Star. — London, England, 1826-05-06 00:00:00

illegal and indefensible. We may, howevm be oblige(' to act still upon oar own responsibility. If you refuse your sanction to the measure which we propose,we man should a case of emergency arise, be faked, in the ex: ereise or our constitutional privileges, as advisers of the Crown, to recommend the measure you may now reject. But if we are obliged to adopt this course, we shall at least have the satisfaction of knowing that we have not done so without having. in the first instance, appealed to the sense of Parliament; and if we should after wards become the objects of condemnation, it will be some consolation to us to feel that we are not only innocent, but " more sinned against than sinning"—(Hear.) Should we, however, be enabled to pass the present measure, with the sanction of Parliament, we shall then not only have the consciousness that we have performed our duty its Ministers of the Crown ; but we shall have the addi =tional gratification of knowing that we have acted with 'she concurrence of Parliament. We might to be sure, .during the six• weeks of the non-existence of Parlia- Inent, adopt a measure like the present upon our own - responsibility ; but never let it be imputed as a crime to a British Minister, that he preferred to exercise his constitutional privilege under the pi evieus sanction and approbation of Parliament—(Chers.) Well, then, we ask permission to do, not that which we are by the Constitution debarred from doing—for the very argu ment against it admits cur tight; but we ask permis sion to do that, which, if 'we do upon our own respon sibility, we must afterwards come to ask Parliament to sanction by their approval. If Parliament were not sitting -when the exigency occurred, there might be a very good reason for adopting the course which we re commend, unsanctioned by their approbation. But we have Parliament sitting, and foreseeing the difficulty which may arise, we do that, which, if we neglected to do, would deservedly subject us to the imputation of having treated their authority with contempt. We might, perhaps, if we acted otherwise, adduce the case Which occurred in the AdMinistration of Lord Chat ham and Lord Camden; but we should, if we did so, be justly met with this answer—" True, they acted as you say, but then there was this slight difference between your respective cases. They acted upon their onn responsibility when no. Parliament was sitting.— You foresaw the danger, and yet you did not consent to consult a Parliament which was sitting long before the danger which you apprehended had occurred. The responsibility, therefore, rests upon yourselves, and you must take the consequences." I have said that in the measure which is now proposed, Government were not unmindful of the tiue interests of the agriculturist. For myself, I wilt say, that I have not been forgetful of, but am, on the contrary, most anxious to consult those interests. I have observed that the question of the Corn Laws must, sooner or later, become a subject of discus sion in this House; but I will ask if the present measure bad not been introduced, and three months of difficulty and distress had ensued, whether the country or the Parliament would have been as likely to come to as calm end deliberate a discussion of the subject as they will %ohm, by the operation of this measure, an aiditional tause of irritation has been avoided ?—(Hear. hear.)- 1 say that Government will, by the interposition of the bonded Corn, have prevented so much local and general distress, as must necessarily have the effect of inducing upon all sides a calmer and more temperate discussion of the general question of the Corn Laws than could, under any other circumstances of the case, be obtained. (Hear, hear). I therefore maintain, that the landed interests will be Materially benefitted by the passing of the present measure, and I repeat that in giving my individual support to the measure, the consideration of what the real interests of that body required, was no alight inducement. In submitting the Resolution to the House, I can only say, that my object is to call upon them to sanction the authority which is, upon all sides, admitted to exist in the Crown, in a case of emer gency. Upon a former occasion, I observed, that there was no species of limitation, which, provided it were consistent with the circumstances of the ease, and likely to put off the discussion of the general question of the Corn Laws, i was not only willing to submit to, but to solicit. As a proof of the sincerity with which I made this declaration, I will here read the Resolution. The Right Hon. Gentleman here read his Resolution—(which see below.)—ln the course of the former debate, I observed that there were three modes by which the proposed Resolution could be restricted; Ist, by the imposition or a duty ; 2dly, by a restriction as to price ; and 3dly, by a limitation in the quantity. Upon that occasion, an Hon. and Learned Gentleman opposite (Mr. Brougham) objected, and with great ap pearance of justice; to the fist of these modes—the imposition of a duty ; while another Hon. Member expressed himself unfavourrble to the '2d, upon the ground that it fixed too low a maximum of price. Now, 1 am disposed to yield to the suggestions of both the Hon. Members; and doing away with the limita tion as to price and duty, to retain that of quantity alone. The proposition of the Hon. Member to limit the price to 665. I consider unfair, upon this ground, that it may, by possibility, be considered as holding out a sort of average by which the price of corn ought, in future, to be regulated. This however, cannot be considered a fair assumption, as the price of corn must necessarily be regulated by the state of the markets, and be come. quently sometimes higher and sometimes lower, accord ing to circumstances. Therefore, although I originally brought forward this Resolution under a different im pression, I am willing, upon consideration, to relinquish it, and.l am satisfied that the limitation should be, as 'I said, confined to quantity alone. I am the more inclined to take this course, because it has been objected to us, that we have endeavoured to bring on a discussion of the Cola Laws by a sort of side wind, an insinuation to xhich, as it has been replied to before, I think it un necessary now to advert. 1 shall only, therefore, say, that by proposing no other limitation but that of quan tity, we leave the original question of the Corn Laws untouched, while the present measure remains as we intended it, one of a temporary nature, and leaves no sting behind. The limitation in quantity. which I now propose to introduce, will extend to 500,000 quarters, and I do not know better how to explain the nature and meaning of that limitation, than by reading the heads of a Bill (worded technically of course, and subject to future revision and correction) which rtnean to found upon the resolution with which I shall conclude. It is as follows ; " Whereas an Act has been passed in the present Session of Par. Lament, to permit the entry for home consumption, of the foreign V4l, meal, and flour, which were in the warehouses of the United Kingdom on the 2d of. May, 1826 ; and it may be expedient, from circumstances which cannot now be foreseen, to admit, before the comnwocement of the next Session of Parliament, a further limited quantity of foreign corn, for home consumption, before such curu would be admissible, under the laws now in force, relat ing to the imponation of the said corn—lie it therefore enacted, &e. " That it shall be lawful for his Majesty, at any time, from and attar the !lose of the preheat, and unid the commencement of the 1 next Ssssion of Parliament, by and with the advice of his Majesty's' Privy Council, to issue an orderor, orders, to permit the entry, for home entisoinption, either of the triiele, nr of any proportion of the foreign wheat, and of dour, made of wheat, which - may be in the warehouses of this country, at the date of the issuing such order, or orders respectively. Provided always, that the quantity of foreign wheat or dour so to be admitted, under such order or orders, shall not exceed 500,000 quarters (five hundred thousand quarters In the whole ). Provided also, • that no such order shall be in force for more than two months from the time of is being issued ; and that any wheat, or lour, made of wheat in hood, which may have been included in such order. and which shall Dot•have been taken out and entered for borne consumption, according to the terms and conditions to be specified is such or der, before the expiration of the period specified in such order, shall net be entitled to the benefit of such order. " That it shall be lawful for his Majesty in Council, by any such order as of id, to require, as one of the conditions for admit ting such foreign wheat, or flour, to enter for home consumption, that it shall, upon such entry, pay such duty as the said order may direct, not exceeding any duty now imposed under the Act of his present Majesty, entitled— , An Act relating to the Importation of Foreign Corn." By proposing to limit the importation of corn to the quantity provided for in the Bill, I think we shall have fully provided for the probable wants of the people during the interval between the two Parliaments. That is the great object which hid Majesty's Ministers, at all events, have had in view, and whatever objection may apply to the measure, either in principle or detail, I trust we shall at least b e fr ee front :he imputation of having acted with bad faith towards the landed interests.—(Hear, hear.)—lt is an impu tation which, as far as I am myself concerned, I most unequivo- i cally disavow. and I feel I can answer with equal sincerity for my colleagues. At all events, I ant convinced, that we should not have discharged our duty, if we bad taken the responsibility upon ourselves, and had declined to apply to Parliament for their sanc tion to the measure which I have now the honour to propose.— (Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by proposing the following Resolution : " That it is the opinion of this Committee, that it is expedient to empower his Majesty, by any order or orders of his Majesty in Council, to permit, under certain regulations, and for a time to be limited, the entry, fur home consumption, of an additional quantity of foreign corn, meal, or flour, subject to the duties which may be imposed by any Act to be passed in this Session." . . Mr. C. WILSON said the question involved the best interests of the country. He had heard with patience the arguments for and against the measure, and he wished to express shortly his views on this important subject before the House. Whether a Member had 2,0001. or 10,0001. a year, he hid the right to state his opinion as well as those of a much greater income. For his part, he was ready to say, if such measures as these proposed were not resorted to, the greatest dis tress and calamity might prevail throughout the coun try. The quantity of corn on hand, he was inclined to think, was not great; on that account he gave his hearty support to the first measure. To the second, too, he was not unfavourable. He represented a county, and many of his constituents lived by agriculture, but still he would declare his sentiments openly. When the manufacturing classes were reduced to such desti tution, when there was such calamity in different parts of the country, he thought it ill became Members to oppose a Ines-. sure calculated for the relief of the half-starved and unemployed weavers. For his part, he would rather feed on the food of his ancestors•—(Laughter),—than see such misery without doing every thing in his power to alleviate it. Ought he to look to high rents, or the luxuries which had almost become necessaries of life, and not at the same time take into consideration the state of his. dis tressed countrymen ? He gave his cordial support to the measures proposed, and trusted to the wisdom of Ministers in carrying them into effect. Sir T. LETHBRIDGE said be had listened with at tention to the able and fascinating speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman, but he confessed that all his ergs* resents and eloquence still failed in convincing him ail the propriety or necessity of the measure, and though he Should find himself in a small minority, still would consider it his duty to oppose it. The pre*. :tents of the Right Honourable Gentleman 'Were built on probablities, not facts. He had given no reasons for the great distress in the manufactuting divricts, nor bad he stated any grounds for the application.— It was too mush to grant Ministers such a discretionary power, and thus get rid of that objection of regulating the price. He thought 12s. the probable duty; but was this meant to be a famine price, or did Ministers suppose that 655. a quarter would be a sufficient price to remu nerate the farmer ? The plan, as far as appeared to him, was to allow the release of 500,000 quartets of wheat as soon as the price reached 6.55. the quarter.— That quantity, with the 400,000 quarters in bond, would amount to nearly one million of quarters thrown into the market. He did nor, however, object so much to the first measure as the second. He objected to it formerly—he objected to it still—on the ground that it would give an unlimited power to Ministers. If this power were granted, and if they were to be allowed to admit wheat at a duty of 12s. this would fix the duty for the future. He pressed this before on the attention of the House, and he considered it most material. The Right Hon. Gentleman had carried them back as far as '1766. But what comparison was there between the two periods ? Was there any thing like bonded corn in those times ? The truth was, this was only an at tempt to delude them, and to carry the great question. There was no prospect of that which could form any ground for such a measure. A famine was not apprehended; and if there was, Ministers ought to have stated their reasons for sub appre hension. He concluded by saying, that he considered this as the question of the Corn Laws, that it would be the last time they should have an opportunity of contending for it ; and if Ns. were Aged as the importing duty, it would continues* for the future. Mr. PORTMAN expressed himself favourable to both resolutions. He approved of the first resolution, not from any opinion that a scarcity of corn was the cause of distress, which he-attributed to want of employ ment, occasioned by want of credit in the country, but because he thought, that by agreeing to the first resolu tion, he should afford some relief io the distressed ma nufacturers. With respect to the second resolution, he would give it his support, because, as a representative of the Agricultural Interest, as a practical agriculturist himself, he was not willing, in giving his assent to it, to take upon his shoulders, and those of the Agricultural Body, the responsibility spoken of by the Right Hon. Secretary ; and he therefore cast the responsibility upon the shoulders of those who ought to bear it—he cast it upon the shoulders of his Majesty's Miaisten. He agreed in opi nion with the Right Hon. Foreign Secretary, that it was impolitic , at aU times, to dabble with the Corn Laws ; but be was prepared go into e question of the Corn Laws, whenever his Majesty's Government should think proper to submit any propositions; add be thought it necessary for the interests of the agriculturist that that question should be settled. Mr. H. SUMNER was convinced that the arguments of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Secretary Canning) were totally unfounded. The Right Hon. Secretary thought, only 18 days ago, that there was no necessity for any alteration in the Corn Laws, and he asked what had since occurred? Had there been a blight within those 18 days? The Right Hon. Gentleman, said, that on a former period there was a most promising harvest on the Monday, and on a Wednesday the hope of the country was blighted. Had any such thing occurred on the present occasion? Were not things new precisely in the same situation as when the Hon. Member for Bridgnorth (Mr. Whitmore) made his motion. The dis tress then prevailed in the manufaciu:ing districts, and if those whom it pressed %sere driven to outrage, it was not in favour of Government that they did not interfere Pearlier. On the 18th April, his Majesty's Ministers saw no necessity foe interference; there was no distress then .-no want of corn. On the 4th May, however, they came down saying they were *all wrong—that there was great distress--that there might be a faMine. Such a course was calculated to produce the greatest injury. What could be more injurious than the Right Hon. Secretary to state in the House of Commons that there may be a famine before October ? The Hon. Member for Donetshire (Mrs Portman,) said he shrunk from the responsibility of refusing Ministers the dis cretionary power they demanded. - He (Mr. Holme Sumner) had no difficulty in taking his share of that re sponsibility—(ffenr.) His information led him to believe that the supply of corn in the c-untry was quite ample to meet all demands through the season. The Right Hon. Secretary had produced no document to prove the contrary. He (Mr. H. Sumner) therefore thought him self justified in relying on the information he had re ceived. It- was said that the Manufacturers were starv ing, and in want. They were in want, not of food, but of employment. If corn was only l s. a quatter, it would be no advantage to the manufacturers if they had not money 0 purchase it. The conduct of Ministers tended exactly to that which they ought to have avoid ed, bringing the agricultural and manufactut ing inte rests into collision. The present high price of corn had been alluded to; deo. was the present price, and he contended that it could not be grown and sold through. out the kingdom at a less pt ice. The Corn Laws ought to have been brought on last year, and as Minis ters neglected it then, they ought to have brought on tie question this Session. It was- his opinion that Government was not disposed to give the agriculturalists sufficient protection, and tkat with open ports the agricultural interests could not enjoy suc cess. That the ports should be closed whilst corn was below a certain price, seemed a sine qua nes to agriculture continuing a suc cessful pursuit. As to the difficulty apprehended from the want of a Parliament, he did not see why a Parliament should nut be brought together in six weeks, if it was thought necessary. Mr. Secretary PEEL addressed the House to the following effect :— , 4 Since I have had the honour of having a seat in Parliament, I have never heard such an extraordinary debate as has taken place upon the question. I repeat, after the most deliberate reflection, that if I were now to vote again on the motion of the Hon. Member for Br idgenorth, I would give to it my decided opposition, and that if I could on that occasion have foreseen what has occurred since the 13th of April, still, with-that anticipated experience of events, and in spite of every charge of inconsistency and va cillation, and. under all the circumstances of the coun try, I would have then Voted against a revision of the Corn Laws—and after ell 'the arguments of all the speakers on the question, I now declare that I cannot see any' ground of charging his Majesty's Government with inconsistency of measures, if foreseeing, not cer tainly a famine, but a'present depression of the price of general commodities,. and a probable tendency to an increase in the price of corn—of perceiving but a limited supply of that article from foreign markets, and appre hending a deficiency on - the produce of the coming harvest; my Right Hon. Friend has brought forward a measure calculated to obviate the possible difficulties to which the country may be exposed before the ap proach of 'that harvest. The Hon. Member for Dor. 'rehire says, he casts back upon Ministers the responsi bility atten'tant on the measure of my Right Hon. Friend. I answer to the Hon. Member, that we are willing to uodertake the full responsibility of it, and that thi,object of -my Right Hon. Friend's vete is to deposit that responsibility in the right place—namely, in the hands of the Government. 'rhe Hon. Member for Surrey charges the Government with inconsistency in now admitting =O,OOO quarters bf corn after they had negtitived,. a short time since, the motion of the Hon. Member for Bidgenorth, for : a revision of the gco neral system 'of the Laws on Corn. But I ask if my Hon. 'Friend's own conduct is inconsistent, I ask hiM whether he did not hiniself approve the liberation of " bonded cbrn last year, as a measure advantageous to the agricultural interest ?--[Mr.H. SUMNER—I did not.] But my Hon. Friend did not oppose that measure at the time, and if he wishes to preserve a reputation for consistency, let him not now oppose a similar measure intended to alleviate a possible - period of future distress; for, as to the present sufferings of the manufacturing population in Lantashfre, I would not be worthy the name of a man if I did 'not sympathize with them as deeply as any Hoiicitantble Member, and, indeed, some thing more than others, so closely connected as I per sonally am with dolt - particular class of the people. But as to my Hon. Friend's argument, that a reduction of the price of corn could have no influence on their com forts, inasmuch at they have no means of purchasing corn, whether it be dear or Cheap —now. this argument is built on the supposition, that, in relation to pecuniary matters, there are but two classes in this country— one which holds a monopoly of affitience, and an other class which possesses no pecuniary means at all. But r put it to My Hon. Friend Whether, in fact, there are not between those two classes many intermediate ones, who possess, in various degrees, the means of pnto chasing some of them th'e luxuries, some the comforts, and some the necessaries of life? And will any Hon. Member assert that a measure whose object it is to effect a moderate and reasonable price of corn can bring no immediate benefit to those numerous persons who possess but limited means of subsistence? For instance, how are many of them supported this very moment ? Not merely ten thousand, or twelve thousand, but tens of thousands, hoW do they subsist, but on the charitable aid of the affluent? If then, this dais of the people cannot support itself in the present rate of the price of corn, what sophistry is it not to say that they can receive no immediate relief from a still more reasonable reduction in the price of it ? But my Hon. Friend is of opinion, that' we have made out no case in support of my Right Hon:1 Friend' s motion. Now I think that we have made out a case, and as to proofs of the existence of a deep and general distress, so sure am I of the conviction, on that. point, which must have been impressed on every Gen. tleman'smind, by the accounts in the newspapers, that I should but waste the time of the House by entering into a detail of them; and if the liberation of bonded' corn is adinitted to have been productive of advantage, by the same process of reasoning, I .can prove that an admission . of foreign tor! may be equally beneficial is a. case of extreme urgency. But my Hon. Friend, the Member for Serrey, thinks, that if we liberate the bonded emit at a duty of twelve shillings a quarter, we will ultimately admit foreign corn at that sum. But -my Right Hon. Friend has not fixed on twelve shillings as being the usual duty ; for that was not the duty of last Year—it was but ten shillings—so that there was no danger, that the duty which may be now fixed, even though it should be definite, still piejudice the ultimate arrangement of the general system. But, adds my Hon. Friend„ want a power to admit instahtly 500,000 quarters of corn, and more if it should be wanted ; but if he will just look into my Right Hoe. Friend's Bill, he will see that it contains no such pro visions, and that .500,000 qtiarters are the maximum idmissible; and that the Bill does not give Ministers a power to admit even that quantity, except they are called oa by a case of auntie exigency. Now, Sir, I shall come to the charge that we have been compelled to introduce this measure as a sort of concession to the clamours of an infuriated mob—(Hear, kear) On this I shill merely observe, that there are two sorts f courage—one sort may be said to consist in refusing to make an improper concession, and another in persist ing to do what is right, no matter what may be the consequences—((;heers.) Sir, in these days, the rage of an infuriated mob can do nothing to influence the mea sures of,a Government. There is in this country a su perior power, a moral energy, sufficient at all times to put down the physical force and fury of an inflamed multitude—(Cheering loud ant long.) But I am happy to add, that the disturbance, in the manufacturing dip. tricts are nearly at an end —(Cheers,) and here I cannot pass over those rumours in the newspapers of several applications to me to send military assistance into the disturbed districts, and of certain censures on the Government for their alleged refusal to supply that assistance. But, Sir, what will the House think when I say, that ne such applications for military aid were ever made to me—in fact it was n.-. 1 wantei—for myself, induced by an observation of the course of cir cumstances and an apprehension of disttess, and consequent tumult, had, four months before that pe riod, increased the military force in those diitricts to a number double that of last year, so t h at I can boldly say, that na such °applications were ever- made or refused—(Hear.) For, as to the successful outrages of the multitude against power looms, the House will easily conceive that a very few persons may in a few minutes be able to de stroy a quantity of that son of machinery (which is made of 'cast iron) a few miles distant from a military station. If, then, the House should think proper to pass the Resolutions of my Right Hon. Friend, let it not be thought for a moment that they do It under the influence of intimidation. (Cheers.) But' let it alsii be known, that though we are resolved to bring to trial and to justice, the criminal promoters of riot, and to suppress such tum u l tuar y irks: knee with all the rigour of the law, and all the power of the Go- vernment, still we are also ready to pity their privations, aitd to relieve their necessities--(Cheering)—and equally ready to acknow. ledge that the great majority of the people have borne their setere privations with the most admirable patience. (Cheering). For in stance, in the cloth manufacturing districts, the pressure of want his been very urgent, yet in those places we hate beard of no distur bances of public tranquillity. Though there may hate been partial excesses in one part of the country, let us not be deterred from out resolves by such a consideration—let us be bold enough to execute them against unfounded imputations. (Cheering). My lion. Friend, the Member for Surrey, says, that the admission of foreign grain, by reducing the price of corn, will tend to increase the po o r r ates . Now, I should rather thi nk, that it would tend to reduce the amount of them. The poor rates are, In truth, encumbered with much of their burden in consequence of the present system. • Any measure that can affect the increase of the poor rates, is a blessing to the poor, and relief to the country; bur, says my Hon. Friend, you have no facts to support your measure—you act on mere con tingencies—true, we wish to provide against the contingencies of the future, but la doing so we are guided by our experience of the put —(Cheers). Nor are we so destitute, so denuded of facts; as my Hon. Friend supposes--for if there be such a soperabundne of corn and wealth in the country as he supposes, bow does It happen that the prices of the common comforts of ordinary life are tower sew than in the same month of the year 111115 T for instance, the average prices were— ID 1112.5. Is 1526. . . _---. - . Cotton 91d. . . . 44. to 40.. Pernambuco I9s. to 40s. . . . 10s. to 116. 0 Coffee (one Maranbam) 841. Is 86s. . . . 425. to 525. Sugar (fine bcowo) 701. . . . 50s. Runs 2s. 21 . . . Ils. ed. Tallow et% • • ..- 52.. Wheat 54.. . . . SOL Oats 275. . . . Ws. _ . A fall of 50 per cent. —Now, Sir, I put it to my Hon. Friend himself, whether this de pression of the prices of general commodities, as compared to the steadiness of the price of corn, is not a fact connected with this measure worthy of the deep attention of the House—(Hear).. I ant ready to grant, that the present price of corn is not what may be termed a famine price; but then, what we desire is, that it may not rise to that fearful state, that the Government may possess the power of keeping it at the present price, in the contingent occurrenCe a deficiency in the produce of the harvest; for though it has said, that foreign corn is adMissible at a price of 80s. yet the fact is, the price may rise so high as 100 s. a quarter before it could be admitted, according to the provisions of the present Coro Laws. They require that the average price of li , for the preceding three months, should amount to 80s. before foreign corn should be allowed to come in, still it is clear that intervals may occur during that space in which the price may rise to 100 s. a qr. and even to more—( Hear hear, from Dlr. Baring).—l see the Hon. Member for Taunton. would tura this fact into an argument in favour of our revision of the Corn System altogether. But I submit to the House, whether I am bound to enter again into the discussion of the general sub -• ject? That question has been already debated and disposed of. I am as ready now, as I was then, to repeat my opinions, to state my reasons, and to eater lato a vindication of the conduct of the Go. verninent, in reference to it; but that is not now the question, and • I must decline to encumber the present subject by argnments on the policy of another. The present measure I hold to be particu larly calculated to procure a calm and unprejudiced deliberation of . the whale system in the next Session s and on this ground I truss the House will agree with the Government in deferring it to neat year, when the actual consideration, and ultimate decision, of it, will stand uninfluenced by that agitation of popular feeling, which is inseparable from an election—(bear)—an occurrence which must' soon take placeln the' natural course of the constitutional practice of Parliament. Till the assembling of the new Parliament, my . Right Honourable Friend seeks from the littuse an authority to exercise the proposed power, rather than undertake the ex ercise of it on his own responsibility—(hear, hear, hear). — though he may have been supported in the latter course by the conduct of the Government in the year 1776, on almost the same question, and In similar circumstances. The Parliament separated in June, without having given to the Ministry any discretionary power of acting as to the admission or retention of corn. The Government paid no attention to the subject, till they were called to the consideration of it towards the end of August, by informa tion from the Lord Mayor of London as to the general scarcity of grain. The Parliament had been dissolved—a new one was called, and assembled early in November for the deliberation of the ques tion, when the King, his late Majesty George the Third, opened the Session with the following words t " My Lords and Gentlemen—The high price of wheat, and the defective produce of grain, together with the extraordinary de mands for the same front foreign parts, have principally determined me to call you thus early together, that I might have the erns* of Parliament, u soon as conveniently might be; on a matter so im. portant, and particularly erecting the poorer wart of my subjects. • The urgency of the necessity called• upon me, in the mean time, to exert my Keyalmithority for the preservatan of the public safety againpt a growing calamity, which conk' not admit of delay. I have, therefore, by and with the advice of sty Privy Council, laid an embargo en wheat and wheat flour going out of the kingdom, until the advice of my Parliament could be taken thereupon. It further provisions of law be requisite or expedient with regard to the dearness of corn, so necessary to the sustenance of the.poorer sort, they cannot escape the wisdom of Parliament, to which I re commend the due consideration thereof." Now (continued Mr. Secretary Peel), if his Majesty's Ministers should act in this manner before the meeOng of the next Parliament, we should hear of nothing but criminations and iinpeachments ; and the following extracts from Lord Mansfield's speeches again; the ex ercise of the Royal Prerogative, and of the suspending power of the Crown, as affecting the liberties of the people, would be tauntingly quoted against us. Here the Right Man. Gentlemen read the ex tracts, the sum of which appeared to be this—" The suspending power IS a two.edeed tool, which, though it cuts deeply, Is dan gerous to be handled. The undue use• of it lost one Prince his crown, and another his crown and life, and ultimately expelled that unfortunete family (the Stuarts) to reside in a land of tyranny. The praitice of dispensing with the law was an infrabtien of the Bill of Rights (Mr. Peel, ' and so it was') and the man who could advise theC t rown to' have recourse to it; was not a pod Minister either fur the Sovereign or thc subjects. I like a bold Mihister, I have seen bold wild measyree tsl succeed, but then that boldness ought to be .hewn only for, dna not igahnt, the laws and liberties of the country and ite•cmunitutios."—(Cheers). Now, Sir, sup- -010 , -. csitirsb , p