Star. — London, England, 1830-07-01 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE JOURNALS. Trans.—We spoke on Blond - Ty of the manner in which the present King received the Ministers of his deceased brother ; but our statement being at the close of a long article, has probably not attracted the attention which it merited. We relate facts coolly, and are no partisans, except of the general welfare of the empire. But the King's name " is a tower of strength ;" and it is pro. per. if there be firmness and consistency in his Majesty —of which we have no doubt—that all parties should know what ' they have to expect The King, on receiving the Ministry, spoke, there is reason to believe, words to this effect—" I am glad to see you, both collectively and individually : I have approved, and do approve, of your measures ; and you have had, and shall continue to have, my confidence and support." If we were opposed to the Ministry, we should set before ourselves the difficulties we had to overcome in rendering our opposition success.. ful, and should make precisely the same statement which we do now. This, then, is therunicable relation in which the King stands with his present ministry, and they who overcome one must over. cone the predilections of the other—a thing not unusual in our free constitution, but which is nevertheless of no ordinary difficulty. At present there exist rather the principles and elements of opposi. tion. than a regular opposition as a party. Who is to collect and cat. centrate these elements ? who is to give them the force of one body, and direct theirefforts to oneobject ? Can the Duke of Newcastle and Lord Winchilses,under any had amalgamate sincerely with'Earl Grey and Lord Holland ? And a similar insociability exists in the House of I 'ominous ; but there it is even more difficult to designate principles by the names of those who possess them. We cannot tell who re presents what. Or, suppose all that there is of opposition to fall in, as it were, at one point though yoing different ways, and starting Eon, different parts, and so stop the Ministers in their march— bring then to "a dead stand.still," if this were possible, from what body are the men to be selected who should take their places If from the general mass of opposition, no two indi viduals agree, or could agree, on principle, upon any one act of go. raiment. If from the Whigs, the Ultra. Tories now casually mood at. d with them must fall in with the ex. Ministers, and make a new aid preponderating opposition; and vice versa, if from theUltraTories, the %Vhigs would, with no very great stretch of principle, join the rx.Ministers, and with the same fatal influence to the new func tionaries. We think, therefore, we may go farther, and say, not only that the King's name is a tower of strength, but that the °pm sit ion to it is a quicksand, if disunion be weakness, or dissimilitude of parts fatal to durability as a whole. We have not room for more than a mere reference to the debates in each house of Parlia ment. It appears that Parliament will be dissolved in somewhat Li than Are, weeks. l'uttoxinnz.—Our readers were prepared, by the message on Tuesday night, for a speedy dissolution. The language of the message was—as soon as you supply our wants, we will get rid you. Still there are people who • ay have entertained the opinion, that the business of Government is not merely to supply the wants of Kings, Ministers, and soldiers, but that something is due also to the governed. in the King's Speech at the opening of the Session 'brilliant prospects were opened to the nation. But what has been realized ? Under what circumstances," said Earl Grey, is an able and argumentative speech—" under what circumstances, nis• Lords, are we now sitting ? If your Lordships cows suit the votes of this and the other house of Parliament, as the Noble Duke recommended, your Lordships will find that they contain many subjects of great and deep importance,, under the present circumstances of the country, requiring serious consideration, and which cannot, I think, he deferred without c.eislng considerable inconvenience, and even danger to the piddle interests." Well, and how do Ministers get over the difficulty here stated by his Lordship ? Let us bear them— "lt is sufficient for me," said the Duke of Wellington, "to request your consideration of the state of the votes of the House of Commons, and the state of the votes of this House, and your Lordship will see that so much business yet remains to be done, that it must necessarily postpone the dissolution to a distant period, and at this time of the session, if any new business were brought forward, Parliament could not be dis solved ; at least, there would be no hope that it could be satisfac torilyiclosed before a considerable time. Under these circumstances, my loids, and considering the great calamity to which we have all been exposed has been expected for a considerable time, and that all men have been looking forward to a dissolution, within a limited period, and looking forward to a general election, and that the measures now before Parliament may be easily postponed, and that they .may be brought forward with a !Probability of success at the beginning of another session. His Majesty's Ministers have advised his Majesty to diuove the present Pailiament as soon as possible." This is plain speaking. What is it to you, the twenty-five millions of people, how you are affected by your pie. V2U2CCII fora year? A year hence will do as well for you as the present time. We are now too much occupied with our own air. Tenements, and attending to the wishes of our new Muter, to hue any time to spare for you. But why is it that the hudasea of the country is not further advanced ? Let us hear Earl t comment on the statement of his Grace :—•' There is a necesail l ft an immediate dissolution, the Noble Duke says; but why is there this necessity? Apparently it arises from the circumstance, that during the long and afflicting period of uncertainty as to the issue of his Majesty's illness, when the minds of men have been directed to that event, the Ministers, who have bad the business of Parliament to forward, of whatever nature it may have been, have shewn themselves quite it:capable of conducting it. The business of Parliament, at a period of the Session, which, in ordinary circumstances', would be drawing to a termination, after live months consideration, and though recommended front the Throne at the beginning of the Session, was, in fact, neglected." So that to neglect the public business, or to want the capacity to conduct it, is a good reason for trusting Ministers with money, that they may dispense with Parliament. The cones quence of a dissolution to the various interests of the country is nothing in the eycsof Ministers. We are blunderers, we have been unable to do our duty, and therefore you must repose confidence in us. Hzaanc.—We refer to our Parliamentaty report for an account of proceedings in both houses of parliament last night, which will be read with great interest. It will be seen that ministers proposed a vote of credit, to enable them to carry en the public service until a new parliament can be assembled, and also a provision for the Queen. In the House of Lords Earl Grey took occasion to com. went upon the proceedings of the Duke of Wellington's go vet nment, in terms not very flattering to the self-love of the Members of that Administration. lie denied that the Noble Duke had adduced a single argument to prove the necessity of a dissolution : true it was, he observed, that, during the long end afflicting illness of h.s lase majesty, men'al minds were directed to the probability of the event of a new parlian w e nt at 20 distant day, hut in the meantime the business of }settle ment proceeded as *ell as it could order an administration • hich," said the noble lord, " I may be permitted to say, appear incapable of carrying on the public allairs of the nation." Ills lord. .hip added, "We have now been engaged for rive months in din. cussing measures which ere now incomplete—measures that were recommended in the speech from the throne at the commence ment of the session." This is but too true—the country knows and feels the sirens, in all its interests, of the in tSciency of the administration. The speech from the throne promised many things, of which now, at the close of the Session, -inching has been performed. Nlininters had not the virtue or the capacity to protect Royalty from the impeachment of having left un. r, sleemed its honourable ploige. Earl Grey further said--" The Noble Duke has called your Lorsiskipe attention to the votes of the House of Commons; and he says that there is already an much business remains incompleted, that it cannot be done in a conve nient time. But, my Lents, is it not an extraordinary thing to be told, after having expended tire months in di-cussing questions ohioh ors still inerni-plete—ia it not extraordinary that, on the 30th dty of June, when we naturally look fur she termination of the Session, the public busker' is in such a state of embarrassment and difficulty, that no man can tell what thy nature of them and their effect's may be ? Is it not extraordinary that all those measures which his 3lajesty's ministers have recom mended to Parliament—which have occupied Parliament fot fire, months, must now all be posteoned. and that all the time coosionesl in the deliberations of the two Houses must now be lost, and this, tissue of confusion into which Ministers have brought us is to remain unravelled ? We are now called upon by tnose very Ministers ', who have brought things to this pass, to make a temporary grant, ' in order that the Government may go on." In the House of Com mons, Sir Robert Peel intimated that, during the short portion of the session that remains (previously to the dissolution) it is in.i nuded to press the sale of beer bill—that premium upon universal, dissipation among the poor—the remission of the beer-duty bill— toe law offices' fees bill--and the bill for the abolition of the Welch Judicature—which may be called the Welch anti-re form bill, inasmuch as it goes to substitute a tedious and expensive mode of administering justice for one that was cheap and expeditious. The last proposition of sixpence per gallon on British spirits is also to be enforced ; but the last propo. %Won of a graduated reduction of duties on the West India sugars is to be abandoned. This intimation was received with much laughter in the House, at the expense of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, of whose scale of duties it may be now truly said ramie pawnor rut I" So much for this specimen of tbe cabalistic arith. ntetic of Finance ! Instead of such graduated scale of relic/ there is to be proposed a reduction of ng. on West india gars, and btu on East In dia su g ars, w ith a p ro p ortionate Zuni . on of drawbacks. Whether this will afford a saddea tory relief to the West India interests remains to b e seen . I t was coldly received by the House. The Right Honourable Gen. tlensan then intimated, that fur the present Sudan the 4. eenee tid a . don o f the Stamp duties," which would have the effect of imposing manlo:onidition d i nvents , and which effected the Irish Press with t he to of annihilation, is be abandoned. Be also notified that t h e bill fee appointing a new Equity Judi, the Bill ra.l leave to the Miters in Chancery are to be sdsled. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, JUNE 30. At half-put three tieback, the Dukes of Bum.leuith and Devon shire, the Marquis of Anglesey, and several other Peers, took the oaths. MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS. Sir A. Grant, and other members of the House of Commons, brought up five private bills from the commons, which were laid on the table. The Lord Chancellor took his seat on the woolsack at a little af ter five o'clock, and at the same time the Duke of Wellington en. tered the house. The Earl of LIMERICK said he had to complain of a mis. statement respecting himself; in one of the morning papers, which he must say was remarkable for its accuracy. The statement, if left uncontradicted, might do him some Injury. The mis-state ment was, that he said the military were called out without - having the mayor at their head. He had said no such thing. The noble earl then went into an explanation of the circumstances which led to the late riots in Limerick, but spoke so low that he was almost inaudible at the bar. -------- -.-- -_.. The Earl of DARNLEY presented petition% against increased taxation in Ireland, from Dublin, Limerick, a:..1 Iraterford. His lordship regretted very much that the measures threatened to be adopted towards Ireland tended very much to alienate the affections of the people of that country from the Government. The Earl of ABERDEEN laid on the table papers relating to slavery, and communications from our Consuls abroad respecting the average price of grain in foreign countries. X MG'S =SLUM On the motion of the Duke of WELLINGTON, the Clerk of the House read the King's Message, which was delivered yesterday. The noble duke said it was now his duty to call their lotolsbips' at tention to those parts of the King's Speech to which he bad not ad verted yesterday. It was the former law of the land that parliament expired with the demise of the crown, but by the 6th of Queen Anne it is made lawful for parliament to sit six months after the demise of the crown, if the reigning monarch so permitted. It was the advice of the king's confidential servants that it was not expe dient to introduce into patliantent any more business, and it was quite clear by the voles of the other house, that the business before parliament could not be concluded within a reasonable time. There existed, he knew, a considerable anxiety throughout the country, that a general re-election ought to take place ; and now that it was determined to close the sessions of parliament, he thought the most advisable course was to postpone the consideration of all public bu siness, except the estimates, and a suitable provision for the Royal Family, and more particularly the Queen. The noble duke then moved an address, which was an echo of the King's Speech, except the omission of that part which was adverted to in the Address of yesterday. Earl GREY thought the course taken a most novel one, and the more particularly as the address was accompanied by such a meagre statement just made by the noble duke. He was free to admit, when there existed in the country a strong desire to have a new par. liniment, that such ought generally to be complied with, unless some inconvenience arose from such compliance, and the only ques tion was, whether greats, benefit would arise from a dissolution or from the completion of public business? It seemed to him most inconvenient that the measures recommended from the throne at the beginning should be left unfinished, and to confide to ministers who left such business unfinished the whole management of the affairs of the country. The fact was, that ministers wished to get rid of their own measures, which met with so much dissatisfaction throughout the country.—(Hear, hear) This late period of the year was most inconvenient to part from public business; and it the history of the country he believed no such circumstance oc. curved at a similar time of' the year. His objection was not to go into the consideration of the civil list ; but to trust the con sideration of the estimates to ministers was what he could not consent to. Here the noble lord went into a history of the pro ceedings which took place at the death of Queen Anne, and her three successors. What he thought ought to be done was to pro ceed with the important portion of the public business, and then, if a temporary provision were necessary, he should have no objection ; but he did not think the interests of the country required an im mediate dissolution of parliament. The address had coma upon him so suddenly, that he wished for h!mself, and he might say for other peers, a farther time to consider such important mat ter, when the house would have time to consider in what manner best to convey to his Majesty their deliberate opinions. He had the fullest confidence in his Majesty's attachment to his people and their interests, but he did not wish to be understood as bestowing the same confidence in his Majesty's Ministers. He had the fullest hope that his Majesty's life would last long, and his habits of rep- Wily led him the more confidently to hope it t but not knowing when the stroke of death might conic, he thought it the duty of Parliament to provide against the possibility of the government falling suddenly into the hands of a minor. Any proceedings in this way ought to be conducted with the greatest delicacy and consideration to bis Majesty. ft was well known that the law knew no minority in the Crown, and there was a possibility of anarchy and confusion arising out of the circumstance of the Crown falling on a minor : and he thought his Majesty had too much good sense not to see the necessity of guarding against such an emergency t but as this was a subject of great importance, be wished further time for considera tion, and he therefore moved that the further consideration of the' Address be postponed for one day. The Amendment being put from the woolsack, Lord HA R ROW BY agreed in a great part of what had fallen from the r.ohle Earl, and could see no objection to a postponement of the debate, in order to give time for further deliberation, but he thereby did not wish to be understood as thinking the consideration of such a subject as a Regency could well take place during the remainder of the present session. It was one that could be better disposed of in another Parliament, but he thought it one that required to be dis cussed shortly, and he thought the possible guardianship of the heiress to the throne ought to be committed to some natural guar dian, but subject to such limitations as the welfare of the country and the dignity of the crown required. The Earl of WINCH ILSEA said, he entirely disapproved of • dissolution of Parliament In the present state of public business, and he also thought they ought not to separate without providing fur the future contingescies of the crown ; and this he said without yielding to any man in loyalty and attachment to his Sovereign. The LORD CHANCELLOR said the question before them was one purely of expediency, and he put it to their lordships whe. then it wits possible to finish the business before Parliament; but when he reflected upon the other new topics which had been introduced in the debate, it appeased still more certain that a new Parliament was necessary to dispose of such important matters. There was no analogy between the present time and the year 1820. At the for mer period, when the King died, the civil list had been previously discussed for live weeks, and was matured for decision. As to the question of regency, nothing of the kind was thought of at the birth of the late Prince of %Vales, for three or four years after his birth. nor did he see any pressing emergency at the present moment. It was better to wait—s Parliament had uniformly waited, until a prospect of danger rendered it necessary. Parliament would al ways be ready to provide for any such inconvenience when it should arise. _ _ GODERICH supported the amendment of the noble earl. Ti the business were kft in its present state, it would lead the country into a situation of inexplicable confusion, and would throw the country into an abyss from which the noble duke could never extricate her. The last topic touched upon was one upon which he did not like to dwell ; but he must say that there was no analogy between the present time and the beginning for the reign of George the Third. That monarch had a narrow escape of his life ; and on his recovery, he, feeling for the interests of his people, recommended to Parliament to provide for any emergency that alight occur, hut that circumstance was not now an argument for delay, but showed the great necessity of guarding against any accident ur d s tiger. The Earl of ELDON supported the amendment of the noble earl, but not front any apprehension of the result of an immediate elec tion. Nothing he wished more than to see the people of England put to the test, and called upon to decide by their acts what they had already decided by their words. (Hear, hear, hear.) He thought that nothing was advanced in favour of an immediate disso. lution. As toithe question of Regency, it was one that:always excited alarm ; but for his own part, if he were prime minister, nothing he would wish for more than an infant King. fo.;uch a King might be seated on the throne, but he would scarcely be seen by their Lord. ships through the integument that covered the head of the Lord Chancellor. Some provision should be made for such an event, but he should like to see any suggestion or proposition on this subj:ct emanate from the throne. Lord ELIARNBOROITOH said it could not be dolled that the late melancholy event had plunged the country in a state of great difficulty, but be could not expect this subject treated, a he hoped for the last time, in a tote of jocularity. It was the business of the house calmly to consider the difficulties which existed. It had been said that the present Parliament had done little or nothing, and if that was the ease, was it likely that their sitting now would expedite public business ? This he thought was in itself a sufficient argument fors speedy dissolution. It is said, that on a former occasion, the civil list alone took up five weeks discussion, but there was a great deal of other business to be done, not to say anything of that moat important sad delicate subject of a Regency : all of Which could be better discussed at a future period. The ad dress to the house cost the cabinet much of serious deliberation, and he was new more convinced in his life than that they were right in the eondossisa to which they bad come. He could not help es. relds t at hearing the noble earl opposite (Grey) state .:1 1 ., in his map ty's ministers.—( Hear, hear, from the oppeeides.) let as such a WM entertained, he was ghl to hiss it frankly avowed.—(Cheers, and cries of hear, hug, INN the opposition.) And be wee ewe that ministers, by prrfireas. lag their duty faithfully to their king and cowry, had no fear, even of the noble earl's unexpected opposition. The Duke of RICHMOND said he should not have then but for the allusion which had been made to him by the Noble Baron Ellenborough, to his N o bl e an d Learned Friend (Lord Eldon.) It was strange that he should have ventured any such at tack, or that he should have dared to question that high character, who was admired by the whole country—(great cheers); and one at least as high as that of the noble baron.—(Cheers.) As to what he had said respecting the noble cad (Grey,) the noble baron would probably hear of it in reply ; sad in all probability rue the day that he made any such attack. Ministers were afraid of the present House of Commons, and wanted another, but lie hoped they would not separate without settling the question regency.—{Cheers.) Lord ELLENBOROUGH explained, and disclaimed ever hay. ing said anything disrespectful of his noble friend (Lord Eldon), for whom be entertained an hereditary respect. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said the most extrrordinary conduct for tranquillizing the people was that of abandoning them in their diffleuties. It was the bounden duty of parliament to sit, and make provisions for any possible emergency that might occur. The argument against continuing parliament was, that the subjects to be treated were of the most momentous nature. Now he thought their magnitude was what called for deliberation and decision. Hasty dissolutions were violations of those laws which gave the people protection in the continuance of parliament for six months after the demise of the crown. But whatever might be the ultimate decision of the house, he could not see on what ground a delay of twenty-four bouts could be refused. He could not at all events make hinislf a party to a hasty dissolution. He should therefore support the amendment. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY could not vote for the mo. don of the noble duke. The topics in the address were too various and too intricate for quick legislation. He could not help con demning the personal allusions which had been made to his noble friend (Lord Eldon) a character than whom no man in England stood on a higher pinnacle. As to the credit claimed for the present Cabinet, on the score of the Catholic question, it should be recol lected that that measure had long been matured before they came into office, and they reaped the harvest of seed which had been sown before them. lie thought Ministers were indiscreetly hastening their opinions through the House. Such haste was unworthy the Hulce of Wellington. lie supported the amendment. The Marquis of 13UTE thought it impossible that the present Parliament could get through the business before them in any rea sonable tune, and the other great topics of national interest required too much deliberation for a short semis's of Parliament. Possible difficulties had been spoken of, but he did not entertain an idea that any risk of public tranquillity could arise, even in such an event. Ile was sure that an appeal to the country would be favourable to the present Ministry. Earl CARNARVON did not think the Ministers had the eon fidence of the country, or that they had even confidence in them. selves. He was willing all other measures should stand over but that of providing for the eventual demise of the Crown, and he felt called upon to support the amendment. He had no hostile feeling to the noble duke opposite, but he did not like to see him run away, from his own measures, under which his Ministry were likely to sink, if the present Parliament was allowed to exist. The Earl of WICKLOW said he thought the amendment was nothing but a trap to catch a few votes, and he was perfectly satis fied that the measures of the Government were wise and necessary. The Earl of HARE WOOD would support the Government, as he thought the first act of the House on the accession of a King ought not to be one of hostility, unless upon very strong grounds; and he should continue to support Ministers as long as they de served it, and no longer. The Earl of RADNOR did not think the noble earl who had spoken last had assigned very constitutional reasons for his vote, although his reasons might be very satisfactory to himself. He did not see why the first message front the crown should not be treated like any other such measure, which was always considered as emanating from the ministers. One thing he wished to remind the hone, that no one great measure of the ministers had been passed this session, and not one of the promises held out in the king's speech had been realized. Earl MANSFIELD said, in opposing the measure of ministers, he was guided by no party feeling. He had not formed any coalL don, nor did he know of any coalition, but he was opposed to mi nisten because he had no confidence in them. He did not deny the perfect right ofhis Majesty to dissolve Parliament, but both Houses of Parliament had a nght to give or refuse a concurrence to that opinion, and he for one did not concur in the expediency of &mole lug Parliament at once. All agreed in supporting the dignity and splendour of the Crown, which was in fact the object of the civil list. The King was interested in parts of these. lists, and his ad. vines in other parts of them, hence the jealousy that existed respect ing them. But the humblest person in the kingdom must know that the splendour of the Crown Is not supported altogether for the satisfaction of the Sovereign, but also for the comfort of the people. When the retiring Members again besought the support of their constituents, they might, and no doubt would, be asked what they had done, and how they had exercised the trusts reposed in them, so as to deserve being reinstated in their places? The grounds on which they had supported Ministers, in all their variations, would likewise be called for. The conduct of Ministers might be described in the language of Doctor Parr, as oscillating and vascillating, between two extremes. The first adopting one set of measures, but 'Jon arriving at a convictioo of their insufficiency, they abandoned them for a second, which were in direct repugnance with the tint. Those members would also be required to state what had been their conduct when the great question of emancipation was before the house last year, and whether they had persisted in their original opinion, that the safety of the Protestant Constitution de manded the exclusion of catholic& It might, however, be said that they believed successful deception was n ; and that on that ground the positive and unblushing d erel iction of duty might be palliated. It would also be a subject of inquiry, whe ther they had supported those bills for taxes, and whether, contrary to their own knowledge, they had not persisted in denying the exist. ence of distress. Their lordships were required to give authority for meeting the existing difficulties ; but upon what grounds were they to proceed ? Credit proceeded upon confidence; and what confidence could be placed in Minister ? It was clear that it was necessary to make some temporary provision for any misfortune that might arise, and the proposal was, whether their lordships ought not to adjourn to take that matter into their consideration ? There were circumstances of difficulty which might place the advisers his Majesty in some danger, but then there seldom was a time that' an adviser could not be found who was bold enough to 'mince his own conversation. To leave the country therefore in its present state could not be suffered. and lie should accordingly vote for the ad. journment. in order that the necessary provision might be made. Lord WHARNCLI FFE said that this was in his opinion a great constitutional question, and oo less than whether the country was to be left without any government at all ? He should therefore vote for en adjournment. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM said that the question for theft lordship. was, whether a delay of twenty-four hours would relieve the case of its difficulty ? The crown had declared its intention to exercise its prengutive, and as nothing could be obtained by delay, he should agree to the motion of his noble friend. The Duke of WELLINGTON said that it was not his intention to discuss the question to which the noble earl had referred, and however he might re r ort the lose of the conlideeee of the noble earl. he (the duke) could only say that if he had to deal with the sane question over attain, he would adopt identically the sante steps.— The question was not a balance of nessures, as it had been repre sented, but a balance of inconvenience, conneced with distant and remote risk, depending on the suite o the Hoye' Family ; and the tnost advisable course to be adopted was to bring the Parliament to an immediate dissolution. It is quite a tidsteke to suppose that , the whole arrangements could be 4 tiectral by a short Bill, or that , the difficulties could be obviates: by a temporary measure ? it was quite impoesible to deal with these mattes% under existing circunt. , stances, and the business of the Session had been so heavy, that they had been arable to bring it too conclusion at that moment.— I The noble earl had been pleased to say that Government wished to throw the responsibility of Mak conduct upon Parliament, which, however, was not the fact. Government had no such inten tion ; and the words of the Address could bear no such in terpretation. All that government had done was to bring down a message from the king, ageing that his majesty desire° to dissolve the parliament, and requiring their lordships to enable him to carry . his intention into effect. This was the art of the king and council. I The noble anti learned lord (Eldon) had said that the course in tended to be pursued amounted to a disapproval of the Acts t William and Anne ; but be (the Duke of Wellington) would inform the noble and learned lord, that it was those very acts which moho i rind the recommendation of the proposed measures. He (the Duke of Wellington) could not question the motive of the noble earl in 1 proposing the adjournment, but he would say that he hoped their hardships would come to a decision on the question that night. I Earl GREY Paid that he had been misunderstood if it was sup , posed that there was no other question but that of regency. Theft were other questions, but that he thought was the meet important, t and could not be neglected by the house without a dereliction , t duty. He was charged with promulgating gloomy anticipations, , but when the illness, temper, and habits of his Majesty, and the u the nceital ou ta human of ltwas u p li d fe er w an ere apprehmien considerod, da se t sath elier i t must fill fai sad i. 1 the faculties that it would Involve the swamp Is, ea which b motion was founded. He bad been accused it basMg stated that his Majesty's ministers were incapable of aseireeleg the allies the state, and although me some occasions Its bed gives the erotica his an be repeated that to be Ids spiders, sad to all that passed since the last year. Ifs adds seal that vested to some expressions which had Mem Am a sable balsa posits, and esachteled by saying II•at, as NSW as the home resams, be mesas so move an aniewhaset in she Mimes r te ..,_ 0,~,5, , s - .-a•, r.a~~~•~i ' ----- ----- Lord ELLENBOROUGH explained, anti mltled, ti.at it - was not the intention of Ministers to dissolve Parliament so urly, as to pre vent the public from receiving the benefit of the measures then be fore the House. The Marquis of DU FE also cal: , eased hii4 ink it.ott to vote against the adjournment. The House then divided, and oar our admksion, we learned that the number, were For the amendment For the original motion. Majority —44 Earl GREY then proposed an amendment to the Addr:ss, which was boister negatived, without a division. Lord CAWDOR wished to know whether it war the intention of ministers to abandon the measures they had brought forward, par. titularly that which relat e d to t h e increase of the Welsh Judges ? The Duke of WELLINGTON raid that it was intended to pass the measure relating to the Welsh Courts, and the other measures that were in a state of forwatdness in the Commons. Lord HOLLAAD asked whether it was intended to pt. an Ap- Prolliation Act? The Duke of WELLINGTON nplred , " Yes, an Appropria tion Act." The llouse adjourned at Ten o'clock. till Thr2e o'Clock this thy. HOUSE OF CO36IONS, Just 31. The house met at a quarter before four o'clock, and coati: urd Swearing in members until four. Boydell's Divorce Bill went through the committee. A petition was presented front a parish in the county of K:!kcnny against any increase of taxes in Ireland. ags. o'coun. Mr. O'BRIEN begged to call the attention of the house to a letter which had lately appeared ih a public newspaper, in which members of this house sere grossly abused. The SPEAKER begged to know if the hon. member intended to make a charge of a breach of privilege ? Mr. O'BRIEN replied in the affirmstive. Th► SPEAKER observed that it was necessary to give notice be. fore he should introduce a sullte: of that kind. The proper mode was to produce the newspaper with the publisher or proprietor, in older to identify the author of the letter, and the house would then know how to proceed. Sir J. YOKKE observed that the hon. member wanted to make a statement. The SPEAKER observed that these was no subject Wore the house. 5/r. SLANEY gave notice of a motion for the next Session, to bring in an Act to cause an open space to be reserved in the vicinity of every great town, to give the poorer classes an opportunity of exercise. Petitions were presented from Great Yarmouth against the duty on coals carried coastways; several from different parts of Ireland against the proposed increase of duty on stamps ; from South Mot. ton, in Devon, against the duty on coals carried coastwise ; from Plymouth and other places, against the patent medicine acts ; from I the inhabitants of one side of the Edgware-road, complaining of an extra charge of Id. for the delivers of letters in that quarter. Mr. S. RICE brought up the Ara report of the committee on the Irish poor. Mr. O'CONNELL presented a petition from the county of Galway against the Grand Jury presentments. The hon. member called the attention of the house to the extreme distress which pre vailed in Ireland. He had lately, in a letter from a priest in the county of Clare, received a frightful description of the misery which pervaded that part of the country. He here read the letter, which represented the state of the poorer classes in a most appalling light. Mr. O'BRIEN, in rising to agree to the representation of dis tress now made, took that opportunity of expressing his surprise that the hon. and learned member should have adopted a period when distress was so prevalent, to recommend to the people of Ire land to make a run on the banks. The hon. member here censured in unmeasured terms the conduct of Mr. O'Connell in this respect. He regretted seeing in the public papers a letter from that hon. and learned member, reflecting on himself (Mr. O'Brien) and other members of that house, for their parliamentary conduct. It was to such calumniating conduct, (observed Mr. O'Brien.) that the learned member owed much of that popularity which he enjoyed . in Ireland (hear). Mr. O'CONNELL presented petitions from the prisoners of the Four Courts' Marshal in Dublin , complaining of the treatment which they experienced t two from Drogheda, complaining of the Customs in Ireland, and of rozd.jobling ; two from parish,' in the county of Waterford, against the proposed increase of taxation in Ireland. (ha the motion of the bon. and learned Member, a copy xu or. dated of the Address of. the House of Assembly of bower Canada to his Majesty, respecting some lands belonging to the Roman Ca tholic seminary of ►foutrea. This land, he observed, was with held from that seminary, so the grounds that they were not a cor potation ; yet, by the French law, the ►etninary was entkled to it, and was in possession of It for 70 years. HIS MAJESTY'S MElldAllt. Sir R. PEEL moved the order of the day fur taking into con sideratioa the King's Message. The Clerk of the House having read his Majesty's Message, Sir IL PEEL said, he rose for the purpose of calling the atten. don of the house to that part of his Majesty's most gracious message, which expressed a hope that the house would make the necessary provisions fur the intones/ that would elapse between the termina tion of &at present and the opening of the new parliament. Ile could not proceed without first expressing his ,ease of the respectful fotbearance withwhkh the house had been pleased to limit itself to the consideration of an address of condolener, and the manner in which every thing had been avoided that could excite debate on tie ex pension of hostile opinion. It was know, to the House that by the demise of his Majesty It devolved on the (tovernment to give their advice as to the course which it would be fitting to adopt for the dispatch of the public business. According to the ancient law the demise of the Crown was the termination of the Parliament, hence the rule on the subject laid down in Blackstone,' (not. mentaries. By the Acts of the 7th and Bth of William, how ever, it was provided that, notwithstanding the demise of the Crown, Parliament should continue to sit, unless prorogued or dissolved, for six months. The cause of this enactment was ex. plained in the preample, which stated that the object of the act was to provide against either a foreign invasion cr the acts of wicked and evil disposed persons. (Hear, hear, hear.) It might be said that this Act of William was hut a temporary Act. That was not, however, the fact, as its provisions were tr. peatcd in a statute of Anne. But whatever might have been the circumstances that led to that enactment, it would be a question fur his majesty's government on the demise of the crown, whether it would not be prudent at once to dissolve the parliament, or keep it in existence if circumstances should require its delibe ration? With reference to the procetslino at p.escat before the house, it was considered that it would be more ad; isable to dissolve the present parliament than to continue it any longer. tees, therefore, advised a communication to the purport of tin message, and it would be fur the house to make such temporary provision for the conduct of public business as would he requi.ed. It could not be questioned, that although circumeiances might require the sitting of Parliament for a continuance of its deliberations, yet, un the whole, the inconvenience that must arise from such a course, and the expense, not to speak of the effect which designing per. suns might produce on the free and unbiassed opinions of the thaws, would go a great length to spew that an immediate dis solution would be preferable to a fur:her protraction of the ses sion. Way, the Howe must know, would have a corrupt rather than a beneficial tendency, and would place the present Members under adisedvantage which, In fairness; to them, ought to be avoided, u it would give the parties, by whom they might be opposed, an opportunity of berg on the spot, and of devoting their whole atten tion to the accomplishment of their views. The consult:es:cc in fennel times of a protraction otthe sitting of Pariiament had been a want of sufficient attendance of members to proceed wish the public business, and instances wereanbe found in the jeer.•als of the house, where letters were obliged to be dispatch. d to the elteriffs in require the immediate return of the sitting members to London. to tot..nd to their public duty. On these grounds, therefore, u.dcas, indeed, some special circumstances were urged, It could not be deukd this It would be meet conducive to perfect fairness and in:p ertiality, that the prerogative of the crown shc.uld at once be exercised, and a new Parliament should be convened at as early a period as possi ble. The house were aware that since the Act of Anne, in various instances, different courses had been pursued, and th a t in the reigns succeeding that of Anne, a message had on each occasion been sent down to continue the Parliament until the necessary rarangementa should have been mode, for the disposal of the civil list, which re— quired considerable time, not only in the proposing, but going through the details. Little difficulty was ever .xperieneed in pass ing the necessary bill on this subject, and to prove this, he had only to state that Queen Anne died on the Ist of A ug.1714. that the bill Meting to the civil lists was brought into the Commons on the 10th, sun to the Lords on the 17th, returned to the Commons the 10th, and Parliament dissolved as the ?bib of the sante month. With realm to the settlement of the civil lista, however. it was most (re missible that government, se whose responsibility it wuuld of courts he Impend, should have an opportunity of fully deliberating upon sr Ns and the - ise beat should also have sufficient time logo lie detain '. lee eels, in fart, three civil lists for can s'. Inilead, dist fir Scotland, and that hie 'bib coon. try, and there wine toweled with than several matters which sunk slat of alteration mid Improvement. Many of the public lifiolianelos were paid pardyeut of ewe or the ether of dine lista, mei mbr priZ ei er of the =mandated hind ; nth, astemea, ma dro ad the = a the Outs Wianging amy. But to place amuse is a very dear peat et vie T w, he would beam the Chandler et the Rzeheepsw, whew paid from no Iran thalalleseeWlw o newly, has the Calms, been the Civil t it :~. .~