Star. — London, England, 1829-03-27 00:00:00

a; bet RI. improvement of the Catholic people of Ireland, It I would protect them from the spiritual. interference and domination of the Roman Catholic priesthood. It was under this impression that he had given his support w the measure, and, when he proposed that « instructions should be given to the Committee to ex tend the operation of the Bill to all boroughs, cities, and towns corporate," be coeld not help feeling that every one of the grounds upon which he supported the Bill required that such an addition should be made to it.— When his Right Hon. Friead stated his intention of ex cluding cities and towns corporate from the operation of this Bill, it was upon the ground that they had the power of creating freemen. That ground, give him leave to say, was wholly inapplicable to a class of Bo roughs which appeared to have been overlooked in this Bill, but to which some allusion had been made in the course of the evening on the presentation of a petition. He meant that class of Boroughs where freeholders alone were allowed to vote. These representative towns, in his opinion, required all the protection intended to be afforded by the Bill as much as any class of towns io Ireland. There was a printed Petition froth one of those towns at this moment before the House, stating the situation in which the Catholic freeholders of that town were placed, and he did not doubt that many similar Petitions aright be presented from many other towns in she same situation. He hoped, therefore, that the Right Hon. Gentleman would not object to the extension of the Bill to those towns. The introduction of a few words would render the machinery of the Bill complete, and, in his opinion, would make it much more beneficial to the interests of Ireland. With respect to what bad been said of the indefinite power cf cities and corporate towns he would beg leave to say that, in his opinion, the Bill now before the House would not only be in adequate to eff.ct the object of his Right Hon. Friend as respected them, bat in its operation would be highly mischievous and injurious to a corporate body. His Right Hon. Friend proposed this measure as an equi poise between the freeholders and the freemen; but in his (Mr. G. Moore's) opinion it would not apply. The principle of his Right Hon. Friend applied to cases in which a struggle was to be maintained between the t *o great bodies of electors—between the corporation and the freeholders. But wherever a struggle of that kind took place the power of the corporation would be carried into effect to such ao extent, that the pro. posed counterpoise would be overthrown, and proved to be inadequste to afford the protection intended by the Legislature. This being the case, let the House see vihat the consequences would be to both c o nstituent bodies. He would first take the body of freeholders. How easy it was to extend the limits of the freehold bodies in many towns. In large corporate towns-the limits of freeholders were not confined to houses and streets. Large portions of waste ground surrounded or lay .in the immediate neighbourhood of many 'towns, which might be broken up into .small freeholds, and thus, by a fraudulent and ficti tious registry, the number of freeholders might be multiplied to a very great extent. Against this the machinery of the Bill was incapable of guarding.— Supposing this power to be exercised by the freeholdets, as it must probably would, what would it lead to? It would undoubtedly lead to a corresponding exercise of power on the part of the Corporation, to that very thing which he had heard. so much deprecated in that House—he meant to the increase of freemen. The Corporate Bodies felt themselves called upon,whenever attempts were made trauduiently or fictitiously to in crease the number of freeholders, to increase the power which was vested in them of increasing the number of dreemen. Under these ciscurnstances, he thought the House must be convinced of the necessity of extending the Bill to cities and large towns, where the populace, it would not be disputed, were not of a purer or m- re -msral character than in the country. He believed that in every city or town corporate there was an acting officer, such as aR: carder. In his opinion it wiold be better if a clause were introduced at the end of the Bill giving to the Recorder or his Deputy the same power as was given to the Assistant Brrristeis who presided at elections. He took the liberty of suggesting I to his Right Honourable Friend the proptiety of insert. ing • short clause to that effect. It was right, in his opinion, that the principle of the Bill should extend to the cities and towns to which he had alluded at the commencement of his speech, where the purity of re gistry was just as much required as in the country. In conclusion the Hon. Member moved that instructions should be given to the Committee to extend the opera *ion of Abe Bill to boroughs, cities, and towns corporate. On the question Leine put, Mr. VESEY FITZGERALD observed, that his Ho nourable Friend. iu inirodUciog his motion to the House, had stated the grounds upon which he had been induced to give his consent to the general measure. He had stated, toot be did nut support it as any security or *military to the measure of Emancipation which was now passing through the House, nor as the price for .which that measure was to be obtained. But be hail stared other grounds, and grounds which he (Mr. V. Fterreld) thought would n , t have been urged by any person who did not rather wish to d.tsat the measure than to le tut it his cordial c.roper.ation..- 1 The object of the measure was to create a counterpoise ao the predominant influence of the corporste inte rests—to give an equality so the elective fr anchiees ofthe -owns and of the counties. but it would have been an extraordinary *ay of extending that equality if the ex clusive power of raising elect f 6 was limited to Cio-po vatious. His Hon. F. send had stated jualy the district around towns and boroughs in Ireland, and that it was not cos.fissed to the streets and houses of .t he towns them selves; but ne eas sure that his friend did not mean to convey to the House an idea that that district was ever of such an undefined or great extent as the wends he bad made ate of might induce some to imagine it ; nor did hemmer' to insmuate, he was sure, that there was no mused, !or the abuses he had described. The tact was, that the extent of the districts about the towns and cities of Ireland was so very limited, that it would be Me. perible to extend the elective franchise 1* the extent that it might be in the larger mountain districts.— He thought that no one circumstance could be more pregnant With suspicion than to cut down and destroy Mat part of theeketive horselike of Ireland. He thought _that every man was bound iu fairness. good faith, and honour, to support that franchise. He covdeesed he cooeshr. if these was any one circumstance which would endanger the great Corporations which at present es- : isted, it was the power which was vested in them of netting tremor:a—of creating freemen, not ice the pur pse which that power was originally granted, not for the advancement of those munificent pur poses whiob was originally intended, but for the advancement of ' political parties in the House of Parliament. This.' he thought, would eventually have the effect of de. Eking vbem of the power altogether. His Honoerable Tried lad alluded to the indefinite power of the cm pouts bodies; and if there had ever been an instance of upwards of a thousand persons having been readesuii, freemen for the purpose of giving their votes for a pew s on yrho was pledged sod bound by a public doclessol don of political opinions formed-against one of the greit principles of the Ste? e—if there bad been one city or town which had mended its franchise to such an es- tent, admitting, without reserve, the most abandoned and worthless characters—he admitted it confirmed what bad been said by the Hon. Gentleman, that cities and towns had an indefinite power of conferring the elec tive franchise. His Hon. Friend had described what he considered would be a struggle of the electors. He, (Mr. V. Fit sgeralJ) might be thooght romantic in bts ex pectations, but he was sanguine enough to hope that the measure,in its accomplish ment,would produce an oblivion of some of those electors. His Hon. Friend had said that it would be desirable to extend the Bill by a clause which•he said could be easily introduced. He (Mr. V. Fitzgerald) protested altogether against any such clause, being introduced. If it should be deemed necessary to limit this powers of the corporate bodies in the creation of electors, by raising the qualification of those electori, let it be made a distinct and substan tive measure; but on no account should it be made a part of the present, from which it was absolutely and totally distinct. There were some other points to which Honourable Fs lend had alluded, but to which he (NG Vesey Fitzgerald) did not think it necessary now to go into. But Ile did request the Hon. Gentleman, as one not anxious alone for the success of the cause which he suppotted, but as one anxious for the better peace of Ireland—as one anxious to effect the measure of con- ferring equality of civil rights—he did hops that the Honourable Gentleman, before he pressed his motion upon the House, would take more time to consider. He would implore of him to pass on, and not compel the House to decide on a proposition which, instead of equalizing the rights of the mective franchise, was more likely to create the most odious consequence.. He begged pardon for having detained the House so long in the expression of his feelings upon this subject, but trusted he had stated grounds enough to instant the opposition he had made to the proposed addition of the Honourable Member who hid last spoken. In conclu sion the Right Honourable Member called on the House to resist the proposed amendment. Mr. H. GRATTAN would venture to say that there never was a proposition so dangerous in its nature, or so likely to revive the disturbances which had hitherto ex isted in Ireland. as that which had just been made by the Hon. Member for Dublin. It would go much far ther than the Right Hon. Gentleman had supposed—it would, in fact, go to the repeal of the Act of 1793, lc lative to the exclusion of the Roman Catholic electors. He asked the House, therefore, if they were willing to repeal that Act of 1795? If such were the case, he very plainly foresaw a renewal of all the evils which had shaken Ireland for so long a time. He was, indeed, sur prised that the Hon. Gentleman should have offered such a proposition mate House, fir he should have supposed that he would rather have endeavoured to soothe the discord of Ireland than to propose a measure which would inevitably have the effect of eliciting disturbance and confusion. The Corporation of Dublin bad elected 1,200 freemen, whose only merit was that they were members of Brunswick Clubs. At the head of that number was a tithe.proctor, Mr. Samuel Bray, and the second on the list was the Earl of Winchilsea. It was , well known that the only reason why those individuals were elected was because of their animosity to the Ro man Catholics. Mr. VAN HOMRIGH hoped his Learned Friend would not press his motion, as he considered such a sy stem as that he proposed would be prejudicial to the true inlet ests of Ireland. Mr. THANT was not one of those who were in• clined to take the advice given by a Noble Lord before the commencement of the present Session of Parlia ment. That advice was to bury the Catholic question in oblivion, and, in the mean time, to consider it. He (Mr. Ti ant), for one, bad not drank of the waters of oblivion. and wculd remind the House that one of the arguments used against the Bill formerly brought in by the Honourable Member f r Staffordshire was, that Mr. O'Connell had stated that the Bill would strengthen the Aristocracy of Ireland; but the Honourable Mem ber for Limerick had recently quoted Mr. O'Connell's opitti•.in that it would strengthen the Catholic influence. He (Mr. Trani) contended that, in order to prevent the balance against the Protestants, the principle of the measure must be introduced into corporate towns. He would therefore vie with his Hon. Friend, the Member for Dublin. Colonel TRENCH thought the Bill would afford an important security to the Established Church, and, upon .&'tat ground, he supported it. He would never have given his consent to the other Bill had it not been accom panied by this tuea•ure. Mr. T. LLOYD supported the Bill, but expre.sed his disinclination :o the instruction moved by the Hon. Member for Dublin, which he thought would have the effect of rendering the.ossombers of Corporations omni potent in their respective Boroughs. Mr. 8. RICE opposed the motion. Mr. G. 0. MOORE, in reply, observed, he believed the number of freemen admitted into the Corporation of Dublin was not more than a third of the number of ft eeholders made within the same period.Of that number many were entitled to it by birth and from othercauses. The gallery was then roared for a division, but the motion was subsequently negatived without the House dividing.-00 out re admission to the gallery we found Mr. ti. 0. MOORE addressing the House. He had supported the ietrospeetive clause for disfranchising the C.tholic forty shilling freeholders because he believed thot4 freeholders had acted under coercion. Of this fact there was abundant proof; there was ample testi n►nny that the Catholic priesthood had used undue and unconstitutional influence and controul over the elec iise franchise. It was upon this principle only that the retrospective clause bad his support. But this obser vation did not apply to the Protestant freeholders, who had never acted under any such controul, and who, from the nature of their religion, could not do so. It was well Austen that a more high minded or a cone independent body than the Irish Pretes• tent feeeboklers did not exist in the empire. He should therefore be guilty of a dereliction of duty if he did not draw a line of distinction between those who ought to be disfranchised and those who ought not. He did not seek is disfranchise the Catholic freeholders as punishment ; bet they bad by their conduct esta bli.hed a precedent which would undoubtedly continue if not prevented—a great political sod unconstitutional . evil—and a nuisance which it would be necessary to abate upon the principle of thegi eat political maxim— " Tie veers tee—at Annan non Issdae He was only doing plaice to the Protestant freeholders of his country in flying so much for them—it was his duty to lay their case before the House ; but if he per ceived that the feeling of the House was decidedly against him, be would not press bis motion. The Hon. Mtml)er then moved, . 4 That it be an instruction to the Committee to reserve the existing rights of the Proles• tans freeholders."—The motion having been put, Mr. Secretary PEEL said, his Hon. Friend had acted very wisely in expressing his readiness not to press his -motion if the feeling of the House should appear to be, against it. That such would be the caw there could scarcely boa doubt. His Hon. Friend most at onee-see that there could be no justice in retaining to the Protect tants a privilege of which the Catholics were to be deprived —more especially as by this measure many Catholics would Inse their right of franchise who were most respectable individuals, and who had never yielded to popular clamour. If his Hon. Friend did so he would ,be indeed trenching on the maxim— Se went tno—ut alienum non Inds& Mr.TRANT could not but feel there would be a great balance against the Protestant interests in Ireland, and therefore he, for one, would not give up his opinion, but would support the assotion.of his Hon. Friend. Mr. VESEY FITZGERALD said, if he supported this measure, it was not on the grounds stated by some Honourable Members. He had never used a single reproachful word with reference to the conduct of the Catholics during the recent election at Clare. He had felt no resentment because of the result of that election; raisin) but he had kept the word he had pledged to the electors when parting from them, and had pursued a consistent and an undeviating course. In allusion to the present circumstances he might borrow the etpres.ion of a Right Honourable Friend, and say, a I have had my, revenge." The Right Honourable Gentleman concluded by saying that he was influenced by a wish to support the true interests of the people of Ireland; and that if 1 1 he had made some allusions to himself, it was only with reference to his connezion with the affairs of that country. The modon wu then put and negatived without a division. On the 'motion that the Seuxas do leave the Chair, Lord DUNCANNON said, that, cobsidet ins the Bell was calculated to further the measure of Cat•toltc Eman- cipation, he would torbear from continuing to oppose it, as he thought it would be taking up the time of the House uselessly, and would only serve to impede the endeavours of Ministers in settling the question. Sir GEORGE WARRENDER opposedithe Bill, on the ground that it was a branch of Parliamentary Re form to which he professed himself adverse. Mr. ESTCOU @Tottered his protest spinet the measure. Mr. HUME rose in consequence of what had fallen from an Hon. Baronet (Sir G. Warrender), who said he would oppose the Bill because he was adverse to Parl►a mentary reform. He (Mr. Hume) had been in many minorities (a laugh), but never in one composed like the present. He had endeavoured to analyse that minosity, and was quite unable to reconcile the motive of indivi duals—(Laughter). He begged that it would be clearly understood that, in agreeing not to press his opposition to this Bill, be was solely actuated by a wish not to thwart, in any way, the great measure in pr.rg►ess through the House. The Bill was unsatisfactory to him, because it was calculated to do away with the rights of the people of Ireland. He avowed himself a radical re former, and it was his wish that the elective franchise should be extended toevery man who was of age,and who paid taxes. In his opinion almost all the evils of the coun try sprung from a defective representation. There was not a sufficient infusion of popular influence in that House., and the laws were too frequently made for the ter, and not for the many. If ever any men conducted themselves so as to deserve better treatment than they were about to receive, it was the forty shilling freeholders in the late elections. There had been no rioting, no drun kenness—no burgh in Scotland could have exhibited greater decorum—(A laugh). He hoped the time was not far distant when the people of Scotland would have a popular representation and an independent yeoman! y. In every county in that country there were many fic titious voters who had not an acre of land. At pte sent be would remain satisfied with recording his vote. and protest'ng against the injustice by which indivi duals were to be deprived of their rights; and he hoped be would witness a result that would punish those who pressed for the measure of the disfranchuh•ment ; aid et was his impression that it was likely to disappoint them. The Earl of UXBRIDGE said, that iii his o t rioion. this measure of disfrauchisenient.was alt•.gether unne cessary. The abuse of the franchise was said to It .se taken place on account of the anxiety of the people to promote the measure of Emancipation ; but now, as that object would be shortly attained, the inducement to the abuse of the franchise would no longer exist, and, therefore, he conceived it was quite unnrcessai y in terfere with the elective franchise in Ireland. Lord BANDON thought the rights of individuals ought not to be compromised. Mr. J. GRATTAN would not blame the Government or the Noble Duke at the bead ot ftfor introducing the measure if it were a bad one; but he would blame the 'honorable Gentlemen who bad supported the Bill of 11125. which he considered a peruicious measure, and had opposed it as such. Mr. BANKES begged to ask the Right Hoo. Secretary if there was to be any distinction between the registration of freeholders with the tea pound qualification and the registration of the forty shilling freeholders? Mr. Secretary PEEL stated that there would he no distinction. The Speaker having quitted the Chair the House resolved itself into a Committee. The CHAIRMAN then read the clause, "That from and after the co MMOlCeilitllt of this Act an person shall be admitted to vote at any election of any Knight of the Shire to serve in the Patliament of the (inked Kingdom fur any county in Ireland (save as hereafter provided) unless any such person shall have an estate of freehold in bads, tenements, or heredhaments in such county, of the clear yearly value often pounds, at ;be least, over and above ail charges, outgoings, and incumbrauces, except only public or parliamentary cases, county, church, or parish ceases, or rates and ernes on any townland, barmy, or division of any parish or barony." Mr. U. MOORE rose to propose en amendment, making the qualification 201. instead of 101. .1 helilem Member said his experience instructed him to stamp that to compass the object if the Bill it was absolutely necessary to raise the qualification to 201. Mr. Secretary PEEL would give his decided opposi• "ion to the amendment of his Honourable Friend upon ' various grounds; because, in the first place, it would throw the influence of the elective franchise into the large towns,. and because it would go far to exclude the landed interest of the counties. Hi, Hon. Friend should bear in mind the present circumstances of Leland, and the reference which the existing subdivision of lands had toils, exercise ot the elective franchise. Mr. MOORE thought the qualification proposed In the.. BM would have little erect in lessening the number of voters. Mr. Secretary PEEL said that the value of the freehold would be submitted to the criterion of as oath. Colonel TRENCH thought that ifs .e4O qualification was not seceded to, something between that sod aelo might be fixed epos. It was desirable that a respectable yeentaary should be created. Admiral EVANS said that licked received letters from Ireland, the writers of which looked upon a £lO qualification as inseliame, and conceived that the object of the measure would be frusereessi *oleos it were raised. For kis own part, be would prqwes si middle course—say a 413 qualification—although be wosM not' take to himself the merit of the suggestion. Mr. V. FITZGERALD had as much experience as , the Honourable and Gallant Officer, and while Ma Would say that 101. was fully adequate to guard against the influence of that class of voters contemplated by the House, he wished to guard against raising the qualification to twenty or fifteen pounds. which he con. sidered every. way unjustifiable. If Hon. Members would read the Bill they would find that the ten pound qualification, guarded as it was by the provisions of the Act, would be a more effectual ftinchlse than twenty pounds, as the law stood at present. Admiral EVANS Mr. M. FlTZGl i ltel) thought the Bill, as it stood, would tend to create an independent yeomanry, but that the weed he .og the qualification - quite unreasocatlle s and would disfranchise alniaa all the t.eeholdeis of the mirth of Ireland. He was of opinion that the adal:tine 0 the present measure would bring forth a reAl in place of an imaginary con•ituency. The Earl of BECTIVE thnoght that If the qullifiestion were ratted there would be more Ptotestant than Catholic freeholders, sad that it would prove extremely Injwl;.ms to the Catholics. Mr. L. FOSTI.CR, after mature consideration, thought that the ten pound qualification, cmipki with the machinery of the Mil, would produce the drained .ffros. Mr.'lltANT rose. Toe Hon. Membyr referred to an opini 'pressed by Mr. O'Connell, that the raising of the franchise to ten h minds would diminish the in. fluence of the aristocracy, and inc►ease the power of the Catholics. This opinion I,al met the appr..bation of the H. n. Member for Limerick (Mr.S. Rice) and his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Peel). His Right H in. Friend .had, however, concurred with it only in 1823, and many extraordinary changes hod happened since. The Hon. Member read from a volume of te..etts the seit,imems which he :aimed to, a• being expreised by the Right Hon. Secretary at that time. Mr. Secretary PEEL admitted that ex tst , rdintiv chines had occutted since that period. His li .o. Friend always came a ith his book in lis hand—.he was, indeci, one of the reAtest plag arittt—(a laugh) —but be (Mr. Peel) weld •ae, •s P..seautti Ante nos no►tra distssent." His Min. Friends had t —night cup. ported o motion for extending the principle of the 131.1 to Corporate towns. and be would bring that opinion 'o oppose his own. The House then divided, when there appeared in favour of the ortsival chute, and Againet the amendment ........ ll3 For the aniendmeut l7 • klajorhy ............ ......... —9B The succeeding elause, providing that a Session for registeriug freeholds should be holden in each county, at such day. and places as the Lord Lieutenant should appoint, and also ihat notice. of Duch Session should 'be po.ted in market towns, was theu trail and agreed to, after some conversation between Lord Duecaewun, Mr. Pitt., Mr. A. Dawane, Mr. Douravv, Lord F. L. Gowas, Mr. J. GeArran, Mr. Jimmy, Mr. Nostril, 'Air. Moose, Mr. V. FiTZCZILALO, Admiral Evans, sad Mr. L. Fontes. The twin clause relating to the tinders to be given to tae Clerk of the Peace, end of applications to be made to the Registrar, was agreed to without comment. On this nest clause being reed—s" And be it enacted that each such Session the names of the persons contained in such lists shall be severally c.lled by the Clerk of the Peace • and each per on so called, who shall claim to register any freehold, shall product in open Court, before such Assistant Barrister, the deed, lease, or in. strument, by virtue of which such person shall claim such free hold; or in case he shall not claim by virtue of any deed, lease, or Instrument, then such pets= shall otherwise establish his title to such freehold; and such person shall also prove that a solvent and respectable tenant could afford to pay fairly, and without colludes, foe the same the annual sum of fifty pounds, twenty pounds. or ten pounds, as the case may be, as an additional rent over and above all charges as aforesaid, and over and above any rent to which the per son so claiming may be liable in respect of the same." Mr. S. RICE said, in all they had )et done their proceedings had been clear and intelligible. Ili all the votes he had given he had considered firnaelf As -esta blishing neither mote nor less than a 101. tierbuld ; but, by the wording of the present clause, the fran chise would practically be much higher. He agreed that there ought to be some check upon the ci cation of fraudulent freeholds; but this clause might actually exclude freeholds that were not worth more than 1(1. He bad nadetstood that the 101. f eehold was to be proved by the establishment of an in crest on the past of the individual at the time of regi•tering • f 101. over and shrive all the charges to which it seas sub ject. 13.,t the clause before them required the i,,divi dual to prove that a solvent and respon-ible tenant could afford to take it for 104 m-re than the relit reserved in his lease. So that before a man could establish his sight to vote, he tuu-t first prove that, as a lessee, the freelio'd was wroth 101. per atnunt ; and next, that the profit derived from it was such as might induce a solvent tenant to take it at a rent of ten pounds mote. He was pledged to the vrin ci, le of the Bill, namely, the substitution of a 101. franchise for a 40. franchise, but he thought that the present clause would ha e the effect of catiyitig the franchise higher than 101. He should therefu:e a .gged that the clause which required the freeholde• to depose that a solvent t. nem would give for the I. old.ny. out s f which the franchise arose, a rent eacreding by 101. what the owner of the laud might possibly make by the land. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL for IRELAND con tended, that no new principle was introduced by the 811, but that Committees of the H use of Comm.ms bad several 'tines decided that a freehold franchise only arose Irons a holding for which a rel., onsibie tenant would give (shove ell charges and reprise ) that sum which designated the n4tu eof the franchise 'file Itmourable and Li•arned Gentleiron did not think that it would be right to adopt the ruggesticin of Mr. Spring Rice. Mr. JAMES GRATTAN thought that the clause as it stood would bear hard upon the fetch 1. e•s, as it w..uld oblige each of t em to produce a solvent pef son to swear that the holtsiug was tut , . a• e.ititled tie tenant in t ossession to v .te at the electron. Mr. STANLEY said, that the Bill nut only ititroduced an in creased qualiacatioo for the emcee of the franchise. but also sob. stitoted a new criterion for the aecertaininx of she re.lsy of the interest. Mr. NORTH said, that the criterion established by this Act was that which bad been fur a long time know., to the law of England, but which bad been in Ireland departed front by a vicious practice against law. Lord PA Lmutts . roN thought that this law would not only absorb all the forty shilling freeholders but would atm. have the effect of striking of a great number o f the ten pound freehelders now in existence In Ireland. The Noble Lord wished to koew if the Government could state how many ten pound freekoLlera were . new registered in Ireland? Mr. Secretary PEEL said, that there did not exist any dose from which any satisfactory calculation could now 1w made upon the subject. lie wee, however, able to state that there were above 8.000 fifty pound freeholders registered In the county of Cork. After a desultory conversation. in which Mr. Mows, Sir R. CAMILMOTON, Mr. VAN HOnlitall, Mr. D .aesey, :sir. Hamm Gaavvas, and Mr. ALUANDICA UawsoN Milk part, the clause was agreed to. The nest clause respected the reception of evidence by Assistant Barristers. Mr. MOOREproposed that there should be an appeal front the decision of the Assistant Barrister is seder to preseut decisiors Mermen, to freeholders. Mr. DOHERTY said the power of decision would be vested in the handset( persons who, being of no political party, wereatuire all suspicion. and therefore an appeal was unnecessary. The clause was then agreed to. The remaining clauses of the Bill was then agreed to Tim House resumed, and the Repots was ordered to be received to morrow. maw ammo! ACT. The SPEAKER called the attention of the House to the new Election Act. A Petition lay on the table from Dover with re spect to the right of voting. The time for prosecuting the appeal had gone past. and k appeared to him that the Act was in some degree defective, as it did not say whether the day for the consi deratioo of the question was to be Seed by the House, or by the parties petitioning. He would beg to ingest that some Humor able Member should look into the precedents, and be prepared to make some motion on the subject to-motrow. After some conversation on the subject, Mr. Wyse gave notice of a motion on the subject for to-morrow. The other Orders of the Day were toes dispose d of, sad the House adjourned at a Qv Barons Tweave oClect. . MINORITY • Or Savma.. HI /ATMS or FLAMM tea QUALWICATION ev Foaminess* races 410 so MO. Arbuthnot, Colonel Eiphantooe, J. D. B. Pitta, Graham P. Arclidail, M. Eyzer T. B. ltochfort, G. Curry, Viscount Moloch, R. Saunders°., A. Cole. lion. A. King. Hoo. H. Trench, Colonel Downie, R. Moore, G. Wynne, Owen Claudio, R. blaswell, H.