Star. — London, England, 1827-05-04 00:00:00

• MAW ere to augur from this oomlnencinalllitt tbia. squite certain, that a more violent, a • Attire unhesitating. a more unscrupulous , a m ore irm a64 p sty, never got t , gether, than that which broke grows ' s Abe night before laA—(Hear). Before coming to those,p inns, which are trifles in the estimation of the lion. Gentleman, however of importance i,thers may I deem them. I will give my no answers to his no ques tions. 1 shall imitate him, and leave unanswered those questions which he has not put ; but I shall say a word or two on that import .nt point with which he con cluded. I admit the candour and the manliness in which the Honourable Gentleman has come forward, as much as I do the Gallant General's politeness in giving way to him. I rejoice in that candour and manliness, inasmuch as it exposes the toot on which the Hon. Gentleman expects to get back into office, by carrying the Catholics farther off .shar ever from the object of their hopes—(Cheers).. So-impatient is the Hon. Gentleman for that " devoutly wished for con summation," that he is not able to wait a week—a week I No, nor until the arrival of the mail from Deb• lin, which is to bring an account of the opinions a. the Catholics themselves upon the point—his impa tience will not permit him to wait a 'day. until that measure shall be brought forward, in order to put the Minister and all the friends of Administration, old or new, out of the positions they occupy. A week out of place is too long, and, therefore, his plan is, to urge us to do that, whictr, in my conscience I believe, and as a friend of the Catholic Question, I solemnly declare, .1 believe would be fatal to it—(Cheers). There are times and seasons when it is proverbially lawful to take a lesson from our enemies. Let the Catholics who have too often taken a lesson from their enemies, now take another—let them, and they must be stricken with madness if they do take it—let them follow the advice of the Hon. Gentleman—(Loud and continued cheers)... let them rather wait for the effect of time, in allaying prejudices, and in removing scruples—let them wait for the breaking out of that light which will shine— let them studiously retrain from all irritating language and conduct—let them not follow the advice of indis creet friends—let them wait the removal of these scru ples, of the existence of which, in a certain quarter, we have had almost official proof from the Hon. Gentle man—let them hope for alt from patience—let them hope for all from forbearance—let them hope for all from conciliatory conduct—let them eschew the cc/tinsel of intemperate friends—but, above all, let them eschew the advice of their avowed enemies, who, for party purposes, now seek, and with the thinnest disguise with which faction ever sought to cover its nakedness and deformity, would urge them to their ruin —(Cheers.) Let them eschew the advice of their frank and manly enemy, the Right Honourable Gentleman opposite, but let them follow that of their constant, their honest, their undeviating friends. In speaking of honest friends, I candidly lay a claim to be reckoned among that num ber—l, who have always supported every question founded on liberal principles. (Here the Hon. Gentle., man recapitulated some of his claims to the confidence of the Catholic..) But is it not extraordinary, that those Gentlemen who have uniformly opposed Catholic Emancipation, who used to say, " For Gon's sake, do not renew this eternal question."—is it not extraordinary that they should now be solicitous for its agitation ? I have not the speeches of the Hon. Gentleman at my fin gers' ends, as he has mine—not because the Hoc. Gen atternais's speeches are of less value, and less worthy of being sought for—but, because I have not time; for when not engaged in my Parliamentary duty, I am professionally occupied; but had I the speeches of the Hen. Gentleman at hand, I make no doubt that I should be able to produce such a passage as this— " Bad as it would be to see the Catholics admitted into this House—frightful as it would be to the Church to grant their claims—dangerous as it would be to the State—there is one thing still worse—one thing mere frightful—one thing more alarming—and that is, the constant agitation of this question. It is bad to grant the Catholic Claims, but it is tea times worse to keep them constantly before our eyes."—(Cheers.) Nothing can be more monstrous—nothing more incon sistent—therefore, than that those who constantly hither to deprecated the discussion of the Catholic Claims, should now come forward and say, " De not delay a week in re-introducing that question." One week is too long for us to rest upon our bed of thorns—one week is too long for us to remain out of the Royal favour— one week is too long for us to remain in the cold solitude of retirement—one week is too long for us to be occupied iu reading the fag-ends of Par liamentary debates —(A laugh) and, instead of calculating the endearing items of expenditiire— and the still more endearing items of receipts—(A laugh)—to be kept sitting on this barren rock—to be cal culating how many times you, the Master of the Mint— how many times you, the future Judge-Advocate—how often you, who will sit by that post, have been found voting according to your principles, and against those who bad promotion to give away—(Continued cheers). You, Catholics, are abused—you are abandoned, if the whole country shall not be plunged into agitation and tumult by the renewed discussion of your question; and if in one week it be not brought forward, you—advo.' cates of the Catholics—will have abandoned your ptin cip'es." (Long continued cheering). So much for the' main point--now for the questions of the Hon. Member. He says, " I will not ask the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite respecting the coincidence I have remarked, nor will I ask the Hon. Secretary for the Admiralty; (in which, he is quite safe. 'fur the lion. Secretary for the Admiralty is not present,) " nor will I ask that Hon. and Learned Member, near the post." (A laugh).-- Therefore, as no questions were asked, us answers have been given. (A laugh). But I will ask what there was extraordinary in the circumstance, that those News papers, which had formerly been in favour of the Op position, and against that part of the Government which had retired, should continue consistently to support the principles they had always advocated? The only wonder was, why that portion of the press which used to be for the Hon. Gentleman and his friends was now either silent altogether, or had become the defenders of the Right Hon. Gentleman or his measures, in a case of es. ttaordinary difficulty and embarrassment, and a case of difficulty and embarrassment too not of his own seeking. It is quite impossible, that, having no influence, we cool late a single step towards producing that coincidence remarked by the Hon. Gentleman. But were there no means - by which the talents of the Hon. Gentleman, and thole of his Right Hon. Friend, the late Secretary fee the Home Department, could be used ip influencinitr b t . press ? in we understood the Hon. and Learned her). With respect to the importance attached to the publications in dievewspapers. I declare, admitting all that inspottace, that it is my' firm belief that public opinion leads, instead of grows, out of the press—for, • . • u .. .? , .* •f-• ) y 4.` whenever I see a strong opinioti expreited by thole at, persons who condutt the public press, I am disposed to thai it is not because the Secretary Of the Treasury, not becalm the Secretary of the Admiralty, or other official person, has comMuntcated with them, but that public opinion has been very loud, and that public opinion has been very strongly expressing itself— (Hear, bear), I am of opinion, that -.ahe people of this country saw and lamented the ethbairassing situa tion of the Sovereign—that they approved of the changes that have taken place—but that they have, with one voice, notwithstanding the Honourable Gen tleman's speech of the other night was anything but amity, regretted very strongly and very loudly the retire. ment from office of the Right Hon. Gentleman, the late Secretary for the Home Department—(Hear, hear,) — and for myself I will say, it could not be stronger than the deserts of that Right Hon. Gentleman—(Cheers). The press has been faithful. I have not seen all the publications or. this subject; but all, as far as I have seen them, have been unanimous in a similaftexpression of regret—(Hear). I know that amides have been made on one illustrious individual, but that, however to be regretted, is not surprising, as all men's public charac ten are public property. I may, surely, say, that his (the Duke of Wellington * s ) is public property—(Cheers). I highly disapprove of the cooduct of all the other re tiring Ministers except him; but in his situation, from peculiar circumstances, I think resignation was actin ble—(Hear, hear). How much they are to blame I must avow. I was also quite surprised by the retire ment of Lord Melville: for all I enteitertain the highest respect, and all, no doubt, took that step which they thought their honour required. A great deal of cant his, been used on the subject ; but I, for one, say, it is humit nature for a man to, feel When another individual lei placed over his head. • In what situation, however, had the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head . of his Majesty's Government been placed ? He felt himself left suddenly by six or seven of his colleagues, and his Majesty felt him self deserted by his Council—(Hear). But, in conse quence, steps have been token, and are in progress, which will give to this country a Government, it ever one deserved that name—a loch will give to his Ma jesty able, honest, intelligent, advisers and servants-- (Cheers). It is on these grounds that I am prepared to give them my warmest support. 1 will receive no office myself, but I will answer for the probity and the independence of those of my lion. Friends who will accept of office (Ct,eers) —CHere the Hon. and Learned Member most warmly eulogised the conduct of the Right Hon. the First Lord of the Treasury, and his (Mr. Brougham's) friends throughout the negotiation between them, with all the particulars of which he had been aware; adding, that, so far from chewing an avi• dity and - a love for place, nothing could be more alien to such a feeling than the conduct of his Honourable Frieuds3.The difficulty had been, not to gratify their de sires, but to remove their scruples—to remove their difficulties. He had combated those scruples until he had been fatigued with them, but he had the unspeakable sa tisfaction to say, that he had been instrumental in finally overcoming them, and in producing the termina tion of the negociation,io a manner on which he could not help congratulating the country. Is it possible, there fore (continued the Hon. and Learned Gentleman), that men se reluctant to come into power, should, at the eery instant that they crossed this House, abandon their principles, and abandon the Catholics? It such a thing should occur, it would be the greatest political miracle over witnessed. (Here the Hon. and Learned Gentle. man entered into a recapitulation of the other great public questions on which he had concurred in opinion with the Right Hon. the Premier. Among these were the invasion of Spain by the French, and then proceeded). —This is not a question 'toothy of a division. It has been got up to answer the purposes of party manoeuvring 'by splay which, I prophesy, from its infant aptitudes 'for Ildliniste•ial opposition, will prove a more frequent and more factious one than ever sat on the benches that it now occupied—a numerous opposition, I acknow ledge—l see it with pleasure. Having been long in opposition habits, I know the probable effect of num• ben in such a situation. Nothing is so bad as a large opposition—nothing so cumbrous, so unmanageable; something must be given up to one—something to another; as, for instance, to the Hon. Mover of the present motion, who, in the spirit of triumphant oppo sition, has introduced a factious debate—a speech and motion grafted on the motion of another Honourable Member; and to the same Honourable Member, when he spoke, on a former occasion, of the Bishop's Castle at Lambeth—(Cries of Order).—Next, some concession most be made to another Hon.Gentlentan,who, although as little a friend to the present Opposition, as he is to Cathol c Emancipation, would divide the House merely to shew the weakness of our numbers. As to the ques tion of Parliamentary Reform, I will admit that divi sions existed on it among the old Opposition, though I can now add, that most men are in favour of moderate reform, or. as Lord Castlereagh used to call it, mock reform. I repeat that, of the old Opposition, not only many Members, but many divisions, were hostile to re form. But it is strange, say our adversaries, that on that question, to which the Rt. Hon. Chancellor of the Exchequer has pledged his hostility—a question on which we have divided against him—it is strange that on that question we.do not still stand out. It is not, I assert, that if we withheld our support from the Right Hon. Gentleman on that ground alone, we should have acted unjustly to ourselves and dishonestly to the country. But has there been no change in the prin. eiples of the Administration which could justify our coalition? Yes; the great features of the Government have been partly remodelled and partly remade since the death of the late Marquis of Londonderry. Since that period the conduct of the Administration has been guided by a liberal, manly, and truly English feeling, on questions of continental policy. It has b.en guided by an equal spirit of liberality in the affairs of South America. The measures of the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, and-of the President of the Board of Trade, had been influenced by the like temperate, sage, and statesmanlike principles, on the three important interests of commerce, currency, and manufactures. These are the three grand cardinal features which mai k the character of the Right Hon. Gentleman's policy, and, in the prosecution of that policy, he has constantly re. .ceived the support of our votes and our voices. Is my approbation, then, of his measures new? No. I were mad if I did not approve them—l were mad else— for I myself propounded those very improvements long before they were adopted. I propounded them in 1814, in the form of resolutions, which were partially admitted and partially rejected. I fought the same battle over again in 1816, against Lord Castlereagh, through the whole Session: I propounded them once more in a formal motion in 1817, on which occasion .1 divided the House, and received, on that division, the sappint of filmy one cif my Roundtable } f riends around me. The milt questions of importance that followed were those that tegatkled :the Holy Alliance and the. war in Spain. The Holy Affiance was then in its bristle. 1 --(Laughter). When I divided the House on that question, and arguing against my Lord Castlereagh, 1 expressed my suspicions of their views, and my convic tion of the disgrace that would result to Great Britain from any connection with that junto of depots. How was I met? I was treated as a wild enthusiast—laughed at as a speculative theorist—a see-er of sights, and a dreamer of dreams. I was charged with seeing in a grain of mustard seed the germs of a mighty tree, that should overshadow the earth with its branches, and hide from mankind the sacred light of liberty. Nothing was so harmless, it was said, nothing so amiable as that coalition of the Princes of Russia, Prussia, and Austria. My suspicions were derided as the theories of a fanciful speculatist. Well, notwithstanding all this, I did not change these opinions. The death of the Marquis of Londonderry at length opened the way for the Right Honourable Gentleman below me—the only change of Ministry that arose out of that circumstance—and that led to the immediate adoption of a m inly, liberal, and English feeling on questions of foreign policy. This is the ground, these are the principles, on which' I support, and have supported, the Right Honourable Gentlemen. On these principles let him in future conduct the Go vernment, and he shall have from me that which he has a right to demand—that which I am bound in common honesty to perform to him—a cordial, zealous, but most disinterested support—(Loud cheering). Mr. CANNING—Sir, I rise with the purpose, and not without a hope, of obtaining priority of consideration for the motion of the Gallant General which stands in its regular turn for discussion. Without proposing to lay down arty particular plan for the regulation of our pro ceedibgs, I shall take leave to suggest, that such a pals pable departure from the regular and understood co of Parliamentary business, as that contained in the too-. tion of the Hon. Member, carries its own cure along with it in the disgust which it must excite in all honour able minds—(Cheering). Sir, these tricks are too ap parent, and I have no doubt that the House will mark a due sense of the motive in which they ginate, by such a minority as shall deter a speedy recoral rence to such disengenuous practices—nor can 1 omit to warn that minority to beware how they proioke the majority to the adoption of similar measures, and to remind them how little ground they leave to them selves for complaint, if they should suffer from such imi tation of their own conduct. Sir, I cannot consent that a motion thus introduced for the purpose of founding on it an irregular and interpolated debate, should take precedence before one of which due notice had been given' —which was regularly set down for discussion, and in the decision of which, most important interests were concerned—nor would the postponement of this motive be only irregular, but also unjust—inasmuch as it abase tend to disappoint the expectations of that numerous l class of persons interested in its fate. As to the pointed animadversions which the Hon. Gentleman has thought proper to make personally on myself, I can assure him, that I do not feel in turn the slightest personality against him, in consequence of that attack. I am too old a stager now, not to be able to bear such attacks with some degree of temper ; and, particularly, an stuck' far interior in force and quality to many whose brunt have endured with perfect indifference. But as, I am re,olved not to be deterred, by the irregular intoducs (ion of personal topics, from entering into an ample discussion of them, when they shall be brought te. gularly before the House, so I shall disdain to notice suck attacks, when forced on like the present, against the legitimate order of our proceedings. I cannot, however, pass over the exultation affected by the Hon. Gentleman, on the supposed contradiction of the state ment made by me, relative to the time at which I re ceived the six resignations of my late colleagues. I. regret also, that my Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Peel) misunderstood me to say, that I had received them while in the chamber of his Majesty. The facts, the. particular facts, of the affair, were these received the resignation of Lord Westmorland'on the 11th, at , night ;—of the intended resignation of my Right Hon. Friend, the Secretary for the Home Department, I had been some time aware, from my personal communica tion with him;—the resignation of the Duke of. Wet-• lington, dated the 11th, 1 received on the 12th, about half.past ten in the morning ;—and that of my Noble Friend, Lord Bexley, about the same time. With these four resignations, I proceeded to St. James's. Up to that hour the resignations of the Chancellor and Lord Bathurat had not arrived at the Foreign Office; but having reached it soon after 1 left for St. James's, they were, in pursuance of directions which I had previously given on the subject, instantly forwarded to me to the Palace; and on this I must observe, that so far was 1 from expecting the resignation of the Chancellor, that I was induced, by the terms of his letter, to imagine he would still retain office--a delusion-into which his Ma jesty, also, was led by the letter. And, while on the Chancellor's resignation, I cannot dismiss, in justice to, that Noble Lord, this part of the subject, without stating that his conduct, through the whole of these' proceedings, was in the highest degree unexceptionable _(Cheering). As to the apprehension entertained by the Honourable Gentleman, that a division on his mo tion may effect a too early dissolution of our new alli ance, I request be will not allow his fears to stand in the way of his intention. as, I trust, I can safely assure him they have not the slightest foundation in fact or probability—(Laughter). For the specific object of the Honourable Gentleman" motion, namely—a request that a copy of the commission of the Judge-Advocate be laid before the House, I am at a loss to guess ea hat ground the Honourable Gentleman has discovered the person appointed to the place of Judge-Advocate before the appointment has been made, except the Hon., Gentleman has proceeded on the Cambridge principle —take the number of a ship's masts—divide it by the number of guns, and you have the name of the Captain —(Laughter). As the Hon. Gentleman must have' perceived that it is the wish of the House to proceed to the regular business of the day, I trust he will not he sitate to withdraw his motion. (The Right Hon. Gentle man resumed his seat amid most enthusiastic cheering). Captain DUNDAS rose, amidst much confusion, and vindicated his Noble Relative (Lord Melville) from the charge of having made a sacrifice of principle. Mr. BROUGHAM, in explanation, denied that he meant any thing diirespectful to the Noble Lord. He did not impute to the Noble Lord, in leaving the Ca. binet. any sacrifice of principle; on the contrary, he thought there existed no reason for the Noble Lord's leaving, for which reason he sincerely wished to see him hack again. Mr. PEEL, from under the. gallery, rose, and spoke to the following effect:—As it is understood that this etening isto be devoted to other business of a mare lar nature, I shall, for that reason, abst a i n f rom allusion many topics that have been introduc e d i nto this disc s sion. But the Honourable and Learned Gentle man (Mr. Brougham) has dwelt upon question s so import in themselves, and tending so materi a ll y to affect degree of confidence which ought is be placed i n Government by the Parliimentairdthe country, tha t cannot bring myself to think they c an b e so hai disposed of, by the sarcasm and levity of th e Hon. GI, tleman. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman has scribed the Hon. Members, who sit on the other side House, as the opponents of the preroga t i ves of , Throne. Though a new Member of the Admi a i, l d u on, the Hon. Member has already acquired t h e - a piece of old ministerial cant—a bind of ar orn. 'e from which I, and my Hon. Friends, abstained wi in office, though now the Hon. and Learned Getttlema imputes to us a factions opposition, through a de i t uphold place. and that, after we had abandon e j office, for reasons which the Honourable and L earn( ' Gentleman himself states to be insufficient—(lleac). I have sat in this House, Sir, for fifteen years; in • time my personal animosities, if I had any, have extinguished ; but my political principles are st.l lively as ever. As the coalition between certain fill bers of the late Government and the Whigs, illy: questions which must affect the degree of confident, House is called on to place in the present Government, can the House give its confidence to an Aiminiitratio, until it knows the principles on which it has ben strueted—the grounds on which that confidence it mended? With respect to the question of Paiiiament, Reform, I hear tonight, for the first time, and the emit try will hear with surprise, that, a powerful body opposition that was wont to sit on the °V er side of House before, apparently divided by many shades difference, and without any visible bond of uni should now, actuated, every man of them, by spirit of association, consent to a measure ine.i au essential change in the constitution of thatti, The House ought to be informed whether the tion of Parliamentary Reform was to. be left touched, like the Catholic Question, or whether Catholic Question itself was to remain still —or, vi new elements of discord were to be intro& and the question of Reform, also, was to be .4 Though I have received much satisfaction from explanation of the Learned and Hon. Gentleman , point, I am anxious to know something more. to know the conditions on which the Hon. and Leaned Gentleman has joined my Right Hon. Friend, ther my Right Hon. Friend had no alternative formation of his Government, but a junction former opponents, on the conditions to which alluded ? But the Hon. Gentlemen on the ot have rushed, as it were, with one accord, to sups prerogatives of the Crown! But why do they into office W* if they are so anxious to sup Throne, why do they not forget Parliamentary and Catholic Emancipation? Why do they mere' places to be taken for them in the boxes, which tend to fill hereafter ? It is not lair, it is not . in a party, to form a junction on such condit wait, as it were, a certain period of probation, to qualify their principles. Why, in this count', abounds with experienced and stiong minds, tut to meet the difficulties of the times, why should allowed that high offices of State should be sagacious Ministers, who are intended to be after the temporary difficulties shall have vanished the boasted necessity of supporting the prerogr the Crown shall have ceased !—(Cheers and fat Sir, I am sorry to behold public mem, in high compromising their principles; and though I sl be sorry to see the powerful party of Vt - bigs from office.:—(A laugh)—l should be sorry to deteriorated in principle, and sunk in the opinion s country —(Cheers.) Why was the onion between parties delayed, if there had been either no eagr one side to obtain place, or compromise on to forget principle? Sir, I think,that the Hot Gentleman's explanations have satisfactorily that the Whig party has sunk itself from it station of independence. For how do the r e men support their principles ? Is their adherence principle manifested in the Noble Lord (John R. abandoning his motion for the repeal of the Corporation Acts, of which he had given notice, communication with the Dissenters? Though ever he shall think it expedient to bring it fore , shall be ready to oppose it; but neither through as some may suspect, to try, through means, the • of parties on the probable fate of the Catholic nor through a desire of place. I have no wish —I gained nothing-by office-1 have, on the c made sacrifices in holding office. I shall not factions opposition to the Government, but I shall independently of the Government; through good and evil report, I will not be a party to a virulent sition,but shall support those principles which best calculated to promote the interests of the Crt the people, whatever may be the principles and of the Government. I shall fearlessly d 3 my those great questions of domestic policy as to tion of Catholic Emkncipation, I think the. given by no means satisfactory. lf, on the first which that question was debated Allis Session, foresee that the Honourable Member for West would this week stand forward as the active so; of a Government divided on that question—ifs observations which I heard that night from the Member for Knaresborough, and other Gentlemen were used to sit on the other side of the Honer' impolicy and danger of governing Ireland by a Cabinet—if I could then, at that time know that same Gentlemen, but two months after, were ' their support to an Administration divided on that important Irish Question, he never would hr cured to give credence to the passibility of union (Cheers). I will assert, that I am at this union of the Whigs with the Go with the present Government—when I recollect long since, the Foreign Secretary was wont tr the Catholic Question, and the Home Secreat. pose it ; while, under the present arrangemen' Prime Minister differs from the Lord Chancellor horst), not only in political principle, but person. ing—(Cheers). Under the former arrangement Attorney General and the Solicitor-General their sentiments on this great question, while see the present Law Officers of the Crown (ti Member for Peterborough, and the Solicitor-Ge opposed to each other on a question, on who!e character they are liable to be asked their opir the information of the King—and what is std singular, both Gentlemen Candidates for the re; lion of the same University, and claiming the sub like electots, one, on the ground of his attachment , 1. re reap. ' C I bunion to ti is discus. !ntleman "se npostant as ffect th e d in tFe y. that I to ) hasti'y on. G: n. Ct has de. 4- side of s of the , it to he use of trgurneni led whe,) I, 4 00 entlemar: aC de ire 6 oandoned • I Learned itee s; in diet fa ave been Pa l e still as qa tin Mem. involves dil dente tne 01 , ernment, titteatian, been tart- rate is de Tn - iamentaty of I the coon. tit body of hi ide at the to shades of g? ut union, lit by one ins bl ho louse . sa the ques. le left tin. i•hether the or, whether Ia introduced, e agitated? ai n from the Pi man on that • ure. 1 lid' be snd Leaned of !nd, or vbe. alive in the tin ion uith Lucia I ban he other side tri • support do t it hey not la to' I support the jai tary Reform GI metely silo. P 'Lich they it. the 3t et editablt, the onditions, to th ion, in older Gt natty, which bit Is, tally able sit should it le it be file/ by be me sod , anished, ad rrog eaves of nd laughter.) high slams ' I I s' mildest ig s excluded r to see tLeo opinion of the between the eagerness ce m both ides : Honourable only Frond m its forme I the -e Gentle. adherence to John Russell) the Test aid I notice, after " iough, rheu: it forward, I 1 rough a visk the strength die Questicl rish for offet Ri the cater!, La 11 not act ia oti It I shall in to good repor t lenient oppr ich I consider of se Crown and and conduct ) my duty on t to the quee • it explanation first night on nips), I could to Westminster El re supporter Po —if, after the Cl* om the Hoe. "II !ntlemen whe Houser cattle des ; f by *divid e° ow that these were to gin I on that moit Id have l ea ' 17 o f sur.ii am surprised and d. lovernrnent -- Alect, that not nit to supr a T eary t.) (V' v. igements , tile acellor (L)ad' :ev: t riPgrit h ebnal iw:ee e iirPihss-e . ttiG u r: iinnhlnp reprise ele seinp agree d 0 r e :611 HI 1611 . °i 5:'11