Star. — London, England, 1812-09-14 00:00:00

pacity and main tents.— zo the Every repre liberty of of their 'runny.— . ;twit denying and in 'he sw- iy assu. freedom is upon of the Ltes, by They of that of the makes ige, and recently, by -Pive rea depend stence :onceived. as they this ad. imediata im- Great your in. of the been been call of all ices of ison for of the of pub- ;United ling con. tontain. rtason for public and in wed.— Aiously army and _...tiency of board were I :is were carefully ieasures, until ,imated, ;Elation so their so no made ity for 'ain...— for de 'opened. n ; be- 1 Main to, Aurnent, any act • P 4 MIX iektrY Ore essential ;hts or a free people. In ihe situation - to which undersigned have thus been reduced, they are compelled, 'reluctantly, to resort im 'hit public de claration of such views of the state and relations of l the country, as determined their judgment and vote upon the question of war. A, measure of this hind IIPP appeared to the undersigned to lie more imperi tinily demanded by the circumstance of a message stad manifesto being prepared and circulated at pub. lie espence, in which the causes for wir were enume. sated . nd the motives for it concentrated, in a manner Suited to agitate arid influence the public mind. in triecuting this task, it will be the study of the under gned to reconcile the great duty they owe to the , ople, with that constitutional respect which is due to the administrators of public coffcet ns. " In commencing this view of our affairs the un .i 'would fail in duty to themselves did they . from recurring to the course in relation to pub. measures which they adopted and have undevia. pursued fl om the commencement of this h ng eventful session j in which they deliberately sa. ' every minor consideration to what they deem the best interests of the country. " For a succession of years the undersigned have principle dtsappreved, a series of restrictions Comnterce i according to their estimation, inef. - respected foreign nations, and injurious, --.lves. Success, in the system, had be with the pride, the character, and Cabinet. As is natural with men, it stake depending on the success of a , pertinacity seemed to increase, as became apparent. As the inefficiency could nut be admitted, by its advo- listiting its abandonment, ill success II iblited to the influence of opposition. I use the people were taught to charge lui es avid not to its intrinsic imbecility. things :he nndersigred deemed, it po ly all :tinkly for adherence to this. :m. Tlik y were desirous, at a period , iblic affairs, as far as was consistent Tendence of opinion, to co ntlibute t• i of harmony in the public councils ) long the people. A4lll if any setae.. sus obtaisied in our foreign relations ) , being engaged in no purpose (SOT. advancement, would rejoice in such . Of public mama also, at she opus- • r. IMlRlllMMNlMMlllitaimintommoss " AMERICA. • 4s ADMEN OF UMBERS OF THE HMI OP REPRZSZN• SENTATIYES Or THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES, i to THEIR CONSTITUENTS, OH THE SUIJZCT 01 THL WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN. l e Tie- isidereigmed Maniere of Aglaia:twig% to their • ikrersts : tic has for its themselves. basis thecapa k ity m an main pieAt if to govern • - • • mauve republic is the responsi- • by of the fepiesentatives to their constituents.-- - Freedom and publicity of debate are essential to the ~rvation of such form s of government. Every yiebetrary abridgment of the right of speech in repre- :lllentatives, is a direct infringement of the liberty of Qie people. Every unnecessary concealment of their peoceedings an approximation towards tyranny.— "When, by systematic rules, a majority takes to itself the sight, at its pleasure, of limiting speech, or denying it, altogether; when secret sessions multiply ; and in proportion to the importance of questions, is the stu• dious concealment of debate, a people may be assu. red, that, such practices continuing, their freedom is but short-lived. 4 4 Reflections, such as these, have been forced upon the attention of the undersigned, Members of the liouse of Representatives, a the ,United States, by She events of the present session of Congress. They save witnessed a principle, adopted as the law of that • - Mow, by which, under the novel application of the jeevsoul questiou, a power is assumed by the major lily to deny the privilege of speech, at any stage, and ender any circumstances of debate. And recently, by an unprecedented assumption, the right to give rea. eons for an original motion, has been made to depend upon the will of the majority. a Principles more hostile than these to the existence of representative liberty, cannot easily be conceived. It is not, however, on these accounts, weighty as they • are, that the undersigned have undertaken this ad. dress. A subject ofliigher and more immediate im. portance impels them to the present duty. a The momentous question of war with Great Britain is decided. On this topic, so vital to your in. Wrests, the right of public debate, in the face of the world and especially of their constituents, has been denied to.your representatives. They have been call. ed into secret session on this most interesting of all your public relations, although the circumstances of fhe tome and of the nation afforded no one reason for secrecy, unless it be found in the apprehension of the 4ffect of public debate on public opinion ; or of pub. bpin;on 9n the result of the vote. 4 4 Except the message of the President of the United Pates, which is now before the public, nothing con. lid,ential was communicated. That message contain. - 01 no fact not previously known. No one reason for . war was intimated, but such as was of a nature public and notorious. The intention to wage war and in. wade Canada had been long since openly avowed.— ) The object of hostile menace had been ostentatiously announced. The inadequacy of both our army and ' :levy, for successful invasion, and the insufficiency of the fortifications for the security of our seaboard were every where known. Yet the doors of Congress were shut upon the people. They have beets carefully kept in ignorance of the progress of measures, until the purposes of administration were consummated, and the fate of the country sealed. In a situation sc extraordinary, the -undersigned have deemed it their duty byno act of theirs to sanction a proceeding so no. 'eel and arbitrary. On the contrary, they have made every attempt in their power, to attain publicity for titeir proceedings. All such attempts were vain.— When this momentous subject was stated as for de. 4 bate they demanded that the doors should be opened. a This being refused they declined discussion ; be. ing perfectly convinced, from indications too plain to be misunderstood, that in the House, all argument with closed doors was hopeless; and that any act giving implied validity to so flagranefin abuse of power would' be little less than treachery to the essential sights of a free people. In the" situation to which , the undersigned have thus been reduced, they are I compelled, 'reluctantly, to resort ict this public de. claraison of such views of the state and relations of the country, as determined their judgment and vote rople, will that c 'SD the administrato ad In commencin &ni g h etl'would f artfrain from resurri lic measures which tingly pursued fl or and eventful sessic . terifised every rninc td the best interest: " For a success' from principle dts poi Comp:terce l a *dent as respecte Ishiefly to ourselves eorre identified Iv Vie hope 'of our C Who hiive,a great 1 favourite theory, I its hi pelcs , ness bec of this system col catcs, without ell3tl ‘ ,was carefully awil 0 To this cause • „ talcussivefailuti In this state of this per to take away A I opresiive system. ) ao ethical in publi ! with the indepetu tthe restoration 'of anckconcoid 4asonj Lie cgtira be thus thert•adepipried, b 4 sons' ".toty atil auceorrence. , - • "i'l"ae course Of . , Ijig of the Session, gate hope that an maimed out enlightened system of defence, with prileiskin for le curity of our maritime rights, was aholtst en be com menced. A purpose, which wherever/40nd' they: deemed it their duty to fo s t er , by g i v i ng le any tern of measures, thus comprehensive, as unob ted a course as was consistent with their general sense of public duty. After a course of policy, thus liberal and conciliatory, it was cause of regret that a communication should have been purchased by an unprecedented expenditure of secret service money ; and used, by the Chief Magistrate, to dissentinate . suspicion and jealousy ; and to excite resentment. among the citizens, by suggesting imputations against a portion of them, as unmerited by their patriotism, as unwarranted by evidence. 66 It has always been the opinion of the undersign- • ed, that a system of peace was the policy, which most comported with the character, condition, and interest of the United States. That their remoteness front , the theatre of contest, in Europe, was their peculiar felicity, and nothing but a necessity, absolutely ins. perious, should induce them to enter as parties into wars, in which every consideration of virtue and pe. licy seems to be forgotten, under the overbearing sway of rapacity and ambition. There is a nee! era in human affairs. The European world iscouvulsed. The advantages of our own situation are peculiar.— , g Why* quit our own to stand upon foreign ground! . Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humour, dr caprice ?" 44 'ln addition to the many moral aid prudential' considerations which should der the tojiwin that, before the ealatoias ormoi4 in windl caootripf such a principle, be incurred,, all the tneans 4 of `tegnciation shofild be exhausted, „and that also eviey practicable attempt -should be made to.regu• lite the exercise of the right ; so that, the • acknow i,ledged injury, resuking to It tttg nations," should W. r checked, if not prevented. They are clr.arly of opi ion that the peace of this 2.aed rising -c ornrow- .. eity should net be abandon ed, li for the sae of airor leliag facilities to cover Frearaproperty; or so cm- . play British seamen. 44 The claim of Grilak ,DelikitityWlho, l lslAet ,tif her seamen is neither novel AbipecOrrei t t I Thy act trine of allegianceileo.l iihtch'she 0004 . is tone.' mon to all the Governinents Of Europe.. Trance MO well as England, has maintained it for centuries.—., Both nations claim, in time of War, the terTices or their subjects. Both, by decreei; forbid diem enter'- , ing into foreign employ. Boat ;wall them by pro. clamatien. . . I ,- " 149 man can doubt that; in'ilse resent state 4 ow French marine, if Aixsericaq.merchaat vessel* were met at sea, having French seamen on board, - that France would take them. Will any man believe that the United States would go to war against France, Ott this - account r " For very obvious reasons, this principle occa sions collision with France, or with any other flatten, except England. With tl!e English naiion the people of the United States are closely assimila.ii ted in wood, language, intercourse, habiti, dressol manners, and character. Whets Britain is at war and the United States neutral, the merchant service • of the United. States, holds out to British seamen, .•.. - almost irresistible ; high • and ter toug mat temptations wages from hastening into the perils of such a war, there peaceful employ, instead of low wages and war see- were some peculiar to the United States, resulting - vice ; safety, in lieu of hazard ; entire independence, from the texture of the Government and the political in the place of qualified servitude. relations of the people. A form of Government, in ' 64 That England, whine situation is insular, who no small degree experimental, composed of powerful is engaged in a war, apparently for existence, whose and independent Sovereignties associated in relations, seamen are her bulwark, should look upon the effect some of which are critical, as well as novel, should of our principle upon her safety, with jealousy, is use not be hastily precipitated into situations, calculated vitable ; and that she will not hazard the practical to put to trial the strength of the moral bond, by consequences of its unregulated exercise, is certain. which they are united. Of all states, that of war is The question, therefore, presented directly, for the most likely to call into activity the passions which decision of the thoughtful and virtuous mind, in this are hostile and dangerous to such a form of Govern- country, is—whether war, for such an abstract right ment. Time is yet important to our country to be justifiable, before attempting to guard against its settle and mature its recent institutions. Above all, injurious tendency by legislative regulation, in failure it appeared to the undersigned, from signs'not to be of treaty, mistaken, chat if we entered upon this war, we did " A dubious right should be advanced • with liesi it as a divided people; not only from a sense of the tation. An extreme right should be asserted with inadequacy of our means to success, but from moral discretion. Moral duty requires that a nation before and political objections of great weight and very ge- it appeals to arms, should have been not only true to neral influence. itself, but that it should have failed in no duty to " It appears to the undersigned, that the wrongs, others. If the exercise of a right in an unregulated of which the United States have to complain, al- manner be in effect a standing invitation to the sub though in some aspects very grievous to our ince- jects of a foreign power to become deserters and trai rests, and, in many, humiliating to our pride, were tors, is it no injury to that power? yet of a nature, 'which, in the present state of the " Certainly moral- obligation demands that the world, either would not justify war, or which war right of flag, like all otherhuman rights, should be so would not remedy. Thus, for instance, the hovering used, as that, while it protects what is our own, it of British vessels upon our coasts, and the occasional should not injure what is another's. -- In a practical insults to our ports, imperiously demanded such a view, and so long as the right of flag is restrained, systematic application of harbour and seacoast de- by no regard to the undeniable interests of others, a fence, as would repeal such aggressions, but, in no we; on account of inspressrnentsis only a war for the light, can they be considered as making a resort to right of employing British seamen oa board Ameri war, at the present time, on the part of the United can merchant vesssls. . 1 States, either necessary or expedient. So also, with a The claim of Great Britain pretends to no fur respect to the Indian war, of the origin of which, but ther extent than to take British seamen from private very imperfect information has as yet been given to merchant vessels % In the exercise of this claim her the public. Without any express Act of Congress, officers take American seamen, and foreign seamen ,an expedition was, last year, set on foot and prosecu- in the American service; and although she disclaims ted into Indian territory, which had been relinquished such abuses and proffers redress, when known, yet un by treaty, on the part of the United States. And now doubtedly grievous injuries have resulted to the sea, we are told about the agency of British traders, as men of the United States. But the questioreis, can I to Indian hostilities. it deserves consideration, whe- war be proper for such cause, before all hope of yeas- Cher there has been such provident attention as onable accommodation has failed? Even after the ex would have been proper to remove any cause of com- tinguishment of such hope can it be proper, until our plaint, either real or imaginary, which the Indians own practice be so regulated as to remove in such fo. might alledge, and to secure their friendship, With reign nation any reasonable apprehension of injury ? all the sympathy and anxiety excited by the state of i "1 he undersigned are clearly of opinion that the that frontier : important as it may be, to apply ade- i employment of British seamen in the merchant set.- quate means of protection ) against the Indi a ns, h ow 1 vice dthe United States is as little reconcilable with the is its safety ensured by a declaration of war, which permanent, as the present interest of the United States, adds the British to the number of enemies 1 The encouragement of foreign seamen is the discou, 66 AS 6 decent respect to the opinions of manki n d' rigement of the wtive seaman. has not induced the two Houses of Congress to con, 44 The duty of Government towards this valnable cur in declaring the reasons or motives, for their class of men is not only to protect, but to patronize enacting a declaration of war, the undersigned and , t h em , And this cannot be done more effectually . the public are left to search elsewhere, for causes than by securing . to American citizens the privilege; either real or ostensible. If are to consider the • I of American navigation. President of the United States, and the Committee 44 Th e question of impressment like every other of the House. of Representatives, on foreign relations, , question relative to commerce, has been treated in ,as speaking on this solemn occasion, for Congress, I such a manner that what was possessed is lost with, 'the United States have three principal topics of com. out obtaining what was sought. Pretensions, right • plaint against Great Britain—lmpressments—bloc- in theoiy, and important in interest, urged without I kades—and Orders in Council. due consideration of our relative power, have eventu ' 66 Concerning the subject of impressments, the un- ated in a practical abandonment both of what we , dersigned sympathize with our unfortunate seamen, I hoped and what We enjoyed. In attempting to spread the victims of this abuse of power, and participate our flag over foreigners its distinctive character has in the national sensibility, on their account. They been lost to our own citizens. do not conceal from themselves, both its importance 1 " The American seaman, whose interest it is to and its difficulty ; and they are well aware how stub-' have no competitors in his employment, is sacrificed born is the will, and how blind the vision of power. that British seamen may have equal privileges with fill nations, whengteat interestsgrow into controversy. hi mse lf. ~ But, before a resort to war for such interests, a I " Ever since the United States have been a nation moral nation will consider what is just, and a wise this subject has been a matter of complaint and new. - nation what is expedient. If the exercise of any right ciation ; and every former administration have treat to the full extent of its abstract nature, be inconsis. ed it according to its obvious nature, as a subject re sent with the safety of another nationmorality seems ther for arrangement than for . war. It existed in she to require that, in practice, its exercise should, in time of Washington, yet this father of his country re- , this respect., be modified. If it be proposed to vindi. commended no :etch resort. It existed in the time of 'f tate any right by war, wisdom demands that it Adams, yet, notwithstanding the zeal in support of should be of a nature, by wa r to b e o b ta i ne d. The our maritime rights which distinguished his admini interests conuected with the s u bje cts 9f immuments stratiop, war was never suggested by him as the re tare unquestionably great to both nations. And in Im o. During the eight years Mr. Jefferson stood at the helm of affairs it still conti nue d sa subject• of the full extent of abstract right as asserted by each ! perhaps irreconcilable. • 1 : controversy and negotiation: - but 4 ~w,ts never made 44 The Government of the United States asserts a cause for war : It was reserved,for the present ad. ministration to press (h the to the extreme a n d the broad principle that the flag 4 f their merchant most dreadful resort of nations • al bough England vessels shall protect the mariners. This privilege is claimed, although every person onboard , except the artai may be an alien. " The British Government asserts that the elk. giance of their subjects is tenable, find that their seamen, has 015ciajly disavoiest the, rigli . t..otimpressment as . it respects native citizens, and an arrangement might well be made, consistent with the fair pretensions of in time of war, such as.are naturalited. fonid on the sea, the common r ighway of maim ! " shall not be protected, ag ot.pris 4 ate merchant vessels. t t "'That • the real state of this question may be-under by * . stood, the .undersigned recur to the folloWing facts as • 1 supportia . itoff.tal documents. Mr; Kin when „.._ 4... .. The upderaigned deem it unnecessary . nera no mi cit t bet .' M - . 46440 7 t i 0 obtained a dia4sowai of 'discuss the quest len - of the' AMericin claihr;faUbe a , t h e lk4 toveniment ciele 1.44 in impress "Amt. bumunity of theirliag. But they cantiai . [ ric:in ,seimerr."-naturarrxed:sta s see4 as native,, qo the, om viewing.it . as • a priocipls, of a nature very btbia high seas. 4,arraogemeto94klvance4 neagiy to the a conclusion upot} thisbssis„ .. , Ankiras isroke i g off only ; end composhensilie ; to the abuse of which, karptatidniaiv strong and numetotbk And they do because Great BritinklitsistedA tetaiu t uk gijib; oR •• • AVESISIAIWIS. • - • a • • - -- P N the mum' sees." What, howler, erstafe fi b. of the American Minister en the prof.ability cfat raneement appears from the p u bli c documetuan cc mmnnicated to Congress in the Session of !gal ls stated by Mr. Madison in these words, i at ' th . 4 n onnnt the articles were expected to be liglied -- ai f•exciption df the ' narrow seas' was urged- and; -.-sist d on by Lord St. Viis&nrf, - encT twits! ai d I :nadmiu n was aka ible on our part, the aegociatio - Y ' cloned' " Mr. King..seents to,be,of opinion, how evey th ee s ‘l6 more - t3sise ban was left him for the !'font; the objection might have been ovniegthesPiti. What tideless lefellifi.'`King tor . . the e_xperina at - e l e •-sylethertany 'Weieever Made, haft not been llistlo'ai Ito the fittbille: Mr: 'Kit WWI after returned to a te. 1 : rica: It is foltitiftast fistm-Mr. King's expres s i on 4it - he was litialSett lit pains of time, and it is equally d i t that his opinion - wick that an adjustment- coo* place. That Mr. Madison.wat also o f the sam e i ninn Is demonstrated by his letters to Mean.l+6; and Pinkzey, dated the Vd of February ; we -7 which helms these axpreississis., 4 i e lk l at i t k w la i ed that jou have not fatled tip pane dna us, ' arrangement concerted by.'Hr. King 111111 0 1 ad 6 Hawkesbury, in the year 180% for settling 4 tion of impressment. On that occasion end sl i t ' administration the British princiisle ova: !dirk r -"" fin favour-4f the right of oar flas. Lord A fth h e a ra -- 4 one steed to prohilit iworivsments Off Tille 470 40 % 6 and Lord St. Vincent's requiring nothing more t h an a inexceptioa,of the narrow seas, an except m t . s hag on the obsolete claim of Great Britain to same s peculiar dominion over them.' Here then welioa a full acknowledgment that Great Britain was will. ing to renounce the right of impressment on the WA seas, in favour of our flag ;—that she was "aims to arrange the subject. 66 It further appeirs that the British ministry called for an interview with Messrs. Monroe and Kan % on this topic ; that they stated the nature of the el s * the King's prerogative ; that they had consulted time crown officers and the beard of admiralty, wheal concurred in sentiment, that under the circumstssas of the nation, the relinquishment of the right was * measure, which the govetnruent could not arlur, without taking on itself a re s ponsibility, which co ministry would be willing to meet, however pressing the exigency might he. They off:red, however, on the part of Great Britain, to pass I.iws snaking it penal for Ilritish commanders to impress American citizens, on board of American vessels, on the high seas, if America would pass a law, making it pool for the officers of the United States to grant certifs, castes of citizenship to British subjects, This will 4 fouod, in the same documents, in a letter from Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney to Mr. Madison, dated ,11th November, 1806. Under their peremptory ia. structions, this proposition, on the part cf Great Bri, Itain, could not be acceded to by our Ministers. Such, however, was the temper and anxiety of Englaad, and such the candour and good sense of our Ministers. that an honourable and advantageous arratagemeat did take place. The authority of Mr. Monroe, thee, Minister at the Court of Great Britain, now Settetsrf of State, and one of thi present administration, who have recommended war with England, and assigned impressments as a cause, supports the undersigeed in asserting, that it was honourable and aduars, genus ; for,. in a letter from Richmond, dated the. 18tb' February, 108, to Mr. Madison, the followiag! expressions are used by Mr. Monroe, 4 I have ca the contrary always believed and still do believe that the ground on which that interest (impressmegt) was placed by the paper of the British commissioners at Bth November, 1806, and the explanatibn which as companied it, was both honourable and advantageous. to the United States, that it contained a contemn' in their favour an the part of Great Britain, oaths great principle of contestation, never before made by a formal and obligatory act of their governments which was hghlyfavourable to their interest ,t 66 With the opinion of Mr. King so decidedly ac pressed, with the official admission of Mr. Ma.disoll• 1 with the explicit declaration of Mr. Monroe, all tea!, curring that Great Britain was ready to abandon ittt. pressment on the high seas, and with an honourable and advantageous arrangement actually made ,4, Mr. Monroe, how can it be preteuded that all hap, of settlement by treaty bad failed ? bow can this alai • ject furnish a proper cause of war 1 • . " With respect to the subject of bleekadmr the principle of the law of nations, as asserted by tbe United States, is, that a blockade can oily be jesd- Oed when supported by an adequate force. In then this principle is admitted by Great Britain. It is al.. leged, however, that in practice, she disregards that principle. 66 The order of blockade, which has been made a specific ground of. complaint by France, is that of the 16th of May, 1806. Yet, strange as it may seem, this order; which is now made one ground of war be tween the two countries, was, at are time of its first issuing, viewed as an act of favour and conciliation. - - " On this subject it is -necessary to be exPlio• —The vague and indeterminate manner in which, the American and French Governments, in tient official papers, speak of this order of blockade, ;scat' culated to mislead. An importance is attached snit, of which, in the opinion of the undersigued,it is not worthy. Let the facts speak for themselves. . ..., "in August 1804, the British established a b loc k •' side atthe *entrance of the French ports, naming thy ... •fromiFecamp to Ostend-; and from their proximity to the British coasts, and in the abeence of all con plaint, we may be permitted to believe that it was Is t legal blockade, entoreed according to the usages . nations. On the 16th of May, 1806, the English ce* • cretary of State, Mr. Fox, notifltd to out Oahu% of London,•that his Government had thought lit to . 'direct necessary me;sures to be taken for the Igo"• . . .ticle.of the coasts, rivers and ports, from dierive ". Elbe to the river Brest, both inclusive°. 1 -•-•.•' . " In point of fact, as the terms used inthe"7 will :hew, this paper, :which has become a sibs • The terms of ihe ordersie 144. o ,e. . That thessidcoast.tirtin ls • and ports mutt be colisidefed in blockaded,' bins ' OM 7 blockade shall Dore:tend to previiiii i niutrat chip p andiV t a . den with good s . notbeing the pry of his leisjenr% t rs. and not 'sties contraband of war approachin 11 , 04 °lll and einttog alto and sailink .ftotethe W dein , r" and e t ti! the toot, deers, thtteputti from Tad' lag . '- • Seine, airetdy in a amp of ,tot Tis 4;4, : W ' ~ whit% afro to be'ettotnisitiid sts se fi,,4, - Tru .4. -- ~ 4tal the vessels eine:it/tad M t a ! O . ! a ' • .4- •;ei i • to, or in the pothesSiOtwof the 41 livri , i t essels departing were tat tiestuik! Ilikilltslllllo4oll . si pretrihnily linolidttillhattille.' ' ." "+ I'