Star. — London, England, 1812-05-22 00:00:00

mo b l e that systeln of Administration which he conceived-° best for the countey, and which had hitherto b eels sationed by Par liament. There were certainly rat di ffi culties in b ringing ptiblic men to combine poi co-uPerate; but he wood seriously put it to Gen. & m en, what they thought the Mettihersof Admini stration mkt to have done at t h e by a ca lamitous event, was deprived of the services of Perceval ? Ought they immediately to have d their posts, and let the hand of an assassin ;ballynfeoverturn the whole Administration, but that ot only policy which Parliament for many year s had sYsteenlitothPebest for the public service? If they had d ill°llg so , or given to the Prince. Regent the pusillani moonuesadovficher:f changing, on that account, the whole policy, they would deserve to be con tYa,stemre the basest and most contemptible of mortals. T.--he-Ndoble Lord hoped he would not be found to tres ,s on t he patience of the House, while he said a of himself, and of his own personal con. particular occasion — . a practice which he d e Oct wo rds w o n this w as very seldom in the habit of indulging. The House were at perfect liberty to deny him every por tion o f t heir political protection and confidence, if he d id not declare, that throughout the whole of the "ne e iation he was most anxious to rescue the Prince - R egent f ront any isituation of difficulty or embarrass. mot that might grow out of him personally, or the j lace in Administration which he held. He had c ame Pinto th e Government, not to indulge the feelings of ambition, but to render it all that service which he was capal4le of affording on the secession of one of iti principal Members. At the same time he was anxious to relieve the Administration of his Roya.l. highness from any di ffi culties which might be sup- ' posed to arise from any personal pretensions of his own, and to throw no obstacle in the way of their receiving the aid of more available services than his own. He, therefore, did feel it his duty to tender his resignation to the Prince Regent, resolving at the same time not to shrink from this ar. duous duty of standing by the Sovereign, if under all the circumstances his Royal Highness did not find . himself enabled to form a preferable arrangement. He did wish his Royal Highness to be enabled to ex tend and strengthen the means of conducting his Ad mieistratien, particularly in the House of Commons. lithe offer of resignation was not accepted, this at least he could say, that it was tendered with an anxi ous wish that it might be received. As to what passed id the course of the recent negotiations, he would say little, particularly as he was no party whatever to them. The docurnepts, however, had appeared in a morning paper of this day, though he was really at a loss to understand how they had so speedily got there; sad therefore there was no occasion for any great de limey in noticing their contents. 'Yesterday morning was the first time he had ever seen these documents ; And lie was free to admit, that if the Noble L. rd and 'the Right Hon. Gentleman thought they could not mat that cordiality in the Cabinet which could be ef fective for the public service, then no duty remained for them but that ofdeclining the offerswhich were held out. From the whole of the papers he was led to cons' dude, that the Right Hon. Gentleman who spoke last, would not form a part of any administration thatsvould sot take the Catholic question into consideration.— But really he thought it due to the Howe to knew, from that Right Hon. Gentleman, what his specula tiou were on that subject, and what were his prac tical views as to the mode of its accomplishment ?a- Ile could understand the manly policy of some Gen tlemen on the other side of the House, who declared • that the claim of the Catholics was a claim of right; they might with justice insist on the formation of a Ministry who were favourable to unconditional con cession: but when the Right Hon. Gentleman really could not state what he meant by the word conside ration, was he to turn his back on all the other great: principles of policy, in which he concurred with the Members of the existirg Administration ? The Right Hon. Gentleman u ould do great justice to his own character, if he came forwai d and stated can- didly his views on the subject of the Catholic claims; and if these views met the consent of the Catholic body, and could be acted upon without repugnance on the part of the Protestant community, he ( Lord C,astlspagh) declared, that he was ready to sup-, -Port Indeed he would assert, that he had ever been a most sincere friend to did measure of conces sions to the Catholics ; but he never had made that question a political engine, or an instrument either for suppere ag or overturning any Administration.— 'Whenever any Gentlefnan brought forward a measure on that sublect, such as was understood _to be enter tained, af tie time of the Union, by Mr. Pitt, Lord Grenville, and others, he was prepared to support that measure ; but he never would use it as a stalk ing-horse to disturb or embarrass the operations of the Government at a period when objects of so much greater magnitude occupied the . attention of the country. He would still assert, as he had always done, that no particular pledge was given to the Ca tholics at the period of the Union. The Catholics certainly lent their support to that measure which he considered as of vital importance, from an under- standing that something would be done for them ; but he would again repeat, that no pledges whatever scare given by Government as to the particular mode in which that object was to be accomplished. (Hcar, Aran, horn Sir J. Newport.)—There was one point, however, on which at the period of the Union he was authorised to give an opinion to the Catholic body; I and that was to make such provision for theCatholie t Clergy as would remove them from the state of de- , gradation an d poverty i n which they were placed.— Before he joined Lord Sidmouth's Administration, Ist received an assurance that this measure should be r:f.connended to his Majesty ; btrt it never was car sjed into efeet, because in the mean time the Catho lic Clergy had changed their opinion of it, under the idea that it might prove injurious to their own lute resits. The Catholics themselves ought to come for ward, and declare what precise measures this , want ed. He saw no occasion for layitrg upon Government the task of considering their claims, but rather that the whole a ttention of Administration should be bent to the great difficulties in which the country was ?laced, and above all to the conducting of the war:. in the Peninsula on the-largest possible scale, p l itli• cularly when the affairs of Europe were now at a most important and interesting crisis. He had heard sornethin g of th e necess i ty o f carry i ng on t h e war i n the Peninsula on a more extensive scale ; but he should be glad to knew how that could be done Thelcale of warfare wail the largest, the most ex - pensive, and the most disinterested, at least as far as Spain and Portugal were concerned, of any in which the country had ever been engaged. How could it be said to be neglected, when this country was actu ally expending at t'e rate of twenty millions a year in the great cause of the Peninsulas In this sum were of course included the supplies and subsidies afforded to our Allies, as well as the pay and main.. tenance of our own armies. Under these circum stances, to say that there was any abandonment of the cause of the Peninsula, was an imputation on the Government which could not be justiqed to the country. The Noble Lord concluded with depre cating the stamping of a stigma on an Administra tion, the whole of which was not yet before the House ; and contended that nothing was more im politic than to throw discredit on a Government, when there was little prospect of substituting a better in its room. Mr. CANNING explained. The Noble Lord had put to him the question, why he had dwelt so much on the point on which he differed from Ministers, and not on those on which he agreed with them ? The simple and obvious reason was, because he felt him self called upon to answer to the one point, and not at all to the other. Mr. S. WORTLEY replied. Since he had a seat in that House, he did not recollect to have heard a speech containing so many unconstitutional assertions as the speech of the Member for Yorkshire. He con ceived that it was quite practicable, with very little' sacrifice of public opinions, so form an efficient Admi nistration. He by no means concurred with the .Noble Lord, when he said, that every thing which could be done, had been done for so desirable a pur p se.—The House then divided—For Mr. Wertley's motion 174—Against it 170—Majority against Mi nisters 4. While strangers were excluded from the Gallery Mr. STUART WORTLEY moved that the Ad dress should be carried up to the Prince Regent by such Members of the House as were of his Majesty's Privy Council. • This mot inn was opposed by Lord CASTI.IRL►ARH and Mr. Yonxe, both of whom complained, that many of those Gentlemen, whi) were in the habit of supporting Administration, had not been present at the last division. , —The House then divided on Mr. Wortley's motion—For it I74—Against it 176 Majority fot Ministers 2. [While this division was going on, Mr. Poxsojsy harangued the Opposition in the lnleby. From the spirit manifested by Ministers in resisting this motion, he thought they might attempt to rescind the Reso lution altogether to-min-row ; and it was therefore necessary that Members should attend as fully as po)sible.] On being re-admitted to the Gallery, we found Mr. S. WORTLEY on his legs, expressing in a very animated manner his utter surprise that a mo- L tion of such high importance as he conceived the pre ; sent to be, (carried by a majority of the House, in which there were present 350 Members) should from any oilcumsdince of management or finesse remain alf a dead letter—( Loud cries from the opposition, Hear, 4 hear.) He hoped, however, the House would not stiffer themselves to be left in such a predicament, but would take such measures as should be fully ade quate to carry the Resolution they had passed into complete effect—(Hear, hear.) Admiral HARVEY said he had been in the ma jority on both tfiese motions; and he wished to ex plain the reason how The SPEAKER reminded the Hon. Member that there was no question before the House. Mr. WHITBREAD said, he would put the mat- - ter into the shape of a motion. They had been that night debating on the commencement of an Adminis tration that was not yet 'formed. A motion of the highest importance had been brought before the House, and carried against Ministers by a• majority of four. Atter this, an. Honourable Friend of ha(' under the Gallery had moved that the Address to the Prince Regent, which had just been voted, should be tarried up by the whole House,'which had afterwards been withdrawn, and a motion made that the Ad dress be presented by such Members as are of his Majesty's Privy Council. This was opposed by a • Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, lately at the head of thE Admiralty, who complained that the very small majority which had been obtained, was owing to eight Memuers being shut out on the division who Would have votedagainst it. Here, then,, were eight .Members who had neglected. their duty— (N., asp from the Mini:serial Bench.) I say (repeated Mr. Whit. bread) Members who had neglected their duty for where can the duty of a Member of Parliament be more imperiously called for, than by his attn. -dance in this House on a question of such mag. nitude and importance as the present ?—(Loutl cheer. Sag from the Orpositiaa Betakes.) He should be glad to know how_ far they were to go—was it expected they should go or send round to all those Members who did not choose to stay in the House, but retired to take their tea or other refreshments in the adjoin ing coffee-houses, to ask them which way they would be pleased to give their votes I—or would any of the Constitutional Members of the House of Commons be pleased to inform the House, what, in such cases, ought to be done ? Would those Gentlemen who had the Constitution for ever in their mouths, now stand forward and say, that a Resolution, carried by a majority of the House, in which there were present 350 Members, shouldremain a dead letter? WoUld these Honourable Gentlemen, who had such a high regard for the Constitution, wish so deeply to degrade the House of -Commons, which formed so essential a part .of it, in the opinion of the people ? The Right' - Honourable Gentleman, and the Noble Lord near him, complained of the small number of the majority, which was four. He (Mr. Whitbread) re membered a question in which he voted in that House, when the numbers were equally divided, and the Right Hon. Gentleman in the Chair, by his single vote, gave the majority; and on that occasion the Address was carried up by the whole House. He was sorry the mo tion to that purport had not, in the present case been persisted; if it had,the Noble Lord and the Right Hon. Gentleman would not have been able to vote against a question they would otherwise have been glad to adopt. There was, however, evidently a piece of trickery and finesse in the proceeding. The SPEAKER said, he knew but of two modes by which the House had ordinarily proceeded—the one was, that the Address be presented by such Mem bers as are of the Privy Council, the other by the • whole Douse—(4 call frost :twat guarterr—li An? no otherr—ir there no whet- P) Mr. W. WYNNE said, that in thi case of ad dressing the Pr►nce of Wales, to congratulate him on his rfrirriage, the Address had been carried up by a certain number appointed by the House. He, there fore, moved, that the present Address be presented by the Mover and Seconder thereof. The SPEAKER said, there had unquestionably been instances, where, in extraordinary cases, the usual mode had not been adhered to. In the reign of Queen Anne, when her Majesty was indisposed, a limited number had been appointed to present an Address; but he thought it his duty to call tile attention of the House to consider, whether they would proceed to extraordinary means before having tried those which were ordinary? Mr. S. WORTLEY said, that if the House should think proper to vote that he, in covjt.nction with the Noble Lord who did him the honour to second his Motion, should present the Address, he should cons-- der it as the proudest day of his life. The SPEAKER put the question, that the-Address be presented by Mr. S.WoinEY the Mover, and Lord Mturox, the Seconder. . Strangers were ordered to withdraw, but before the Gallery was cleared, the motion was agreed to with out a division, and the House adjourned. THE EVENING STAR. -- LONDON. / FRIDAY, MAY 22. Oar readers will recollect, that the last public de claration of the British Government, respecting America, stated, that whenever the Milan and Berlin Decrees should, by some authentic document, appear to be actually repealed, then the Orders in Council should also cease. It is now affirmed, that on Tues. day last; the American Mission here communicated to Ministers a dispatch which they had received from the American Minister at Paris, contairring,tbe formal renunciation, by the French Government, of these Decrees, as far as regards America.- -This document is stated to be of the date o: April, MI, and to have been officially Kotified by the French Government to the American Minister in consequence of the Declaration of our Government above alluded to. Whether the Repeal of the Milan ansi Berlin De. crees took place so fat back as is abfive stated, or w4,hether the document h.is been AntidAted, if it has now come substantiated to our Government, the Or ders in Council must be repealed as tar as concerns America. IMPORTANT' COMMUNICATION. (Continued from yesterday's Paper.) EXPLANATORY LETTER FROM TIMF. EARL Or LIVERPOOL CO THE !MARQUIS WELLESLEY: Fife-I-louse, May 19, 1815. MY DEAR LORD—After the receipt of the Paper which you sent to me in the afternoon of yesterday, I should certainly have Ht it to be unnecessary and fruitless to trouble you with any further correspon dence, if I were not desirous to correct the misap prehension into which you appear to have fallen re specting my opinions, and those of my colleagues, upon the Roman Catholic question. In the commu nication which passed between Us on Sunday, as well as that v.•hich I previously had with Mr. Canning, I certainly stated my opinions upon the Roman Ca tholic question to remain unchanged; and that I was not aware that those of my colleagues had undergone I any change. With respect to myself individually, I must protest against its being inferred from any de claration of mine, that it is, or ever has been, my opinion, that under no circumstances it would be possible to make an alteration in the laws respecting the Roman Catholics. Upon the last occasion on which the subject was discussed in Parliament, I expressly stated, that dr cumstances might arise, in which, in my judgment, some alteration in those laws would be advisable. I have always been desirous of hearing the specific pro position which should explain distinctly, what part of the existing . securities it was intended to repeal, what part it was intended to preserve, and what were the new securities which it has been so often declared must be substituted in the place of some of those which are at present in force. I have never heard of any satisfactory explanation on this point. I will fairly own, .that in the present state of the opinions and feelings of the Roman Catholics, I do not be lieg.e such a project to be practicable, consistently with the attainment of the avowed objects of really satisfying the Roman Catholics, and of affording an adequate security to the Established Church and Constitution. Entertaining this opinion, I have felt it to be my duty to continue to resist a Parliamentary Enquiry on that subject, which, in my judgment, could be productive of no other effect than that of alarming the Protestants on the one hand, and of deluding and deceiving the Roman Catholics on the other. With Crespect to the opinions of my Colleagues, there are t scene who entirely agree with me in the view which I have taken of this question ; but I am sure it must Ibe known to you, from discussions at which you have I been present, that there are others who have always 1. entertained and avowed different opinions from those professed by me upon some parts of this subject. I You must recollect that considerations of very high • rjrnportance, but which might be only temporary in their nature, induced us all, up to a very late period, to be decidedly of opinion that it was not proper that ' under such circumstances the measure should be en tertained. I You may be of opinion that since the month of Fe bruary last these considerations have ceased to be in force. But they are stilrregarded by others as not having lost their weig9K. Besides the considerations to which I have referred, the conduct and temper which the Roman Catholics hare been induced to manifest—the principle upon which the question has 1 been brought forward, and the circumstances of Eu rope at this time, give rise to objections Which are I felt in a greater or less degree by different persons. I have thought this explanation due to my colleagues and to myself. • In one point we are all agreed, that this is not the momentat which the question ought to be enter tained, with a view to any immediate practical con sequence ; I am aware, that in this sense of our duty, our opinions may be at variance with your's ; hut it is material that these opinions should not be mist'''. derstdoti, or subject to the interpretation to whleh my silence might render them liable, if T had not. re turned same answer to that part of your paper. Upon the subject of the Manner in which the war in the Peninsula has been managed, I forbear enur ing into any particulars at present ; but I think it material to observe, with respect to my declare. tionohat since your resignation it bad been found practicable to make seine extension of the military efforts in the Peninsula ; that this has not arisen from any means which were in existence at the time when yeu were in office, and which there had been then any indisposition or objection to direct to that object, • but has grown out of events which have subsequently occurred, and which may place at the disposal of Go vernment, means which were at the time unavoidably applied to another service. Asahis letter is merely explanatory, T will not give you the trouble of returning any answer to it ; but I am sure you will see the justice and propriety of con sidering it as a part of the correspondence whichlas passed between us, on the subject to which it relates. I am, &c. LIVERPOOL. (Marquis Wellealey's Reply to-morrow.) In another part of our Paper we have laid before our Readers a continuation of the Correspondence be tween the Eta of LIVERPOnL, the Maiquis \YELLIN. LEY, and Mr. CANNING. It is f 4 great impottance - that the public should be accurately iiih•rmed of the motives and views v.l ich actuate those who seek the direction of our national afla'rs ; nor can Wit CATICOIVe that any species of documents can ever he brotisbt before them so well calculated to give them correct ideas of the characters of public men and of ma taree of that system which, according to the success or defeat of the contending candidates, will be atfopt ed for the rule of the country. To many good and loyal subjects it Will certainly be a matter of sincere rest et to find that the system of Catholic exclusion, and we may add of religious into lerance, to which the dissenters haste been so long ex posed, has been avowed as the leading basis of the new Admipistration. 'We did hope that the geaeral voice of the majority of the nation, which has been so unequivocally expressed that it cannot he mistaken, would have experienced so much respect from States men as to snake them palm at least before so bold an avowal--an avowal calculated to alarm and to irritate every man of liberal principles. Indeed, we would be but little surprised, after such an avowal—after such numerous petitions from the Dissenters and others on Lord SIDMOUTH'S attempt to muzzle them—after so many petitions in favour of Catholic and general religious emancipatip—we would not, we say, be much surprised even to see thousands of Petitions coming in from every quarter of the country, praying the PRINCE RICORNT to dismiss from his Councils all tht se who would perpetuate dis tention and division among the people—thereby pa rylizing the exertions of the Nation, in its efforts to thwart and defeat the machinations of the common enemy. Should it even be a fact, and we are not going to dispute it, that the chief person in the State entertains scruples averse to general religious liberty, we njoice that we have such high authority as the Marquis WE -Lest-EY as to what ought to be the con duct of even the KiNtes Ministers. " My opinion (Ibys the Marquis) has always - been " that the duty ef loyalty and affection towards a " British Sow' eign does not consist in submissive obe " dience even to the honest prejudices or errors of the " Royal mind, but rather in respectful endeavours to " remove those prejudices and errors, by free advice " in Council and by temperate remonstrance in Par " liament." We do not throw out these thoughts from hostility - of mind to the individuals who have been selected to carry on the business of the nation,, but from a sin. cere conviction that men pursuing a system restiie. tive of the tights of conscience, however conscienti ously, cannot but produce, by their conduct, discran. tents of the most intal character. Honesty of inch tion is no justification of principles productive of evil —otherwise the crimes of every fanatic wad bigot would be justifiable. Can we have a stronger proof of the danger of ad. milting a doctrine contrary to that for which we are contending, than in the nkelancholy instance of the murder of Mr. PERCEVAL. It is tremendous and ins. pressive to-consider that Mr. Panenvot, the chant. pion of erroneous honesty of intention, should himself have fallen a victim to the operation of his own prin. ciple. What right has any set of men to contend that they of all others have only proper principles ; for the detestable avowal which we have reprobated denies all honesty of intention and rectitude of prin. I eiple to Dissenters and Catholics! The principles we maintain are not only sanctioned by the highest authorities, but are the practical opi nions of the great majority of this Nation, which more than any other has been distinguished by its g:004, tense. The proceedings of last night in the House, j of Commons strikingly shew the profound abhorrence _i that begins to be entertained of intolerance. It is clear now that no Administration founded on such a basis, will be permitted by the people' ter direct the aCirs of Great Britain. We have, however, to add, that it is with confi dence affirmed, that Ministers mean to retain their places A all hazards. In the return of the Property Tax, which we gavesesteraay, the amount for the year ending sth o f A pr il , 1312, to stated. at £5,231,935 6s. dd. This' is, we understand, gni: the sans mg. 'acted. Eo N A PART if, the day before he left Paris, signed I Defies Sys Ing avraziaturs on the price of corn, ordering it to be sdhi at the rue of 31 francs the hectolitre, or seven bushels and tvro-thlrja of the old French measure. CORN-MARKET, MARICI.ANE, MAY 22 1 The Market to-day bee few fresh arrivals of Wheat, but again tolerable supplies on hand—sales extremely dull. and do DOI asp. pert last prices —some foreign expected—Barley and Malt are each lower, the former almost without buyers—White Peal' nearly at last prices —scarce any Grey—price nosulnal—AMMO each sort vary but little—Flour at prices. PRICE OF STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. i SMITHFLELD- . -May 22. 3 per Cent. Red. 60j - 4 per Cast 74.1 i Beef da 0.1 te da ed I Veal ts Oel tti Os od mates es id to do ed Pork de Od to TS Di 3 per Ct. Cons. for money 301+-01tto for account 0011 riper Cent, 1797 91 —D pre--Lg. Anns. 151 7-16tfts Lamb 71. Od. to es. 4d. ••••