Star. — London, England, 1820-11-06 00:00:00

i~'~: t , - eesponsibllity "eras involved in on ; but he (10ed &tine) had not to billuenie jtitpconviction as a Judge. With the Ring be ltd blllr Nnt arta-lion as intimate as any one who now heard him ; the time was when there was nothing in his Majesty's power to give, which be would not have given at his request ; and, though political circumstances had caused his re moval from a high function in the Government, he had no rea son to Believe that there was any alteration in his Majesty's dis position towards hint. If the King's life were in peril, he would risk his own to save it ; he would do anything for his Majesty but desert his principles, which he conceived he Would be doing, were he to give his consent to the present 13i11--(Hear) " I have (said the Noble Lord) as strong a passion as any man; but, were I living in that criminal intercourse which has been imputed to the Queen, and were as much in love with a woman as the Princess was said to be in love with Bergami. I could. not have sought the gratification of my passion at the shrine of our Samoa ; and yet the Queen bad been charged with doing this. I never saw this unfortunate Princess in my life, except once; and what interest can I have in advocating her cause, when all the feelings and inclinations of friendship draw the other way? If a woman be absent from her husband, and goes to the bed room of another person, with whom she has no connexion, and can have nothing in view but improper intercourse, that in law would be proof of adultery ; and, if a man goes into the room of a married woman, and remains there, it would also be suf ficient proof." If there had been such proof as this against the Queen, it would have been conclusive ; but he contended that no such proof had been adduced. The Noble Earl opposite had said, if there were• any doubts or suspicions of the evidence, the Queen must have the benefit of it ; and the evidence against the Queen was such as could not be relied upon. He would now come to Catania. Here De Mont was again the only witness. " The time was, when the brains were out the man would die;" but De Mont's evidence, " with twenty mortal gashes on its head," still rose to push Majesty from its stool. The Noble and Learned Lord then noticed the evidence of Sacchi Rastelli, and the other witnesses against her Majesty, and he declared they were not entitled to credit; many. of them bad been flatly con tradicted, and several of them came strongly Interested in giving evidence against the Queen. Evidence had been admitted against the Queen which would have been refused in Scotland in any cause. Whatever the House of Conunons might think of this case, they could not pass this Bill ; they were the Representa tives of the People, and to represent the opinions of the People they must reject it. This House ought not to pass a Bill against the universal opinions of the people. Was the object to benefit the King? No, be was declared to be no party to it, and there was no avowed prosecutor. He would next notice the evidence re specting the polacca, which was improbable in the extreme, and by no means conclusive as to O.; guilt of the Queen. — The whole of the evidence could, at most, only induce sus picion, and afforded no proof of adultery—(Hear, hear). — Gargiulo bad been brought over neck and heels, though very liberally paid for it, to give evidence against the Queen. Whe ther kis not getting the six thousand dollars be expected had made his evidence less strong than was anticipated, he did not exactly know, but neither he, nor the Mate, Paturso had in any way proved the adultery. He (Lord Erskine) could not believe that any adulterous intercourse took place on board the polacca; it was too absurd and monstrous to be cre dited for a single moment. The Bill of Pains and Penalties bad been said to be more favourable to the accused than a Trial by Impeachment; but he denied it. Were be upon a Jury, he would not, upon his honour, find the act of adultery proved. Of the sixteen overt acts which bad been charged against the Queen, every one had been abandoned except the Polices charge. Every part of Europe had been ransacked for witneee sea, and now the evidence of the whole was abandoned, except that of Garguilu and l'aturzo, who for anything he knew might belong to the same gang. Not a single witness of respectability had deposed to a single fact against the Queen ; and within the last three years the e was not a single witness to depose against her, although she had been received at all the Courts of Eu r?pe where she visited except Vienna. His Lordship, apparently in a state of great exhaustion, concluded by declaring that he should not have been happy if he had given a silent vote on this momentous occasion. Had he even been assured that the pre sent was the last time he should ever address their Lordships, and he certainly was not in good health, he should still have felt himself impelled by an imperious sense of duty to come down to the House to express the opinion he entertained—(Lead cheers). Lord DE DU NST A N VILLE complained that the public Newspapers, some of them factious, bad given garbled accounts of the evidence, and yet their Lordships, who had heard the whole, were called on to defer to the public opinion, which bad been formed on the reports in the Newspapers. He thought the Public incapable of judging on this important case. He then noticed the sudden elevation of Bergami, and the patron age extended to ee_ whole of his family, except his wife, as a very suspicious circumstance. The Noble Lord then prise seeded to read the evidence from the Minutes at great length. 1 His Lordship concluded, by caning upon the House to maim., tarn their own dignity, by reading the Bill a second time. Lord Al AN NE RS spoke strenuously in favour of the Bill. He at the same time put out of his view of the question the evidence of the servants, not because they were foreigners, but because they had spoken with some degree of asrerity. He thought one circumstance was of great weight—Mr. Craven had cautioned her Majesty, and expressed his fears that there were spies upon her conduct. Her Majesty felt there was no foundation for that suspicion, and acted accordingly. The Noble Lord then ad verted to the polacca scene and the advancement of 13ergami, and declared that the Queen . * conduct, all through, was a vio lation of all decency. The Duke of NEWCASTLE said, that, from family cir cumstances, he had not been able to attend to hear the examina tion of witnesses, or the speeches of Counsel, for the Defence ; he had, however, heard the Case in support of the Bill, and read over the rest of the testimony with attention, and thought himself competent to give an opinion upon the present question. _(No, No.) —Ile thought the Queen not only guilty, but guilty in the most disgraceful and disgusting manner; and he was pre pared to vote for the Bill, and hoped that the full penalties would be inflicted. The Marquis of LANSDOWN, who had risen at the same' time with the Duke of Newcastle, was glad that he had given the Noble Duke an opportunity of making that explanation which he thought necessary, but which the House and the country would dunk very far indeed from satisfactory !—(Hear, keer).—lt appeared that the Noble Duke had been present during the whole of the prosecution, but that he was prevented by con siderations of his own private convenience from attending during the progress of the defence : it was admitted that he had neither head the evidence of witnesses, nor the speeches of Counsel for the Queen ; yet, thus uninformed, (thus misinformed might be almost said, as he had listened only to one side), the Noble Duke had asserted that he was prepared to vote, not only * the second reading of the Bill, but for the infliction of the se verest penalties it contained—(Loud and continued cheers).—The', Noble Duke, like other Members, must of course decide for himself ; it was not for him (the Marquis of Lansdown) to say that his conviction would not be conscientious; but bow the Noble Duke had arrived at that conviction was a mystery nut yet solved, and to the solution of which the Noble Duke had in no way contributed—(Hear, hear). --Was the course the Noble Duke had pursued anything like even-handed justice ? Was the intelligence he had obtained anything like sufficient to enable a juror, a fair and impartial juror, to arrive at a fair and impartial verdict ?—(.Hear, henr).—lf it were, the great safeguard of our Constitution and liberties was worth nothing: the Trial by Jury, fur which our holy sanctuaries of public justice were admired and reverenced, was a mockery, because its chief, if not iu only good, was, that it compelled those who were to de cide upon life, character, or property, to hear both sides— (Cneers).—Only a few minutes had elapsed since a Noble Lord op the cross-bench (De Dunstanville) had stated that the Public was incapable of judging on this important case. Why did be say so, bat because the 'Public could not have bad the oppor tunity of bearing the witnesses examined, and watching duds demeanour. What, then, would the Noble Lord think of we of kis fellow j u rors who affected to form an opinion, and to de cide fur the utmost extreme of punishment, when he bad only beard what was advanced in accusation, and had not listened to a single syllable of the defence, whether proceeding from the Advocates or the witnesses--(Hear, hear).—lf the Public was disqualified because both sides reached it under equal disad vantages, was not the Noble Duke still more disqualified, who had been so attentive to the proof of the charges, and had with drawn himself from the House at the very moment when those c h ar ges were to be disproved ?—((rreat cheering).—Did such ',Deduct become one of ;ha Judges en this great and solemn trial? or, if it did, did it become tip; judge to declare that he was not poly ready to yo.e for the Bill, but for its heaviest inflictions? le e (Lord Lansdown) spoke warmly, because It was impossible go ontt not to feel wannly when he beartielgh irehtiPlaWh; and, as a fallow jars', be should hart reeked unhappy :frisk ta.. Moose if he had not eadeavoured to sheer to what extremes the supporters of this Measure were lag to hear). — The Net& Marquis then pled -W to menment on the course of proceedings which bed bet# ad o Et ti miner her Majesty, as one art rabid with considerable ha s "Wards her. A Noble. Lord add yesterday, that public never acted so power fully as when it.was not attended to by the Legislature, and that if their Lordships desired to have their deadato respected, they must pay some attention to the opinion so expressed, and pee the Public a satisfactory reason for .their decisions. He fail agreed in the oPiniod so 'delivered by the *Noble Lord ; and with thatimpression on his mind, he now looked for a reason for passing this Bill which should prove satisfactory to the, Pub lic. The Noble Lord then conk a review of the evidence both for and against the BBL He particularly alluded to the transatahlff; sworn to by De Mont, as taking place at Catania;viz. of seeing the Princess come from Berganti's room with a pillow under her arm. He *odd certainly have been better vilified if the Countess of MI and Brun had been called to contradict this evidence; bat at the same time, it should bo recollected that no date was Affixed to the transaction, and that it Wm supported only by De Mont's testimony, who contradicted herself as to the dress of the Prin cess. The ease at Charnita he . considered as fully refuted by abs evidence of Vaasa and others, as to she dress of the Princeis, and the continual passing and reputing of persons to and from, her room. 'Next, as to the sfelles on board the polacea and at Awn, be must say, that to his mind lieutenant Remnant was the ready witness of truth; • and their Leedships would recollect that in his examination in chief by Mr. Tyndall, be was asked, " If you do net know, who do you believe slept under the tent?" He was about to }tower, when be was stopped on the ground of the irregularity of questioning a witness in Ms exami nation in chief as to bit belief. To him it certainly appeared that Lieutenant Hownaan was anxious to answer every ques tion and te distinguish between actual knowledge and belief.. Whilst he.said this, however, and declared he did not think a proof of guilt was made out, be wished clearly to be understood as not meaning to say no blame attached to her Royal Highness for placing herself in such a situation of doubt and suspicion as oho had done, a situation unbecoming her rank and station. But though she b ad by her conduct afforded room for inspleion and doubt, there was no actual proof of guilt : the witnesses against her were all persons taken from amongst her enemies, and their testimony ought to be looked at with the greatest caution. The only witnesses who really proved anything of a ahninal nature against her Royal Highness, in her connection with Bergami, were De Mont and Ma jo cchi. Ail that they proved only amounted to suspicion. De Mont had the care of her Royal Highness's linen • why had she not been examined as to the state of her body linen , and any such marks or appearances upon it as would have left no room for doubt or uncertainty ? Half-past four o'clock having now arrived, the Loan Quo cswin said, that he was sorry . to interrupt the Noble Marquis, whom the House always heard with so much satisfaction ; but as it had been intimated to him by several of the Noble Peers, that if a vote was Bonn to this night, they would be pre cluded from delivering t h eir sentiments as they wished; he would therefore move, that the House adjourn till Monday. The House adjourned accordingly. THE EVENING STAR. LONDON. MONDAY, NOVEMBER 6, 1820. Giairowtma PLOT (Kept).—Holiday at the Bank. THE QUEEN. It is generally expected that the question of the Second Reading of the Bill of Pains and Penalties will be settled this day—the day of the Anniversary of the Death of our beloved Princess CHARLOTTE. What a distressing day to England ! But let us not harrow up unavailing recollections of blighted hopes, when we have other and important duties to perform to the Public; and when the same Public is called upon by every consideration to discharge important duties to unborn generations. It is useless to notice any farther the proceedings in the House of Lords on the Bill of Pains and Pe nalties. Every reasonable and plain man" will make a more effectual comment on what has passed there thats we can do for him, for he must be sensible that, for our own sakes, it is necessary that we should avoid everything that can be construed into a breach of privilege—especially at a period when constredive imputations are considered as legal evidence, and, in contempt of the plain common sense of the country, reasoned upon as such, with an effrontery that leaves us at a loss whether to ascribe the conduct of the reasoners to some visitation of distraction from on high, or of malignity from below. There are but few men out of the House of Peers, and none under the rank of a Privy Councillor, who do ,not believe but that there has been a most wicked conspiracy against the Queen ; and_ yet this conspi racy is not permitted to be shewn, but all the results of its machinations are to be visited on the victim. However, as we have just said, it is useless to offer comments on the QUEEN'S case. We beg to address the Public as if her doom was settled, and we en treat them to look to their own situation. Compas sion may be extended to a deserted woman, whom her enemies doom to be an outcast, and to derive the alms for her future subsistenee from the tempo. rary generosity of her persecutors in the moment of triumph at having achieved their conquest ! But a far other feeling must be excited towards those who have btought the jurisprudence of the country into the incalculable danger of being no longer, even in the highest Tribunal, respected by the People. In the change of circumstances, the effect of time, and the progress of opinion, the Public are apt to lose sight of those great land-marks of history which can never be too often referred to—and in the alter cation regarding Radicals and the other modifica tions, in which a just discontent has been manifested against existing abuses, the nation has forgot what was the state of things which forced on the Revolu tion of 1688—an event of which the prelusive indica tions bore a strong resemblance to the incidents of our own ill-starred time. For what offences was JAMES the SECOND driven from his Throne? We request our Readers ask themselves the question, and, if they cannot answer it at once, we entreat them to look at the history of that event, and then to determine whether the signs of the times in 1687, were at all so alarming as those of this present 1820. In a word, the offences ofJarass IL were simply the: he continued, on his accession tC , the Throne, to levy a small subsidy, which had been granted to.his brother ; and he attemptod to re- 4 ' 'move the legal disabilities nnder . vrbich a portion of Ibis subjects laboured, oe account of their,teligio". Pre first s in itself, was vernal, bpt iriprincifile it was objectionable. The Pita had 'Marto have waited till the Parliament met to have got the grant - rt . vived. In our own times, the necessity - cif this dependence on Parliament is, however,_ obviated by what is called a vote of credit, and vie - taxes, by be ing perpetual from their enactment, are not liable to fall in, at the demise of the Monarch. : One, there fore, of the greatest offences with .wiiiCk.lisflis was charged, cannot now be commitied,—new forms in the administration of Government, have obviated the necessity of having recourse to any such measkires as that to which he resorted : but votes of credit are as contrary to the Constitution as that which he tried, and on some other occasion - we may enter into this at length. As for the attempt of King JAMES VII remove the disabilities of the Catholics, it was noe l in the principle of the thing so much as in the means to which he had recourse, that his offence consisted ; and these means were—the abominable attempts tb render the administration of justice subservient to that political object. It is this point, therefore, which .chiefly calls for attention at the present time ; for it was his evil influence on the administration of justice which justified the imputation alleged against him, that he was desirous of ruling with absolute power. Our present limits do not now allow us to enlarge on this topic; nor is it necessary, as every reasonaik and plain man must, from the cogitations of his own mind s , come at a just conclusion respecting the crisis in which. we are placed. It is, forsooth, assumed by some of tie talkers against the QUEEN, thaithe.coun try will, ere long, acquiesce in their judgment, and give to iniquity the name of justice. They most be undeceived in this particular ; nor is there a moment to be lost, if we would wish the old maxim of law to remain unabolished, that every person must be held innocent, till prOwd guilty. . Mighty and important as is the case of the QUEEN, it sinks into nothing when compared with what it involves as respecting the Nation, and therefore the People, from one end of the Kingdom to the other, should, by every constitutional means, express their loud detestation of the deadly taint that has been given to the judicature, as between the Crown and the sub ject, by the anomalous proceedings against the QUEEN; otherwise the glory of the British. COnstitution will henceforth be only an epitaph. The first step is suf ficiently obvious :—Addresses to the Quar: are now of no importance—Let the People meet, in a legal manner, throughout the whole country, to express their detestation of the present Bill. The City of London, it is expected, will set an example to the country, of freedom; firmness, and promptitude, in addressing the Crown and the House of Commons on the alarming degradation with which the juris prudencnof the country is now threatened ; and every corporate Body and also every Parish within the City, will probably (agreeably to the Lite Acts which were intended to abridge the petitionary power of the people), exercise the right which the law still spares them, to second the efforts of the Corporation in this struggle between the rulers and the ruled, for the preservation of the purity of justice. The speculations at the Mouse this morning re specting the state of the looked-for ditision are, that there will For the second reading Against it Majority - 110 88 • ---211 Lords POMFRET, BRADFORD, and GIIINVILLILi it is said, not vote. HOUSE OF LORDS, NOVEMBER 6. PROCEEDINGS OF THIS DAY. TRIAL OF HER MAJESTY. The House met at the usual hour this morning. After Prayers had been read, the list was called over as usual ; the number of Peers present was nearly 200. The Marquis of LANSDOWN rose, and said—" My Lords. I assure your Lordships that I am not at all disposed to go at great length into the examination of this question ; but I feel it necessary to add a few observations to those I have already Made before. I come to that more important feature of the case, the character of this measure. 1 am anxious to make some observations on the evidence—not to go through the whole of it, but to advert to those particular points to which some Noble Lords opposite have more immediately referred. When your Lordships decided on adjournment on Saturday, I was going to call the attention of your Lordships to the case of Awn, which rests alone on the evidence of De Mont and Majocchi.— The fist observation that occurs is that the whole case of the charge at Awn, is proved by De Mont and Majoccbi exclu sively—there is no other evidence to the fact. Lieutenant Hownam says, he knows nothing of the sleeping under the tent, and one of the principal. witnesses for the prosecution, Paturao, is equally ignorant of it. A Noble Lord has dwelt much on it being a double tent under which the Princess and Bergami slept ; but there was nothing in else fact of its being a double tent, which Made the suspicion stronger than if it had been a single one, since it was double only on account of the het weather. If any of your Lordships look at De Mont's evidence, you will see the colouring she wishes to give to the transaction. In her examination in chief, she said that her Royal Highness was undressed when she reposed under the tent in the day time. The inference was plain, and it made a momentary bnpression on your Lordships; but in cross.examination, she was reluctantly compelled to do away her former testimony, and to admit that there was no undressing at all; but that,the Princess, when she Irested, put off nothing but an outer robe or garment. I think it qf right to call the attention your Lordships to this fact, not that I say there was no impropriety in a Princess of Wales sleeping with a male attendant near her, but neither at Awn, nor ' on board the polacca, is there the slightest proof of that criminal intercourse with which the Princess has been charged. What was so improbable, in so hot a climate, in the day time, when repose could be the only desirable object, that her Royal WOW! *PH select that time for be gratification of ii! adulterous passion. I now come to a subject on which the Noble Earl opposite (Liverpool), and the Noble and Learned Lord .on the cross beach (Redesdale), have dwelt mach—l gates her Royal Highness's suite leaving her at Naples.— The Noble Earl bad admitted that Slcard's evidence, though strongly in favour of his mistress, was unimpeachable. The Noble Earl, alluding to . Seard's being asked, how came ye ti to leave, her Ibiyal Ifighnem at Naples 1 says--now mark his answer, which was, " She left me." The inference Which the NdSIFSMI- sashed ItiEraW. In= Ilds:intswer is - obvious. •IL f in the answer, which almost immediately follows, Sicard does away that inference. When. be was asked, " Where dm you go from Nhples ?" be says, ".I went to Genoa." And when farther asked " whether war it bee Royal Highness that proposed your going to iingiand, .or your. own wish 1" be immediately answered, ." I pointed oat to bee Royal High. new several things relative to her stairs, which it was. de. skak# should be nettled in. Railand, such as the sale of some goods, the payment of some Mai that were due, &c." It there. fore, said the Noble Marquis, was not true, that Sicard sent pray withput a wish on his part; on the .contrary, he sq. gested it to her Royal Highness, and pointed out suficient reap sons why he should go to England. So muck for Scard t s - leay. log the Princess at Naples. A Noble and Learned Lord (Man ners) had, in reterence to other pans of her Royal liiihness's suite leafing her at Naples, said that Mr. Craven had left her Royal Highness in conseqpenee of his having cautioned the Princess against walking with Bergatni ; but, from the • evi dence of Mr. Craten this was not the case. He acknow- ledged giving the Princess such a caution; and said, that if he had seen her Royal Highness walking with any other person instead of Bergami, he would have stated to her that he thought she was exposing herself ; and that an improper inference would be drawn from it by the spies which he believed to be watching the conduct of her Royal Highness. It was true that the greatest part of the Princess's suite did leave her at Naples; but their Lordships had no right to draw an unfavourable in. ference from the circumstance. It was not unnatural that her &shah attendants should not wish to remain in foreign countries. absent from their friends and connexions, for more than a limited time. The Noble Marquis said he would notice that part of the I case which hadheen much adverted to, the charge at Carhrebe—a case in which a party had been brought to this country to give evidence against the-Queen, and where the same power failed of getting a witness for her. He would confess, that his impres. don was rather favourable to Barbara Kress; but,,in the presets unsifted state of the ease, their Lordships did not know but that Barbara Kress might herself have beep deceived, and `made to believe that she saw her Royal Highness in company with Berson', when, in fact, it was his sister, the Cottntess of OWL 'A Noble Lord had said, Kress came voluntarily forward whit her testimony; but if their Lordships looted at the evidence, they would find, that Von Grimm, who had given up his apart.. ments to the Princess, for what purpose he knew not, and who, the moment her Royal Highness quitted them, ran from room to room, immediately called up Kress, and asked her if she had seen nothing improper in the Princess of Wales's conduct? The fact was, that Barbara Kress was brought to this country by power, and by power only, and the same power failed in behiging over a witness for the Queen. This being the case, was it posdble that the testimony of Kress could be admitted? He had heard many Noble Lords declare, with great appear, pee of candour, that they would dismiss from their mind* different parts of the evidence, in consideration of the doubtful ness of the veracity of those who gave It ; but be would tell these Noble Lords that they were bound not to dismiss from their coasi. deration one tittle of the evidence, injustice to the Queen.-(Hear). The ease of Senegaglia, and other cases exhibiting the same character of falsehood should be kept in the closest rentent. brume. It should also be remelt:lured that the Cdunsel for the defence were prohibited from going into peen) proofs of the existence of a conspiracy, and if in keeping within the :roles prescribed to them, they hatielicited the Let, that somehow o; ether, through all the parts in which her - Majesty resided, there existed a conviction that those who were ready to give evidence against her, would get into the most sure road to fortune— if their Lordships should presume from what bad come before them that this was the case, and that a machinery aad agency existed from the German Minister down to the German waking maid, (a character as respectable as a German Minister engaged, in such a cause)—if they were convinced that such an opinion was created by the examination of the testimony of Such* and Cuchi, who seemed to 'Peal so purely from the lave of truth ; were they not bound to look upon that of Paturzo and Garguilo, whichAtail been subject to such doubt, as likely to be influenced by similar views, and to infer the general probability ? (Hear.) There was another circumstance well worthy of cot deration; their Lordships were desired to compare the evideuce Rf Ma-, jacchi and De Mont with that of Flynn and How ; an 4 they were told that there were duracters in the evidence of alb of them, which placed them on the same footing as to credi bility. He begged their Lordships pot to confound the evi dence of persons who forgot what had existed, with the evidence of those who remembered what had not existed at all--(Henn/- Such a comparison struck him as most ;hoard, particularly when be looked to the memory of Majocchi, who recollected having seen Doctor Holland attending upon Bergami in her Royal Highness's presence, and to that of Doctor Holland, who had not and could not have recollected anything of the kind. Distinctions of this kind were to souk from the natural print: ciples of evidence. The Noble Lord then spoke with reference to the absence of the Countess of Oldi and 31a.: riette upon the part of the defence, witnesses whom It would have been inexpedient to call, as the time and place which their testimony could have embraced, had nett been . PS: clently specified, and, of course, their depositions could not lead to a distinct conclusion. He was surprised at a wish expressed by some Noble Lords, that Bergami himself should be called to the Bar—(Lead cries (f Hear, hear I).—He felt no baits.: don whatever in declaring, that whether Bergami admitted or denied all the facts charged in the preamble, it would not weigh a feather in his mind, or in the mind of any other honowzble man—( Hear, hear, he:lsl.—Not many years had elapsed since' in a cue of divorce, it was proposed to call one of the parties to prove his connexion with the woman who lay under the imputation. Upon that occasion, a Learned and able Judge declared, that if he were himself called to give evidence wits( respect to a female, to whom he was under such dram! stances, he would consider himself absolved from the obli: 'laden to state the fact against her (Hew, hear, isear).—. Captain I,ipok, it was said, had been called upon a speculatioq of this nature. He was sworn, but he was not believed--: (Hear, hear).—The Noble Lord then proceeded to make soma observations'upon the non-production of efficient witnesses by the Crown. He had conceived that, at the commencement of this inquiry, the cause would have been conducted as the cause of Truth versus the Princess of Wales, and he imagined that there would have been no party, except merely the defendant. To this supposition be had been led by the Noble Lords oppo site, who had said, that though, for the sake of form, they had taken the character of prosecutors, not a tittle of evidence which, in the course of the irradiation, should appear .favourable to her Royal Highness-should be suppressed. He (the Arc& of . 4,oglows) called ors their Lattolgps to look at die mod 011 Tll of P 1 re w 111 se 8!