Star. — London, England, 1830-03-11 00:00:00

z :Ifr j that, in connecting themselves with the ight be assured of the support of England rest satisfied that England would up. 'under any 'dense circumstances that might arise. ignel wrote a letter to his brother the Emperor of pledged himself to goveta according to the con. stii.ition : he also wrote a letter of the same purport to his sister; :•1:1 he gave similar assurances to the people of Portugal, and to the King or England. Now, it was quite evident, that the letter addressed to the King of England was written in conformity with what the King of England had already settled and agreed to, with respect to the constitution of Portugal. All Europe was led to place confi dence in Den Miguel, in consequence of the intervention of Eng. land, and the communication which he had had with that power. He would not add to these circumstances all the personal honours which Don Miguel received in consequence of the apparent fairness .‘f hi. conduct, and which farther proved the feelings of this country with reference to the Portuguese constitution. The protocol of Jan. 12 clearly showed that there was a negotiation going on with Don Miguel, in which England and Austria were evidently parties, their object being the support of the Portuguese constitution. Miguel then proceeded from this country, with a Britishsquadron and attended by the British ambassador. He arrived at Lisbon; end six or seven days afterwards, —at a time when he (Mr. Huskisson) could not doubt but that he had, in conjunction with his mother and other persons, planned the overthrow of the constitution, as if to show now little binding he considered the most solemn bligations,—as if to show how easily he could play and trifle with those who placed confidence in him,—he thought fit, gratuitously and unne. cessarily, to take the oath by which he pledged himself to main tain and support the constitution. His conduct very soon showed that it was impossible to place any, much less implicit reliance, on his honour or his engagements. Remonstrance after re monstrance followed, but Ministers would not produce those re monstrances--they were refused to those who called for them. Now, he must say, that in order to form a proper judgment on the case, the house ought to be put in possession of t hos e remonstrances. They ought to be apprised of the instructions sent to Sir Frederick LaMb on that occasion. If that were done, they would be enabled to see with what spirit, feeling, and view, the British Government acted with reference to Don Miguel. Let the instructions on which these remonstrances were founded be produced, and he would prove to the house, that even then the maintenance of the Portu. guess Constitution was the great object of the British Government. When his right honourable friend endeavoured to implicate him and his noble friend in some of the proceedings which were corn. planed of, he would say to hie right hon. friend, " Give us the papers" (hear, hear;) " Give us the papers, and then we can defend ourselves." Ile admitted that the despatch which occasioned the troops to be sent back did bear his name. It was signed before Government was informed that Don Miguel had assumed the title and authority of king. Now, he really thought that his right honourable friend had not bad time to have looked at the documents which had already been produced on this subject; because, if he had, he would have found that the information relative to Don 3liguel's conduct had absolutely arrived in England after he was out of °film He admitted that the order for the embarkation of the troops was signed by himself, after Don Miguel bad given cause of uneasiness; but these circumstances of ,uneasiness led the government to make serious remonstrances; and he again wished that these remonstrances were placed on the table of the house, and it would be then seen in what point of view the conduct of D on Miguel was contemplated. The result of the despatch which was received on the 22d of June was, that Sir Frederick Lamb suspended his functions at Lisbon until further orders, and the other powers all followed the example of England. On the 13th of July hl s majesty's ministers received a very laconic letter from Sir F. Lamb, In which he said, " I en close the proclamation of Don Miguel, in which he claims to be recognised as King." Thus It appeared, that on the 13th of July his majesty's ministers received the notification of his having usurped the throne of Portugal, long after he (Mr. H.) had any thing to do with the government. On the 13th of July ministers received this Information, and he would remind the house, that only three days after the receipt of that despatch, when one would suppose that the government would be filled with feelings of in. dignation at me Imposition which had been practised towards his majesty—when one would imagine that the deceit of Don Miguel would meet with their strongest reprobation—only three days after the arrival of that information, the of State for the Foreign Department declared—h is regret at usurpa tion ? or his sorrow for the fate of the persons whose lives and properties were sacrificed by the usurper ? No each thing : he declared that the friends of Don Miguel spoke the sentiments of the Portuguese people. Thus did it go forth to the world, that the moral influence of Great Britain bad expired t thus did it appear that our friendship and assistance were mere shadows. Well might the Portuguese say, when an English minister again proffered them assistance, noscitur d 80db—heaven defend us from such friends. He looked with astonishment at the character of Don Miguel. It was amazing that so young a man could have accomplished so much wickedness in so short a time ; for, at the early age of six and-twenty, this man—this Don Miguel—had perpetrated every crime, and displayed every vice, which historical truth or historical fiction had attributed to the most sanguinary monsters that ever waded through the blood of innocent people in pursuit of their am bitious objects.—(Hear.) It was to be hoped that he would finish a life of infamy by a death of violence. But could they talk of this in dividual abstractedly, and without reference to the engagements into which he had entered ? Could they forget the pledge which be had given to the King of England ? Could they overlook the in. dignity with which his subsequent conduct visited the monarch of this country ? To use a military metaphor, a gallant body of British troops, pncluding a portion of his majesty's household forces, had been sent out as a covering party, to facilitate the assaults and attacks which Don Miguel was about to make on that constitution which he had sworn to maintain—they were sent out to look on his btutal violence, and to view, unmoved the judicial murders which he was committing. Was it for the honour of this country that there should be now some 30,000 or 40,000 Portuguese wan dering all over Europe ? (Hear.) He could assure his right hon. friend, whatever he might think, that the impression throughout the world was, that the constitutional party in Portugal had suf fered deeply for their strict adhesion to this country. His right hon. friend had argued, that ministers were justified in the course which they had adopted, and that they would have acted improperly if 'hey had, under the existing circumstances, interfered. Why, the history of Portugal, for the last thirty years, was nothing but the his tory of English interference; and it could not be otherwise, in con sequence of the engagements which bound this country to that limited and feeble state. All must know the reason of the engage ments which bound us to defend Portugal from any aggression , come from what quarter it might. Now, it was evident, where there war any engagement so binding and yet so inconvenient to this country, that there must be some leading and paramount in. crest which called for it. That leading and paramount interest was to prevent Portugal from falling into the hands of any of those great Powers which adjoined that State, and which this country was accustomed to view with jealousy. Besides, the situation of Portu gal was such as would enable this country the more easily to repel any design which the Spaniards might meditate with respect to Gibraltar. Portugal ought, therefore, to claim as a right a paramount interest in our councils. What had been the his tory of our connexion with Portugal for the last 30 years? Early in the late war an application was made by Spain to Portugal, tal l- ing on her to shut her posts against Great Britain. And what repre. sentation did Portugal make to this country ? She said, that either we must defend her at our own expense, and with our own army and navy, or else that she must comply with the unjust and improper requisition of Spain. This country then entered on the defence of Portugal, with a most unbounded profusion of men, of money, of military, of naval, and of every other description of suc cour. Did we not train up in that country a well-appointed fortes? Did we not give strength to her government, anti inspire her while population with a spirit warmly devoted to the preservation of het rights ? All this was done, and in what situation stands that country now ? All that we did has been overturned, and ge meal corruption, folly, feebleness, and immorality, prevailed. Portugal was now in a state of absolute inability to make an y defence against foreign aggression. She was as in.' efficient to defend herself in 1827, as she was when she called for our assistance in 1796. Now he contended that it was the paramount duty of this country to give Portugal such institutions as would render her Government sufficiently strong and powerful, ea not to be dependent on England on every trifling occasion of danger. If he were called on to state instances of our interference, not during the period of war, but since the peac e , he would say, that , before the Constitution was sent over Rio Janeiro, a large British force was lying in the Tagus. That force was stationed there not to assist one party or another, but to preserve the Govern ment inviolate. And when Don Miguel attempted the foulest treason to his sovereign and his father, how was it prevented ? (Hear, hear.) Why, by the intervention of the British Am bassador, who placed the captive monarch on board a ship in the har bour, and sent him for safety out of the country. His right hon. friend seemed not to like the constitution of Portugal, because it ap peared that the Emperor had framed it in less than a week. He did not stand up to defend that constitution ; but it was no answer to. him to say that it must be defective because it was framed in so abut a time. Let his right hon. friend recollect how long Louis XVIII. was occupied in trailing the charter of France. He bo. lieved the charter of France—and he hoped it would not die a pro. mature death—was promulgated in three days after the -seers. shy of such a measure was pointed out. (Hear, hma.)— Under these circumstances, a constitution recognized by the l timates of Europe is suffered to be overthrown whilst the ked. Upside monarchs of Europe, instead of mending armies to = it, as th e y would in the case of an absolute monarchy, - on it with complacency, if not with approbation. (Boor, bear.) The purest legitimacy was not entitled in their eyes to support, if f...`L •-••••-• ...:., .• C 462. 444 V4W -- , rtFN. . .:- 4 , - -e t •-. * , - - l er z . :•1" et - . .1 4 lits 4 uippme, •••'-ocl'-,eitttlill. l6 llllllFA.„ , :i , . they mit .. . a.A64 ... e rwtta t e_.t y mi g ht `TS a j " . .T tlltllpir intereste-und: . .terWartla Don Sli g o, Brazil in which he ph .s=r4 T coupled with free institutions. It was not for England to hold' counsel with those who entertained such doctrines respecting the duty of sovereigns. What was the reason of the breathless haste with., which the blockade of Oporto was recognised.—.a blockade so utterly inefficient, and even ridiculous, that whilst the government at Oporto was sitting devising measures against Don Miguel, the first intimation of it was conveyed by the newsmen ? All Amp was astonished that Great Britain should so prematurely have down its great influence into the scale of usurpation. His Tight ha. friend (Mr. Peel) had said, " Would you go to war ? " Why, if England had manifested her opinions in the tenour of her conduct, and especially if she had declared those opinions to her allies, such a declaration would alone have been sufficient to crush the usurper. (Hear.) Even if war were the result, no man could deny that a war against an usurper, a rebel against his sovereign, and a persecutor of his people, would have been just. But had we merely blockaded the Tagus, or issued a declaration, or made a die play of force, that would have been sufficient, and there would have been an end of the usurpation. He (Mr. Huskisson) was sorry to say that the fact of the influence of England having been thrown into the scale of the usurper was no longer matter of doubt. It was avowed by the bead of the government, that it was our object to direct our measures so as to secure to Don Miguel the possession of those parts o f f the Portuguese territories which had remained faithful to their legitimate sovereign. He had heard with sorrow the state. ment that Terceira was not what it ought to have been, and would have been, If other powers had done their duty as Great Britain had done hers. What was the plain meaning of this ? It meant that we had carried our power beyond what the law of nations war ranted, in order to place that island under Don Miguel, and a corn. plaint was made against foreign powers, that they did not co-operate with us. Was this a charge against the King of the Netherlands, for not co-operating in the endeavour to overwhelm the brave Count Villa Flea ? The king of the Netherlands, had he done so, was no petty to the Portuguese constitution, as this coon. try was; but the king of the Netherlands was actuated by a respect for the law of Europe, and by a regard for the mis tortunes of those unhappy men, and for the duties which belonged to a sovereign. Seeing Count Villa Flor, surrounded by his little band, endeared to each other by the ties of patriotism and honour, that government might say, " We recollect when, in the year 1810, Lord Wellington made a stand within the lines of Torres Vedraa, that little nook was the only part of Europe, from Venice to the Vistula, which had not succumbed to the yoke of usurpation. Five years after, the standard displayed in Tortes Vedras was planted in victory on the towers of Toulouse. The example of Lord Wellbig ton, shut up within the lines of Torres Vedrss, showed what could be done by indomitable patience and obstinacy in a good cause." If the same sentiments actuated Count Villa Flor, lie mid rather be as he is, shut up in Terceira, than the prime minis'', of the British monarchy, if his duty compelled him to wink that bland to fall a prey to usurpation.—(hear.) It was for, these NOM doe he (Mr. Huskiason) wished for inquiry, and for the inteepseition of the authority and opinion of parliament to prevent those futther proceedings which would make the ministers of England appear disadvantageously in the eyes of Europe, and a blot in our history for times to come. There was but one feeling throughout Europe, that this country ought to interpose, for the protection of that party which were now the agents of persecution for a measure which we had countenanced.—(" Question, qinestion.") Mr. PEEL explained.—His right hon. friend (Mr. Huskisson) had complained that he had stated that the British army had been recalled from Portugal, whilst he (Mr. Huskisson) was foreign secretary, at a time when it was known that Don Miguel had vio lated the charter. But he (Mr. Peel) did not state, that when his right honourable friend recalled the British troops, Don Miguel had taken the title of King, but that he had given indicstions of his intentions to usurp that title. The order was given on the Bth of March; and, previous to giving it, a letter had been received from Sir F. Lamb, stating that the officers of the army had been displaced, and that other steps had been taken, which were the evident precursors of more violent measures. On the 14th of March Sir F. Lamb notified to Lord Dudley that the Cham bers( Deputies had been dissolved, without requiring that another should be convoked, which was directly contrary to the charter.— Then came the order for the recall of the British troops, and he (Mr. Peel) inferred from hence that his right hon. friend concurred in the policy of the British government not to interpose by force for the protection of the Portuguese constitution. Mr. HUSKISSON - explained. What he complained of was, that his right hon. friend quoted letters of his (Mr. Huskisson's) which he did not produce. (Cries of " Question, question," and " Spoke, spoke.") Mr. PEEL (with wannth.)...." I deny the charge. (Loud cries of ' Hear'.) Ido not quote the letters of the right hon. gentleman. There is an end of free discussion, if I cannot refer to facts. I said that an order was given for the mall of the British troops hy a Se cretary of State, and that Secretary was Mr. Huskisson. I quote 00 letters : I relate facts." Viscount SANDON said, that he did not think an anted Iwo. ferenee was required ; but ministers had other means, cyst iliffil than arm : it would have been sufficient had they expreseed li ZZ opinion. A foreign minister of the country had declared that the friends of Don Miguel were the friends of this country ; and a few nights after, the same minister had declared that Don Miguel was cruel because he was cowardly. Both these sentiments were, in his opinion, improper; and he could not give his confidence to a foreign policy so conducted. He admired the domestic policy of the pre sent government; but if he was patio the test, he must say that he could not place confidence in the foreign policy of the government. Lord PALMERSTON rose to reply. His right honourable friend (Mr. Peel) had charged him with broaching opinions which he had not avowed whilst a member of the cabinet ; but, looking to dates, that reproach would not appear well founded. It was true that he (Load Palmerston) made no objection to withdrawing the British troops from Portugal ; but he denied that the government of Portugal had then taken a decisive course. He (Laid Palmer. stun) felt himself in an embarrassing situation, for he did not knw whether he was entitled to use, even hypothetically, the ex pressions in the remonstrances made by the English government to Don Miguel; but he challenged his right honourable friend to produce them--(Hear.) The order for the recall of the troops was sent on the Bth of March. The first communication of any thing like the assumption of royal authority on the part of Don Miguel was on the 7th of May. On the 19th of May, he (Lad Palmerston) attended the last cabinet council on this subject. He wished the right honourable gentleman would produce the answer to that despatch of the 7th of May. Ii would appear from that despatch what was the tone held by the British government towards Don Miguel. He challenged his right hon. friend to produce these papers, which would decide the difference between them. If his right hon. friend would produce the others, he would not press for those which regarded the negotiations with the Brazils, and he did trust that the house would sup his motion to this extent. Strangers were then o to withdraw, and a division took place. The numbers were— For the motion ....73 Against it.... 150 Majority against die motion 77. The other orders of the day where then disposed of, and the house adjourned at offs o'cLocz. PRICE OF STOCKS Bank Stock shut 4 per Cent. Red. shut 3 per Ct. Cons. 911 2 11 31 per Ct. 1819, shut 31 per Ct. Red. shut 4 per Cent. 1021 1 4 per Ct. 1926, shut Long Ann. shut Do. 30 Years, shut AT FOUR 0 CLOCK. Do. Do. Jul.& Jan. 19 1-16th India Bonds 77 New Annuities "91000 Kzeh.Bilis 76 7 £3OO Ditto 76 7 £lOO and .1/200 Do. 76 7 Advertised, India for Acct. Coils. for Me. 9$ CITY, TwELvg o'CLocic. Consols which left off yesterday at 916 1 for the Account, opened at 916 to 92. The improvement is owing to the express from Paris which does not mention any thing about the Chambers being dis solved as reported yesterday. In the Foreign Market little doing as yet. HALF-PAST ONE. The Consol market at present appears more settled and firm than yesterday, and Money Stock is in demand, and scarce t this may be attributed to all the idle reports of yesterday having fallen to the ground."'Consols, which were in the early part of the morning at 91i, are at present 92 to 6 for the account, and for money 916 to 92. ESSEX COUNTY ELECTlON.—Wednesday, 4th day. At the close of the poll the numbers wart— Bramston 1,590 Conyers 522 Majority It is calculated that there are 10,000 electors in the county. The Duke and Duchess of Clarence came to town yes terday from their seat in Bushy Park. Their Royal Highnesses paid a visit to the Princess Augusta, at her residence in the King's Palace, St. James's. The Prin cess entertained the Duke and Duchess of Gloucester, and the Princess Sophia to a dejeumi. The Duke and Duchess of Clarence returned to their residence in Bushy Park at five o'clock in the afternoon. The Spanish Minister had an interview yesterday with the Earl of Aberdeen, at the office of the Secretary of State for Foreign Aff airs. The Governer and Deputy Governor of the Bank of England attended yesterday at the Treasury, and had a conference with the Duke of Wellington and the Chan cellor of the Exchequer. POLITICAL ASPECT OF THE COUNTRY. TO THE EDITOR OF THE STAR. ' SlR—Though lam aware that the dictum of one of the greatest philosophers that ever irradiated tho annals of our history, offers small encouragement certainly to one who would save his country, and teaches me that I must class myself among those who have " given hostages to Fortune"—and that, noither in affections nor in means, practicable for me " to marry or endow the public :" still, the love which I bear my country is at least equal in its intensity to the sense which impels me, on other grounds, to an anxious consideration of the coming times. And how pregnant with danger does not the womb of futurity appear ? Whether the evil be des- tined to descend upon us in dismemberment and disor ganisation ; and society—torn with a sudden disruption is doomed to the consequent horrors of revolutionary phrenzy : or whether the not less to be abhorred confir mation of a still more appalling alternative—l mean, the establishment of a purely military despotism—await us, Ido not take upon me to pronounce. But demand of me to which of these two dreaded evils I would give the preference—which of the two I would regard, in its ulterior effects, as least detrimental to the best interests of my na tive land—give me, will I fearlessly say, the former. Aye, let me, if needs must be—if our oppressors will goad us deeper than we can bear the goad—let me see Revo- ration : it were better to sustain a shock even so terrible as that, than submit to the iron rule and rapacity of un constitutional power. Political renovation, at any rate, would be the handmaid of the former : a renovation, no doubt accompanied by many hard knocks, and ugly de facements—but still, a renovation: whereas the con verse of the picture presents nothing but the blackness of despair—a gasping country blotted out from the map of freedom, and plunged without hope of extrication into the gehenna of obliterated kingdoms. Breathes there, then, the man—not the dupe nor slave of corruption—who can hesitate between the two alter natives, or persuade himself that much longer any third choice will remain for him to follow ? Alas—if such there be—for his folly : alas, for his fortunes—alas, for all that he values, and holds dear and sacred ! The truly wise are now yielding fast to the irresistible conviction, that things cannot continue as they are: they know that the abuses of an oligarchal faction have reached their acme, and they feel the consequent, self-imposed neces sity, of active and instant counteraction. Too long have the PEOPLE been offended—too long have our misguided Rulers driven back the humours from the surface, and made our wounds bleed inwardly—too long have they refused liberty for the evaporation of our griefs and discontentments, and thus are they alone responsible for the consequences of that canker in the State, which their treatment alone has generated, Behold the PEOPLE, then, at length exasperated into a saving attitude—see them uniting, and ranging them selves together in a common cause—now admire their struggles, now applaud their resuscitative throes. A despotism has brought them to their present state of destitution : generous and confiding—only to be scan dalously abused—their helplessness held out impunity to oppression, and the chains of their thraldom had been well nigh rivetted by blind submission. But their UN lox s have already secured their deliverance, and in the principle of the Roman fasces have they found their power. I said, Sir, that it was a despotism which had so reduced the People ; but hear, now, what kind of despotism it has been : for it did not come upon them— as ordinary tyrannies do—by the downright and violent establishment of naked military rule. No, Sir : but it sprang from the most abominable depravation and abuse of events and materials, calculated to produce far other results than those which we now deplore—from the un natural perversion of those very forms and elements, out of which the People sanguinely expected that a bulwark would be created, unassailable by the forces of corrup tion—a protecting rampart, which should guarantee to them their independence, their rights, their fortunes, their chartered liberties. It was a despotism, the more to be detested and repudiated, by reason of its bastard and monstrous origin : a despotism, in fine, which in one word I shall characterise, as the despotism of the People over themselves ! And does this definition of mine—think You, Sir—demand a more unequivocal elucidation ? Do the so called Representatives of the People, so truly, and fully, and faithfully represent their feelings., and wishes, and interests, as to stand shielded from the sting that this description carries, and not feel that they are justly pointed at in this character of Dzszor ? If they deny it, shall not the world scout the denial—if they seek to palliate, will it not reject indignantly the palliation? It is there, then—and there alone—that we must probe for the seat of the disease ; for the root, and home —as it were—of the lurking political gangrene. Deny it who may, discord and faction are about to be rife in the land, and disaffection to rear openly and boldly her un vizored front. All reverence for Government is fast disap pearing—all constitutional attachments are fading fast, be- is it fore the abuses of the Constitution. And shall any man wonder ? Is it for me, Sir—under this impending tyranny —to counsel my fellow-countrymen peaceably to lie down beneath the burden of so many griefs, meekly to content themselves in a condition of undeserved misery, priva tion, and broken estate ? Am I to counsel my starving brethren passively and loyally to submit to wrongs, lest their proud superiors be mulcted, forsooth, of any part of their ill-gotten stores ? Shall I stand forward the re pressor—or even so much as the censurer—of the " rebellion of the belly ?" Shall I, Sir, to save a profligate Aristocracy, and a doubtfully useful —, oppose myself to their cries as the counsellor of patience and continued endurance, and the apologist of damnable slaVery and oppression? No, my fellow-countrymen ; rather would I, if need were, that you should find me in your ranks— sharing your perils—seconding your noble efforts for the re-acquisition of your superseded liberties— and together with you, straining every nerve to accom plish that indispensable change, which can alone restore to you all your just prerogatives, your not to be with impunity alienated rights. But the PEOPLE, Sir, have a simple and efficacious re medy for all their sufferings, at this moment in their own hands : they possess the means whereby to shake the re solution of their oppressors, and to throw down—by one spontaneous movement—the burdens which afflict and gall them. Let them one and all cast aside that pusilla nimity, which has been to them hitherto as a ' moral manacle, and which has induced them tamely to acquiesce in systems of exorbitant fiscal spoli ation : let them band together when the tax-collec tor comes, and simultaneously declare their incapability to pay. Then will the pliancy of administration to the loud expression of the public opinion, make haste to develope itself: then will the People's oppressors recognise the all-influential force of a nation's will : then will they make haste to avoid the lowering tempest, by tardy—but effectual —concessions. In sober truth, let the middle and lower classes only resolve to combine, and they will soon shake to their centre those elements, which—whether in the character of aristocracy, oligarchy, or monarchy— have so long, and so successfully, prevailed against them ; enslaving and oppressing a greatly generous and enduring PEOPLE, but now roused, by the excesses of those who govern, to re-conquer the rights of which they have been unconstitutionally deprived. SIDNEY. THE EVENING STAR. We may observe briefly, on the cursory consideration of what passed last night in the House of Commons, what disingenuous misrepresentations are resorted to by weak and guilty Governments, whose interest it is to withhold the damning proofs of their own misconduct. We are told that the production of papers of two years' date would now be premature !—as if Sir FREDE RICK LAm a's request to detain our troops at Lisbon could—by its publication—prejudice any pending treaty with the perjured despot : or, as if nine-tenths of the papers moved for by Lord PALMKRSTON might not have been published at Charing-cross without any earthly in convenience; except, indeed, to the advocates of tyranny, who conducted the creditable correspondence—who re commended the child MARIA to the bed of her uncle —the lawful Sovereign, to the tender care of him who had usurped her throne, and murdered her sub jects ; and who would, no doubt, have taken as good care of her as a certain other uncle—bight RICHARD, Duke of GLOCCESTIR—took of his Royal nephews, in more remote, but not more barbarous times. Nothing ever equalled the weakness—the miserable exhibition—of the Treasury Bench : it was painful to see 'even adversaries cut so deplorable a figure. With the exception of Mr. PEEL, they were received with laughter; and as they did nothing to defend their cause, their speeches served merely to afford additional proof of its worthlessness. When Mr. CA LcRAFT cried, ‘• War! war! war!" and Mr. Humes repeated nine times " when the time comes"—videlicet, the Greek Kalends—for publishing the papers, the Honourable House lost all that gravity, which the tragedy they were discussing had previously excited. In publishing to-day the letter of our distinguished Correspondent, SIDNEY, we feel ourselves super seded in many remarks, which—at a first vacant day—it was our intention to submit. to our readers, on the actual condition, and only hopes of the country. We need not say bow deeply we participate in those convictions which animate our patriotic correspondent ; and how sincerely we rejoice, that opinions—alto gether so coincidental with our own—should be put upon record in these columns by so much more persuasive a pen, and an authority so unimpeachably pure and high. We feel with SIDNEY that the crisis is at hand, and that the PEOPLE—if they desire to be free —must look to no deliverers, but themselves. Bzwru.—At Eltham, on the 10th instant, Mrs. J. H. LATHAM, Of a ma. The Princess Augusta honoured Mrs. Fielding with a visit yesterday, at her residence in Somerset-street. Loma 3 Pelosed eel Pablobsd W Jos Wm. m die Sus. pewee Plelbobyiese,Terapb Par. tip )$( 9.% .„ • , , 1 , 6 1!•_ S.Er " • . • , PC)O 1:.7 LONDON. TT Y THURSDAY, MARCH 11. 77: I O