Star. — London, England, 1829-03-06 00:00:00

.Ire an d i s divided, moth divided, on the subject of concession to the Roman Catholics. Of its respec tability who can doqbt? It was signed by two Dukes, seven Marquises, twenty two Earls, besides Barons, Baronets, and Gentlemen of high station. My object in dwelling on these points is to show how unsafe it would be for the Protestant interest to proceed to the repeal of the present privileges enjoyed by the Catholics, while the Catholics were united and the Protestants divided, and Ireland under the Government of a new administration hostile to the claims'of the Catholics.— The evil result of such a position it is that has given to me apprehensions, not any such fears of visionary tenors as are calculated to alarm a timid mind, but such a cautious apprehension of real and appa. vent and immediate danger. as any rational man would be justified in entertaining. Bet, supposing en administration se united in opposition to conces sion to have obtained the consent of Parliament to the system of exclusion, the question is, how long may slash a system last? It may last, I grant, while you ere at peace. But then comes the question, can it be maintained during the war? If it cannot, then you will have to consider the approach of war as a most disastrous period to the interests of the empire; for I can easily believe that a new Government thus consti tuted in hostility to the Catholic claims will be pre pared to say that they will adhere tathose principles of Protestant ascendancy, through all changes and re verses—that they will try to maintain their faVeuiite sy•tem, under all circumstances, however varying t but can they do what they - profess? To solve this question, it will be necessary for us that we should. look backs little to bistoty—to the history of Ireland. I rr&r Isen: gentlemen to a period (17951) when there were bold beasts at the bead of the Administration, a Protestant Paine- =tent united, and an were Protestant population in Deland—when then. were in every county of Iceland 'Grand Juries unanimous' against Concession, and when the Irish Hone of Commons, by an overwhelming' majority, rejected, not the Bill, nor a resolition to take the Catholic Claims into consideration, but the +cry Petition of the Catholics of Ireland. Yet in spite of all that unanimity of opposition, in spite of all their declarations, and resolutions, and rejections, in spite of a Parliamentary majority of three to one against Concession, on the announcement of the French war, the Session of 1793 opened in Ireland with a recom mendation from the Throne to Parliament to take into consideration the state of the Catholics of that country. and in that very Session of 179$ a measure of emus- of Rowan Catholics to power. Now, Sir, Ido deny alba enesoi vocally that the question Ts a religions one. I say, Sir, it is a political question, not to be decided on the ground of religious feelings or spiritual doctrines. but on a piin ciple of expediency, and on reference to the advantages Sowing trout the removal of the disabilities. But, Sir, considering kin the light of a religious question (for I' will meet those Gentlemen even on that ground, though chosen by themselves), looking at it as a question at. fecting the interests of the Protestant religion, I ask Hon. Gentlemen bow far has the existence of the present exclusive system tended to increase the spread of Pro. testantism in Ireland?—or rather, has it not obstructed the progress? Is it not a fact, Sir, that the agents of ihe Protestant religion in Ireland are suspected of indi. rect motives, and so thwarted in their operations? la it not true that the higher classes of the Catholics have been prevented from cpntoming, under the present laws, by a sense of honour and a spirit of resistance. to what they consider as the dominant religion? Now, Sir, is it not reasonable to expect, that when these disabilities shall have been removed, the Protestant faith will have more fair play for the exercise of her influence in purifying, if not destroying altopther, the deplorable doctrines of the Catholic re ligion in Ireland ? Now, Sir, I must declare that my propene' is hot of a religions character—that it is purely a political one; and I am sure that, after I shall have explained its nature and object, there will be no Gentleman, believer zealous for the Protestant religion and its interests, and however friendly he may be to those points of faith that coi.stitute its difference from the Roman Catholic, not one, I repeat. who can *lieu, en religious grounds, to the measure which I am about to propose. Another objection to this theasore 1. the argument derived Irons the obligation. of the corn l I ninon oath. Now, Sir, on that point 1 can only say that, having for eighteen ye:is-conducted the opposition to this question in this House, and having in that time searched with much ansiety for all legitimate arguments I against it, and this as,ertion will be taken as a proof t.i my sincerity in that opposition, I uniformly disclaimed soy objection to it foonded on the construction of the coronation oath. Sir, 1 ever thought, I now think, there is nothing in the coronation oath on which you can found a solid objection to the concession of the Catholic Claims; and on this construction do not 'ion was passed in favour of the Catholics, and that, too, with a haste and precipitancy of which we are this day reaping the bitter fruits. Gentlemen may profess and boast of their fixedness of purse in adhesing to meanies of esclnsion under a new Government; but. I will tell them that, until we can have abolder Minister, a more Protestain Parliament, and a more united body of Piotestants, inch scenes as I have just described essay be acted over again, and the nation may, through tailcoat fears of danger, be induced to recede from such resolutions as must be adopted under a new Government opposed to -the Catholic Claims. Another alternative resulting from non concession—an alternative which, however, has been but remotely hinted at by Hoisourable Gentlemen. is a civil war in Ireland. In such an alternative. I, fuvn the bottom of my' heart, must deprecate; and Geo lot bid that the Protestant interest should be loaded with the responsibility of such a result. Sir, if there wets any, the remotest, chance that affairs could be forced to such a monstrous and unnatural issne. I will say that i I am pupated to make great sacrifices to avert the ca lamity. I would appeal to my countrythen in the dying evoirlatif an illustrtotts patriot, himself the witness, the partisan ' and the victim of a civil war.....tbe great the virtuonsLord Falkland--" Peace, peace, pease." 4 Coetet in laden dextrn tin dater t an stmt. eel:murrain arms, covets " —Sat, supposing the civil war over, and the rebellion suppressed, where would be the triumph? Inose would be the success? Whose the glory 0 What ad vantage world it bring to the Protestants ? What per manent effect would it enforce against the Catholics? We have Isere, also, history to guide us to results.— .4 'A civil war, such as has been now anticipated by some Honourable Gentlemen, actually existed in 1798, un -1 der the administration of Mr. Pitt. Of the state of Ireland at that time the Beast will see the nature from the description of it inserted in the preamble of a Bill passe) on that occasion- 0 That a rebel lion was raging, accompanied with aggravated cir cumstances of atrocity, distracted and desolated the -,. country, set the civil power at defiance, and stopped • the ordinary course of justice." Supposiog the rebellion, then, put down, and the immediate ex -1 . citement abated, I say that the very first measure ' • that the Government would adopt after the suppression r of the tumult, would be to procee.l to an adjustment of the Catholic question ; tor, surely, it web mere not the .t result of the muses' of the law over insurrection, all the toil. and pain, and sufferings would h.ve gone for nothing. Hem again we can ergo. from the part, for, otter the suppression of the Irish rebellion of 17$8, it was resolve! by Mr. Pets and Lord Coinwaliis, and s Lord Casdereagh. the successful agents of Govern merit in suppressing the rebektiou, that the first sybe. , Meat of interim, peace (1E01) should be devoted by i snem to the settlement of the Catholic question; and so evventsal did these Ministers consider that adjustH merst:to be to the interests of the empire, that, en tailing to ca ry that swami*: into effect, they retired float afise. Sir, I am satisfied that ems an adosinie nation loused on the principle of resistance to tOutior si-a would lei so shocked stench a result of their noes. sores as rebellion must be, that they would complete the suppression of that rebellion by a settlement of the ques tion. Sir, I have laboured thus fir. and so much in detail. to prove to the people*, this country three pro poiiiioits, whisk muse be considered the foundation of gni alterations to be introduced into tfse present state of the laws affecting the Catholics. Us first is, ibis the to= has now arrived for making an attempt to , settle this question ; secoodly, that we cosset, as far as that qUastion is concerned, remain a. Pe MO; and, Stny, OA a 'Waal necessity has arisen to justify Sc is i an attempt to settle it. i repmt, Sir. that I think kibe' better—the wiser—.the safer measure s , to adjust Ibis Sung= now than to protract it to ady future period. • Artif now, Sir, I shall proceed to the consideration of the measure which has been thought fit to be proposed by hie-Majesty's Govesument toratliament, as a remedy for some of the evils accedes; on the existing systes ~ end 4 basis for the eriectiao of • better sitteot_pi 401 authority,-;ad for the satisfactory edjestment and final coassumnation for ever of to. esthetic ireseiria. Sir, in . proeeedistg to eoesider the means of itcroalytitllinS Ill*, !treat and most desirable end, I cannot disguise from xrhe existence of many didculties to the settlement . .. tres;ion ; but I confess that there are s ow W 41 914 hapastasca I suer admitted, mad whisk is fed, 5 sewer minted. I ms aware that opposition top n hos arisen tisiousit threountry, fettatilld on a kenos that titbit a ' iftiotis question, .ant a polisical one; end the petiole p4s sow *timid, too, *ft tbordit tat mbiog 41.4 a Pee stand alone. This was the opinion r.f Mr. Pitt—this was the opinion entertained and emphatically expressed by Lord Liverpool. Sir, it is impossible to read the terms of the oath, and -think, for one moment after, that the removal. of the civil disabilities affecting the Catholic is inconsistent with the obligations of that oath. Sir, I contend (and here I beg to be understood 'as not talking of the incorporation of the Cathoiic religion with the State) that there is no such incom patibility between the obligations of that and the concession of political privileges to the Catholics.— But, however lightly I may weigh the objection; which I have mentioned. I must allow that there are other obtacles and difficulties. serious and important indeed, that stand in the way of concessions. I know that there may be difficulties found, and objections antici fated, growing out of the Act of Union. I admit that many objections, and not irrational ohjecti.ms, may be urged ; but I earnestly entreat all men to ap proach the ques ion in the spirit of mutual concessiciA. I wish toe House to look at the ultimate object of the measure, aid, if it appears that it is, in milky, an im portant measure—that great advantages may be reaped, and great danger averted by it— urely no trivial ob jection should induce us to forego those advantages, or to refuse to avert the danger. There have already been many occasions on which Parlians- nt found it necessary to throw aside minor objections in order to effect a great good. Let us look at the period of the union with Scot. land, when Parliament even made • partial sacrifice of principle. The union with Scotland was considered necessary in order to consolidate the Empire. and, be fore that measure could be effected, it was necessary to consent to the sacrifice of an independent Legislature, and to the extinction of an independent Kingdom.— In this instance Parliament would never have con sented to such a sacrifice' had it not been considered of paramount importance to the nation at large to effect the Union. The case of the Regency wen another instance of the necessity of departing from genei al rules ; and the fact of the representatives of the people themselves prolonging the trust which had been reposed in them, and continuing to act as Mem bers of Parliament after the period for which they had bee i elected WAS expired, was surely a violation of principle, if princii le was always to be judged of by ordinary toles. The union with Ireland was another instance. There again a pressing necessity was felt— gain k was found necessary to sacrifice An independent Legislature, and a departure Irom principle• was again I committed which could only be justified by the absolute. necessity of the State. After this instance I repeat, that Isivia . I objections should not prevent us hom effecting a great national good—(Hear). I shall now proceed to explain the principle of the measures which hi. Majests's , Government intend to bring before the House, and also the principle of the ecceptions they intend to introduce; but first give ate leave So state, in contradiction to re ports which have been very generally and very intim,- moonily circulated, that the measure I shall this even s.* submit to. the House is the measure which was agreed ow before the meeting of Parliament—that there h*s bees no *lteration in that measure—that no circum stance which has skies occurred has induced ate Govern ment t.s swerve from it—(Hear) —and that it is the same which it then appeared expedient is adopt. not only in name but in substance—(Hear, hear, hes ). It is also of importance to state that no others but the GeseettMent have been parties to the mea,nre. They cone Waled it right to worm it as a Government measure, as a Bill tot the consideration of the Legislature, not as a compromise. The Government alone ate the authors of it; the Government alone are responsible for it (War, hem). I emu now to the principle and the basis of the measure. 'The principle is the abolition of tell mus distinctions, the equalisation of civil rights (Hear, ligag. bear). Tittle may be regulations introduced— *ere may be some objections to the general rule; but tiltrule; I repeat, is the establishment of equal rights. To the funberance of this principle I feel I have a right W the 4 0, 4Peratitre of the Hogue; but this beieg the principle, I also feel a right to the concurrence of the alma Catholics in other meatuses which I shall feel it necessary to iotroduce. There is also another principle which must be adhered to throughout the measure. sonily, the maintenasce ot the Protestant religion whole aid entire—(Hear, bear).. Oar object is to combine the tltstafigioll of civil right to Of Roman Catholics wilt jbe permessent establishment of the Protestant Church' rendered inviolable, not only by the revolution of 1688. bp( by the affections and devotion of the people of &lOW. It is not • necessary for me, at present, to ,ems into a detail of the disabilities ander which AI Bola ,'Pubolics labour. The laws as they es iit them have been se minutely and so 'frequently dimmed in this Hasse, that ovary Mew 'bails meg be filly conversant with them. 4111 rot' doubt aware• that eon sfderatile fife: once exist( be Me so die utmost ef wry power while all eetredradt fen the situsitiOn you Th of no English aed _ the / l id s c u b, ller s trpts wkwever wads aball be made west Ms Person allerns. The English Catholics ate not at peseta adequate er Malty ;Amid IWIdo my aglow entleavair to -' - - to bold certain offices to which the Irish Catholics are sad make knowa i to his Majesty, his heins and immersers _ And I ctan do st d r t a h c i te mi s i which i ni m :y .r be formed agalou eligible, nor are capable of exercising the franchise. them. nisi which still i the Irish Catholics possess. But I think no 00e fend, to die utmost of my faithfull y tb t e succeetin e n su tfr:r.:,.. suppose that, if the Legislature should consider it which succesdon, by so Act entitled 6 An Act fur the /other fit to restore the C at h o li cs o f L e l an d to e•onal tation_of the Crown, and the lustier securing she rig is an/ rights, _ of the subject,' is, and stands, limited to th: Pub they should turn round, and refuse the same privileges Wetness of Hanover, and the heirs of her body, t•. it's*. to the Catholics of England. Ism also aware that the tants: anti, utterly renouncing and abjuring a ny Art , ' e- Act of Unio n with Scotland ma appear to I nca a- allegiance uuto any other person claiming or pre etithef f ,.l .be y f the Crown of these Beams. And Ido further declare citate the Roman C at h o li cs o f t h at country from the intr a i n ihn article of my h faith, , and that I do nuance, triter. f enj l oyment of political power; but I think the good , or any suthrw at iry a thr see eseent d rnenleated or deprived not feeling, I may say the ,good sense, of the House will murdered by their subjects, or by any person vrh a a r tseever. ot allow that Act to interfere so far as to leave that Idu not believe that the Pope of Rome. them the only excluded - body in the empire. If it be 4° declar e ough t; o t r o et ne Prin , an te, Prelate. Person, *ate, Or Patentee/4,1 consistent with the security of the Protestant establish • riority. or pre rea l temporal et dell jurist:Wel porn went to restore equal rights to the Catholics of Ireland, or it would surely be hard to say that the same rights Ido swear that I wiU defend, t r o the utimina !i t m y wl pow er, this t should not be restored to thol e of Scotland, where the la w s ;dta of - the, property within tids Realm as eitabli w sked least_danger, if any, can arise from Catholie power. In i by nten rhe t l a n n4 w to w t su i d t bLe t 7 r t t b e h t b i d p isei re l : ; o7 , Cli disa a i r v elT do ßst' and abrah:= l n Y t.l the first place, then, with respect t) the laws affecting acrd exercise any privilege to wadi I IY or il lnay r the Roman Catholics, the general opinion is. that the never will entitled to disturb or weaken the Protestant Religion or Protestant penal code has been abolished, and that all those laws in this ts il Kingdom; and I do solemnly, in r have ceased to exist. This is, however, not the case; or G r o r e ""n ro r res they do still exist ; and, in this respect the measure ration :a p d everys, ;ari ly,alidada"' that I do raal"" which I shall propose goes (tithe tha n any men - ore titis `lath with out thereof , in the....l " .itiain and.. ‘ --..jordenary evasion, egviv-..—, or .......... re which has yet been subniitted to O r e ]lou s e. My object witatsoev'et " ally ;I'llis oath, I trust, w ill be considered suffi:ient is to repeal the penal laws respecting property—to on ve he security. ai It may, perhaps, be object place the Catholic proprietor upon vs same tooting a ii s siplr a ess th im e- pe n r gi s ed rot them. w "c h s ; : h s th k ere are n a:r i ll *the with the Protestant. At pie tut a Roman Catholic a religion dues possessing property is subject to the penal laws until he rtiecto - For my own part I oasider this a strong ca rect u u r n o n n tentlation shall hate taken three oaths, which, as they are not re- s e iuest'szyi 'There were several other articles which I omitted •- : waswisich I did nut think applied to the present cat quited at entrance on any office, are frequently omit- those Gentlemen teal. What I propose is, that the Catholics and Plotes• were to legislate with us se : f aa t r o ar ca t il hat u the "clot faint was nut to be kept with heretics"—( e. Hear). tants shall stand on an eq-ial tooting with regard to the introduction of such climes as these would rather propetty, and that the Catholics shall be permitted to the oath ; but, if it should be the prevalent enjoy their property without being suSject to torte tei r introduction would add force, I am ready to the penal laws, as they at present are, in Cate the wishes of the House. lam anxious to conciliate an ~ the prescribed oaths are neglected. The next quest isms whatever dimple may be excited by the introduction the present nteasute, I can assure the House that I propose I , tion for our consideration is the admission of Cacho- the br e li n u s i ttert fin e m d r spirit of peace. This oath will be found to lies to political power. It is impossible not to think that the whole question with regard to political Lad Minket', and by the Rightwete pr o p osed ..G by Mt. Grate dated the measure. I think this oat h sbould em be lein th a e n one e. P power turns upon their admission to seats in Parliament. every occasion, as It would be very desirable that there Without that, concession of any other kind would be a E tna %bet o ne oath to Ise taken' by all Roman Catholics. mete nothing—the Catholic question would still remain likewise be s ul fite Ittr e ci t P o k al f this measure, Roman cab. the same--the same cause .4 dissatisfaction and irrita-icli , ties Would exist ; and if you do not grant them that, at present excluded, not-by die oath against tr t ansubstant any further concessions would only afford them the the power vested in Corgerations to administer tbe instruments of struggling more ef fi ciently to artiste at Prema Raa a c w Y c A . l a n b o r di Z eanilitmitT with the r ineiple er t ' mlniurat74l n of tl ju bs stic it e db! l i laci sabte lee to lig l i ti b °lke° c°1111"1" this their grand object. I consider it necessary to ex • the ad t-nd this in the vet y first instance. To set the Cath-lic has been long a subject of complain r t, and I hilatvtle to ill that t h e ir case was stronger in claiming this than claim y tag question at rest, now and for ever, it would promote our superior The y ore now excluded from the slice of She own ends tar do so. I propose, therefore, that Roman power. un of Justice. The principle Catholic Peers, nod !Liman Catholics who shall here. Bill islicbas to in themmakee lb eligibl e to all offi v c i e k s h a r onwtcted the Criminal Jurisprudence of s he after be returned to Parliament, shall be qualified to sit litary Offices, the House is aware that Roman Catholic. number in Parlianiest—that there shall be no limitation in the number to be returned—and that they shall take their present practicall y enabled to kohl any rank except that places on the same footing with Protestant Members . I high mat r. b in dic ier: and as if to r the danger to be dreaded '- very much doubt the policy, after Catholics shall have been ezPotietwedi as arm y, In w ve re alre an aZ i b t ee m n u G t etSerals visions. As to the Meter description of dvil dices I "been declared eligible to sit in Parliament, of restricting the numbers who shall so sit, . as also of making any that seine slifesuity gay arise oft that subject; but a . as that when w w e r ba d anvetdnetinnerminhw h igh ei w I determined to admit Roman CatholicsCatholicsdistinction in the privileges which they shall enjoy. 1 doubt the policy of rest , icting the numbers, because I dossed, it would net be a t dviadvisableadvisableto exclude them consider it would be extremei, difficult to pot such a I very much doubt the principle .1 admitting ti to power and Wafts which they measure into prailice on' just and impattial grounds; r b e y e he stinati ' ll. ' ple , and not leave it in for, supposing the law was, that not mute than forty the t •to co t rend t he ir cervi ces ; Roman Catholics should sit in this House, could any leave thee* office , ib tem re w ard Pv t , heir thing be more difficult than to apply that law if a greater excite their ambition, and that they shalt he al was °•`" /11 the service iii. the Crown. I shall slow P rim ' s ' number were returned at a general election? Who the ie ir k ierptiOnS to the general of rule of admissibility. r to select the Members who etre to sit? Who to th e d o s e w e i lc e r I: t r i e u g n i % shall bud I r li d e ' select those whose elections were to be set aside on the mak tie! when connected are those dices, which I have excepted by name. '. ground of a greater number than were admissible halo. the Lord Lieutenant, or Chief Governor of Ireland, mg been retained ? But I ohject to such a regulation on still hi. ; her grounds. I think that, if thirty or forty in tal lin h t ata lend.77p7o n po d n : C rt re o lli le n a t i l a vi lmr entit ha e w ly K in e v e rula t t ° e t ati til in Roman Catt.olics were re. tit ned to Parliatitelit, and no ordin - e t e u t t a itr d greater number allowed t.. be returned. that they would 'kW. Colleges, and Schoo ls, for tho l e:r are thinks are preve nted Irons, being admitted to them—. be wore dangerous to the erotestant establishmen t — bleb prevent Catholics exercising a die. that, if there were no aiszh it ritation, they wtruld, in my w r yer ti ali t ia rot rd e w st p opinion, be mote likely to combine, to write amongst to the * rig al* Church —and li ld ving i r s pr o o" r ea eile to . b e nTici l l themselves, and separate from their Protestant fellow- ot saY hinds lir cases where I Member.—to form into a party for 'tie purpose, if which the rigat ot to patronage is attacked, Hutt wered to transfer that right of presentatioe not of promoting a Catholic, at least of injuritig the shell he e r h eo ful l pr pose to enact, under heavy - Pr-testant, establishment . It is on ihoe grounds it i be eirs law whatever connected witli ab le G til o o v lic t tn i t nit t a o ul st e t' 1 would oppose any restriction in the number of the Crown on the appointment of any indie4lial to t, Roman Catholic Members. 1 likewise object to any distinction of privileges born their Pi 0. eat ant fel me Che rv reli tn ei inr h ae ttr ns in Engiaed or Ireland. These tisfactiun to the Protestants; they low-Members. I have considered with great atten- i t iar ori s he er. ;_ oirar, ce t:ra sa4 . ure and in r v n iin e a l t rr e, of t n he Prt i o ch esti dm a pr..peaal whi-h was made by a Right lion. Pt lend grounds, and do not in are slightest tt degree of mine-1 have admired the depth of thlught and re- 'Peak principles upon which the Hie is founded—(Hear) search displayed in it—and lam w ithi n to do my Ryht 1 ha i v L atated with sufficient intelligibility aid detail Hon. Friend the fu lest justice, as lam sure he brought the with respe ct tear it. ir di the civilriere in rights t• which Ito it forward metely for the sake of conciliation ; not would be en:Oh- u nder t omitted, I shad be happy to explain it at a a ny point to satisfy any apprehensions rf his own mind, but w Gentlemen have bad the Bill in their hands—Meer; promote the attainment of o e grsat nbject he had in Lord to dltiU GEd w i th et to be Elective N r wished to ask the Bie d n on. view. But I confess Ido not see !ow a Unman CIA°• be I ntended 'is mensbet could be compel eel to abs. tit himself on Mr. PEk:L Itiv t mr n tiintetisitt h a ionto Fl ' plat the introduction of ce: Lain questions. I think it would tbulic Elestors cm the sameNo and Cheers). I g ' t he i be vet y difficult to aseet tato what meatur ea pailful's', tore of ltel.nd—(Hear, hear, a right to _expect a friendly disposition of Cathi— referred to the Protestant church. The question might u laleruff— rhe l have li st /t i ght to Call f* the sante ail /sauce be interwoven with many other matters. and, on the granted the Rol a t7a u tira d th t oi be ilr it h a e lre ilo y tirgiatuf to tti other hand. there might be fileillitnef which materially Sir, tem, object to some of the grounds ; I again referred to it, and on which Catholic Members might right to expect more than any other of'his Majesty' coatsive to y.-te, notwithstanding the letter of the law. i lLi aziirh th e iveFranehise, Sir. is on ot e that import.oce, If they was allowed to speak on the subject, and not to rgreatest caution—(Hear, aution—LHea be nu de— it r, hear). It is to e, I think the danger wtiuld be nearly as great, as an ear l , thatsonic alt eration able and powerful man might urge %w sting arguments the improvement of the moral con ditiono the was le —it wee wrcessary for the greater smithy ul dot r which would have great weight with the House, and i iiie w s ould afford additional security. . then retire, and leave his party to suppo.t his measures. title:,of a vote But mj great objection to chit Course is, because I con• the particular , t o eirc r uniata th nce e a ll of that awar tim e e di t a t tl. eider it would be a departure from the first pi inciple of in. The friends of Ireland were bad ant shea,use--ibe abolition of seli,ious distinctions, grounds, and was exercised upon bad principles. Instrument by which the aristocracy IP Ireland e. --(Heat, hear.) I think it ti et at this stage of the pro- °IL; in pose n the fsu d country, and the freeholders were teedi 110 to read the oath a hich I propose as a substitute for the pa for the oath now taken by Platestant+, and which &ferentt presenttto erimttedfr, use franchise that ' ii,niitne o the landlord gla . " Li U:der it tl Roman Catholics shall be obliged to take. In the first is a the Priest stepped Into deprive Ida of it altuurb , r, place it would be a great relict to R swan Catholics, and fa vain at what had taken pl ace t o I have no doubt a great satisfaction to many Plates- a n alooss or ha an o ye Louth, to " and tants, to repeal the oath against transubs antivtion— right to . see th ' at the franchise :L not a" to ailirt that (Heal). This oath was, in tact, never intended ac a re- littistetelsollnes — ( l . oo dcbesrs). 1 will s In the ligious test—it was never &meted against any doctrine la in a : at ille f "MUM in grs al t n ictbcc distinct cUscu a nt:on rtieb tbe my crdlitseltieti with the Catholic 6i —it was not applied in the reign of Queen Elisabeth—it was introduced in the reign of Chas Its 11. when Ho- this point of view—whether theai p rece dent altd p l t am tlicipl°, Man Catholics were excluded from Parliament, and whit catered the espresdon of popular opinion, t was only meant and only used for the purposes of ez• the number a g reat im p rovem e nt lit Irela nd ? I" the s• County. is some coqille, elusion. When exclusion is to be abolished, then such the n ou liga m bt b- r r of of v v otr ette rs iti ea is c t i : as otith becomes useless; and I cannot but think it was while In others they are Aft eeu tho usan d , Betless a t od In lw numben voting in Ireland and those voting 1,, t" worse than inconsistent - when the Catholic Bill was in- as seventeen thousand. If aco ben were drat troduced is the year 1812-15, to propose that this oath t he found that i tlse n u mbers is Ireland implied no should be retained for the Protestant Member, for the wholatc:Fesvo p ro per ty. bo a oak, Str n a t ibe House I TO look purpose of bringing him up to the table, hollowed by the Roman Catholic Member, whose religion he warto ask if it can be necessary, On a ou ttu i t :t of D lg roe e r i a " ft ' swear was idolatrous and damnable—(Hear). - 'she asaben of votes ellesiti " I st far the P•r . - locient oath of supremacy I propose to retain, to be still lout,_&t.:e r rs: elec t io n i"of the "eels ?—(Letlea the tiles ' taken by Protestant Members; and I hope that the time pi n e d was * b oot a.goo w ; f or It er kdd ro . g b e glialber ber ‘ will shortly come wbea even this distinction shall cease 2.750; fur Cumberland ( ; for D e v t i t s e erettire. to exist, and Catholics, as well as Protestants, will come _____,_Glantortrnahlre• 1,1154 i for lilithlPien,lo.ou o i ar-' forward voluntatily to subscribe its that oath. This, bu = l l d seltinka The Teter" Sirs frees Irelands - believe kaawcarenit In saying teat die member xben, is the oath which I propose to be taken by Roman own - Rem 10,000 to 35,100. 1 begs" Catholic Menthes., relieving them from taking the two tiva l td t tie rdiT: to what has been dues wish re( oaths of allegiance and abjuration,•and incorporating cblosi ' aad if ever there •r“ • P•••• 4 • 11 flot my' a pretedect for the pretreat in anise times in which like ewe in one. _ .._ . - i- • raise was Sat introduced' I will only, Sir. tatted a I.A. B. do declare that I profess die Raman MUM rashes." the Act of the sib of Henry VI. asd if I wanted " 1, A.B. do sincerely promise sod swear that I will be faithful which. Legislature had foresees t h e and h eir tie , allegiance to m s Nolen Wag espy IV. 1011 wM aaawsre a .frawitles, It wed. be grded * likely ftlel4 • • 1 ' - 1 . • ' . . . • rintspersekll64 • i Persollif erosive. to theclom and , are, all imam • against him et uppon, and de. • to the Crown, he /tether Neilb isles and liber. Nilo a phis, r, to • roteM ' i 1.0,1'. sr . t sal* i . be to • ochre that if le .'ricer, and ab. leprived by the be deposed err . mever. And I 1 1 1; Rome. Or any 1 tenets, bath, Sr 1, power. sap• bin Chia IL elm. .. • power, the set. isblisheil by the !rely abjure any . stunt, as settled y swear that I - - or may heroine • on or Protestant ' e h. the presence. • • e , make this deda. • rdinary sense or • mai reser/ado* 4 cient security', 'objected that it 1 • tel other sedates ell upon they to • recommentlailan :" I omitted as en. 4. • '• present case. I ill . Gentlemen who 'i "3 tett the doctrine $, lear). I thought • ober weaken the lent opinion that . 1 i to cemply with date all pocks; . 1 ..... e introductioe 4 at I propose it Is • e found to differ Mr. Grattan, by iii in who last intro. a one adopted on '1 it there should he elegies. In con. tan Catholics will • in which they are ,übstantiation, b 4 r the Oath of Si. le of the measure s .. • es connected with to all those Aces always considered claiming political re of Sheriff, and to principle of this ... • 1 es conreated with • $ ith respect to Mi. tt , 4 t Catholics are at opt that of Corn- aded from holding must already have a Generals or IN. ices I am aware II I ; but I apprrben4 . •. • i Catholics to Par. • .. deli I have men. I : them from these .. g clue% to populae they. are to bold tin the power ed ' • aose, th retort, te - . • their services, not • be el•glble to des i puma. d to C.lndder .1 ay. I propose that be in reference to ed Church. Veers - t ie. Tits y are awes t .. I s land, and the Lerd • of the Great Seal e lee all local statutes, • ' 1 . 1 ahlehed to Univ.,. . , and by elect' C... t, ibena—l propose to . rig a divet influence , ' t enact, with respect • tactical pretereients I :a hold property to ed, that the Crowe resentatiou to other eavy penalties, that 1 ay situation or elliee • a offer any advice to 1: tai to preferments is These exceptions are • I; they ire eft cemary he larlitestant Keret). s is which rest impair degree invade the ear) Sir, I believe i, detail the outline of ' , ch Roman C.thoNce . • • . point which I have , ore time, whets Hog. :lieu). dom. Secretary what : t Franchise? • . plate It men Ca- , the l'roic•tant Eke. . ! I say. Sir, I have a 4 atbi•ltcs Inward. this 'Segni:cc bunt them eto obj.ct. I have, if his petition. He • again say. he has se jesty's subjects. The Mat, that I arroaiii It is absolutely wee. . ) t was BUCtfllarl ia t ; ' a people of Ir the intreentous 9eipo.. • • . A 11.11 w.s bone I . : I : vote t but evrlfic as i was not persevered at It now .nerd epee i principles. It w•is eland ezercieed their . , were seeerady made It was altaqa)bei ' • ler the frastriswe, ve Hord was garalyseti, . 1 t altuswh.t. It we. Pam in the rootlike n that we had DOI D . 14 ' 413111 s reason Ilk. the Grit immure, Stito Intact frost ',None, *lie Glletiien. IWIli ineiple, and arse( he • ; • lii am about to proper, in, nr whether it wial ' o the first place, sato e counties in Ireland us thirteen thousand, in some even as kith 1 re draws between the io begland, it would I DO adequate propene look at Ilse situnecr• Ireland, and 1 elm . t Ineogitirc. lf eber ut .f l y i ll 'an iwp est reaseitun tbat ai i: d ellii" , s bete llftle ;nr ;,... ,0e0; and fur West.. ili -01 •eimatl, are imperfect. member of vesterkie • • i 1 , begs. call the maw 6 regard to this from ti t measure, sty there 4' • s width the 1014wai. take the prearabk Of noted an IMAM* 114 dy to by the accuse hem fig .1 1 se ream* 41 1 . . i . _