Star. — London, England, 1830-04-27 00:00:00

Istie bill, however, niig:,. • • r • .s second titre that evening;; and • or saw no objection to dela: ping into a committee for that time, fithe girt. gentleman was convinced that it would be more conve. 'slew for those who were desirous to present petitions against it, or to sp ; st :n the house. ••.r said that, cm the understanding that by .••wrtiting °lts the second reading Menthers should not be pledged to the c yital punishmeet, and &at they should have an opportunity of delivering their opinions cm the subject afterwards, he would not oppose it. MADRAI REGISTRAR RILL. Mr. AST ELI. pie;;;;llaictiiintt&nilieDirectors of the Feat Company agair.st the second reading of this Rill. The) payed that the bill might rot pass into a law, and that they might ue heard by Counsel against it.—A:treed to. ?Ai , JAMES MACKINTOSH wished to say only a few words the subject. It-was a case lie thought, of great hardship, and eiii.i;rt.d the interfereace of the Legislative. The gentleman who wad yearend by the conduct of the Registrar was of an advanced no. Ile had been more than thirteen years in the colony, and, p.:.onveritience of a snit in the Court or Chancery, had been de- Nititi atl relief. #lc would now move for the order of the day being rasti for the aecond reading of the bill, in order that it might sK tiertpohed to Widaesday week. • POOR LAWS. After the presentation of several other petitions -against the mo. wooly of the East India Company, :Ind the punishment of death ter forgery, on the motion of Mr. SLANLY. the house went into a tyreellinn on the Poor Laws' Amendment RH. Vi the clause to empower magistrates to order that the children , er parents unable to maintain them he taken away and put to school, sir T. BARING slid, that the house wits not full enough to take important a subject into consideration, and that time should be given for the purpose. To a clause of this kind he could not under ►apt ciscumstances give hi. consent. Mr. GORDON took shame to himself for not having before read the bill. The clause assumed that persons got married, in order to man allowance from the parish, and enabltil two justices to take away their children from them. Mr. CRIPI'S protestcd against the clause, and thought it was ens of the most romantic plans ever devised. It would have the effect of encouraging instead of preventing early marriages, while it wonkl, at the same time, destroy all natural aftection. Le 11 ALTHORP said the reason of the introduction of the iga...e was to relieve :hose who had families so large that they were .tnable to maintain the.n. As to the hardship of separating parent .ird child, he could not discover it, when it was for the purpose of traintenance and education. Mr. W. HOUTON wondered that the bill had not been debated upon principle; but thought the principle a useful one. Unless sum? such separation us the one proposed were effected,no alteration of any benefit could be carried into operation with respect to the poor laws. Mr. FR ANK LAND LEWIS said that, although a similar clause had passed the house in the year 1817 with his consent, he was at puscnt of an opposite opinion. It would be a good plan to attempt to establish institutions, in which, instead of paying able-bodied .ren, their children should be taught and provided for during the day. This was better titan entirely separating the children from their patents. Another good measure would be—the diminishing the power of the magistrate to grant relief. The reason that the poor laws hail not over-run Sco•land was, that they were adminis tered by those who were to provide relief . In England, individuals ordered relief without, in any adequate degree, contributing towards it. Mr. BENETT said the object was to bring the law to the state in which it existed in the time of Elizabeth, and to give relief only to impoter.t persons. The hon. gentleman said no, but surely that trust be his intention. He proposed to give nothing to any persons on account of the extent of their families beyond the wages which they might be able to earn. He (31r. llenett) called this paying wages out of the poor-rates. It was impossible for the honourable gentleman to regulate the value of labour. The value of la. bour'was regulated by the amount of the supply and de. mand: If a manufacturer gave a labourer Bs. a week (which would not maintain his family,) and the parish gave 8s more,—it was said that this was paying wages out of the poor.rates. He (Mr. 11.) denied that altogether. He denied that the payment out of the poor-rates was a paymeet of wages. There was now a super. Abundance of labour, and a want of demand. The price of labour was Bs. a week. A man who had six childreu could not live under les. a week. It' he were deprived of parochial relief he must starve. If a stimulus could be given to agriculture, an increase would be given to the demand for labour, and then the honour a:tle gentleman would have a favourable moment for intro tit chug plan. Ile agreed with the honourable gentleman in his principle, and should be glad to see the law brought into ope. ration by which a labourer would bz relieved from the degraded state in which he at present was. The honourable gentleman was patting the cart before the horse in attempting to legislate at a tune the country was not prepared for it. As to the clause by which it was proposed to assess the owners of tenements instead of occu. pants, he had no hesitation in assessing the owners of tenements, witereva they were let as lodging-houses. Why should the owner of a small freehold be assessed, when a man who possessed between ..:0001. and 30001. a year was not assessed. He approved of the principle of the bill, and he was willing to join with his hon. friend because be showed a spirit of conciliation and good sense ; but, as the bill could not be carried into effect now, he felt bound to oppose is for that reason, and for the other reasons which he had stated. Mr. COURTENAY said that the bill was one of the greatest importance. He would give his consent to the bill. Feeling that no person in England should be suffered to starve—(hear), he thought tnat the bill of the lion. member for Shrewsbury, if left as it was, could potpies. The clause on which the committee was now, eon sensplated the separation of the children of paupers from their patents, and, from seven years of age :to fourteen they were to be maintained by the parish. He objected to the amendment; still he was prepared to assent to the proposed clause, with an alters tioo ooty of four years to one. heaving the clause as it was, the experiment contemplated by the bill, coald not be effected till eleven years. Should the opposition to this clause, so amended, restore the bill to its original state, he should, in that case, oppose tler hill al they. Mr. W. HOUTON observed that the moral check upon the in. maw of popuhttkin was lost by the existing law, for men would not he deterred from improvident marriages while they knew that their children would Le supported by the parish. The principle of the separation of children from their parents was already recognised, and in full execution in the poor laws; for when the paupers could not support their children, the parish was obliged to do it. He would be better satisfied if his hon. friend made the bill altogether pros. pective. He would suggest to his hon. friend to recommit his bill, and to make the clauses prospective, so as to get this house to adopt he principle. 111 r. BENEI`r wished to explain one point. The law now al. lowed the separation of children from their parents as when they are aoprenticed—but that separation was very different from that con. teniplated by this Bill. Alt. SIAANEV said that if lie had not well considered this sub ject, lie should be induced by the representations of hon. members to abandon the bill. But alter having made himself acquainted with all the laws on the subject, and seeing that that them was no means provided for supporting the children of the poor, he could not give up his purpose. (Hear, hear.) The principle to which we wanted to get back was the practice of the northern coun. ties. 10 years of distress a different practice first took place in the western counties, when the Magistrates apportioned out to Labourers money relief according to the price they sketched out for bread. This practice spread to other counties, and in them else poor man was degraded and depressed in mind as well as in body--obliged to give great labour for very little wages. In the nueth of England the wages of labour were still good, and the la bourer was sot so degraded ; he was rather independent in prin. ciple, and had a spirit of frugality. He and those who supported this bill asked parliament only to restore to the booth and west of England what the practice of centuries proved to be good in the north. By the laws now in existence, relief was given to the poor man according to the number of his children, which In fact became a premium upon improvident marriages, and consequently reduced wages to a minimum. This bill would work the reverse of all that, would be highly beneficial to the pcor man. and would tend to raise his wages. He did not tee any reason to alter his own views, sad be would leave the bill to the wisdom of the house. Mr. GRIPES said he gave the greatest credit to the hon. member (Mr. Money) foe the trouble lie took with the bill ; but he could not eof the separatism of the children front their parents. As a approve of be was concerned in the system which was now repro bated, and which bad for its object to regulate relief for the pauper according to the price of bread. It was on that principle that they acted in the county to which he belonged. As to the system In the meth, the population in dos parishes there was small, and could not be compared with the parishes in the south. If he thought the meaeure of the boa gentleman feasible he should be ready to give it bit support. lie wished the hon. gentleman had adopted the suggestion of the bon. member for Radnorshire (Mr. . F. Lewis), and divided his proposition into two parts, being quite ready to tumor in the sowed part, as it appeared to him likely to be pro. duetive of advantage. Er. Secretary FHB!. regretted very much that no preliminary dimatssion had taken place on the merits of this bill. The greater part of the observations which had been made turned on the prin ciple of the measure, so that they were, in fact. reversing the order At their proceedirep, ond dimming in a committee that which ought to be reserved for the third reeding. He hoped that else MU would be made as perfect as possible in the committee, and though the boollorablo genthansa was complimented by the ho. nOstrablo insodsor far Wlitshko (Mr. &sett), upon the ground of, his readiness so meet th&erisites of an ponies, he ( 1 4r. Peel) aril hoped • that he woolliiesseult only his own discretion for, in Isis andel to amommodate die measure to dos Wows of vs. T Thus individuals, its effect might be injured. For himself, be was no: di-posed to say a single word against the principle of the bill, • but there were some of its details which be considered objection ' Me. The hon. member found the same law applicable to all parts of the country, but he found, at the same time, that the node o . f administering it wen much less satisfactory in some parks than in others. In the North he found it to be satisfactory : but not so in the South ; and his object was to assimilate the practice in both quarters. This object was one which he was, to the fullest extent, disposed to sanction, though he might direr from the honourable gent., in sonic respects, as to the mode of carrying it into effect._ It was propene(' that, until the system in the South should be ac commodated to that existing in the North, an interincd'ate practice should be adopted, under which children were to be separated from their parents. He doubted very much the expediency of i adopting this proposition ; for, however tight it might be to separate pauper children from profligate parents, he felt persuaded that the practice ought by no means to be rent:heed general ; but, when once parishes were invested with power, they would act upon it indis criminately, without at all consulting the magistratea. Now, at the first blush, It appeared to him revo l t i ng to the feelings of natur.r to takeaway children from th e i r parents indiscriminately, mithough special circumstances might make it advisable to do so in particular instances. Neither was it right to leave such a discretionary power in the hands of the churchwardens and overseers. He, moreover, doubted whether the proposed system of enabling the churchwardens and overseers, with the consent of the vestry, to found schoels for the maintenance and education of children from 7 to 14 years of age, would not be Multi a very expensive one to the public. he admitted that tile children of paupers out to receive a fair edu cation —such an education, in fact, as they would receive at a day school ; but beyond this he would not go. The experience he had had In Ireland of schools which undertook the clothing and support of children up to the period when they arrived at 14 years of age, was in no respect favourable to the practice. When the children had reached that age, the great question then was how to disposed of them, for it was found that many who had been educ a t e d in the Charter Schools of Ireland were not fit for servile work, and the great difficulty was how to place them in a line of procuring a livelihoad. It was clear, however, that if the bill were to pass in its present shape, the churchwattl: ns and overseers would all be anxious to adopt the school system, in consequence of the patronage it would give them, for they would have to adopt a superintendent, together with a master and 'a tnistresa, In every parish. It was proposed that this power should now, for the first time, be piven to churchwarden,' and overseers throughout every part of the 11 est of England ; but be could not help looking with a good deal of jealousy at any measure of the kind. lle would ask whether, if in cases of compulsory apprenticeships the law war found to work well, it was right that the churchwardens and over seers, with the consent of the vestry, should be authorised to pur chase land for the establishing of pauper schools ? Ile wislittl, however, to be understood as rather suggesting these difficulties than as offering any opposition to a measure which deserved to be taken into serious consitleration. Mr. 11'. NORTON said that all the objections of the right lion. gentleman would be obviated if the principle of the bill made it de. claratory that no man should be entitled to relief for his children, unless he presented himself as a pauper in the spirit of the Act of Elizabeth. Sir T. BARING was decidedly adverse to this measure. The first object which it professed, according to the hon. member who brought it forward, was to nisei the character of the pauper. raid the next was to diminish the amount of the rates. Nos, he (Sir I'. Baring) contended that, so far from realizing either of these objects, it would have quite a contrary effect. He concurred with the right hon. secretary opposite in the opinion that the school systetn would be attended with great expense. Besides, he thought that the collecting of children from seven to fourteen years of age in a large house would be productive of denic.ralizing eor•.sequerce.. Sir 'l'. FItEE, IANTLe. was of opinion that the doubts expressid by the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Peel), as to whether the bill could be carried into operation without injury, were altogether groundless. The decided impression on his own mind was that nut only no in. jury would result from it, but that, on the contrary, it would he attended with the best practical results. The great object of the bill was to prevent the violation of the law by the parochial au. thorities. Mr. ESTCOURT said that the hon. gentleman with whom this In3easure had originated expressed his wish to place the system in the southern counties on the same footing with that which obtained in the northern, and that parish officers should not be permitted to act as they did at present ; but the hon. gentleman seemed to for get one main principle, for he was legislating on the effect, and not on the cause, of the mischief. If he could place the southern coup. ties in the same state with the northern, :hen he might very fairly call upon the house to adopt his proposition ; but he appeared not to recollect that at one period there were in the southern counties I certain manufactures which they now no longer possessed. These manufactures were removed to the northern counties, where the pro. pulation was not so great as in the southern, and the consequence of increased industry was a decrease of poor-rates. In the north, therefore, it was not found necessary to resort to the system which had been adopted in the south—a system which he himself admit. ted to be bad, for it tended to reduce the price of labour; but be did not see that it could be corrected by this bill. Mr. SLANEY said that in all those places where labourers were paid in part oat of the rates the poor were badly off, while in those places where a contrary system prevailed they were comparatively well off. He would ask the hon. gent. what were the manufactures which had fled to the northern from the southern counties ? What manufactures had Sussex ever possessed ? For his own part, he knew of no southern county from which any manufacture had been removed to the north, with the exception of Wiltshire (Hear.) — The mischief was always found to be the greatest in those places where the employment of the poor was of a rural nature. (Hear, hear.) One effect of this Bill would be to prevent Mime. vident marriages—such marriages as were at present so prevalent all over the country. They had it in evidence that in Sussex young men married between 18 and 22, though ithey were fee. quently obliged to go to the parish tot relief for their first child.— ' The right honourable gent. objected to the power of taking children from their parents, but he would beg to remind the right honourable gent. that the principle of the Bill in this respect was not a new one. The law, as It at present stood, enabled the overseers and churchwardens to take the children, at nine years of age, and put I them to work. This Bill only accelerated the time, giving them power to take the children at seven years of age, and place them to school. Ile hoped that the Bill might be allowed to pass this Ses. aion—not, indeed, with the hope of its becoming a law, but for the advantage of its discussion in another place. But, even if that house should reject it, he would still persevere in his efforts to ob. tain what he felt to be a necessary amendment of the law. Mr. PEEL begged it might not be taken for granted that he ac. quiesccd in the principle of the bill because he had confined his ob. &creations to fits clause under discussion. He wished to reserve his opinion on the principle until the third reading, and was anxious that in other respects the hon. gentleman should render his measure I as perfect as he could. Mr. nENETT said that the poor laws were but a temporary evil, and a great real good. When we should recover the state of prosperity to which he confidently looked forward, they would cease to be felt more burdensome than hitherto. After a few observations from Sir T. Baring. Mr. W. Horton, Mr. Slane y, Mr. N. Calvert, Mr. Peel, and Lord Althorp, the com mittee divided on the clause, when the numbers were, Against It In favour Blajority —B2 The other clauses were then agreed se g the house resumed, the report was brought up, and ordered to be taken into further consi deration on Monday next, and to be printed. GALWAY FRANCHISE. The order of the day being moved for going into a committee on the Galway Franchise Bill, Mr. DALY, after mating that the counsel who was cutphrfal to be heard in behalf of a party who opposed the bill, was so diem. stanced that it would be inconvenient fm him to attend this morning, proposed that some other day should be axed upon, whereon it would be convenient fur him to attend. Mr. S. RICE said he could not consent to this application on any such vague representation. If this bill was not to pass through the committee to-night, it might be made by the hon. member the means of defeating the bill altogether for this session. Mr. Secretary PisilL saw oe reason to impute any blame to his hon. friend near him (Mr. Daly), because it appeared that the Counsel, Mr. Adams, was suddenly incapacitated from attending. The hon. member lot Limerick, however, had a right to insist that no delay should be interposed with respect to this bill, so as to pre vent its being fully and fairly discussed this Session of Parliament. Be would suggest that the bill should go through the present stage, and that without prejudice to the petitioner, who might be equally as effectively heard by counsel on the recommitment of the bill on its third reading, as in the present stage. After a few words from Sir G. HILL and Mr. W. WYNN, the bill was committed, and the report was ordered to be received on Wednesday next, on which day it is understood that counsel will appear and be heard at the bar of tl,e house. DESERTED CHILDREN IN IRELAND. Lord L. GOW P.R, In introducing to the house his motion for the second teeding of the bill relative to deserted and destitute chil dren in Ireland, observed that he should not enter into the merits of the bill further than to state that It had two principal objects. The first was. to provide for the maintenance of children in a state of desertion throughout Ireland, and dispense altogether with that c b a. rity known by the name of the Foundling Hospital; —the amend was of less import, and was at present the subject of cular in. vestigatioo by • committee above stairs. He was in hopes the la. bouts and intelligence of dud committee would suggest mow important alterations and amendments in this part of his bill thew fore he would refrain from ping unneceosarily into any details, and 1 r:quested the house would permit any discussion which might take place on the bill to be postponed until It had been rendered more perfect in the committee. tic should, with this object in view, therefore move that the bill be read a second time. 31r. SPRING RICE supported the motion. Mr. O'CONNELL imagined the term deserted, as applied to children in a state of destitution in Ireland, would comprise a vety large class, and might very possibly lead to difficulties not contem plated by the r•.oble mover, and let in a variety of questions as to parochial settlements. The bill was read a smolt' and ordered to be corn m itted this day fortnight. IORGERY. The bill for the punishment of forgeries was postponed by Mr. Secretary PEEL, in consequence of the conversation relative to it during the early part of the ev,:ning, and the second reading of it fixed fur Monday fortnight. Sir. F. BUXTON acquiesced in the postponement, and said lie was happy to be able to state state that it was intended to introduce a motion for the purpose of abrogating altogether tie punishment of death in any case of forgery--(cheers). USURY. Mr. PAULET THOM PSII. I / 4 — ;tated that lie had endeavoured to meet the objections which bad been made by several on two of the more prominent points of observation, with respect to enactments of this nature. The first applied to persons borrowing money at heavy rates of interest upon real property. Ili* next care had been di rected to prevent, by a suitable provision, the danger there was to be apprehended from young men who had considerable expectations involving themselves in ruin, by purchasing temporary accommoda tion in money by stipulating to pay hereafter extravagantly high rates of interest. Ihe bill would do a great deal of good, by facili. tating discounts, but it would not enable the lenders of money to re cover more than the legal rate of interest,—namely, 3 per cent. on twang in any Court of Jussice. _ _ Mr - . II EA - TII COT E cold that nothing could induce him to relax his exertions in opposition to :he bill His hon. hien.' professed to exempt contracts and mortgages from its operation, while in reality easy were as much affected by it as any other species of property. In fact, it would be better to abolish the usury laws altogether is a fair and direct way, than by a proceeding of this nature, calculated to throw dust into the eyes of the country gentlemen, who would eventually become considerable losers by such a change. Besides, he would ask whether the present was a++ moment favourable to the abolition of the usury laws. If any interest could be said to flourish now in this country, it Was I the monied interest, —the interest of the great capitalists. Amongst other things, the slate of the currency had operated favourably for! them. The effect of the present Bill would be to enable them to take almost unlimited interest. This would operate ruinously upon ! the trading, but still more so upon the agricultural interests, by ad-1 ding to that general distrust and anxiety which constituted so great an evil. But he would prophecy that the present Bill would share ! the fate of all such Bills; and if it was evident that it could not pees the sooner it was got rid of the better. For these reasons, he should feel it his duty to divide the house in the present stage. Mr. UORDON said that, during the last 20 years, he had fought under the banner of the hon. member for Wareham, in opposition to bills founded upon the sante principle as the present, though he de. 'paired of doing so any longer. He hoped, however, that the hon. member would favr.ur the House with Ills present opinions upon that subject. There was one advantage in the Balls formerly intro duced by a beamed Sergeant (llnslow ;) they went fairly to work : they professed to repeal the Usury Laws altogether. But there was, if he might use :he expression, a little trickery in the present Bill ; for while it enabled you to contract tor the payment of ten per cent. it prevented your being compelled to pay more than five per cent. Ito hoped that his hon. friend, the member for Wareham, would give the house his assistance in resisting such a bill. Mr. C.II.CHAFT observed that, though the hon. gentleman seemed to decline fighting ur.der his banner, lie had Ito objection t m fight under that of time hon. gentlemen, so far as the present question was concerned. lie did nut than k the present a less ob noxious measure than that which he had so often opposed. The hon. gentleman wilt, had introduced the measure professed that it shatild nut affect mortgages. But how could that he avoided when it affected all moneyed transactions? lie did not think that the pre sent was a moment when such a change could be adopted with pro. dace There was lever enough in the country—there was want of confidence enough without aggravating it farther by departing from a system which had hitherto worked well. Mr. ROBINSON deeded that the existing system had ever worked well for any party. At the present moment it operated most inju. riously towards commercial and trading men. When the Usury Laws were passed there might have been reasons for limiting the interest to 5 per cent ; there was then less capital here and all over the world ; but now that capital was increased, restriction, imposed by those laws were a great hardship on those who had money to lend, and still greater on those who wanted to borrow. It was a de lusion to say that money could not now bring a greater interest than 5 per cent. The fact was that the present state of the law drove them into expensive expedients to evade it. But while he approved the principle of the bill, he objected to that clause which held out an encouragement to persons to defeat their contracts by an appeal to the law itself .2 Lord ALTIIORP maintained that if ever the usury laws were to b. changed, there could be no time more convenient for effecting Ow change than the present. There was at present the same, or a greater temptation to fraud; for If a party borrowed money upon usurious interest, lie could refuse to pay either principal or interest. The clause objected to was, therefore, a relaxation of the existing law in that respect. He did not think that the repeal would be in. jurious to the landed interest, but that, on the contrary, all parties would be benefitted by the change. Sir C. WETHERELL declared that he should feel great sur prise if any lawyer could be found to approve of the present Bill. He ridiculed the provision which enabled parties to contract for more than 5 per cent. at the sante time that no Court in the King. dom should have the power to enforce it. Neither could he con ceive what was meant by the voluntary payment of interest in ano titer clause. The effect of the Bill would be to enhance the price of money to the country gentlemen, and, finally, to rob them of their estates. After the repeated discussions which had taken place in that house, he thought no dispassionate man could maintain the opinion that money could be left free, like other commodities, when all history bore evidence to the reverse. Mr. O'CONNELL declared his opinion, as a lawyer, that the bill was a good bill, so far as it went ; and all the fault lie could find was, that it did not go far enough. It was impossible to put a maximum price upon any commodity ; and money resembled all other commodities. Robespierre could not accomplish it in France. Nor could any one, in any country; for the law was, and would continue to be, evaded. The bill would operate as a relief to the severity of the usury laws, by securing the principal and the legal interest It did not turn the law into a sword, to cut down such contracts altogether. There were many inconveniences under the present system ; and amongst them was a high rate of interest, and the frequent commission of perjury by juries, in order to avoid committing robbery. If he had any objection to the bill. it was that it did not go far enough. The SOLICITOR.° ENERAL expressed himself favourable to the principle of altering the Usury lAws. He agreed that the pie. sent was a favourable moment for making the experiment, the rate of money being now so low. It was in times of pressure that the Usury Laws operated, and then they operated injuriously to those whom they were intended to favour. Some evasion was always found out. But while he approved of the principle, he objected to the enactments of the bill ; and especially to the anomaly of enabling a party to do what it did not enable the to enforce. The bill was an indirect repeal of the Usury Laws. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL declared himself also in favour of the principle, and thought that the enactments might be improved in the committee. The rate of interest, for instance, might be fixed there; but at present they had only to deal with the principle on the second reading. He had always advocated the repeal of the Usury Laws, and was still of opinion that it was a measure which would be attended with the best effects. (Hear.) Looking at those who brought in this bill, be should say that it was clear those who lent the money did not make the laws.— The borrowers of money deceived themselves greatly if they thought they would derive any benefit from this measure. It was impos sible, by any legislative measure, to fix the rate of interest. The certain effect of fixing the rate of interest would be to compel those who wanted to borrow money to get It at a higher rate of interest, by compelling them to resort to evasions, which would eventually raise the rate of interest. Those, therefore, who were most entitled to the protection of the Legislature, were those who would be most injured by the measure. They would be still wane off, being obliged to borrow upon annuities. The bill did not operate, or if its operation was felt at all, it operated to the ' 1 prejudice of the honest borrower • whereas, if the borrower was other wise than honest. It acted in theft favour. How did it act with re. spect to bankers? Not at all. It was known that bankers could obtain any interest almost they demanded by discounting bills.— They could get mote than five per cent. If, then, money could be obtained upon these terms, be could not agree to the measure. It would be a hardship upon those who had money to knd. For all these reasons, and because the measure did not afford protection to those who were the most entitled to protection, be should vote against the second reading of this Bill. The house then divided, when there appessed— For the second reading Against it. • .. 2l Majority . • The Bill was then read a second time, and Monday next fixed for committing the BW. 11 UPZIANNIVATIOWL The CHANCELLOR et the EXCHEQUER rose to call the Wend= of the house to this subject. as one of peat impedance. Ile vu about to bring in a bill to nosolate thu s mitten, and he hoped be should succeed in doing it In s way stabbctoey to pan. mint. He sltunld premise by saying that he did not Inca:: troduce any alteration in the principle of superannuatioa x to which there was no ob ject i on . I t cou ld not b e dented' tote that the principle of providing tOr retired public servo.; was tmobjectionable. A few years ago to had hint self introduced a measure upon this subject, but, Iron.; little support he received in the house, he felt obliged ~ abandon it. The causes, however, which operated with the I mace Committee in the tecoirmcndation of a measure upon e.. subject, still existed. The report presented an intrueithe met e e e information upon the subject. The house should know that th e whole amount of allowances to civil and military (takers ar e between 5 Lod 6,ooo,oool.—(hear). A subjtct of such importance it had been thought necessary to have looked into, and it te n now proposed to have the opinions of competent persons ep ee the subject.—He had a bill prepared which he would after. weeds intruduce, and then submit the whole question to the house ; for he could not agree to die plan which had for some te e . been followed, of enacting in one yeas what they found neat y et; necessary to repeal. It was better to lay down. on a fair principl:, sonic specific a:A intelligible plan, and then make up their minds t adhere to it. Ile could not see any objection to his motion, aid ei would there : . cre move that a select committee be appointed to inque • into the civ I euperennuatione, and to con eider wet alteraiieei might be neceemary. The motion was then agreed to, and a committee appointed. CORIION moved that it be an instruction to the coniteetee to consider the expediency of placing full pay and Italf.pay othetes under similar tegulations, when appointed to civil (Aces. The CHA NCELLOR of the EXCHEQUI:R could not cense to the motion, because it would embrace a totally different queetioe, and thou lit it would be better to discuss a measure of that Mire . ance by itself. The motion was put, and negatived. 51r. W. PEEL obtained leave to bring in a Bill to repeal the , .55:11 Geo. 111. cap. 49, entitled an Act to procure a Return of Per. sons committed, tried, and convicted, for Criminal Offences and Misdemeanors. Sir CHARLES WETHERELL postponed his motion relative to the appointment of another sludge in the Court of Chancery till thiv day iiesiniglit. Adjourned at One o'Clock. HOUSE OF LORDS—Tits, DA Y. APPEALS. To be Lard at to o'clock. Cathieluel v. Wilson et e contra. Appeal—to be further hearJ. OHDELS OF IHE DAY. John Hadley IVOyley's Divorce Bill—witnesses to be examine,' tbetcon at the bar, and toll to he read a second time—[Lords dcred to be specially summoned thereon.] Poor Lava (Scotland 11111)--to b: read a second time.—[hurl. ordered to li,:hunimoned.] Duke of Argyll's Estate Bill—to be considered in Coinmittte. East Retford Dill—witnesses to be examined in support thereof. I NOTICE OF MOTION. Lord Goderich—to submit a Motion on the subject of the Punde,l and Unfunded Debt, and for Papers thereon. ••• This is the last by lot receiving the Reports of Judges.) Private Bills. HOUSE Or• COMMONS--Tabs D. [. NOTICES OF 310TIONS. Mr. O'Connell—to move for leave to bring in a Bill to alter and amend the laws relating to Vestries, in Ireland. Mr. C. (pant—to submit a Motion relative to the reduction of the Sugar Duties. Mr. R. Grant—to apply for leave to bring in a Bill to supely a defect is Act lith Geo. IV. c. 16, iutitled An Act to Amend tile Laws relating to Bankrupts. Mr. C. Grant—to bring forward a motion respecting Terceira. Mr. Ki tg —to present a Petition on the subject of the proposr4l Stamp Duties, as regard Ireland. ORDERS OF THE DAY. Rye Election Petition—Cotuinittee to try the merits thereof to lit balloted for at half-put three o'clock.—[Gallery not to be opened. till after such Ballot be diposed of, and 100 Members must be pre sent before four &clock, or the paid Ballot cannot be commenced and this Ballot takes precedence of all (whet business.] Limerick County Election Petition—Committee thereon after wards to be balloted for. Members absent from Ballot of March 2, to attend. Irish Sub-betting Act Amendment Bill—Committee thereon. Administration of Justice Bill—to be read a second titue . (lame Laws Amendment Bill—to be referred to a Committee. Sheriffs in Leland Bill—Committee thereon. His Majesty's Message respecting the Administration of Justice —the House to resolve Into a Committee to take the same into con sideration. Leases of Lands in Ireland Bill—Committee thereon. Insolvent Debtors' Act Continuation Bill—to be read a second time. Co.-. 1 Trade :—Public Committee thereon at half-Ftst 12 o'clock. PHILOLOGICAL SCHOOL. The annual examination of the pupils belonging to this establishment took place yesterday afternoon at the house of the Institution, in Gloucester-place, New-road, dr. Lord Bishop of London in the Chair. Lord Radstoci. Lord Calthorpc, Lieut.-General Sir Herbert Tavlor, anJ several Dignitaries of the Church, were also present. majority of the company, however, consisted of ladite The classes were successively introduced into th apartment by their preceptors, and underwent an exare. nation in the following branches of knowledge by tits Right Reverend Prelate, who expressed himself highly satisfied with the youthful pupils' progress in their stu dies—Lutin, French, Religious Exercises, Mathematies, Geography, and English History. His Lordship, in presenting the first vise to Mai Edward Charlton, adverted, in imnressive terms, to tie, advantages (in common with the others) he enjoyed in the Institution where he was receiving an education whiel, would enable him to occupy valuable and important situ ations in life, which might otherwise have been fur ever closed against them. He highly approved of the atten tion paid to their eternal interests, and of the careful man ner in which they were instructed in the knowledge of the sacred Scriptures, to which all other branches of know ledge were rendered subservient. His Majesty had gra ciously pleased to become the patron of the Institution. and this circumstance, he trusted, would operate as .an additional stimulus to prosecute their studies with dili gence. His Lordship then offered his services to the Governors of the Institution, who might apply them in any way they might think fit ; and, before he proceeded to distribute the prizes, again reminded them (the ptipilo that whatever proficiency they might acquire in one branch of knowledge, they ought sedulously to observe those Christian duties which, by the Divine blessing, would be conducive to their eternal advantage. His Lordship having pronounced his benediction on the lads, distributed the prizes, consisting of classical publications. to Master Charlton and fifteen others, after which he withdrew. _ _ The object of this establishment was stated to be, to afford relief to the heads of families who, by unexpected misfortune, have been reduced, and who, consequently, have it no longer in their power to provide that educa tion for their children which would qualify them for thoso situations to which their connections in life may still entitle them to look up. The boys are not hoarded, and they consist of fifty-five contributory scholars, and seventy foundation boys, subject to regulations. FOREIGN TITLES OF ENGLISH NOBILITY.—Many of the English Nobility are possessors of continental titles of great honour. The Duke of Wellington is Prince of Waterloo, in the Netherlands. The Duke of Richmond is Duke of Aubigny, in France ; and the Duchesses of Richmond, are, in consequence, allowed the " Druit du Tabouret" on days of ceremony at the French court. The Duke of Hamilton is Duke of Cha telherault. The Duke of Marlborough is a Prince of the Holy Roman Empire. The Earl of Clarendon ie a Count in Prussia. The Earls of Cowper and Denbigh, the Lord Arundel, the families of Belasyse, Delafield, Nassau, and Fremantle, are Counts of the Holy Roman Empire. sr sp S~ 3)