Star. — London, England, 1830-07-28 00:00:00

THIS MORNING'S EXPRESS FROM PARIS. ittronT or THE MINISTER TO THE KING. " SIRE—Your ministers would be little worthy of the vnlidence with which your Majesty honours them, if they longer delayed to place before your eyes a view of . our internal situation, and to point out to your high wis- dom the dangers of the periodical press. " At no time for these fifteen years has this situation presented itself under a more serious and more afflicting aspect. Notwithstanding an actual prosperity of which our annals afford no example, signs of disorganization and symptoms of anarchy manifest themselves at almost every point of the kingdom. " The successive causes which have concurred to weaken xhe springs of the monarchical Government, tend now to and to change the nature of it. Stripped of its maral force, authority, lost in the capital and the pro vinces, no longer contends, but at a dkadvantage, with the factious. Pernicious and subversive doctrines, loudly professed, are spread and propagated among all claims of the population. Alarms, too generally credited, agi tate people's minds and trouble society. On all sides the present is called upon for pledges of security for the future. " An active, ardent, indefatigable malevolence, la- I hours to ruin all the foundations of order, and to snatch from France the happiness it enjoys under the sceptre of its Kings. Skilful in turning to advantage all dis- ' contents, and to excite all hatreds, it foments among the people a spirit of distrust and hostility towards ' power, and endeavours to sow every where the seeds of trouble and civil war ; and already, Sire, recent •vents have proved that political passions, hitherto con fined to the summits of society, begin to penetrate the t leptlis of it, and to stir up the popular classes. It is proved also that these masses would never move with out danger, even to those who endeavour to rouse them from repose. " A multitude of facts collected in the course of the electoral operations confirm these data, and would offer us the too certain presage of new commotions, if it was not in the power of your Majesty to avert the mis fortune. " Every where also, if we observe with attention,l there exists a necessity of order, of strength, and of duration ; and the agitations which appear to be the most contrary to it are in reality only the expression and the testimony of it. " It must be acknowledged these agitations, which cannot be increased without great dangers, are almost exclusively produced and excited by the liberty of the press. A law on the elections, no less fruitful of disor ders, has doubtless concurred in maintaining them, but it would be denying what is evident, to refuse seeing in the journals the principal focus of a corruption, the pro gress of which is every day more sensible, and the first source of the calamities which threaten the kingdom. " Experince, Sire, speaks more loudly than theories. Men who are doubtless enlightened, and whose good faith is not suspected, led away by the ill-understood example of a neighbouring people, may have believed that the advantages of the periodical press would ba lance its inconveniences, and that its excesses would be neutralized by contrary excesses. It is not so, the proof is decisive, and the question is now judged in the public mind. " At all times, in fact, the periodical press has been, and it is in its nature to be, only an instrument of dis order and sedition. " What numerous and irrefragable proofs may be brought in support of this truth ! It is by the vio lent and incessant action of the press that the too sudden and too frequent variations of our internal policy are to be explained. It has not permitted a regular and stable sys tem of government to be established in France, nor any constant attention to be devoted to introduce into all the branches of the Administration the ameliorations of which they are susceptible. All the Ministries since 1814, though formed under divers influences, and subject to opposite directions, have been exposed to the same attacks, and to the same licence of the passions. Sa crifices of every kind, concessions of power, alliances of party, nothing has been able to save them from this common destiny. " This comparison alone, so fertile in reflections, would suffice to assign to the press its true, its invariable charac ter. It endeavours, by constant, persevering, daily-re pented efforts to relax all the bonds of obedience and sub ordination, to weaken all the springs of public authority, to degrade and debase it in the opinion of the people, to create against it every where embarrassment and resist ance. " Its art consists not in substituting to a too easy sub mission of mind a prudent liberty of examination, but to reduce to a problem the most positive truths ; not to ex cite upon political questions frank and useful controversy, but to place them in a false light, and to solve them by sophisms. _ _ _ ." The press has thus excited confusion in the most up right minds, has shaken the most firm convictions, and produced, in the midst of society, a confusion of principles which lends itself to the most fatal attempts. It is by anarchy in doctrines, that it paves the way for anarchy in the state. It is worthy of remark, Sire, that the pe riodical press has not even fulfilled its most essential con dition—that of publicity. What is strange, but what may be said with truth, is, that there is no publicity in France, taking this word in its just and strict sense. In this state of things, facts, when they are not entirely fictitious, do not come to the knowledge of several millions of read eis, except mutilated and disfigured in the most odious manner. A thick cloud raised by the journals conceals the truth, and in some manner intercepts the light be .tween the Government and the people. The kings your predecessors, Sire, nlways loved to communicate with their subjects : this is a satisfaction which the press has not thought fit that your Majesty should enjoy. " A licentiousness which has passed all bounds has, in fact, not respected, even on the most solemn occasions, either the express will of the King or the words pronounced from the throne. Some have been misunderstood and misinterpreted ; the others have been the subject of per fidious commentaries, or of bitter derision. It is thus that the last act of the royal power,—the proclamation,— was discredited by the public even before it was known by the electors. " This is not all. The press tends to no less than to subjugate the Sovereignty, and to invade the powers of the state. The pretended organ of public opinion, it as• pires to direct the debates of the two Chambers ; it is incontestable that it brings into them the weight of an influence no less fatal than decisive. This domination has assumed, especially within these two or three years, in the Chamber of Deputies, a manifest character of oppres sion and tyran ny . W e h ave seen i n th i s interval o f time thejournals pursue with their insults and their outrages the members whose votes appeared to them uncertain or suspected. Too often, Sire, the freedom of debate in that Chamber has sunk under the reiterated blows of the press. " The conduct of the opposition journals in the most recent circumstances cannot be characterised in terms less severe. After having themselves called forth an ad dress derogatory to the prerogatives of the Throne, they hove not feared to re-establish as a principle the election of the 221 deputies whose work it is : and yet your Ma jesty repulsed the address as offensive ; you had publicly planned the refusal of concurrence which was expressed in it ; you had announced your immutable resolution to defend the rights of your crown, which was so openly compromised. The periodical journals have paid no re gard to this : on the contrary, they have taken it upon them to renew, toperpetuate, and to aggravate the offence. Your Majesty will decide whether this presumptuous attack shall remain longer unpunished. " But of all the excesses of the press, the most serious perhaps remains to be pointed out. From the very be ginning of that expedition, the glory of which throws so pure and so durable a splendour on the noble crown of France, the press has criticised with unheard-of violence the causes, the means, the preparations, the chances of success. Insensible to the national honour, it was not its fault if our flag did not remain degraded by the in sults of a barbarian. Indifferent to the great interests of humanity, it has not been its fault if Europe has not re mained subject to a cruel slavery and a shameful tribute. ." This was not enough. By a treachery which our laws might have reached, the press has eagerly pub lished all the secrets of the armament ; brought to the knowledge of foreigners the state of our forces, the number of our troops, and that of our ships; they pointed out the stations, the means to be employed to surmount the variableness of the winds, and to approach the coast. Every thing, even the place of landing, was divulged, as if to give the enemy more certain means of defence ; and, a thing unheard-of among civilized peo ple, the press has not hesitated, by false alarms on the dangers to be incurred, to cause discouragement in the army, and pointing out to its hatred the commander of the enterprise, it has, as it were, excited the soldiers to raise against him the standard of revolt, or to desert their colours. This is what the organs of a party which pretends to be national have dared to do. " What it dares to do every day in the interior of the kingdom tends to no less than to disperse the elements of public peace, to dissolve the bands of society, and evi dently to make the ground tremble under our feet. Let us not fear to disclose here the whole extent of our evils, in order the better to appreciate the whole extent of our resources. A system of defamation, organized on a great scale, and directed with unequalled perseverance, reaches, either near at hand or at a distance, the most humble of the agents of the Government None of your subjects, Sire, is secure from an insult, if he receives from hie Sovereign the least mark of confidence or satisfaction. A vast net thrown over France envelops all the public functionaries. Placed in a constant state of accusation, they seem to be in a manner cut from civil society ; only those are spared whose fidelity wavers,—only those are praised whose fidelity gives way : the others are marked by the faction to be in the sequel, without doubt, sacri ficed to popular vengeance. " The periodical press has not displayed less ardour in pursuing with its poisoned darts religion and its priests. Its object is, and always will be, to root out of the heart of the people even the last germ of religious sentiments. Sire, do not doubt that it will succeed in this, by attack ing the foundations of the press, by poisoning the sources of public morals, and by covering the ministers of the altars by derision and contempt. " No strength, it must be confessed, is able to resist a dissolving power so active; as the press at all times, when it has been freed from its fetters, has made an irruption and invasion in the state. One cannot but he singularly struck with the similitude of its effects during these last fifteen years, notwithstanding circumstances, and not withstanding the changes of the men who have figured on the political stage. Its destiny, in a word, is to re commence the revolution, the principles of which it loudly proclaims. Placed and replaced at various intervals under the yoke of the censorship, it has always resumed its liberty only to recommence its interrupted work. In order to continue it with the more success, it has found an active auxiliary in the departmental press, which, engaging in combat local jealousies and hatreds, striking terror into the minds of timid men, hamming authority by endless intrigues, has exercised a decisive influence on the elections. " These last effects, Sire, are transitory; but effects more durable are observed in the manners and in the character of the nation. An ardent, lying, and pas sionate spirit of contention, the schools of scandal and licentiousness, has produced in it important changes. and profound alterations : it gives a false direction to people's minds, it fills them with prejudices—diverts them from serious studies—retards them in the progress of the sciences and the arts.—excites among us a fermentation, which is constantly increasing —maintains, even in the bosom of our families, fatal dissensions—and might, by degrees, throw us back into barbarism. " Against so many evils, engendered by the periodical press, the law and justice are equally obliged to confess their want of power. It would be superfluous to inquire into the causes which have weakened the power of re pression, and have insensibly made it an ineffectual wea pon in the hands of the authorities. It is sufficient to appeal to experience, and to show the present state of things. " - Judicial forms do not easily lend themselves to an effectual repression This truth has long since struck reflecting minds ; it has lately become still more evident. To satisfy the wants which caused its institution, the re pression ought to be prompt and strong ; it has been slow, weak, and almost null. When it interf:res, the mischief is already done, and the punishment, far from repairing it, only adds the scandal of the discussion. " The judicial prosecution is wearied out, but the seditious press is never weary. The one stops because there is too much to prosecute : the other multiplies its strength by multiplying its transgressions. In these divers circumstances the prosecutions have had their appearances of activity or of relaxation. But what does the press care for zeal or lukewarmness in the public prosecutor? It seeks in multiplying its successes the certainty of their impunity. " The insufficiency, or even the inutility of the insti tutions established in the laws now in force, is demon strated by facts. It is equally proved by facts that the public safety is endangered by the licentiousness of the press. It is time, it is more than time, to arrest its ra vages. " Give ear, Sire, to the prolonged cry of indignation and of terror which rises from all points of your kingdom. All peaceable men, the upright, the friends of order, stretch to your Majesty their suppliant hands. All im plore you to preserve them from the return of the cala mities by which their fathers or themselves have been so severely afflicted. These alarms are too real not to be listened to : these wishes are too legitimate not to be re garded. " There is but one means to satisfy them: it is to re turn to the Charter (rentrer dans la Chat te). " If the terms of the Bth article are ambiguous, its spirit is manifest. It is certain that the Charter has not given the liberty of the journals and of periodical writings. The right of publishing one's personal opinions certainly does not imply the right of publishing the opinions of others. The one is the use of a faculty which the law might leave free or subject to restrictions : the other is a commercial speculation, which, like others, and more than others, supposes the superintendence of the public authority. " The intentions of the Charter on this subject are accurately explained in the law of the ` 2lst of October, __.. .. . 1814, which is in some measure the appendix to it : this is the less doubtful, as this law was presented to the Chambers on the sth of July—that is to say, one month after the promulgation of the Charter. In 1819, at the time when a contrary system prevailed in the Chambers, it was openly proclaimed there that the periodical press was not governed by the enactments of the Bth article. This truth is besides attested by the very laws which have imposed upon the journals the condition of giving securies. " Now, Sire, nothing remains but to inquire how this return to the Charter and to the law of the 21st of Octo ber, 1814, is to be effected. The gravity of the present juncture has solved this question. " We must not deceive ourselves,—we are no longer in the ordinary condition of a representative Govern ment. The principles on which it has been established could not remain entire amidst the political vicissi tudes. A turbulent democracy, which has penetrated even into our laws, tends to put itself in the place of legi timate power. It disposes of the majority of the elections by means of the journals and the assistance of numerous affiliations. It has paralyzed, as far as has depended on it, the regular exercise of the most essential preroga tive of the Crown—that of dissolving the elective cham ber. By this very thing the constitution of the state is shaken. Your Majesty alone retains the power to replace and consolidate it upon its foundations. " The right as well as the duty of assuring its main tenance, is the inseparable attribute of the sovereignty. No Government on earth would remain standing if it had not the right to provide for its own security. This power exists before the laws, because it is in the nature of things. These, Sire, are maxims which have in their favour the sanction of time, and the assent of all the publicists of Europe. " But these maxims have another sanction still more positive, that of the Charter itself. The 14th article has invested your Majesty with a sufficient power, not un doubtedly to change our institutions, but to consolidate them and render them more stable. " Circumstances of imperious necessity do not permit the exercise of this supreme power to be any longer de ferred. The moment is come to have recourse to measures which are in the spirit of the Charter, but which are be yond the limits of legal order, the resources of which have been exhausted in vain. "These measures, Sire, your Ministers, who are to secure the success of them, do not hesitate to propose to you, convinced as they are that justice will remain the strongest. " We are, with the most profound respect, Sire, your Majesty's most humble and most faithful subjects, (Signed) " Prince de POLIONAC. " CHANTELAUZE. " Baron D'HAUSSEZ. " Count de PEYRONNET. " Alt )NTBEL. " Count de GUERNON RANVILLE. " Baron CAPELLE." " ORDINANCES OF THE KING. " CHARLES, &C. " To all to whom these presents shall come, health. " On the report of our Council of Ministers, we have ordained and ordain u follows: _ _ "Art: 1. The liberty of the periodical press Is suspended. "2. The regulations of the articles Ist, 2nd, and 9th of the Ist section of the law of the 21st of Oct. 1814, are again put in force, in consequence of which no journal, or periodical or semi-periodical writing, established, or about to be established, without distinction of the matters therein treated, shall appear either in Path or in the departments, except by virtue of an authority first obtained from us respectively by the authors and the printer. This authority shall be renewed every three months. It may also be revoked. " 3. The authority shall be provisionally granted and provision ally withdrawn by the prefects from journals and periodicals,or semi. periodical works, published, or about to be published in the de. partments. "4. Journals and writings published in contravention of article 2, shall be immediated seized. The presses and types used in the printing of them shall be placed in a public depot under seals, or tendered unfit for use. " 5. No writing below twenty printed pages shall appear, except with the authority of our Minister Secretary of State for the Interior at Paris, end of the prefects in the departments. Every writing of more than twenty printed pages, which shall not constitute one single work, must also equally be published under authority only. Writings published without authority shall be immediately seized, the presses and types used in printing of them shall be placed in a public depot, and under seals, or rendered unfit for use. "C. Illemoin relating to legal process and memoirs of scientific and literary societies, must be previously authorized, if they treat in whole or in pan of political matters, in which case the measures pre. scribed by act. 5 shall be applicable. " 7. Every regulation contrary to the present shall be without effect. "8. The execution of the present ordinance shall take place in conformity to article 4 of the ordinance of November 27, 1816, and of that which is prescribed by the ordinance of the 18th of January, 1817. . _ .. . . . "9. Our Secretaries of State are charged with the execution of this ordinance. " Given at Chateau St. Cloud, the 25th of July, of the year of Grace 1830, and the 6th of our reign. (Signed) " CHA RLES." (Countersigned) Prince de POLIONAC, President. CIIANTELAUZE, Keeper of the Seals. " Baron D'HAUSSEZ, Minister of Marine. " hIONTBEL, Minister of Finance. " Count OUERNON RANVILLE, Minister of Ecclesiastical Affairs. " Baron CAPELLE, Secretary of State for Public Works." " CHARLES " To all to whom these presents shall come, &c. " Having considered Art. 50 of the Constitutional Charter, being informed of the manauvres which have been practised in various pans of our kingdom, to deceive and mislead the elector's during the late operations of the electoral colleges; having head our council; we have ordained and ordain u follows : " Art. I. ''l be Chamber of Deputies of Departments is dia. solved. "2. Our Minister Secretary of State of the Interior is charged with the execution of the present ordinance. " Given at St. Cloud, the Mit day of July, the year of grace, 1830, and the sixth of our reign. " CHARLES." (Countersigned) " Count de PEYRONNET, Peer of France, Secretary of State for the Interior." CaaeLas, 1, To all those who shall see these presents, health. Having resolved to prevent the return of the rnenreuvres which have exercised a pernicious influence on the late operations of the electoral colleges, wishing in consequence to reform according to the principles of the constitutional charter the rules of election of which experience has shown the inconvenience, we have recognised the necessity of using the right which belongs to us, to provide by acts catenating front ourselves, for the safety of the state, and for the suppression of every enterprise injurious to the dignity of our Crown. For these reasons, having beard our council, we have or. &hied and ordain— I.Conformably to the articles 15, 36, and 30, of the Con. atitudoesl Charter, the °belabor of Deputies shall consist only of Deputies of Departments. " 2. The electoral rare and the rate of eligibility shall consist exclusively of the RUES for which the elector and the candidate shall be inscribed individually, as holden at real or paused property In the roll of the land-taa or of taus. " 3. Bach department shalfhave the namber of deputies allotted to It by the 36th article of ths Canstisadeasl Chimer. Deputies shall be elected, end she Member renewed, i n d ie fam sad k r th e d os g zs g by Mo With article of the Con stitutional Charter. " 6. The Electoral Colleges shall be divieLd Iran c arrondissement, and colleges ofdepartments, except the I'AV of ri.•; tonal colleges of departments to which only one devil , is " 6. The electoral colleges of arrondissement shall consist cf .1; the electors whose political domicile is established in the arrendi, • • ment. The electoral colleges of departments shall consist o fourth part the highest taxed of the electors of departments. " 7. The present limits of the electoral colleges of arrondiss:te^• are retained. " 8. Every electoral college of arrondissement shall elect a tun, ben of candidates equal to the number of departmental deputies. " 9. The college of arrondissement shall be divided into as many sections as candidates. Each division shall be iu proportion to th; number of sections. and to the total number of electors, having rr. gard as much as possible to the convenience of place and neig!•. bourhood. n• sy " IC. The sections of the electoral college of shall assemble in different places. " 11. Every section of the electoral college of arrondiss..nieet. choose a candidate, and proceed separately. " 12. The Presidents of the sections of the electoral college of a.. mndissement shall be nominated by the pref cos from amoeg th • electors of the arrondissement. 44 13. The college of department shall choose the deputies; 144: the deputies of departments shall be chosen front the general list of candidates proposed by the colleges of arrondissements : ncvcrt!...- leis, if the number of deputies of the deportment is uneven, the di. vision shall be made without impeacgment of the right reserved by the college of department. " 14. In cases where, by the effect of omissions, of void at datable nominations, the list of candidates proposed by the colleges of ar rondissements shall be incomplete, if the list is reduced below half the number required, the college of department mall choose avmher deputy not in the list ; if the hat is 'educed below a fourth, the co:. lege of department may elect beyond the whole of the deputie. of department. " 15. The prefects, the sub-prefects, aed the general officers corn. mending military divisions and departments, are not to be elected in the departments where they exercise their functions " 16. The list of electors shall be settled by the prefect in the Council of Prefecture. It shall be posted up five days before tt. • assembling of the colleges. " 17. Claims regarding the power of voting which have not been authorized by the prefects, shall be decided by the Chamber or Deputies; at the same time that it shall decide upon the validity of the operation of the colleges. " 113. In the electoral colleges of department, the two oldest elec tor and the two electors who pay the most taxes shall execute the duty of scrutators. " The same disposition shall be observed in the sections of the college of arrondissement, composed, at most, of only fifty electors. In other college sections the functions of actuators shall be executed by the oldest and the richest of the electors. The secretary shall he nominated in the college of the section of colleges by the ptesideti: and the serutators. " 19. No person shall be admitted into the college, or section of college, if he is not inscribed in the list of electors who compose part of it. This list will be delivered to the president, and will remain pasted up in the place of the sitting of the college, during thv period of its proceedings. "20. All discussion and deliberation whatever are forbidden in the bosom of the electoral colleges. "21. The police of the college belongs to the President. No armed force without his order can be placed near the hall of sittings. The military commandant shall be bound to obey his re quisitions. " 22. The nominations shall be made in the colleges and sections ot college, by the absolute majority of the votes given. Nevertheless, i i the nominat ions are not finished after two rounds of Sall tin y, the bureau shall determine the list of persons who shall have obtained the greatest number of suffrages at the second round. It shall contain a number of names double that of the nominations which remain to be made. At the third round, no suffrages can be given except is the persona inscribed on that list, and the nominations shall be made by a relative majority. " a. The electors shall vote by bulletins: every bulletin shall contain as many names as there are nominations to be made. " 24. The electors shall write their vote on the bureau, or cause it to be written by one of the scrutators. 25. The name, the qualification, and the domicile of each elector who shall deposit his bulletin, shall be inscribed by the secretary On a list destined to establish the number of the voters. "!6. Every scrutiny shall remain open for six hours ; and shall be declared during the sitting. "27. There shall be drawn up a proms revba/ for each sitting. This proem verbal shall be signed by all the members of the bureau. "28. Conformably to article 46 of the Constitutional Charter, no amendment can be made upon any law in the Chamber, unless it has been proposed and consented to by us; and unless it has been discussed in the bureaus. " 29. All regulations contrary to the present ordinance shall re. main without effect. 0 .30. Our Ministers, Secretaries of State are charged with the execution of the present Ordinance. " Given at St. Cloud, this 25th day of July, in the year of grace 830, and Bth of our reign. " CHARLES." (Countersigned by all the Ministers.) A letter accompanying the express says—"lt is impossible to describe the astonishment and the terror with which Paris was seized this morning on the appearance of the Monile vs. The 3 pzr I Cts. have experienced the following variations :-761.25c. 77f. 75f. 60c. Thus since Saturday the decline has been nearly 4 franc's. " Half-past Three o'Clock-75f. 40c." FRENCH FUNDS—Pasts. Jazy 26. Five per Cents. 103 f. 1031. 50c. 103 t. 103 f. 2:c. 1011.75 e 50s:. Three per Cents. 761.25 e. 50c. 70c. 60c. 50e. 761 110 c. Rentes de Naples, 861. 851. 50c. 25c. $51.841. 901. Rente Perpetuellesd'Espagne, 701. _ _ _ Exchange w oo London.—LOne month, paper, 95f. 40e. money, 25f. 35c. Three months, paper, 95. 25e. money, 25f. 90c.— Coursiftabentipse. THE ARMY. Yesterday the eight different recruiting parties for the cavalry and infantry, at present on duty in Westminster, received orders freui the Horse Guards to hold themselves in readiness to march this morning for the country, on account of the approaching elections in the City of London and Westminster, and the Borough of South. wank. The men expect to be absent about three weeks, and are 10 be billeted in the neighbourhood of Highgate and Hampstead. NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. Ltvaaroor., Joie 26.—Wind R.--Arrived the Trial, Scott,. and Campobello, Corner, from Quebec ; John and Mary, Thomp son, and Woodman, Woofendale, from St. John's (N. 8.) ; Mary, Ford, from Boston ; and Mars. from bliramkbi. Bausuros, JUL, 27.—Arrived ceche pon, the Mary Richard son. Thomas, from Para. DARTMOUTH, JOLT 26.—Arrived the Avon, Silly, from New foundland. _ _ _ _ HOLTIIKAD, JULY 26.—Arrived off the post, the Henry Tuke. —, from Savannah. STOCKTON, Juts 26.—Arrived the New Concord, Watson, from St. Petersburgb, and Earnest. Hart, from Memel. PORTSMOUTH JULY 27.—Wind N.B.—Arrived from London the Duke of Bedford, Bona, from Calcutta. Sailed the Royal ISwan, Pelric, for Calcutta. FALMOUIM, JOLT 26.—Sailed the Swallow packet, for St. Do. mingo, Jamaica, &c. ; and Osborne packet, for Leeward Island.. PLYMOUTH, JOLT 26,—Sailed the Tribune, Lewis, for Bremen. ASSIZES.-(RECHIVED THIS DAY.) (From our sentCorrerpondenL) OXFORD CI RCU IT.— WORCESTER, JULY 27. CLEMSON T. COLLETT. This was an action of cover to recover the value of a Newfound land puppy. The facts were frivolous in the extreme. Mr. Justice BOSAXOUCT, in summing up, observed that he et. tretnely regretted an action like the present should ever have occu• pied the time and attention of a Court of Justice. The Jury, after some deliberation, returned a verdict for the plaintiff—Darnagea, 20s. Mr. Serjeant RUSSELL—Your Loodship has expressed your opinion as to the character of this action. I beg to remind tour Lordship that you have the power to certify, and deprive the plain. Malcom*. Mr. Justice BOSANQUET—Yes, I know that; bat I shall not interfere. _ The remainder of the morning was occupied with a case which related merely to the proprietorstip of a barge, of not the kaat ge. nerd interest. Yesterday evening an inquest was held at the Black Horse Tavern, High-street, Poplar, before J. W. Umwtst, koci. on the body of R ichard Llevtlirs, late boatswain of the Zetatsbis, lying in the Last India Decks. It appeared from the evidence that the deceased, on Friday evening last, was ascending a ladder leading grasped from the uay-side to the ship Zenobia, when a piece of wood which Ibe to assist him in ascending, broke, and he fell. The di.. tans his fall was about twenty feet, and his head coming in eon. tact with the quay, broke hi. neck and dropptil between the quay and the ship's aide. He was picked up Velem'. The Jury, after re probatingrrei the inattention of those whops duty it is to inspect, he ad so placed for ship's use, and the part which broke and caused the deceased's death proving to have been previously splintered, returned a verdict of Melting*/ Death. . I^ t. r ! V ~. ,