of such property shall be entitled to vote for the county at large. Then, again, with respect to Scotland :—it is a fact well knows to the Gentlemen from that part of the kingdom, that voters for counties are manufactured by a sort of trick : that ie, by separating what is called the superiority from the property ; and thus voters have been created that have not a foot of property in the county. Is this Re presensation of the landed interest ? I propose, there fore, to put an end to all such fictitious means of creating votes ; and as a large mass of landed property is now held by what is called Feu-rights, that is beneficial leases for lives, or long terms of years, and subject to its full share of taxation, I propose that this property, like the copyholds in England, shall be represented. Tenthly : I propose ' that all persons now in possession of a right of voting for counties in Scotland, arising merely from superiority without property, shall be en titled to vote for the city or borough that shall be nearest to their places of residence, provided they agree to be assessed for the wages of their representatives. By the eleventh enactment of this bill, I propose to enact that no per s on, now having the right to vote for any city or borough, shall again exercise such right unless he be re sident within the same ; but that all such non-residents shall be entitled to vote for the city or borough nearest to his place of residence : it being the object of these enact ments, that no person shall he disfranchised. As I consider it necessary that regulations should be adopted, to prevent the enormous expense that often takes place at elections, I propose by the twelfth enactment, that it shall be the duty of the Committee to make such regulations as they think proper for this purpose ; and also to render the act of voting as little ine,onvenient as possible to the electors. 1 foul our system of Representation greatly altered for the worse by some modern Acta of Perliaineut: these I propose. by the 13th enactment of this Bill, to repeal. In the fir: t place, it is cotorious that the only reasons iVell for pa , sieg the Septennial Bill have long since aeased to exist. Therefore I propose to repeal that Bill— namely, the 7th of Geerge I. In the next place, I do .: find, from the time of Henry 111. down to the 9tb year of the rt ign of Queen Anne, that there was any law thd wink it necessary for citizens and burgesses to be d oflanded estates of the annual value of 3001. or say other stun, in °reser to be qualified to sit iu thieHouse: while I find, that from the most ancient times, namely, by the Ist of Henry V. c. 1. it was wisely enacted" that such citizens and burgesses of cities and boroughs be chosen men, resident, dwelling, and free in the same ) cities and boroughs, sued no other in any wise."—L therefore propose to repeal this modern act ofQueen Anne, as it relates to the qualification of citizens and burgesses to sit in Parliament. By the 14th enactment of this Bill, I propose to repeal a still more modern, and a still more monstrous violation of our old law—namely, the 14 G. 111. c. 59, which was the first act that was made to re peal the wise enactments of the first of Henry V. re quiring that the elected should be chosen from among the 'trident inhabitants of each place. But as some bo• roughs have the right by charter to choose from among themselves, or others, 1 propose - that the Committee by their report shall confirm such right either to tbeselli roundghs, or to s u ch t owns as they may select in their plies; a I propose to enact that aay inhabitant of hily tog it being elected, shall satisfy the let of Henry 111. di UR being free of that place, for the pUrpoie of serving 11 Parliament. I find by the Act of the 12th and 13th of William 111. " for the better securing the rights and liberties of the people," after solemnly declaring that 1 " the laws of England are the birthright of the people thereof," it is enacted, " that no person who has an office or place of profit under the King, or receives a pension from the Crown, shall be capable of serving as v member of the House of Commons. Now, I hold these wise laws of our ancestors to be the land-marks of the Constitution ; and therefore, I propose that the 6th of Queen Anne, c. 7, which by allowing placemen to vacate their seats and be re-elected, has entirely defeated the wise provisions of the 12th and 13th Wm. 111. be repealed, and to declare that the Act of King William was intended to apply to all offices and places of profit under the King, that then existed, or should thereafter exist.— Lastly, Sir, I consider it expedient to repeal, not only such acts as have been passed for upholding what Bishop Burnett and the great Lord Chatham called the rotten parts of the Constitution," but also such as touch the eligibility of members to serve in Parliament, if the same shall have been made in a particular case, and from per sonal motives towards any individual ; and particularly when the rights and interests of a large and learned body of men have been thereby improperly affected. Now, I consider the act that was passed against Mr. Horne Tooke in 1801 in this light, and as the late Lord Thurlow, whose authority I presume may be quoted in this House, pro nounced this act to be uncalled for, unjust, levelled at a single individual, and infamous, from having an cx post facto operation against Mr. Tooke, and all who had then taken holy orders—several of whom had actually sat in this House ; and asMr. Tooke himself did, in reference to this Act, leave a most severe satire behind him upon this House (which, I think, ought to be wiped away,) by thanking his old friend, the then Prime Minister, for his great lenity and kindness in only proposing such a Bill (which Mr. Tooke accepted as the highest compliment that could be paid to the end of his political life) be cause, if the Minister had proposed a Bill to have bad Mr. Tooke taken out of this House, and hanged in the Lobby, the same majority would have been equally ready and willing to have passed it. Therefore, for the honour of Parliament, as well as in gratitude to the me mory of this learned, uncorrupted, sincere, and daunt less Reformer, in whose steps I am now presuming to tread, I propose, by the 15th enactment of this Bill, that this Act shall be taken off the Record of the Statute-book, and cancelled, or otherwise defaced, to the end that no such Act shall be visible in after ages, and that it shall be wholly repealed.— There is still one other principal enactment more, and that arises from the present and alarming state of the country. I believe this measure to be absolutely neces sary to our safety, and I would wish to see the provisions of this act executed in the most deliberate and consi derate manner : but I cannot shut my eyes to the im minent peril of our situation, and to the fact, that it might becomo of the last importance for the country to have the benefit of the provisions of this act before it could be possible for the nation to receive it from the' Reform Committee. I consider it, therefore, proper to have an enactment to the following effect That if this Parliament shall be dissolved before the Reform Com mittee shall have reported upon the Cities and Boroughs tO3 it is required to do, so that the country shall not be in possession of the benefits contemplated by this act, then and in that case, no writ for the election of Members to serve in Parliament, shall be sent to those places that have so fallen into decay as to be unable to bear the burden of paying the wages of attendance according to the provi sions of this Act, and where there is notoriously a direct -Proprietary interest or domination in returningthe Mem bers of this house, and such places shall be enumerated in the Bill ; and to enact that writs in place thereof shall be sent to the Sheriffs of such Counties for the returns of citizens and burgesses of such large, populous, and unre presented, or Inadequately represented towns, as his Ma jesty, with the advice of the Privy Council shall think proper: and that the returns of Members to serve in Par liament from all such towns, as well as from all other cities and boroughs to which the King's Writ is sent, shall be made by the votes of a majority of the inhabitant householders, assessed to any tax parochial or Parliamen tary, and consenting to be assessed to the wages of at tendance : and that all the provisions of this act shall be in full force and virtue, the same as if the Reform Com mittee had made the reports which are hereby directed to be made. Then there are enactments to secure the regular attendance of the Committee— to exclude from the operation of the bill, the universities of Oxford, Cambridge, and Dublin—and that each Member of the Committee shall take the oath I will now read : I " I do solemnly promise and swear that laying aside all private interest or motives, I will to the best of my judgment, faithfully execute all the provisions of the act under which I have been appointed a Member of the Reform Committee, according to the plain and ob vious meaning of the said Act, as set forth in the pre amble, and enactments of the same, and if it shall ap pear to me that any improvement can be made in the said Act for the better fulfilling the clear intentions of the legislature as therein expressed,—l will not fail to pro pose that such improvement shall be reported to the House of Commons, or to vote for it if proposed by others, and that in a matter of such importance as res toring to the House of Commons the perfect confidence of the nation, and securing for ever the rights and liberties of the people, I will consider it my duty to be re gular and punctual in my attendance on the said Committee, sickness, or any other unavoidable cause alone preventing such attendance." Finally, Sir, as respects the question 4/compensation, I do not propose any compensation to the proprietors of boroughs, because I maintain that itnever was intended by the law, that it should be possible for any body to qualify any thing like a proprietary interest in the representation of the people, and that all such in-, Wrests are obtained either by means positively and strictly forbidden by the law, or in consequence of a manifest per version of its spirit and real meaning. On this point it was well observed by the late Honourable Member for Durham, in 1821, that " it would not be depriving them of any thing they ought to have—it would be depriving dem only of the corrupt and unconstitutional practica bility of selling seats in Parliament, or bartering them for places, pensions, sinecures, and other appointments in the 'gift of the Minister." I will not, therefore, at the present day, be the proposer of any coaventation tothe tr affi ckers of seats in Parlianient. I am aware, Sir, that Mr. Pitt, and Mr. Wyvill, and many honest reformers of that day, did adopt the princi-i pie of compensation ; and I have heard that when it will' iptoposed to Mr. Pitt on the part of hbreughs to accept the honors of the l ion, he spurned vie the itka ly lls) same answer which I have sent Minister returned, when a Dukedom pendiary compensation were required •"fhe'Dubeiftim is out ' tither terns of place antr stifend whenever the vamincy happens." been riptouched,'lind ' think eery• justly' of these propri6tets df boroughs- went, and allowing them to keep their borobghe into the bargain. An actor in this scene has re corded his opinion, iu explaining the philosophy of the preposition " along. Thanks to Pitt, it is along of him that we not only keep our boroughs, but get peerages into the bargain." " Curses on Pitt, his along of him, that the free Constitution of this coun try is destroyed." " I suppose that Lord Lonsdale, Lord Elliott, and the father of Lady Bath, would not mean to impute any fault to the Minister in the former of these sentences, though the People of England do certainly impute an inexpiable crime and treachery to hint in the latter." Not only, then, have the greater part of these proprietors been thus already compensated in advance; but among whom have the millions of debt, under which this nation is now sinking, been distributed for the most part, but among these proprietors, their relations, friends, dependents, and tools ? Still, though I will not he the proposer of compensation, if there were any dan ger of this Bill being lost for want of giving compensation, in the case of certain burgage tenure bo roughs where no Peerage had been obtained, I would think it better—much as I disapprove of the principle—to give compensation, than to allow this measure to be de layed for a single year ; because I know that millions and millions would thereby be saved to the country ; and be cause I would buy off an unjust claim,rather than be sub ject to the delay and danger of a long and expensive liti gation. But, Sir, when I find from a petition presented to this House in 1793, that it was offered to be proved at our bar, that a majority of the House of Commons are re turned by less than-two hundred individuals, how can the nation afford any thing like compensation for the com mand of a majority of the House of Commons ? The thing is beyond all price ; it must be granted as a matter of grace from within these walls ; or by the Holy Goa it will come, as the great Lord Chatham predicted ! (and, in truth, it seems advancing with rapid strides) with a vengeance from without. Now, Sir, I will not trespass much longer upon the attention of the House ; but before I conclude, I am desirous of noticing two ar guments which have been urged against Reform ; both of which I think it not improbable may be used against me this evening. lam aware, Sir, that it has been asked in this House by a late splendid orator, and with somewhat of triumph, by reason of the silence that followed the question, " If it be meant to carry back the Constitution to former times, name your period." The question, I must confess, always appeared to me sophistical. lam for re novating the Constitution in the important particnlars I have referred to. lam for repairing the breaches which time has made in its walls and - for conducting these repairs, and restorations upon ancient prin ciples and mu I to be told that my plan is absurd, or my proposal unreasonable, because I cannot mention the Anno Domini when those princi ples were all found co-existing and eo-operating at the same timo ? Those principles were developed by degrees, l and from time to time ; and I confess I see no absurdity in saying that some of these ancient principles of the Oonstitution are to be sought for in Magna Charts : Some in the Act " Dc tallagio non concedendo ; some in the Statutes for regulating the frequent holding of Parliament ; some in the statutes for fining Sheriffs for mal-practices ; some in the Statutes for fixing the quali fication of burgesses; some in those for securing frank and fair elections ; and some in the Petition and Bill of Rights. All these principle/ I call ancient principles, and a return to them would be a return to ancient prin ciples, although those principles do not bear the date of the same year. To tell me that I shall net have the benefit of this range of inquiry, but that I must confine myself and my observations to a particular year, is to play the Dictator in argument, and to impose grievous condi tions, indeed, upon the inquirer after truth. I wish to restore the Constitution to its proper form and energies, and to do it upon ancient principles—not the pnn ciples of this or that particular year of our Par liamentary history, but as they may be &mid diffusively, some in Magna Charts, some in this, some in that writ of summons ; MAW in this, some in that Act of Parliament ; but still forming a large aggregate of good Constitutional authorities for amendingand repairing the Constitution of this House. The other argamort which has been used against this measure, and to which I will very briefly ad vert is this • and strange to say it is one , which wears the mantle of Whig authority. It has ien insisted that "No Reform can ever be peaceably carried other wise than by a friendly administration, and that' all plans which will not bear the test of this condition, are either delusions or instruments of revolution." Now, Sir, as I have before said, I really am disposed to hope that the present men in power may be inclined to look with no unfriendly eye upon such a measure. It must be evident to them that if an administration will not peacably concur in plans of reform, and the system of abuse shall reach its acme, a convulsion must occur. Disorganisation cannot be avoided, if they shall continue pertinaciously hostile to political ame lioration, and shall refuse to yield to the public urgency. Be these matters, however, as they may, I can safely affirm, that nothing is farther from my intention than to render my measure obnoxious to the charge of being an instrument of delusion, whatever other character it may attract. And now, Sir, as I strongly feel this public urgency, and as I am convinced that no one will be found at this time of day hardy enough to contend that the necessity of Reform is either the mere vapour of a dream, or the shadow of a shade, or empty whim and fanciful nothing, I do most confidently anticipate the proximate accomplishment of this gnat,. this just, this wise, this constitutional measure. Now, Sir, lam aware that bradopting the course pursued by the Honourable Member for Durham in 1821, by simply moving that this House will resolve itself into Committee upon the state of the Representation, and then in that Committee proposing Resolutions embodying the prin ciple of my bill, I might'possibly catch many votes, as there must doubtless be many Honourable Menibers fa vourable to some extent of Reform, who will be unwil ling to go the length I propose to carry the House. But, Sir, I should at this time of day deem such a mautnuvre unworthy of the grand object I propose lam for going straight forward at once to a clear and definite object. 1 ma strongly upheld by precedent upon the main principle Of my bill ; namely, the extension of the right of voting to all taxed-householders ; and the otherprovi sloes and repeals contained in it, appear to me so just rind !lemming, that no arguments will avail to warp iny itteations, or induce me to cut down my bill, to suit the' `views or interests of any party. I now move for leave -Istine is to restore the Constitutional Influence A IK England. 'END, _ . in his opinions, an object of the first importance, to administer relief to the people, and most sincerely sorry was he to see that no disposition to grant that relief had been manifested by go vernotent. When he looked to the two past sessions, with a grate. ful recollection of the important measures which they had passtd„ to the great benefit of the counwy, he had hoped that the present session alb would have been similarly distingued. But he now saw that parliamentary reform must precede every suggestion for public advantage, and on that account would support he noble marquis in his motion. People who were but lukewarm in the came, or at heart disinclined to it, were accustomed to lay hold on the de• tails of a proposed measure, and stop it in lignites, unaer pntenee of disliking such provisions. A similar advantage he trusted would not be taken on the present occasion. It was only lair that they should permit the bill to be introduced in the first instance, and then they might mould or oppose it as should hereafter be deemed expe dient. Corruption had in these latter times advanced materially, and it was now but too well known that the present Parliament dui not enjoy the confidence of the people—(hear, htar.) The C 114111,4 government was an honest and well-meaning government, he ac knowledged, but no honest government could he to derive strength from the support.of a Parliament which was not trotted With respect to the conduct of the - noble marquis, he thought i.e deservedi the highest credit for integrity and disinterestedness. It was not ptobable that he should long sit a member of that house, and in removing elsewhere, the success of his measure would operate to his prejudice, and he therefore advocated a reform which man: hereafter tend to the curtailment of his own power. Such a Left 's:, as far as he could judge, was at no period more necessary than now. Shit. WILSON said that he had much doubted the noble mar. quiz's sincerity last session, when he first introduced a motion upon the subject before them, as it did not appear to him that he had really put on the armour of a reformer. He thought that he had ostensibly avowed himself a champion of reform for the purpose of attaining better vantage ground to attack ministers for having carried another measure which he conscientiously opposed. He had. 1•ow• ever, no longer any doubt of his perfect sincerity, and felt cat:Wert that if it were in his power to-morrow he would execute all that le: had proposed. In short , he believed in his own reformation. T h e e principle he should always support, as he was sent thither by his coestituerits for that purpose. If reform had been long since ac tlentplished he was convinced that many burdens under which the purple now suffered would have been withdrawn ere now, and many almettious laws would have been effaced. Some of the latter, indeed, were repealed, owing to the liberality and wisdom of the right hon. gentleman opposite. He was sorry not to see the Attorney Germ] in his place, as he had wished to have made allusion to the law of libel, which that right hon. gentleman had been pledged, under the administration of Mr. Canning, to reform. This was assuredly one of those laws which ought to have been repealed, inflicting. as it did, transportation on second conviction. If reform had passed. we should not then have heard of men being dispossessed of their properties by a borough proprietor, because they had presumed to exercise their rights as freemen. (Hear, hear.) We should not the:. have heard of British citizens being treated on the footing of ro , s!, and chattels. They were now daily disputing as to whether ....,:e present distress was to be considered partial or general, but the question would have soon been set at rest if every mewh. were personally acquaiuted with the circumstances of his const; mans and able to declare them. He would advocate and support ~. fair ;ad free representation, and be was not authorised by hi constituents to go farther. It occurred to him that the measure pro posed was partially objectionable, as it gave somewhat too despotic a power to the committce,who were permitted to denote, ad tibilunt. what boroughs were fit for representation, and what not so. For hi part, he was most agreeably surprised at the suggestion that mem ben should have wages, and certainly could not bring himself to resist what was so pleasantly recommended. (Laughter.) On the whole, he was favourable to the introduction of the bill, and hoped that it would meet with a successful reception. Lord NUGENT expressed his willingness to vote with the noble ' marquis as the defects in the representation were so numerous that he had long acknowledged the general necessity for reform. His anti ments on this point he had already taken too many opportunities of expressing, to require his doing so on the presen t occasion. Al though be consented so far to supp support the bi • ir s hevowed himself to be comparatively ignorant of its details. Mr. HOBHOUSE had hoped to have heard some remarks on this subject from the opposite side of the house, and from some of the reformers about him. He (Mr. Hohbouse) voted for any thing like reform, and for one plain reason, that be conceived the present system the worst possible. Every day convinced him of the truth of his conviction, that, with all the forms of freedom, our system had almost all the disadvantages of the most corrupt principle of =Fe rmentation in existence. They (the members at the house) sat then —not by the consent of the people, . but with their dhsent--not by the will of the people, but against their will—sad not on the p's,, business, but their own—(hear.) He could not sentinivelow any 'person having his (Mr. Ho se's) notions of selkess, could differ from the noble marquis. As to the motion big unintelligible, he understood it to be a MONISM to reform the boluar and that was enough for him. With respect to the details, he Left that tes en after eonsideration..ht fixing attention upon parti als" mess, the Muse seemed desirous tomake the people believe that dry knew whim of general corruption; they fastened their fangs epee ease peer, needy, rotten borough, but the evil was in themselves --eseimminham eireassitspice. It was, as a noble lord behind him had sail, a fame and delusion. An hon. and learned gent. who, he hoped, would prove a powerful accession to the cause of reform (Mr. MennO) had said that "we had caught the wok*, and let us. H od, kill t r him." Bat the welf hear.. The motion :atsh: lad mang sell y not word; one ; but the ether day satengst Dome old paper, he ( r. obbeam) hued weather scheme width he hoped the house weld allow him to tad; he hoped the noble lad would sot take it as a phesestey ape his same. It was projected by a umerber of era of I.'s Parliament. It was gadded a mime at the batter wasseat of the nation." (Hear, bear.) The welter sesesesseads tbs total abolides of the house of peen, as a body Which was very expensive, inconmeient, and unnecessary. With Piped to the House of Commons, he proposes, that in order di dodoes the ossfesion of frequent election, and the perjury sad Milo" at*. eons, the protector should have the noninmien of all the swab= to the number of SOO, sad that the representatives of the whelk Wend of Great Britain should be such persons only as the Dishier. thought proper, and the members were to pay dews, hemedistely on their nomination, 1,0001. to the Treasury, and woo web to receive MI. a year. to be paid by the wom en t ren amber to be permitted to vote against the protector for the *NI bail, an penalty of forfeiting 5/. for the first offence, and let der the weesi. The hon. member then proceeded to say that, without to individual cases, some general plan of at? se form should be It was true. that under another system it was probable that members elected would not be different. The men of talent must be lee, for here was the great stake to be played far • where the carcass was, there the eagles would be gathered to gether; but they=ote hbm different motives, for under ths. priest system, must sometimes have sinister motives. end must vote to the disadvantage of the mutiny. Yes TWISS observed, that so much had been said against the modes of the noble lord, from the other side of the house, that . analikiiisai be said by these who were necessarily opposed lo oath st modes The arguments' in favour of it ware all ant, tions that in the opinion of the people they ware not represented in that house. If assertions on the one side availed, so should assertions on the other; and he (Mr. Twiss) would affirm, that the weight of opinion in that house would go against the noble lord. His honourable friend (Mr. Hobbouse) admitted that if an she. ration were to take place, the result would be still the same—the same set of persons would be returned. He resnetn bered an anecdote if the late Mr. Sheridan, in his Minos when a footman threw down a plate-warmer, with a sad crash ; the footman said there was nothing broken, when Mr. Sheri i dan exclaimed, " What, have you made an that noise for nothing ?" :co be would Fey to Ms lion. friend, " What, all this noise for nothing ?" He begged to remind the house that the onus lay on the reformers, not on them (the ministers); but in the present iosence, all who amended the noble lad, and thought reform seas. ears, thought his mourns objeedoeable ; except, indeed, his hon. friend, the member for Westminster, who sald that the present system was so hopelesi and so intolerably bed, that no change, how ever unintelligible, could be for the worse.—(Hear, hear.) No person, however, who did not go the whole al th at ban. mem ber, could unde r take to support a measure w hich net understood, or, if understood, was not approved. He was unsequainted with the public character of the noble lord, oar, if he knew it, could be suppose that his present scheme was designed to east • ridicule upon the theory of reform : but there never was a scheme Mere calculated to throw a ridicule upon parliamentary resew than the scheme of the noble lord, except it was the scheme width the hen. member for Westminster bad ironically quoted. Sir F. BURDETT observed, that the bee. member whe had just sat down ' who had attempted to throw a ridkrale upon the metier of die noble lord, had so utterly mistaken the purport of the Toper read by his bonarelsigue ' that he geemeetteildak theme, ealreny on-the present state of the horse. Tbehen.glit/mamiled siakialter , .and perversed, sod nilsondekstood the Artiness if kis hen. red. ;Oleo, who ►' 4 admitted, Burdett) admired, that of usderssaudlor. sselid lie 04 altich ikbhmise) se -- •iallul Ilaserldes Lis of • of certain propiletare of of She, mutone in the Parliament of England. leagtie, who lied ' 'as he '(Sir 1 1 .11harditt) aisksed, that he peerage In full coati-; pr. HVMEjecondtd the swam (chases.) the house was emepemed ' men of as walfghlesed sedernemdbir 1"r. PEN bore testimony to the seeesslty.of Worm, in and as Alkali to the IffnaNsh prlnciple•ef %idol, ebt.lllll4 , ,: lf! i : 'IIIW aim he returned } tilde* of Which he stated that the county of Cornwall was bunt' four oolyesei m mgedtirhiany'ret of tits weep aonje .. .._ hi i I have heard the pie ' *Stir benelhted by. the number that it retained to ben t : :4= had ... = l ir_ diem . vote BetL. bee to do lead itoottlalso."l"l"l4,..lasu ;Dll...aker:loni. canto -, its e lThint lipd soio:obestr.inlirawboatreottortnisthveerrhadoodonsamttateihteittedis bill, nor waehe_ peg. am. lib " piediged wa m ilidarausof nonswe the bob tagotti ''''-'"— '"'"_ _Th---- Par t pond . lo' 7 to . all die bitotths of that masa* 'hie hOn• 14 1 tatiman: "'II* 0 " 41 . aid bitiflotts to' d'e lotiul Its, a el° " 8 " 1 " , -- n ' + t" the unction . but tuir irtitd . 4_Wlth expre,slog Ms vprobatlon of the reiebatlm ou r d pro- bow Mesa teetendlid:tie l sest" if/thei r eadlug ehe tte m adtelltsed ewlisk w all t r;/: . ! slial,l'he coniptlitil 'with,: `Oil Xi PI T SJ the mm*4 • f r o c a r Ys eab le ns o co un nitt ch tO w pip'esa !la Z Ileitived I but d t ts h t lY wieter eit letwint elrotatetsnets the wok woad b' " Wow.:Mr. Piit bail' ' IsTth e ll - 'A t orryrofixeraililtria a g itation of il o , n o bl e nettiel' ! Wit itte tame , but the *try weenie (lteir, %earl. Onl thitihie4lffn'i , r • juitly; •Ibr nuking •13 ; ... I',.,terailli t e rL ise h b e eteeld sot aft %bit his tineontlidoesl thole TIO oblides or their lean with the pu blic .► 60 11 n Dotglis'o6en' of Perita -4 - s - Vprtorrlii the intiehr ealinditale *tits Of the etitettry, •li Stasi 'paths was' rettirinol' plan tie kw of TVs" , "I" • . ' • • '~; .-~