Star. — London, England, 1830-07-17 00:00:00

I f_rF LMF.S...- i nere is tol.c phenomenon ni ti.e condmon of ore Irish which must, we should think, attract the notice, and by coo .quenee deeply affect the feelings, of all itionane persons in this country. The fact alluded to is the frequent recurrence of cpiddemic fever among that unfortunate and much afflicted people. We •übt whether a satisfactory cause has yet been found to which one can with confidence attribute the visitations of the plague in eastern climes, after long intervals of suspension. A particular wind, a certain temperature, infection from contact with diseased districts or individuals, have each in turn, or simultaneously, had the honour assigned to them of generating that tremendous malady. There is in Ireland • disease more dreadful than the plague, not produced by wind, or heat, or cold, or contact—independent of all these natural and irresistible antece dents—but arising drirectly from a human want, which want has it. *elf been in great part caused by human injuries. The disease is fever —the source of it is hunger. It is worse than plague, because it does not kill so soon ; and because that other, the parent evil, is a scourge not incidental to the contingency of plague. Only let the English reader judge the situation of a people, amongst whom it is on record that famine rages during every fourth or fifth year of the last century,—sometimes for two or three years in' succession—and that the freezing agonies of hunger ripen in variably into the burning paroxysms of fever, the hunger and the fever being alike unmitigated by charity first, and afterwards by science. The essay of Dr. Corrigan, on the Epidemic Fever of Ireland, traces with elaborate ,industry the progress and eff e cts of those fevers, which ravaged the unhappy island during the last century, that is to say, from 1721 i to 182 d. And the fruit of his researches is thus abridged :—" I have thus thrown together, with a concise notice of the most remarkable preceding or accom panying circumeances, the principal epidemics of the last hundred years. It is a maxim in philosophizing, that we must, as far as possible, assign like causes to like effects and if upon a general view of all the instance: adduced, we find some one condition in. variably present to that condition, we give the name of cause. We give the gave of cause to the object which we believe to be the inva riable antecedent of a particular change.' Epidemic fevers are the like effects ;we must, if possible, assign them like causes. Upon a general view of these, with the accompanying circumstances, we find one condition invariably present famine *hat we therefore mark down as their common cause. Lien a rapid glance over the table, as I have arranged it, will show, that however all other circum stances, as time, season, climate, might have varied, this one con.' dition, famine, was never absent. No matter how climate altered, or seasons revolved, how summer or winter rolled on, so sure as want appeared, so certainly did pestilence follow. The two have also ever kept pace with one another : as the degree of want, so has been the extent of fever." Ye landlords of Ireland, listen to these accusing tracts ; and if the Lord Limericks of a half-starved nation object to legislative interference for its rescue, because to relieve the poor Irishman by law would be to rob the rich one, we trust in a British legislature to reply, that, to rob,—though it were a robbery, which restitution is not,—but to rob the rich by hundreds is a less crime than to murder the poor by thousands ; and that the aggra vation of famine, by defective laws, is equivalent to Jut act of murder. Mits.—A foolish evening paper, whose haberdasher-loyalty !CMS to have been confounded by our frankness about the late King, has the impertinence to insinuate that we have been governed by unworthy motives in our avowed contempt for adulation. %Srill the wiseacre be so obliging as to mention what son of unworthy motives he thinks (can he think?) can actuate us in treating the objects of Court Idolatry with so little deference ? He is a block head. If be and others provoke us to say more, we have a great , leaf more to tell, compared with which what we have said, is not merely forbearance, but panegyric. POST.— Though we would fain avoid the subject, we should be wanting ht our duty did we not denounce to public execration the atrocioum article which appeared yesterday in a Morning Paper, HERALD.—The conquest of Algiers is an event alike honoura. ble to the Councils and the arms of France, which has entered upon this salutary and important undertaking in that triple armour which our Poet assigns to him " Who bath his quarrel just." The very existence of this and the other piratical States on the coast of Africa, to say nothing of their long and almost undisturbed continuance, has been at all times a scandal to civilized govern ments, which have not only suffered in the persons of their sub. jects the grossest cruelties and indignities, but have dis graced themselves by purchasing, from time to time, a for bearance from these barbarians, which was either observed or vio. lated as suited their interests, or their fears. To this miserable and degrading vassalage the Government of Charles X. declared they would no longer submit ; and should the French persist in their career till the whole mass of these pirates are swept from off the sea and the earth, they will have performed the most essential service to humanity. Long ago what the French are now effecting ought to have been made one common object by all the maritime States of Europe. That it has not been so has been owing to a mean and paltry jealousy of each other, which would even now step in to detract from the merit of an exploit, which, in fact, is creditable to the anus of France, although we admit the political object may be different from the avowed one. We see no more right that England, Spain, Austria, or itussia have to complain of the French occupying Algiers, than the latter has to complain of our possession of Malta, Gibraltar, or the lonian Isles; but when it is considered who and what it is they displace, we should say that, be the change what it may, it can scarcely fail to be one of unmixed good when compared to the abominable den of evil which it extirpates. HERALD.—The elections of the Department of the Seine, con. slating of eight colleges, and returning eight Deputies, have termi nated. The first college, which has 1,430, gave 1,253 to General Matthieu Dumas, the Constitutional candidate, and 196 to Ad miral Dupene, the protege 01' the Ministry, and " Hero of Al giers." The second college gave to M. Demarcay, Constitu tional candidate, 1,029, and to the Government candidate 189.-1 The third college, 1,237 to M. Sulverte, Constitutionalist, and 146 to M. Breton, Alinisterialist. Fourth college, 1,174 to 111. Claude Corcclles, Constitutional candidate ; and 151 to M. de Alantort, Government candidate. Fifth college, 913 to M. de Schonen, and 66 to the opposing candidate. The sixth college, 822 to the Constitutional, and 295 to the Ministerial candidate. The seventh college, 746 to the Constitutional, and 212 to the Government. The eighth college, 366 to the liberal candidate (51. Ch. Dupin) and 166 to M. Leroy ; whilst another ministerial candidate obtained only one vote. We have entered into these minute particulars on account of the broad light which they throw on the state of public feeling at this moment, and because they decide, at the same time, the wisdom 01 folly of retaining the present ministry. They also show that the latter can only count upon the support of every fifth man amongst the enlightened and opulent classes, on any trying emer gency. Yet the rich are, in France, as in every other country, pro verbially aristocratic; and only extraordinary circumstances can counteract this strong tendency. When we, therefore, see the electors of Paris—the richest inhabitants of that luxurious capiml—reject, by immense majorities, the ministerial candidates, and return the most uncom prom ising enemies of the present ministry,we may suppose the fears with which the conduct of the latter has inspired all consi. dame men in France. If the rich and enlightened are thus alarmed at the policy pursued by Al. dePolignac and his colleagaes,we may easily suppose the feelings with which their proceedings are viewed by the great body of the nation ; and the pertinacity with which the former cling to their places, in despite of these signs, is one of the most protentous circumstances recorded in the history of our times. We are afraid that, to put down this anomaly, recourse must be had at last to another anomaly, in the form of foreign; inter vention ; and we are only surprised that the great Powers have not already interposed their advice, to show the French King the dangers he is preparing for himself and family, in retaining a Ministry whose existence is clearly looked upon, by at least nine-tenths of his subjects, as at variance with their dearest rights and inieresta. Next to this question, the affalts of Algiers are, at hut for the moment, the chief topic of discussion, l whilst the practical suggestions on the subject afford a new and 1 striking proof of the disposition which unfortunately prevails at this moment in France to disregard, not only In her domestic, but in her foreign, all the principles of a just, moderate, and concilia tory policy. Both t h e Lib era l and Royalist journals insist with equal vehemence on the propriety of retaining permanent posses sion of Algiers, even at the risk of a war with England. The motives of the former are perfectly intelligible, originating solely, we may say, in a desire to add to the embarassments and difficulties of the present Government. Bnt the outcry of the Ministerial papers cannot be accounted for on any ra tional principle, and can only be ascribed to that spirit of giddi. ness and infatuation by which their party are unfortunately distinguished. A war with England, by requiring so many sacrifices on the :part of the French nation,—.not to speak of the sweeping ruin it would bring on its commerce and navy, would inevitably heighten the present discontents, and probably end in some frightful catastrophe, in which the Royalism would be the chief sufferers. We do not pretend tote in the secrets of his Ma jesty's Ministers, and, if we did, nobody would believe us; but, we are almost persuaded they will never consent, either formally or tacitly, to the French retaining possession' of Algiers and Its territory. If they were permitted to require quiet possession of that country, their next step would be to occupy Tunis and Tri. poll ; and having added these to the former, what could prevent them from extending their conquests further in that direction, and, at last, subjecting the whole southern coast of the Mediterranean to their sceptre ? In this case what would become of our Eastern empire ? ..• • the deceased Sovereign have Lang beet .. I . 7. , wing. in ques. tamcs credit to: having been the uniform and consistent vilifier of the Illustrious Departed, and in this respect, indeed, the in.:rit of consistency which is claimed must be conceded. Yes; during the greater part of his life he was the object of the malignity of this writer • his mortal remains were scarcely cold when his me mory was loa ded with the vilest slanders and abuse that the most depraved imagination could suggest; and now, not the sanctity of the tomb can shelter him fora single day against the unsatiated malice which can gloatwith equal satisfaction over the death-bed or thcgrave. The unfortunate affair that disturbed the commencement of the late reign, and which, except for the page of history, ought to be for ever buried in oblivion, is again dragged forth to suit the purposes of the Times,which demands, in reference to that subject, " Did we join the foul-mouthed hue and cry? Did we mingle in the base-minded throng ? Did we float contentedly along the putrid current ? Did you not, we ask, act thus? Did you nut watch the course of the popular current, and, when it was manifest, follow the perturbed stream ? Did you not, when the good judgment of the people was for the moment misled, when the mass of the lower orders was, by the arts of factious, designing hypocrites, brought to a fear ful state of excitement, did you not then use every expedient to fan the flame, and lead to acts of disorder and outrage? You did; but, thanks to PROVIDENCE, the ruin which you, your supporters and abettors exerted yourselves to bring upon the State, was averted ; your efforts were ineffectual ; and any attempts at this time to malign the character of our late Monarch by recurrence to those scenes, must, we are convinced, be equally so. The public mind has long since regained its equilibrium, mul l will not again be influenced by arts employed successfully only in times of faction, to increase the vio. lence of popular excitation. Another circumstance upon which the Tunes would insinuate an accusation against the late King is, that he was " a pompous and secluded Monarch." We can readily believe that nothing but the actual infliction upon himself of' bodily sufferings similar to those which were the lot of the lamented deceased, could lead the callous-hearted slanderer to appreciate the cause of his seclusion from public view during his latter days. Cor poreal pain the slanderer could feel—his heart is insensible. While the late king was blessed with tolerable health,nomonarch everexisted who united with the dignity appropriate to his station a greater degree of affability and gracious condescension towards his sub jects ; we feel that to adduce examples of this would be entirely superfluous. The virtues and the excellence of George IV. as s Sovereign and as a man, stand on a height too lofty to be reached by the grovelling and base.mindtd, the would-be destroyer of his lame. His attempts arc dating enough to call for reprobation, but they can excite no apprehension. We observe that the vilifier of the late Sovereign couples his slanders with adulation of his present Majesty; may he be as successful in the one pursuit as he has been in the other ! LITERARY INTELLIGENCE. We cannot close our review of the periodical literature of the month without some notice of our old, venerable, and still excellen t friend Sylvanus Urban, whose miscellany we consider the most use ful that now issues from the press. It is the " Gentleman's Ma gazine ;" even among all the others which, were we at a distance from " the Row'' and all its "numbers" of numberless charms, reduced, for periodical novelties, only to one Magazine (horrific idea 1) it is the Miscellany of Sylvanus Urban that we should, in this state of destitution, order to be transmitted. Our reasons are, that we find in it, although less of a certain kind of taste, more general matter and uncommon informa tion, than we can can find in any other. The real old " Monthly Magazine" of Sir Richard Phillips, was the only Magazine which we recollect ever to have approximated the " Gentleman's Magazine," in utility ; and that had, in many respects, even a superior value. We have never regretted the stop. page of any periodical work more than the cessation of the Old Monthly ; for both the new ate entirely different kinds of produc. Lions. This declaration, after having gone through such a mass of original matter as above noticed, displaying genius and power of entertainment, truly creditable to the age and nation, will, we ima. gine, lay us under the charge of entire want of taste. We will, however, vindicate our choice. That department of literature, for which the English language possesses no tolerably expressive distinctive tenn—we mean that department to which we have attached the queer French phrase " Belles Lettrea," or, as equally queerly Englished by some, " Polite Literature," occu pies, in our opinion, too exclusively the attention of them who supply the public with their monthly amusement. Useful curious in. formation is kept out of sigh wind that agreeable contravenial of intellect which a Magazine, a little liberal in the admission of the lucubrations of correspondents who are tot authors by projession,we have always thought, not only extremely agreeable, but to have the higher merit of being extremely useful. This may be a Gothic, but we deem it a correct opinion. As to the present month of the " Gentleman's Magazine,"—a periodical now past its century, it is a Jae simile of its progenitors. We observed an invitation to the late contributors to the " Classical Journal," a work, which we are sorry to notice, is no more ; and we would recommend our friend Sylvanus not to be over-greedy of that kind of treasure. A little, now and then, of the more ge nerally intelligible, or less learned kind of it, may do; but beware, my venerable friend, of allowing the heroes of Greek accent to fight long battles on your ground. Many a good old, well.informed lady and gentleman, who doat on your columns, will be frightened away, if you indulge toodeeply in that kind of lore.— Verb. sap.sat. We have not really time, to day, for taking a toll from our old friend, but we must let him pass, and pay us double next time he is passing our road. EAST INDIA HOUSE. ADDRESS TO THE KING. Yesterday a Special Court of the Proprietors of the East India Stock was held at the Company's House, Leadenhall.street, for the purpose of agreeing to an Address of Condolence to his Majesty on the decease of the late King, and of congratulation on his Majesty's accession to the Throne. The Meeting was fully attended. Shortly after 12 o'clock the Chairman of the Company, J. Astell. Esq. entered the Court Room, followed by a majority of the Board of Directors and took his seat. The CHAIRMAN said the Court had been assembled on a solemn occasion, to agree to an address sincerely condoling with his Ma. jesty on the loss his Majesty and Vie nation had s usta i ne d by t h e death of George IV. Ile anticipated there would be general con. currence in the address, to express the great loss they had sustained by the death of a prince who had so endeared himself to his subjects. (hear.) The long and painful illness endured by his late :Majesty, had been a subject of regret among his subjects, but the accession of William IV. made it a matter of consolation that this coon. try was governed under a limited monarchical s stem. George IV. was born and bred amongst us; he the merits of his father, and was just and honourable (hear). He (the Chairman) would now advert to the accession of William IV. His Majesty's reign had begun under the most auspicious circumstances, and he had no doubt the Court would go along with him in the desire that the East India Con pang should be among the foremost to convey expressions of their loyalty and attachment to the throne. This Punce was also born and bred amongst us, and In early life Wil liam IV. had made himself acquainted with the feelings of the people (heat). To William IV. the East India Company will not tail to look with increased feelings of affection. To his Ma.. jelly's ancestor, William 111. the East India Company owed its existence as a public body, for tl s promotion of the interests of Great Britain, and the prosperity and happUtess of countless millions. How far these objects had been realised he would not then discus ; but he had no doubt that William IV. would continua to the East India Company his good wishes. In conclusion, he hoped that it would please PROVIDENCE to grant to King William, and Queen Adelaide, long life and happincss.—(hear, hear.) The Address was then read by the Secretary. It condoled with his Majesty on the death of the late King—congratulated his Ma. jesty on his accession, and referred to the part taken by King WU. Liam 111. in granting the privileges of the Company to trade with the vast and interesting regions in the &um The Address went on to state the determination of the Company to do all in its power to support the Constitution under which we live, and introduced the name of the Queen. Mr. RANDALL JACKSON rose to move the Address, which being seconded by Mr. POYNDEK, was unanimously adopted, and the Court adjourned. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. Yesterday a meeting of the Friends of Parliamentary Reform was held at the Freemasons' Tavern, Joint HERKIMER NIOSCIL, Esq. M.P. in the chair. There were present also, Sir Francis Burdett; J. C. Hobliouse, Eng ; Joseph Hume, Esq ; and several other dis tinguished advocates of Parliamentary Reform. The CHAIRMAN said the subject on which they had met was one on which more had been written and said than on any other. The difference of opinion that existed respecting it might be ascribed to two causes—the external attacks from the friends of corruption, and the schism, jealousy, and suspicion that existed among the friends of Reform. He trusted, however, that on the present occasion they ••• on id ell be unanimous. Let re. • ite inAituate retormtr be sit .n. 3.- tized ns • insincere; or those whose vleas eNte:.tleti fut.li t, :es revolutionary. '1 he necessity of a Reform in Parliament was elmost universally admitted. The majority of the Members of the House of Commons were not the Reptesentatives of the people, but were returned, in spite of them, as the nominees of certain Noble Lords. We were burthened with an immense catalogue of annuities and pensions, from which even the most despotic Governments were ex empt. It was reserved for a country like this, that boasted of its free institutions, to be so treated. That model for a Member of Par- Lament, Mr. Joseph Hume, had done much towards reforming the system, and stood high in the opinion of the country, and he hoped would stand still higher in the next Parliament as the Representa tive of the county of Middlesex. (Loud cheers.) J. C. lIORHOESE, Esq. in moving the first resolution, said the meeting had been con ve n e d at a most important crisis, in order that Englishmen might speak their free and unbiassed opinions ; a small portion of them only had en opportunity of fairly and freely chusing their representatives. In spite of all their exertions, it was Im. possible tinder the present system, that they could be fairly repre sented (hear.) He had no doubt but that the people might do more than they did—it was physically possible that they might, but it was almost morally impossible that they should. Sup posing they had the power, was it judging correctly of human mo tives to suppose, that when those who were styled the upper classes of society, instead of doing their duty to the people, basely betrayed them, that those who had every inducement offered them to swerve from their duty, and laboured under every possible disad vantage, would not be equally guilty ? He had always voted for the most extensive plan of reform that could be introduced, as well as for any minimum of reform their enemies might dole out to them. He sought the co-operation of all reformers—those who asked for much, or those who asked for little. By some persona, the vote by ballot was consult reel the sine qua non of all parliamentary reform. —(Hear, hear.) After a painful attention to the subject, he had come to the notion that it was indispensable—that nothing could be done without it, but that with it, they should be able, even under the present rotten syatent,almost to do well. That was not anlopinion formed in a moment, or on the deliberation of s day, but the result of experience, :old the authority of wise, good, intelligent, and dis interested men.--(Cheers.) Mr. MAHON said, the lavish expenditure at contested elec. tionsZ for large counties, had ruined the fortunes of whole families. No man of moderate fortune could afford such ex penses mid no pure and independent man would attempt it. Committees were now in town from various places on the look out for candidates, not for the purpose of selecting the fittest, but the one who had the fullest purse. ( Hear.) JOSEPH HUIIE, Esq. said, that there should be an extension of the elective franchise ; that the mode of taking the poll at elections should be by ballot ; that all elections should begin and close on one and the sante day ; and that the duration of Par. liament should not exceed three years. They wanted nothing but what they saw going on in France at the present moment. (Loud cheers.) There the people had withstood all the power and in fluence of a government almost despotic. He thanked GoD that places and pensions were to a certain extent coming down, and that some of the minor streams were cut off that flowed into the river of corruption, and that they might look for better times. Mr. Hume concluded by stating, that himself and his friend Mr. Hobhouse must retire, their duties calling them to the House of Commons. A person got up and said, " Mr. Hobliouse has been charged with blowing hot and cold ; I wish him to give an answer to a plain question—will he vote for annual Parliaments and universal suf. (rage ? Nothing short will satisfy the people." (Considerable confusion ensued, and there were loud cries of " Hobhouse explain.") The CHAIRMAN said it was out of order to call on a member of Parliament to express any opinion on the present occasion, or to catechise him there for what he had done elsewhere; the proper place for such enquiries would be the hustings. Mr. HOEHOUSE said, that although it certainly did not form part of the day's pioceedings ' that he should be questioned as to his Parliamentary conduct, and although the present was not an as sembly of his constituents, yet he was willing to give an explicit answer to any question any person had a rigli to put. He added that he had already observed that no plan of reform was so exten sive that he did not support it, although he was willing to take all he could get. He would refer them to his speech on Mr. O'Con nell's motion. It was impossible for him to use plainer language than he did on that occasion. Mr. Hobhouse and Mr. Hume then retired, amid loud cheers. Shortly after Sir Flamm's BURDETT entered, and being loudly called for, came forward. He said it was necessary that the greatest union should exist among the reformers, they would then be bound to support the sort of reform agreed to by the majority. After some observations on the rotten borough system, the Honourable Baronet said he trusted his present Majesty would see it was not his interest to support such a system, and that the distinguished and exalted situation he filled would be more dignified, and a more worthy object of honest ambition. His present Majesty had al. ready shown that he was not insensible to public opinion....(cheers.) It was,vain to attempt any beneficial changes without Parliamentary Reform. Mr. HETHERINGTON regretted the change that had taken place in the tone of the Hon. Baronet's speeches within the last few years. He did not use such bold and honest language now as he had for merly done. bir FRANCIS, in reply. entered into a long expl a n a tion o f hi s P ar . liamentary con duct, which was listened to with great attention by the Meeting. Mr. HUNT, Colonel JONES, and several other Gentlemen, after. wards addressed the Meeting at considerable length; and a variety of Resolutions, favourable to Reform, were agreed to. The Meeting adjourned about eight o'clock. RESOLUTIONS. 1. " That by the present state of the representation, the people arc deprived of a right essential to the maintenance of their fiber. tics, and the protection of their property, recognized and esta blished by ancient laws • a right fully admitted and confi r m e d by the statute 1 James I. wherein it is declared, that in Par. liament ' all the whole body of the nation, and every particular member thereof, either in person or by representation (upon their own free elections), are suppo s ed t o be personally present.' In conformity with which Lord Chief Justice Camden bath said, Whatever is a man's own is absoltrely his own, and no man has a right to take it from him without his consent, either ex. pressed by himself or his representative r ' and Mr. Justice Black. stone hath said, that 'in a free state, a branch at least of the legislative power should reside in the whole body of the people.' " " 2. That what has been called and lauded as a virtual, is in re. silty but a pretended or sham representation of the people, efficient only in wasting the resources of the nation—giving the colour of au assumed popular sanction to extravagance, and largely increasing the number of those who are interested in promoting it." " 3. That the evils which have long oppressed this country, manifested in the discontent of the people, and in the frequently occurring seasons of distress, are, to a conaiderableextent, produced by unnecessary establishments, profuse expenditure, an over. whelming debt, and cxhorbitant taxation ; all of which have arisen and grown to their present ruinous extent, from a want of that controul which is alone to be secured by a real representation of the people." 4." That though in 1793, and at subsequent periods, it was offered to be proved at the bar of the House of Commons, by eminent states men, who predicted the ruinous consequences of parliamentary we ruption. 'That a decided majority of the members arc returned by the nomination of 154 patrons,—that 40 peers, in defiance of the laws, return 81 members by their own authority, and that the free choice of the electors in a great portion of the remainder is frus trated by various corruptions:' yet all inquiry has been unjustly denied, and all reformation obstinately resisted. That a number of men, possessing amongst them the power of ruling the Howie of Commons, by nominating the great majority of its members, necessarily controul the Government, and approptiate to them. selves the produce of the taxes • and accordingly we find from Parliamentary documents, th at 100,0001. per annum is eceived by 174 members of the house, and that 113 Privy r eceived receive yearly 600,0001. of the public money." b. " That the attainment of Parliamentary Reform has been hi. therto impeded, if not prevented, by two principal causes :—first, by differences of opinion relative to the details of reform ; and, se condly, by the want of some permanent and active body or assn. elation to expose abuses, suggest remedies, and concentrate public opinion." 6. " Thut this meeting learns with satisfaction that a union has been formed for the attainment of a reform in the representation, and strongly recommends the immediate formation of similar unions in every county, city, and town in the united kingdom, and that such unions should be formed on a basis sufficiendy extensive to comprise all sincere friends of reform. That we recommend such basis to be a concurrence in one or more of the four following pro. positions, viz.— The following resolutions were also passed unanimously, after a very desultory discussion, in which 51r. Hunt, Mr. Hetherington, 111 r. Mahon, and several other gentlemen, took a part. "That all plans of reform which do not embrace universal suffrage, with the protection of the ballot, are unjust in principle, will prove to be inefficient and delusive in practice, and are calculated hope lessly to prolong the slavery and degradation of the intelligent and industrious workmen of the United Kingdom. " That the mode of taking the poll at elections should be by ballot. " That all elections should begin and close on one and the same day. " That the duration of each parliamest should not exceed 3 yearn. So that any person agreeing in any seed them may be eligible to become a member of a parliamentary reform 11111106111iOn. 12111•1'HLI I. I ..; HOUSE OF LOltlki. JOLT ROYAL ASSENT. The assent of his Majesty Ring Wllliant was given by comm.:. sion to several Bills. The Lords Cotnnii•sioners wtrc r—the Ar.b. bishop of Canterbury, the Earl of Eldon, and tae Earl of tibaf:estury. The Bills which received the assent were, the Sugar Denier, v... Assessed Taxes composition, the Rum Dties, the Arms (Irclar.d ; Bill. the Insolvent Debtors (Irelsnd) Bill, the. Isinlvent the Illusory Appointments, the Real Property Estates Bill, the Of. fenders Punishment (Scotland) Bill, Treasurer of the Navy (.' , .01,..0-lidation lidation Bill. the Demise of the Crown Fees Bill, the Endow et t Schools Bill, the Seizure of Slave Bour.tiLs Bill, the 131ont:it•bm.‘ Church Bill, and several private bills. Sir A. CHART, and other members from the Commons, I , roughi up four bills with the amendment which had been made by the Lords—Agreed to. Mr. Danvers, from the East India House, presented the monthly account of pensions. The twenty•sixth report of the canal was also presented. The Earl of ELDON presented three petitions from a clergyman residing in Galway, and other persons, against the amendment made by their Lordships in the Galway franchise bill. The bill to remove doubts touching the Royal Assent to sCitual bills passed during the session, went through a committee. The Court of Session bill was reprated. of the Caiedotian FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC RELATIONS. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY moved the third reading of the appropriation bill. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE took the advantage afforded by this bill, which might be considered almo s t t h e lest pr• cLLOir Parliament, to advert to a few of the subjects to which it a; plied. It was not his intention, at the same time, to provoke discessioa. As this bill might be said to be connected with all the :teas of Par. liament, it was subject to the consideration of every t:t.mher of that House. The noble marquis could not avoid ex!wee-ing the deep regret he felt, in common with both Houses of Parlialeciit and the country, that those measures adverted to in the Speech at the com mencement of the session, and with respect to which there was special recommendation from the throne, remained in the SAllle satisfactory state in which they appeared to be at the eomnitneemer. of the year. He alluded to the affairs of Greece and Portugal. and considered it unfortunate that his late Majesty's reign, as well as tb' present session, hed ended, leaving those atE.irs unsettled. With re. spect to the Peninsular and Portugal, there appeared no hope of a final settlement. In the cyst of Europe, it was notorious that the interests of the new state, with respect to the indcpendcnc: of its Government, remained susp:nded. Questions so closely allied to the honour and independence of this country, also remained in that part of the world undecided. He did not allude to the subject with a view to complain of protraction, but to invite explanation from his Blajesty's ministers, and fix the attention of Parliament upon the subject. The noble marquis was also induced to bring it ',av oi d at this time, in consequence of the great change which had recently taken place in the 3leditcrranean, and a hick was likely to i: crease the difficulties of the Cabinets of Europe. lie alluded to ' the fall of Algiers. Ile was far font seeing with dissatisfaction that great object gained for civilization ; on the contrary, he cur. sidered it a great victory gained fur Christendom ; but wh‘n he said that, it was joined to the here ti at one of the best arrangements would be made, that could be made, for it advantage of England. His hope was, that at: arrargenterte might be made in that part of the vorld, by whin the at'- vantage would not be confined to France. btit rice OA over the whole of the states trading to the M«literranc mot the cat , There were many circumstances in the stale Gt . 1:111,1:.• no way se tisfactory, but which i.e trusted would b:coire s:..is:aciory, to policy of this country. It was the duty of tarliatticit to fix the i• attention upon the subject at a future period. So touch for the g:_ neral consideration due to foreign policy, and he should next ad v.:!. to other matters arising out of the till before the house. It appea•ee to be contrary to the practice of parliament to have the appropr.— tion bill printed. He never could tell why an exception should tale place with respect to that bill, or why the piloting should interfere with the privileges of the other house. Looking a: the bill, however, he found one vote for 1,1W,0001. (hear, hear, hear,) to defray all the charges of mieellaneous services in Ireland. The Noble Marquis certainly had to complain that the Report of a Committee upon bish Estimates had not been attended to. That Report had been in the possession of Parliament since 1829, and but few of the excellent suggestions of that Committee had been attended to. They had pointed out abuses relating to Sheriffs' offices, Gland Juries, public works, and other matters. The delinquencies and abuses in Charter School s and Hospitals had been exposed, and suggestions made by which considerable savitigs might occur to the Revenue. The formation of public roads lien been also recommended, which the Noble 3larquts was eonvito-,:i would be of the greatest advantage to Ireland. As this might be the last opportunity the Session would afford for alluding to the above points, he was sure their Lordships would not consider the matters he had thus brought under observation an improper en croachment on their time. The Duke of WELLINGTON said, the noble marquis was error when be supposed attention had not been made to the sugges tion of the Committee upon Irish estimates. The government ,sati considered those suggestions, and were responsible fur the adovion of the same. If the estimates of the year had come before Pasha ment, It would have been found that those suggestions had been at. tended to; but so much of the session passed in the discussion 01 other subjects, that there was no time nor opportunity to bring et, the estimates. Those reasons induced the other house if parlia. went to allow a vote of credit. The noble marquis had complaineu that suggestions for public works and abuses had not met with due attention. Some of those suggestions had been follow ed. Others were still under consideration. After giving all the attention he couht to the suggestions, he found it required more than two years to brine forward some measures relating to Irtland.--(Flear, hear.) — His Majesty's government would not bring forward any meastite until they had ascertained whether it could be practicable. There were circumstances in Ireland which made it difficult to touet ex. isting institutions. With respect to the foreign policy of the coon. try, their Lordships knew as much of the history of the transactitms of Greece asite did. They had all the documents up to June All that the noble duke could say on the subject was this. The endea vours of his Majesty's government had been unceasing to bring the transactions to a termination, and there was every hope it would be speedily terminated, because the three Allied Powers were actu ated by a cordial principle of' coincidence, and a desire to bring it t, a conclusion. With respect to other parts of Europe, he could say. a clear understanding existed on the subject of Algiers. The gri..t distance between Portugal and the Brazils made the negocia:io:.% occupy a length of time, and rendered it more difficult to bring the same to a conclusion; but there was a sincere desite in all rat tits bring it to a satisfactory conclusion. Lord HOLLAND said the noble duke might hare communimted just as much as he was at liberty to state, but certainly the nt•ele duke had said no more than he told than t h tce years ago. The duke said, with respect to Oteeee, that they had the documents be. fore them, but what information had they to account fur the de l ar. tare front the original line of frontier ? The noble duke lied f•to u out that the distance between Portugal and Rio Janeiro was and consequently that it was difficult to bring the negotiations to conclusion. Two years ago it was to be brought to a renelt.si... without delay, but it was notorious that nothing hut delay occurred since that period. There was no it:staler of ',mime:: forbearance so strong as that shown by l'arlinient the • .!n!. pursued by the Government towards P..rtttgul. The Duke of WELLINGTON explained. The bill was then read the third time. Earl GROSVENOR presented a petition in favour of the ministration of justice bill. After a few words from Lord TENTERDEN, the house we: • into committee on the above bill ; which, after several etri.4,i amendments, was ordered to be printed, and the report to be re. eeived on Monday. LAW or LIBEL On the motion of the LORD CHANCELLOR the law of libt bill was read a second time, and tattered to be con mittal on :5161.- day next. Counsel were then called in and heard cn Sir J. Baringtor case.—Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, JULY 16. The House was summoned to the House of Peers to hear O.; Royal Assent given to several bills. The SPEAKER on their return acquainted the House that t!;. Royal Assent had been given by C 0111111614011 to several bills, he enumerated. (See House of Lords.) Mr. HUME moved that certain returns ordered by the Ilea•. respecting the ordnance department and building new clioreiles t, Mr. HUME presented a petition bout the Towr, Council o. Dumbarton, complaining that Committees on private Bills tar I 4 , formed in a manner best calculated to render justice, as Cie num bers arc in general the representatives of 'arsons promoting tin Bills, and that their opinioas are previuusly known; and depreca ting the practice of making private communications to members e: Committees on private Bills; and praying that Committees on pr:- tate Bill* Otoultl be appointed by ballot. lie perfectly concerted in the prayer of the petition ; and suggested that on the first day of each session the names of members should be drawn in Committees to be numbered, and when a Committee for a private Bill was Er emery, one should be drawn for nut of the whole number ; and all the members should be compelled to attend, by sending the Sergeant at Arms after them. At present there were a number of gentlemen who thought it a feather in their caps to be Members of Parliament, but endeavoured to evade doing any duty. Sir li. PEEL agreed that any measure calculated to increas. public confidence in the_ proesedinp of that house was well d eserv i ng corsideration t but be did not conceive that appointing Committees i ►' i i l # I .; I V Ii! A ~,~ Q.~