Star. — London, England, 1830-02-17 00:00:00

aeal hostilities, and fot the obstinacy with which she persevered en tie m ; it was also contended that we were deceived as to the result and thought that Turkey could maintain a successful resistance. The main charge against us, however, has been, that Turkey was in s onic way improperly induced to place reliance on the friendship and good will of Great Britain, particelarly, after she had been termed in th.• speech from the throne, our " ancient ally," and that in conse quence of that reliance, she was led to embroil herself in war. Now, a simple reference to a f e w dates, without ente ring into any argument, will totally disprove this charge. I yin. dicate not only the government of the Duke of Wellington but that of Lord Godcrich, from the im p utation of havin g creates] an impression on the part of Turkey, that she might rely upon the assistance of England, either directly or indirectly. It so happens that the Battle of Navarino was fought on the 20th October, 1327, and the account of it reached Constantinople on the Ist November following. The ambassadors of the Allied Powers, and the minister of England as one of those Powers, in conse• quencc of their total dissatisfaction with the assurances given by Turkey, left Constantinople about the 20th December, 1827.. Tur. key had, therefore, at that time, fi rst, the proof that England had taken her share in the battle of Navarino ; and next, the proof that England was displeased with the course she had taken by the departuf: of her ambassador from the capital. It was on the very day that the British ambassador left Constantinople that the Porte was infatuated enough to issue that document, which is called a Hattascheriff; and which was the immediate cause of the war. It was issued on the 20th Dece.ober, and it was not until the 3d of January that my noble friend was made prime minister. I•.'hen he was so appointed, it was not known that the Hatti-scheriff had been published by Turkey, nor did that fact transpire until aft = er she had been designated in the king's epoch the " ancient ally" of this country. These face. show that it was impossible that any foolish alliance on the friendship and assistance of England could have induced Turkey to enter into the war with Russia ; for that war Turkey is alone resperaible, arid for her perseverance in it she is also alone responsible ; in both cases she acted not only with. out the encouragement, but directly wetting the advice and remon strances of Great Britain. Still it may be said. that although she entered into that war upon the consideration of her own case, and without any such reliance upon Great Britain, still it should have beat the policy of this government to interfere actively to prevent the disastrous issue of the war. Here I mast say, as indeed has been already said, that before England is induced to second a war of that stature, it becomes her first to ask the question whether the pro. posed hostilities are just and necessary. In the Ilatti.sche. riff, which was the cause of the aggression of Rueda, these declarations were publicly given First, a religious appeal was made to all 3labonietaes to take up arms against Bessie ; next, there was a positive statentent that Turkey would only enter into negortations with Russia to deceive her and to Lain time, the better to prepare nee means of resistance; thirdly, that she lead signed the treaty of Ackermann with the intention of violating it, and that she would never fulfil any of its conditions.—Therefore, not only were we not responsible for the conduct of that power in engaging In the war, but if we had undertaken her defence, we must have undertaken it upon grounds which no honest minister could ap. prove.—(Hear, hear.) Whatever importance we might attaeli to the integrity of Turkey, and whatever wish we might entertain to' see an amicable settlement of the matters in dispute, I must protest against the notion that England ought to be bound by the rashness or folly which might influence the councils of others. The conduct of England in attempting to mediate was perfectly consist. cot with wisdom • but there was no obligation, express or implied, of treaty, of goa l faith, or of policy, which could induce or justify her iii actively interfering by means of was with the issue tithe pending contest. Still. notwithstanding that wart. and noiwithstaad. sag the peculiar ciretittistatiees i.e which England and France were placed ati neutral powers, having to execute the treaty of 6th July wi•li Russia, a belligerent, we felt it so iimgwent to Europe, and above sal, we kid cote:acted such obligations to Greece, that we ! were compelled to overcome every minor difficulty, and to per.' severe in the attainment of the objects of the treaty. I am *happy to say that we have succeeded : that treaty is on the eve of its decal accomplislinieet : peace has been preserved ; and whatever may nave been the original intentioes of the mothers of the treaty, 1 will venture to bay that in the result it will he fuand that the three great parties never contemplated tiny settlement so favourable to Greece as that which, I think, consistently with justice to Turkey, we have been enabled to make. Let me remind the house that by the treaty of the 6th July nothing more was contemplated than the co tablishinent of that sort of qualified independence tehich would have left the State of Greece as the vassal et' the Porte, and suojetet to the payment of a considerable tribute : the forte would even have had the power to interfere in the nomination of the Greek governors. By intervening events, and by negociation we base been able to establish the complete independence of dreece. She no longer holds the rank of a mere vassal dependent upon the Porte, butt she will take her place among the independent nations of Europe. Basing eft these objects, notwithstanding the diffi culties opposed to us, I apprehend it will be kit that there has been that degree of harmony and good frith in the councils of the powers of Great Britain, France, and Russia. as at least to induce the house to suspend its judgment until the promised papers can be laid upon the table. Surely there is nothing in the course of these transactions to justify suspicion. I concur wim the noble lord, that it must la tile policy of this country to see that a new state thus formed es placed in a situation in which it can be prosperous ; and I join with him heartily in the earnest wish he has expressed, that the Greeks of the present day may recovers ; from the torper of long slavery, and be enabled to emulate the glory of their predecessors, while, at the same time, they enjoy all the advantages that arise tram the progress of knowledge and from the establishment of those itatitunons which, in happy countries like this, are calculated to insure the possession of civil and religious liberty. (aluch cheering.) Sir J. aIACKINTOSH complimented the noble lord on the candid tone of his whole speech, and the tight honourable Secre tary on the correspondir.g character of the earlier part of' what he had addressed to the house. He would not follow the latter °vet the debateable ground of the policy of employing the influence of England in preventing the late war between Russia and Turkey ; but he would say expressly, what the right honourable gentleman had said by implication, that the success of Russia in that just war (tor such he a d mitted it to be) bad eeabled the three al lied powers to bring the Treaty of the 6th of July to a happy ea:inclusion. He did nut know that it was a matter of serious importance to inquhe what had been the opinions of Mr. Fox thirty years ago relative. to the independence of Turkey ; hu: the case might be tasted in a few words. In the course of the corresponmeice between Mr. Fox, as the head of the roteiar dike, and the ministers of France in 1806, an opinion ass expressed which had reference to that time, and to the fan itecenta circumstances of England and France. It was to eonsolidate the peace of Europe, and for this pur. fits it ..act hanight that the two powers should guarantee the hitt:arty of Turkey. such was the opinion of Mr. Fox at that angle moment el its life, and under a peculiar combination of • cocutestaaces ; but to that opinion was opposed what was well Lean to till the frietuls of Mr. Fox, that as au Englishman and as a lover at liberty, as a eithen of the world, he was an enemy to the irititutions of T ur k e y - t h at h e d eteste d t h e i r tyrann i ca l an d t arbovus principles.—and that he heartily wished els l ,-„ ere ivied front the boundaries of Europe. alr.Fox did not cons, 1 them a member of the great European family ; but he thought, neverthe. ;to e at that time, that the preservation of the integrity of elk Otto. :um power was a legitimate object. What had just fallen from the right jhon. gent. as to the exemption of Greece front foreign influ rice, and as to the estahlisliment of a limited monarchy, give him (oh J. al.) sincere gretificauon ; lie lead heard with joy the same sentiment before in another place, atol it compensated our much else of a ttiffetera ciesraeter that proceeded from the same quarter. lie had heard it sale elsewhere, " Let the prince and the people of Greece settle their own institutions;" and if that simple pledge were adhered to. all would be well. lie believed that he was the Etat who had presented a petitioa from a very humble commu nity for the estaulishment of ;he independence of Greece; and congratulated them that the end was about us be attained by the seeple, tut effectual means pointed out in that petition. He felt tto eutiost joy that the trearydalth July was about to be carried LAO complete execution, after the unworthy manner In which that !salon had been used, atter the unworthy language uniformly v eto(' t,, the person to whom Greece was indebted for it, and who .reht jee'tly be termed the deliverer and pacifier of the k at of 'Little. He was ,g lad to set that those who were tiunutly opposed to lain on this very point, cow took credit for carrying into rifect the great measure which his genius had conceived. 01 these points his joy wu unmixed, his satisfaction perfect ; and were he called upon to vote upon this resolution, he should Support it on no ground of hostility to, or distrust of ministers tat upon what he had heard before, tied which hadgbeen this nights hanfinned, that the present government of this country was adopt ing a mischievous arrangement regarding the limbs of the territory of Greece, and justifying that arrangement upon false principles.— Tlie right honourable gentlemen had said that Greece was to have aneething better than an extended line--that shelves to have com- Otinsation for the narrowing of her boundaries; but it was not der pled that she was not to have the frontier which would have been testaited to her under the treaty of 6th July. A portion of the once epee od , ed territory of Greece was to be ceded to Turkey, and, above all, th a t was to b e re li nqu i s h e d which, while it would be of no value tar offensive purposes, was essential to the defence of the cectre of ei l t Greek empir e . What h a d most surprised him, however, was 0e principle adopted by ministers with ttferewce to Landis. Lookiog to the treaty of the oth of July, he felt himself justified in assuming. that when a new state was to be formed, as Greece was, that the right of etaiming such portion of the Turkish territory as was essential to the defence of Oreece de tlo an to ed as much to that country as did the right of making a similar for similar purposes, belong to Turkey. Tits „treaty of the fith of July proceeded upon the principle that 1 urkiah territory was to be taken to such extent as would secure the Means of military defer* to the now elate, and neither Turkey nor any of the allies would be at liberty at a future day to impeach the acts done under it. Nothing could be wore clear and express than the language of the treaty of the 6th of July ; it declares that the territory and the designation of the islands which were to belong to Greece were to form the subject of negotiation be. tween the two contending parties ; that Greece should be free to endeavour to limit the territory of Turkey, as that power might, on the other hand, contend for the limitation of Greece ; that nothing could be plainer than that the independence of Greece should be secured, and the means of its military defence provided for. Now the cession of Caudia went upon grounds strik ingly at variance with the treaty of the Cth of July. However, he would reserve the expression of his full judgment upon the subject until the papers were before the house, and he should sincerely re joice in the dissent; if such should be the result, of those worldly. wise persons who mistook craft for sagacity. If in making these few observations he had gone beyond the strict tole which on ordinary occasions were observed in discussing subjects of that nature, he hoped it would be attributed to the deep interest which such a question was calculated to excite. Lard PALMERSTON, adverting to the recommendation of his right hon. friend (Mr. Peel) that they should postpone the discussion of the present question till the papers were before them, complained that the right hon. gentleman had himself deviated from his own re. commendation, while he desired others to confine themselves to the simple question which the noble lord had brought under their consi deration. Having set them such an example, he could scarcely expect that they would very closely contlne themselves on a discussion so interesting and important as the present. In making one or two ob. servations upon the character of the treaty of London, and the mode of its execution, he would not inquire into the origin of the war between Russia and Turkey, neither would he inquire who might have been the Instigators of that war. It might be per fectly true that that war arose out of aggressions committed by Turkey upcn the trade of Russia and upon its • commercial rights ; and he. was perfectly ready to admit that the commence ment of that war took place before the present government came into office. (Hear, hear.) on one point he should be glad to see his majesty's ministers acquit themselves--nantely, with respect to the influence which their conduct had upon the progress, dura. tion, and termination of that war, and the degree in which their conduct might have affected the coarse adopted by the Turks in rejecting those terms of peace which it was the duty, as it was the interest of England, to promote. When the papers came to be laid upon the table of the house, many of the dispatches would prove abundantly plausible ; but no dispatch, however smoothly it might read, would, by the mere three of its diction, or the p'ausibility of its statements, convince him era: England had done all that she might have done for the purpose of putting an end to that war. It was his earliest wish to see England, upon all such occasions, speak a straiget-forward language ; but on that he could not help apprehending thatpad she taken the honourable and upright course, hostilities would riot have been continued to so re cent a period. His right honourable friend had taken credit, on behalf of his Majesty's government, for the great merit of having the treaty of the 6th of July executed according to the spirit in which it wee framed, and that its execution was at. tended with results even more gratifying to the parties interested than their first expectations had led them to anticipate. From that, however, he begged to dissent ; though his unwillingness oa the present occasion to enter into any details would prevent ' his assigning toe reasons which influenced his dissent ; but he must be allowed to say, generally, that he could not see that the spirit of the Treaty had been at all adhered to; and to that single re mark he would add, that if the Treaty had been more closely adhered to, tire itecrests of Greece anti of England would have been more effectually advanced. ea length there was a pros. pet that soinethief like iadependcuce might be achieved fir ti recce ; but the house would judge how much more of that was owing to the arms of Russia than Lny i inttrference on the pert of England to see ele Treaty of the teh of July executed in the sp 7 rit in width 'c had been 1i41410.1 When the papers came befort Rieltbuse, lieshould be extremely glad to see the propositions roads by his Majesty's eovernment to the Allies, for settling and ' securing to Greece a terriwty sufficient for the purposes of an lade. pendent state, and a frontier calculated to secure the continuance of that imiependence. ll'hen those papers canoe before the house, they would have the pleaeute of seeing what could not fail to be gratifying to the national feelings and flattering to the na denial honour—to collect from the lips of the English minister that the people of Greece would enjoy the rights of freemen, and be no longer confined in the shackles and fetters of despotism. When it swill be shown to the home from the expected documents that his Majesty's government had done all in their power to secure the ac. complishment of that object, then would his right honourable friend be uititled to the thanks of the house and of we country. So far as the right honourable Secretory went, He stetemeet was far from satisfactory. He had altogether failed in showing that the addition of Candies to the territory of Greece was not es sential to the well-being and independency of the new State. This was but small matter of surprise, foe ;to man who had turned his atteeniou to the subject could doubt that the political existence and the military defence of Greece would mainly depend upon the possession of Candle. What f:rmed a more immediate ground of complaiat—if it proved to be well-founded--would he, 'lest tlVir country bad not fulfilled her engagements, In seeing chat trey y • enceuted in its true spirit; than which nothing was more important, as affecting the honour and interest of England. It was in a high degree Interesting to England that the new state should have the 'nears of maietaining he: own lode pendency ; for if left in a helpless or u nd e fended state, the first aggression mule upon her woule: be the eignal for calling upon the rowers veto were parties to the treaty ef the 6th of July to cote forward in support of the stipulations of that treaty. Th4s would England be involved it. dirEcultize which a little regard to good faith in th e lime instance might easily have averted. They might be told that the powers had gumenteed the independence of Greece.— That might he perfectly true, and et the same time it. might be true that the relations of those powers towards Greece and towards each other would, in a snort time, uudergo such changes as should leave little chance of their being In a situation to redeem those pledges which they had given for maintaining that country In a separate and substantive form. The only effectual security which Greece and England could have would be, to give to the former such a territory and such boundaries as would render any aggressioa very unpro. mising. To leave Greece in a situation incapable of self-defence is to do England one of the most serious injuries which she could sus tain in her relations with the East of Europe ; it would open at once a door for tha exercise of foreign influence, and render the Lew elate of Greece an arena for the struggles of fJTCigli influence, wad, per haps, for the contests of armed men. The gulfs of Volo and Arta, at opposite tides, ought to form two of the boundaries of the new state ; that, he thought, could be very easily established ; but those who wished to circumscribe Greece within the narrowest pcssible limits would confine it by the Mores. Austria, and those who with Ausuia desired to fix the minimum of territory, called out for the Morea. When the official papers, however, came to be seen, it would then he apparent that the English government had either supported the true Interests of Greece, or had sarriliced them to the wishes of Austria. It would then he seen whether proper means had been taken for securing Tnessaly and Epirus, and whe ther the Gulf of V o l o on th e eas t, an d t h e Gulf of Arta on the west, were or were not to form the boundaries of Greece. These he certainly considered es limits essential to the Military defence of Greece, as was the natural boundary formed by (he range of mountains at the north,irunning like a back bone behind Greece —that wasa b. trier which nature pointed out, and one which the habits of the people, and the physical circumstances of the country, rendered obvious and convenient. On the south, it was of importance that Greece should be in possession of a territory which would afford hers good military defence, for there it was of peculiar importance that she should be preserved from collision with her neighbours. It seemed to him one of the strangest assertions which had ever been made, that Greece ought to be made to pay a price in territory for the political independence conferred upon her—she was given a no. minal independence, but a real dependence, with such a territory as that given to her, destitute as it was of the means of military de fence. The natural defence of Greece on the south would be Candle ; for with that island left in the possession of the Turks, the means of aggression would be continually in their hands. The ports of Turkey were too distant to admit of fr e quent or formid a bl e attacks upon the Greeks; but with l'andia in their possession, un dertakiags of that nature became comparatively asey. if, then, any thing bad been done which tended to compromise the rode. pendence of the new State in the manner to which be alluded, be entreated his majesty's ministers to reconsider the steps they had taken, and Phut tae dour against future contenslon in the East, by providing fur the political security end military defence of Greece, thus really executing the treaty of London In spirit, satisfying the just expectations of Greece,and doing credit to themselves and their allies. lie professed to know nothing upon those topics except what any man might learn at the corners of the streets in common conversation, or from the newspapers; but he believed he should be borne out in this assertion, that if the wishes of England were decisively made known upon the subject, the allies would accede to them, and that it rested with the cabinet of England to decide whe ther or nut the new state was to be rendered secure or insecure. It had been said that to give Candies to the Greeks It must be conquered from Turkey. What made that necessary ? what, but the waver ing and uncla.ided conduct of die cabinet of England ? It was also alleged that Candies had taken no part in the Insurrection against the Turkish power in Greece : that c0..1d scarcely be the fact ; for early in the year 1827, the President of the Oreok Legislative assembly was known to be li that island, and it was not at all likely that he would have been there, if tinny had not subeirted a community of feeling between the Oink inhabitants of that *and and their I brethren elsewhere. It was ahio to be remembered that Can. dia was one of the Latest aequisitioos of Turkey—is hod not been conquered by the Turks until the year 107116 sad it wee likewise ' an important fact, that slat of the 340 000 souls forming the por. nation of that Wand, the greater part woe Greeks , ' T he Twim -----' however, weir new in possession of Candta, and the:, he believed,, was mainly owing to the interference of our non.interfering go. ' vemtnent. It was tine of the thousand and one instances in which our government professed not to intertneedl, yet did so, contrary to its professions. The Turks had viongfully pre. served possession of Candia, and now it was contended that they should be allowed to profit by that wrong. It was a princi pie of law that no man should profit by his own wrong it was a maxim of justice, that the infliction of one injury should not stand good as a reason for the infliction of further .end deeper injuries. It was acknowledged that at the present moment a civil war was going on in Candia. Were they to have nnother Treaty of London for the pacification of Candle, or was that devoted and unhappy island to .be left exposed to the pouring forth of the vials of Turkish wrath in all its inhuman and cious barbarity? There had been a talk of amnesty ; they must all, by this time, know pretty well what amnesty meant, when translated into the languages of Spain, or Portugal. or Tur key. In Turkey they had a proverb that there were thtee merciless things—Time, Fire, and the Sultan ; and if he knew anything of the the history of Turkey, he would say there was little probability of that being less true at the present than at any former period. (Hear, hear.) Let Candia remain in the hands of the Turks, and what probability was there that the Greeks would re. main patient under that yoke which their brethren had shaken off ? and even tl:ough they were disposed to do so, how unlikely that the Turks would allow themselves to remain without a pretext for glutting that vengeance which the other Greeks might defy.— ( Hear, hear, hear.) How then was England to ace ? Was she to keep an agent in Candia to preserve the peace there be tween the Greeks and Turks in that island ? It was contended that to conquer Candia would be contrary to the treaty of London—.but an objection of that nature did not arise when the French conquered the Alma, and when many similar acts were done, In the course of the late struggle. Candia, even in a maritime point of view, was essential to the safety of Greece—it was to Greece what Cuba was to Mexico, and could not be excluded from its ter. ritory without endangering the existence of the new state. Was it possible for the sovereign to stand by and see thousands of his sub jects slaughtered by the Turks, without interference ? and yet, should he interfere, the certain consequence would be a war with Turkey. In that event, England would undoubtedly be brought 1 into the contest : or, if both England and the sovereign of Greece refused to interfere, the Greeks themselves would fly to the succour of their brethren, and then of what advantage would it be that the state was nominally at peace? (Hear, hear.) — There was another argument which he might mention, and which perhaps had still more force. It was not in the nature of things that Candia could long continue in the possession of Turkey, for it was to,: rich a prize not to tempt the surrounding states, and be would therefore venture to predict that, if Candia was not united to Greece, it would fall to our lot to be at war with some State or other, l in the course of a few years, on account of this very Candia. They were told that the transactions were still pending; and, tbetethre, the papers and documents on the subject were still] withheld front the house; but he did not see that this ought to have any weight in stopping the discu-s ion of the present night; because they well knew the strength that an expressed opinion of parliament must have on such a subject ; and he, therefore trusted. that if there were other gentlemen who had the same feeling on the subject. and enter tained the same opinion with himself, they would give their support 1 to the motion of the noble lord. (Hear.) Mr. PEEL t I a:n extremely sorry that when I stated that his majesty's government had been able to execute the treaty in the spirit in which it had been conceived, and even to carry it further, any one should suppose that I thereby intended to draw a contrast between the present government and the original framers of the treaty. I said that we hail carried the treaty further titan Mr. Canning, but that has been because events have arisen which Mr. Canning was not able to foresee. But, Str,l think that I have a right to complain of the manner in which my noble friend has called the attention of the house to the subject; he first addressed some questions to mc, and when they were ansz.ered, he rose to found a statement upon them ; I therefore think that I have a right to complain, because I certainly did not conceive that these an swer* would form the groundwork of the unpremeditated im. prommu delivered by my noble friend.—(bear, hear, hear.) What a situation am I placed in by answering these questions. (hear, hear, bear.) Was it fair on such a ground to enter into the description of boundaries—was it proper to enter into the discussion of attaching Candia to Greece ?—(heat, hear.) Can I in reply state and argue upon all those circumstances of which the house is not yet in possession ? Can I enter into the reasons why, becauee, there has been a rebellion, not only England, but all the other powers have forced Turkey to a sub.uissior, to which, under other circumstances, they would not have consented ?—(hear, hear.) But, sir, even if my noble friend shall succeed in procuring a ma jority for the noble lord's motion, it will still leave the government unfettered as to Candia, for the noble lord's motion has nothing to do with that and 1 protest that I will not be drawn to enter into the discussion by the course pursued, trusting the house will feel the situation in which 1 am placed, and that the time has not yet arrived for that discussion. I feel that I cannot in fairness enter into that discussion, and I will not enter into it ; but I trust that the house will not, from this resolution of mine, draw any unfair coo. elusion. My noble friend has stated that if England would consent to enlarge the limits of Greece, he was sure that the other powers who have joined in the treaty would not be opposed to such extension. Certainly this is a statement which I did not expect to bear from my noble friend. Ide r.otknow in whose confidence he may be, or whom he may undertake to represent in making that statement unless he come* to that conclusion front having been in office at the thee of the execution of the treaty. This, however, at all events, I can state to the house, that the most perfect harmony on the question of boundaries exists between the contracting powers.—(Hear I) Lord PALAIERSTON : Nothing that has fallen from my right hon. friend shall tempt me to deviate from that temper which I be -1 is alsrays most successful In argument. Aly right hon. friend e tfal the hosee that he does not know whose representative I ant. I will tell him. I stand here, humble as I am, as one of the repre am.tatives of the people of England ; and next, as the representative of my own opinions—opinions, Sir, which I will never shape to suit the opinionsor any other individual, let his situation be what it may, either in this house or out of this house. I stand here as the repro. sentative of ray onn opinions, had I think I can appeal to the recut. leaden of my right hon. friend himself; to bear witness that those op'oicna have not changed since I had:the honour of acting with him. I also stand here, I trust, as one of that body which repro. cat which at least ought to be the maintainers of the honour and interests of England; and I can assure the house that I shall never he deterred from that duty by any taunts which my right Ito. Pourable fiiend seat' not think unworthy of himself, or by any taunts which may extract a reluctant and unfrequent cheer from those who sit behind the Treasury Bench.—( Her, hear.) Neither, Sir, will I ever be deterred by any of those—/ will not call them unfitly—but by any of those skilful dexteri t lee of debate, from stating to the house those npinimui which I hone tly entertain on the public affairs of the country ; setd little ADS I care whom those opinions may please or disphase„ or what motive may be imputed to me for doing That I most iirmly believe to be my duty.—(Bear, hear.) But my tight honourable friend has insinuated that I have availed myself of information obtained while in office; now, my belief is, that I have stated nothing which every man who eads the newspapers of Europe, or who mired in the society of any coon ' try he may happen to he in, might not have stated just as fully; and if the ministry think that nothing of all this is known beyond the corner of Downing-street except what they are pleased to otnniu mime, they are most grievously mistaken, for much mate of the political state of Greece is known to the whole of Europe than per. lisps they would desire—(hear, hear, hear.) My right hon. friend had also been pleased to talk of my unpremeditated impromptu. I can, however, assure him, that when I entered the house it was my intention to confine myself to the question of the territorial limits of Greece, and that I should not have said a syllable on any other point, but for his own departure from a rule which be entreated all others uercdly to observe—( L ear, bear.) Mr. PEEL —I can mu* my noble friend that I admit his perfect right to express his opinions, and to have them con. sidered expressly as his own ; and if I had objected to it, I should Lave been justly subject to censure. But was not spe ak. Mg of opinions, but of facts. Neither did I impute to my noble friend any improper disclosure of the information he obtained while In ofßce ; all that I stated was, that having made a speech, I was under a disadvantage when my noble friend entered into t a t:la. d The fact to which I referred was this—that my noble friend stated certain circumstances in a Dimmer which must have led those who heard him to suppose that he spoke from authority, and that he was in possession cf negociations between the powers thereby leading those who heard him to conclude that England s tood alone on the question of limits ; and that if she would waive her objections on that head, there was reason to believe that the other powers would also waive theirs. For this reason I thoUght it necessary to state that the three contracting powers were agreed upon this point, and that there was no such want of harmony as my noble friend would have made out. It was fur those reasons that I made the observations I did; and I beg to mom him, that in making them I did not in the least Intend to impute to him any improper disclosures. (Hear, bear.) Lard PALMERSTON: I an MIMI my right ha sourable friend that nothing which may pass between him and me in this house will impair the friendship which misisbetwees us: but I am soothe house could nut imagine, when I was atadng nip•pinton as to the boundaries of Greece, etas having been two piers out of office, that I was taking upon myself to insure what were the mend. memo of Russia or France. Sir HONEST WILSON wished to baowithether the Noble Laud (IsordJ. Russell) intended to pees his sods* *** divides because, if he did not. he (sir R. Wilson) would mot trouble the House Ishii his opinions on t he question be its pinent saw He iiho thought that it would be unfair to press the mater to a division, as the papers were not before the house. Lard J. RUSSELL—It was not his intention to di visle the house on the motion. The motion was then negatived without a division. The other orders of the day being disposed of, the house ad. journed at FIVE MINUTES TO Tax. MINORITY of 6.7, who voted for Mr. Humes Motion—" That this House will forthwith proceed to a repeal and modification of Taxation to the greatest possible extent, wbich the reductions that may be made in the Civil, Military, rand Naval Establishments of the Country will admit, u a means of affording general relit I to the country." Althorpe, Lord Guise, Sir B. W. Rumhold, Chas. Anson, Hon. G. Harvey, D. W. Sefton, Lord Baring, Sir Thos. Ilobhouse, J. C. Sibthorp, Col. Bentinck, Lord G. Howick, Lord Saville, Lumley Bernal, Ralph; Ingilby, Sir Wm. Stewart, Slr M. S. Birch, Joseph Jephsui CJ) D. 0. Elkes, Daniel Blake, Sir F. Kempt,sT. R. Townsend, Lord C.. Blandford, Marquis Lamb, Hon. G. Waithman, Aid. Brownies', Charles Majoribanks, S. Webbe, Col. Burdett, Sir F. Mars:rail, John Whitbread, Wm. 11. Bright, Henry Marshall, Wm. Whitmore, Woolrich Carter, J. B. Alerpeth. Lord Wilbraham, Geo. Cavendish, IL F. C. Nugent, Lord Wilson, Sir Robert Cavendish, Wm. O'Connell, Daniel Wrottelley, Sir John Calvert, Charles Ord, Wm. Wood, Alt. Cholmeley, M. S. Osbotne, Lord Iran. IVorxi, Chard a Dawson, Alexander Palmer, Fyshe 'Wood, John. Davenport, Edw. Pendarvis, E. W. Wyvil, 1.1. • Denison, Wm J. Protheroe, Edw. Duncombe, Thos. Philips, Sir Geo. Tertors Davies, Col. Philips, G. R. Joseph H u lite Fazakerly, J. M. Portman, E. B. John Alaberly Ferguson, Sir Ronald Bickford, Wm. Graham, Sir James Robinson, Sir G. Paired off, .Gordon, Robert Robarts, A. W. J. J. Guest A LIST of the MINORITY of NINE who voted against going into a Committee of Supply after twelve o'clock. Cholmeley, M. Malteriy, .1. IVyvill, M. Dawstro, AlPxander O'Connell, Daniel Tellers. I)uncombe, Thomas Warburton, Henry Marquis of Blandford Gordon, Robert Wood, John Joseph Hume. HOUSE OF COMMONSTIIIS DAY. ORDER OF THE DAY. Supply—House to resolve into a Committee thereon eimotion, that the Speaker do leave the Chair, postponed from Monday. NOTICES OF MOTION'. Mr. Secretary Peel —to apply for leave to bring in a Bill to Oct lich all fees heretofore payable by Persona on their Acquittal of otter r Discharge from any criminal charge. Mr. Grattan—to apply for leave to bring in a Bill to ametr! ti,.. Irish Act 11 and 12 Geo. 111. as respects tie Establiahnicut Holmes of Industry in Ireland. Mr. Callaghan—to move for Returns of the Charitable Establish ments in Ireland. The Chancellor of the Exchequer—to move, in the Committee of supply, Resolutions respecting the Payment of Exchequer Bills and the Transfer of Aids. TO THE FARMERS AND TRADERS OF THE COUNTY OF SURREY. Barney, Feb. 15, 1830. GENTLEMEN,—Understanding that there is soon to bo held a Meeting of our County, I take the liberty to offer you my advice with regard to one part of our con duct on this important occasion. We may be assured, that there will be no real redres4 of our manifold grievances, unless we obtain a Ka Neal Reform of the Commons House of Parliament. Therefore, it appears to me, that we ought, as far as we possibly can, to take our labourers with us to the Meeting, and there let them learn, that it is not WE who are the cause of their suf ferings ; that we are fellow-sufferers alo:►y with them ; that our cause is their cause ; and that we must all be relieved, or all continue to suffer, together. For my own part, I shall take with me every man and every boy in my husbandry service; and I do Lope that the greater part of you will do the same. I am, Gentlemen, Your most obedient and most humble servant, WM. CORBETT. LFTTER TO 7'HEIMIKE OF WELLINGTON. MY LORD DUKE,—Had you, in the early part of your career, been greeted, like Macbeth, witb your future titles, your most sanguine expectations could not have induced you to lend a credulous ear to the pro phecy. But circumstances and your own merit- have conspired to raise you to a situation whence you may look down on many whose assistance you were anxious to obtain at setting out in life. You led the armies of England to many victories, and you were mainly instru mental in the overthrow of him whose name made Europe tremble, and you were rewarded with almost every honour that could be bestowed upon a subject— you enjoyed the favour of you own and the respect of foreign Sovereigns, and you might have retired flow public life admired and respected by this and ( ) Aare generations. But all this was not enough to satisfy a mind too restless to sink into quiescence. You sought a rank i the political, equal to what you had obtained in the military annals of your country, and at length Weft exalted to the high and important situation of Prime Minister—nor have you shown yourself altogether unbt for such an office. You have proved that tactics may be introduced in the cabinet as well as in the field ; that you can drill a diplomatic as effectually as a military corps:: in short, you seem to have obtained such an ascendancy over your colleagues in office, az to induce them to sna cunlb to your wishes, and to acquiesce in all your sea sures without a murmur. " It is painful," says a writer in the last number of the Quarterly Review, " to see how little confidence is reposed in any public man except the Duke of Wes.- LINOTON. All eyes are now turned to hiss as the sots arbiter of the destinies of every class and intereft in Me country." The latter part or this is perfectly true; the people well know that you possess more actual power and real interest than any man iu the kingdom, and to you they look for relief, as a sick man does to his physi cian. For this power, for this infiuenceryou are awfully responsible—t& Go u—your King, and your Country. and oh ! let your Grace beware of misusing it. Seek, and seek nought else, but tho prospirity of your country ; throw off prejudices ; abandon Wee principles ; candidly avow your errors, and do yenu belt to recover lost time. Instead of endeavouring to silence the public press, listen to its voice as a faithful, though it may be a severe monitor ; instead of coldly and unwillingly acknowledging the existence of a " partial distress," boldly confers the truth, (for you must 'know that distress exists deeply and universally,) bring for ward some active and vigorous measures for the relief of the existing distress; above all, do not despise the loice of the people, and all may yet be well; greater honours than the laurels which crown the Hero of Waterloo wall await you ; during life you will be beloved,and after death regretted by a grateful people. But, on the other hand, if you persist in in obstinate and selfish line of policy—if you turn a deaf ear to the cry of an unhappy people, what may be the consequence <! shall say .—for my part I shudder when I anticipate them—be assured that the present stabs of affairs can up; continue—they mast be better or wane. If the latter—to what can we attribute it, but to-the ebstinet7 w and wilfulness of men in poer ? . Pou•to. MoK I i • ' F