Star. — London, England, 1827-06-26 00:00:00

1 4 I` l \l' , 1 t 1 , i i . • . , . i measure as a sort of cennectiii % tween which had been lost that year, an e one his Ministers proposed to hiring forward in the He could notombAl o tdluisters should not ley, as they had done Lord Liverpeas Nit , nor squid he see - what necessity there :0411earvelsOncasure. His Noble Friend . Ispe steed nkle wheat. When Lord Liverpool brought in hii Bill for the adMission of 500,000 ters of wheat, he imposed 1 duty of 12s. an,' declared, as the recognised principle, that his vote upon that question, was committed . Be moral measure. He should deviate from the line he had siways pursued, by agreeing to the present measure, adis• it was brought forward in some other shape. As Attid mentioned the quantity which had, upon a for-, eimat occa,ion, been admitted for . home consumption, he should state, that at that period, the year 1825, the ave. rage price of wheat was 695. while in the present year, it was only 68s. biing thus 11 s. a quarter higher when the 430,000 quitters were let out of band, and during the last year the quantity so admitted, amounted to no more than 290,000 quarters. It was impossible to calculate, if markets remained as they ware, what effect the admission of 700,000 quarters would produce, both upon prices and upon the agri. cultural interest generally, especially as. the quantity which the measure before the House would permit to be let in, exceeded, by 10J,000 quarters, any amount which had been previously allowed into consumption. With respect to America, it had been urged, that is would be a great hardship on our North American Co lonies to prevent their corn from being admitted, as it was now upon the sea, and actually on the way here; but that could not be considered any argument, I asit was notoriousthat the Act which had been passed l in their favour, was only to be inforeed for a period of two years, and that it expired at the end of the pre- seat Session of Parliament. Wherefore if Canadian corn were allowed to be consumed here, it must be admitted, it was more from courtesy than from right. ' The same argument applied to the bonded corn, in' , which it was said, capital had been invested on the faith of the passing of the Bill, which had been Intro duced and had tailed. He would, certainly, bie very sorry, that persons who had speculated in that' way should suffer lisses; but, at the same time, such elle- gations could not-be of the least avail as an argument, as those persons were well aware, that the Government had no power to permit any such thing, unless they had the consent of Parliament. And as to the measure itself, then proposed, his opinion was, that it would be much better for Government to take upon themselves the responsibility of admitting wheat, it there were any circumstance which rendered such relief necessary ; and he did not believe that they could have any diltculty in pursuing such a course, as it was not more than nine months since they had so acted, and afterwards had a Bill of Indemnity passed without any opposition. lie would not be the one to object to their doing so, if they made out as good a case for wheat in this as tl:ey had for oats in the last year. He was afraid he trespassed on their Lordships' time; but he wished to chew them the amount, and the great increase which had taken. place in the importation of foreign croductions within a very short period. The averaie quantity of butter annually imported, for the first nine years after the peace, had been 123,000 cwt. while, in the last three years, it was 298,000 cwt. which was more than double the former amount. Cheese had, .during the first period, come in to the amount of 124,000 cwt. while, in the latter, it came up to 275,000 cwt. 'Tallow had also, in the same periods, increased from 672,000 '0,973,000, and hides from 345.000 to 767,000. Their 'Lordships were aware, that the admission of every one of these articles must bear hard upon the farmers. With respect to timber also, nothink was now heard of but 'the competition between the North American Colonies and the Baltic,while nothing whatever was said about the fair claims of the home grower. In 1823, the quantity of timber imported amounted to 48.5,000 loads, while, 'in 1826, it came to 767,000; and as to wool, though last not least, in interest, the quantity imported was ac t ually quadrupled. Was it then possible to say, that all this foreign importation did not come into competi .tion, and that it was not calculated to inflict serious in jury upon our fellow-subjects? He, therefore, begged of his Majesty% Ministers, before they brought forward • a permanent measure in the next Session, to take this subject into their serious consideration. The sacrifices and oufferings of the manufacturers had also been much spoken of, but he thought there were no grounds what ever for these complaints, because, if all those losses had been incurred by them, the necessary consequences 'mild be, the increase of the importation of foreign manufactures. In order to be satisfied upon the point, he had examined the accounts of foreign cotton and woollen manufactures, which had been imported, and he would, as a matter of curiosity, state the result, which would prove the correctness of his inference. —ln the year 1824, the value of woollens imported amounted to 71,0001. while in 1826, it only came to 41,0004 being thus actually less than in the former year.. Then, as to the costs of the necessaries of life, which were considered to be food, raiment, and fuel, and which the removal of the restrictions would, it was supposed, reduce, the contrary was directly the fact.— As to cottons imported, the value of imports, in 1824, amounted to 101,8011. while, in 1826, it only came to 104,3041. the difference in this article being scarcely any thing. With respect to leather, although a great portion of the taxes had been taken off, there was not the least difference in the price of shoes ; and it was an unde niable fact, that this reduction had conferred no bells tit whatever on the village labourer, not even to the amount of a single farthing, although the wants of that class had been insisted on as one of its chief reasons. The duty upon manufactured leather had been reduced in the proportion of from 751. to 301. per cent.; and the whole of that great reduction, instead of effecting a benefit for the people, was absot bed by the manufac turers. The value of manufactured leather imported was, in 1824, 6231. while in 1626, it came to 1,6721.; t` us, in these three articles, he thought he had proved ,t the doing away of the protection had produced no eat' ct whatever. There was another article which could tv.t be done without, and which yet could not be had vliliout a great increase of price—he meant hats. As for a felt hat, there must be half-a-guinea extra psid. As to the silk weavers, he should say nothing about them, because he thought that, whatever they had saved, they had brought upon themselves. There was only oue other point which he meant to advert to, he meant the agricultural interest as it was affected by taxation. With respect to that, it was a singular cir cumstance that in the five years preceding 1793, the average price of wheat had been 48s. 3d. while in the last year it had been only 565. the difference thus being bat about 16 per cent. • AK in 1793, the total amount _LLINL -id, not agree with his Noble Friend (the Earl of Whiffler bury) in the opinion, that it would be right to throw upon the Government the responsibili.y of admitting foreign corn for consumption, and fully agreed with his' Majesty's Government, that it was expedient that some measure of the kind now proposed should be agreed to after the disappointment which had been experienced relative to the other measure which had not been cart ied. He was therefore disposed to give the present Bill his support, more particularly as he considered it to be the same in principle with that measure, and, in fact, with the amendment proposed by him, with the additional advantage of ascertaining, by experiment, what would have been the effect of that measure if carried; at the same time that it was limited as to quantity so as to prevent any injurious effect. Under all the circumstances, therefor% he thought the present measure most advisable, and most strongly recommended it to the House ; at the same time that he could not help expressing his regret that it was , not accompanied by the other measure which had been before their Lordships. Upon that subject he would say, that he never considered that what he did in any way Imilitatedagainst the principle of that Bill, and would always contend, that that principle might be carried into effect, even if the system of warehousing were not to be at all allowed of. Having these views, he thought that any modification of that system might be safely intro duced, when it was not inconsistent with the principle, of the Bill. The Noble Lords of his Majesty's Govern-' ment, however, thought that a system of prohibition was inconsistent with that principle, although he begged the House to consider what was the difference, or whe ther the effect of a duty was not similar to what they contended against? It that were so, then, in fact, pro hibition had existed during the whole period up to which corn was allowed for consumption. It had ex• isted in 1773, and from 1791 to 1815, when what was done, was by the imposition of a duty, and the same might be again done in such a manner as to afford sa tisfaction to the country. Under those circumstances then, he should consider the Noble Lords themselves responsible for the loss of the Bill, which it had been said was lost by his amendment. He had been accused not only of proposing a measure, which was inconsistent with the principle of the Bill, but likewise of doing so from pi ivate and party motives. But he must say, that if ever there was a man who had proposed a measure indi vidually, and without any kaowledge,whether he would be supported in it or cot, he was the person—(Hear,hear). He would repeat, tht be proposed that measure to the House,uot only believing that he would hate the support, but that it actually was the suggestion of one of the Ministers of the Crown. He did not mean to say that he did not labour in that instance under a mistake; but if he was . so, he could assure their Lordships that he was so mistaken with a great many others who had both before and siuce the amendment, read over the letters of the President of the Board of Trade, and who still attached to them the same meaning which he did when he proposed the amendment. He should observe too, that if that measure were inconsistent with the prin., ciple of the Bill, that it was not more so than others which had been admitted into it. He thought it right also to say, that during the discussion upon the subject, he had endeavoured to impress upon the Government the necessity of taking it out of his hands, and of carry lug it themselves, that he had done so not only by the correspondence, part of which be had before read to their Lordships, but by other communication., not only with e President of the Board of Trade (which he would then read in his own justification) but with his Noble Friend the Secretary of State then present. His Grace then read the following letters: • (Copy.) London, Jane 4,11147: MT DILMI Husussou—As you say that I misunderstood the meaning of your letter of the 24th, I must have done so. But I certainly never entertained a suspicion that I had misunderstood you ; and even now, after referring to my letter of the 24th to you, and teaming your letter to me, I cannot but think that I should have sought out for a difficulty, if I had affixed to your letter the meaning which you state that you intended to convey. I stated to you an evil, permanent its its nature, resulting from the operation of the warehouse system on that of the proposed Corn Law ; and I proposed a permanent remedy. Iu answer, you stated very good reasons against what I bad proposed, and you tell me, that " had my proposal been, that no corn bonded after the passing ...or the present Bill should be allowed to be entered for home " consumption till the ' average price had reached 665. and that " thenceforward all corn so bonded, or thereafter imported, should' • come under the regulations of the Bill, individually, you would • not object to such a proviso"—and you add, " It (this proviso) • would insure, that no quantity beyond that now in bond should . . - . . " be thrown upon the market, unless, in spite of that quantity, the .4 price reached a level which might be fairly taken as an indication " of our being in want of a further supply from abroad." It thus appears, then, that having stated to you a permanent evil, the existence of which is not denied, I was to consider the word " thenceforward," not in an unlimited sense, but applicable to time only, and having no reference to circumstances, notwithstanding what followed in the succeeding sentence of your letter • and I was to believe that you intended I should be satisfied, a nd that the public should be satisfied, with a temporary remedy fir a perma nent evil. However, I am ready to admit that I did net understand your letter as you have now explained it, and you may rely upon it that If I could have entertained any doubt respecting your meaning, that I should have gone to you, or have written to you again. Lord Goderich must do me the justice to acknowledge, that I put into his hands the proviso which I had drawn, together with your letter. He did not at first understand your letter, and he thought it related eolely to corn now in bond ; and I begged him to peruse it again. He did so; and he came to me and returned the papers without saying a word. I concluded, therefore, that he concurred in the proposition which I certainly considered as sug gested by you, and I made it to the Committee of the House of Lords, in the mode and at the timd most likely to be of service to the Governmerft, by preventing a dilrislon on a proposition of Lord Rosslyn's,which had for its object tO lay the duty upon corn upon . . into warehouse. I shall be sorry if this Proviso should be inconvenient to the Go vernment, and I must add, that if Lord Goderieh had expressed to me a wish that I should delay to propose it till on the Report, I should have done so. In your letter of the 24th you spoke with doubt whether the mea sure proposed by you would occasion the rejection of the Bill. You write with more confidence on that which hu been adopted by the Committee In the House of Lords in your letter received yesterday. But what do you say to the Amendments agreed to by the Govern. meat In the House of Lords? Surely the omission of the word (British) in the second clause, with a view that the Scotch, Irish, and Foreign Corn may be in cluded in the Averages, and the alteration of the term of the Ave ' rages from one to six weeks, will make a material alteration of the duties, and must equally occasion the rejection of the MI. You will recollect my opinion upon the measure proposed by Lord Liverpool ; to the principle of which, notwithstanding that opinion, I consider myself a party, and I have accordingly sop. ported e Government in every division that ha, taken place-in the prohibition, . - keine, as "the" modification. I that this impression is so strong upon as, mind, and eat the sistijact in all its bearings, it appeared to mit that Chi proviso agreed to by the Huns, of Lords, so completely met !fil o and was so just towards ail parties, that you mast havgl ildpuliatod it exactly upon the "basis" of the price of 6•24. the labe l and the ezpeases of carrying corn from the wares =rilrid . to this country. vs me, Ice. WELLINGTON. Petwotth. sth June, 1521. • 1W sus Duce—l have received by the post of this morning noble loner of yesterday's date. I mutt ' on every account,' that the propositioo which I coceneey in my letter of the 24th ult, was so stated, as.to your misunderstanding my real meaping. So huh did I, bed last Saturday, contemplate any risk of having been misapprehended, that when I received (whilst in the House of Commons on Thursday evening) the inclosed note from Lord Eioderkb. I immediately sent I him an explanation, from thence, to the same effect as that which I have since given to you. lam sure, if Lord Goderich is referred to, that he will do me the justice to confirms thii statement. From the moment I was informed that you Considered your amendment as originating in my suggestioo, I was satisfied that there had been some misunderstanding ; and as the nature of it is now cleared up, I will not trouble yaiiwith any controversial argu ment upon the true construction of the words which you have quoted from my letter of the 24th. The sentence (indeed the whole of that letter) was hastily written, and, I admit, might have been more clearly expressed; but when, in the latter part of that sentence, I state, " that the regulation to which I saw " no objectiod would insure that no ' quantity* heycin4 ' that " now' in bond should be thrown upon the market, unless, " in spite of ' that quantity,' the price reached a keel"— (namely, 06s.)—" which might fairly be taken as an indication of our being in want of a further supply from abroad.' "—I must avow myself at a loss to reconcile the construction of words which appear to palm to this meaning, namely, that the specific 'quantity now' in bond should be protected against competition with • any fur. ther supply from abroad,' until the average price at home should have reached Cis. with your proviso, which leaves the supply from abroad free 'at all times to come Into the British market, with. out reference to any ge price; whilst it locks up any wheat which may hereafter be a bonded in this country,' up to the same price as that at which it was the drift of my proposition to keep foreign wheat locked up in the ' warehouses abroad,' until the quantity now in oar own warehouses had been disposed of. How then could your amendment and my suggestion be conver tible propositions? The real truth is, that what was uppermost in my mind. when I threw out this suggestion. was the inconvenience which might arise from letting into consumption further supplies of wheat, hereaftei to arrive ' until the greatest part of the quantity now in bond should have been disposed of. The limiting the supply, in the first instance, to the now bonded corn, was a question which had been mooted in the Cabinet, if I recollect right, by Lord Westmoreland. I own that I thought (as I understood him is think) that, within certain limits, there were reasons for giving priority to that corn, before we suffered fresh supplies to come into the market from foreign countries-. 40 arrangement temporary In its nature, hut in its ope ration, by the bye, the very reverse of what your Amendment con sem_plates as a permanent system. You will therefore Terceive that in writing the unlucky para. graph which is the origin of all this confusion, I was no thinking of the ' permanent evil,' your proposed, remedy for teYsli I haddiscuued in the former part of my letter. Having no copy of the Corn Bill with me here, I am qui t e in.; capable of forming any opinion as to the effect of the word • British' in the second clause of the 13111, an Amendment of which I was stilt aware till I received your letter this morning. I shall, for many reasons, be sorry if this Bill should be lost, and nothing done in respect to our Corn Laws in the present Sea don of Parliament. But whatever may be the fate of the ail, or however produced. I never for a moment can doubt that, to the part which you have taken, your anxious object has been to render the proposed measure as free from objection as the watery of the subject, dealing with such complicated interests, nod through stpds a variety of transactions, will admit.—l remain, my dear Duke of Wellington, ever faithfully yours, W. Humussort. He begged their Lordships' pardon forhaving trespassed so long upon their attention, but he had been anxious to explain the motives by which he had been actuated. He utterly disclaimed having been influenced by a fac tious or by any other feeling than by a wish to rents, the measure palatable to the country; and of this be was persuaded, that whenever a permanent Bill upon the subject was again proposed, it would be necessary to incorporate into it some proposition similat to that which, at his suggestion, their Lordships had adopted. Viscount GODERICH disclaimed any intention of ever uttering a single syllable which could, by the re motest possibility, impute to his Noble Friend any but the best motives for his conduct ; and he was sure, on the other band, that his Noble Friend would do him the' justice to believe, that he had opposed the clause which had been proposed by his Noble Friend on no other ground but his conviction that it would not effect the purpose required. It was undoubtedly true, that before the Committee on the Bill, his Noble Friend had com municated to him the letters that had passed between his Right Hon. Friend and himself, as also the purpose which he had had in view. If, under such circum stances, he (Lord Goderich) had hesitated, it would not have been surprising. As well, however, as he inuld recollect, he had handed the letters back to his Noble Friend without mating any observation upon them; having distinctly declared his opinion on the subject at a former period, and conceiving that his Noble Ftiend was in perfect possession of that opinion. As to what had 'subsequently taken 'place between his Noble Friend and himself, it was assuredly tine that his Noble Friend had, over and over again, urged him to take that particular queition into his own hands. He had felt a disposition to make any sacrifice that he could make, consistently with the principle of the Bill, to meet the views of his Noble Friend. He had devised what means he thought calculated to obtain that end; and he had even delayed his last answer, in the hope that either by some suggestion of his own, or by some suggestion from some other quarter, their respective d.fferencei might be removed, and something acceptable to both might be proposed. He did not desist from his endeavours until he saw it would be a farce to hope for the accomplishnient of such a satisfactory adjust ment. It might be from' his want of knowledge of the subject—it might be from-his error ; but seeing that his fundamental objections were not reconcilable with the opposition of. his Noble Friend, he could not conscien tiously consent to abandon them.. There was no subject in the course of his public life that had given him more pain than the present. He imputed blame to no quar ter; he felt that both himself and his colleagues were perfectly blameless for the result, and he only consi• dered that result as arising from the differences that will prevail at all times among men legislating on difficult subjects. Thus much he thought-it necessary to say to protect himself and his colleaguesfrom unjust reproach in the late unfortunate transact:.... Earl GREY next rose, and spoke to the following effect :—...44114 Lords, it is not my wish or intention to prolong the dismission of a subject which has already been too mach agitated is this House and throughout try rat to hem au contrary to the principle of Lord Liverpool% SVnitn the Bill of the Funded and Unfunded Debt was 244 , 000,0001 • noun of Leeds. I don't consider the Amendment as prepenel t his Majesty's while in 1826 it *wonted t 01108,000,0001. thereat* b e f o il ow i n is ate b e i ng , as 0 tie agridulturists, only 16 per cent. of except ba r• wle the increase • f thelbebt *as as th ree and a half of corn in England, rov ..1 or-- by averages taken weekly and Warehousing to one, Sr aliput 0 psi cent. Ile potteliy coincieed increase pia tor thr weeks' averages. Since Lord lAterpoore • . lejt . a)►a ors* end agreed upon, a Committee has sat its the mime tere was for. a telth his .Nqitte d /Viscount Goderteb) as to the r takingt Which it hu been peeved that 'nothing cap prevent; had not said tone and tniltinerin which a subject of this kind ought 6 " 6 .! 1 „.. bef iverpool had to be discussed, and he was sure that his Nobl‘Friend hoses System, for the purpose of carrying into execution the objects 00,000 quar- had no right to complain of him, as he hid given his .r those trued& [ld afterwards opinion., with the pu ► lie good as the sole end andooliject ...lb IrinOld" e system then must be reformed) and as Lard t no man, by he had in view, Ind without suffering any ober feeling . .7.„7,,,, ed to any ge- to operate upon his mind or conduct. ... • • may-be allowed to continue, it is no departure from thatp rinciple / he line he had The Duke of WELLINGTON said, th at he could Assam gr . iielk was to protect Home Agriculture by the leq of a dory ow Corn lenecli and to regulate this duly by the the a•efeges, not the abuse Of the mistint Ware- n cora principle might ell* even if the warehouse system were la Mallon to corn, or under whatever ntodilicatian tt to adopt a moderate prohibition, applicable only to corn in ware , .. . - .... the codntty. lam the more u nw illi ng to chi so front the tone of moderation—if not of apcifogy.i.ad nOted by the Noble Viscount (Goderich) w h o introdticed ti : e Bill I and, in imitation of his exampl e , 1 am anxious w abstain from any expression that ma r b e ca l culated to excite angry feelin g _in any quarter -0:u f e eli ng w hi c h , I trust, is now fast subsiding every where=,-(Hear, hear).-4 have also the satisfaction to feel and decl are, that it a tharmore unnecessary for the to trespam at acri length upon the attention of your Lordships after t h e statement of the Noble Duke, so remarkable for its pro. priety and clearness, and which placed the motirei of those who acted with him on a late occasion in so pert spicuons a light, that it would be presumptuous in m e , or in any man after him. to a ttemp t hi s v i ndication; or to justify the motives by which they were influenced who Concurred with him in a late Amendment —an Athendment sanctioned by a maj rity of this H olm. After what has fallen from my Noble Friend, I am „ le there is no man with a spark of candour and hone st y who can say that that Amendment was proposed wi t h the intention of defeating the Bill before it was sub. miued, or that it had beets persevered in after it had been first adapted for such a purpose. This has been, 1 know, caltfmniously iuserted, but the calumni ous ,assertion bad been met by the indignation that it merited. It had been admitted by the President of the Board of Trade, that the Amendm nr, which had been the sub ject of such animadversion, might possible originate in an ambignous.expreuisn of a letter written avowedly in haste by that Right Honourable Gentleman to the N,.ble Dake. The mind of the Noble Doke became impressed with a conviction of the utility of introducing that proposition into the Bill, as he understood it; iced he persevered in it, not for the purpose of de. dating the Bill, but for the purpose of furthering it, by the introduction of such regulations as he saw inci. dent to the completion of its regulations. Yet for such a course of conduct was the Noble Doke, and those who acted with him, visited with the most calumnious aspersions—aspersions, however, which no one had the I i'decency to cast upon him in this House--(Loud cries of is Hear, hear"). Yet were those aspe rs i ons molt insidienady and industriously circulated throughout the country, so that no person could take up a Newspaper without meeting them. Yes l--the calumnious asper. don had been widely spread ; that our object in the Introduc ion of an amendment into a Bill, lately before this House, was to defeat, by indirect means, that which we dared not openly to oppose. It had been alleged that it was our object to procure the rejection of that Bill, and thereby refuse relief to the poorer classes in one of the first necessaries of lift... By the admissions of the Noble Viscount, we stand acquitted of entertaining such purposes; and in the deliberate j.idgmeot of the whole country, I am satisfied that it will be admitted- that e "meld have acted inconsistently with our duty as Legislators, if, from the apprehension of such calumnious aspersious as I have alluded to, we had hesitated in the adoption of such amendments as we conscientiously conceived to be au amendment of the Bill, conducive to its effective operation, and a corrective against possible dangers— (Chen.) But if this Bill has. been lost, it was not by this Amendment it was lost. We were disposed to adopt the rest of the Bill, with this Amendment. The Bill was lost by the refusal of the Noble Visage (Goderich) to persevere in carrying through the Bill, with this Amendment annexed to it. For his refusal u persevere, I have no doubt the Noble Lord had seasons which were satisfactory and conclusive ter his mind, as to the propriety of the course upon• which he de termined. The Noble Lord bad it in his power to choose between two courses—either to carry through the Bill, and submit to. what he thought the incise venience of an Amendment whicb did not meet his approbation, or to withdraw the Bill rather this have it encumbered with au Amendment from which he so widely dissented. The Noble Viscount male choice of the Latter course, and in doing, so, I am dis posed to give him credit for what he conscientiously believed to be the right and proper line of conduct, to panne. But this I must sayohat I myself, and those by whom that Amendment was supported, had no ap prehension that the Noble Viscount would be reduced to that alternative, and it was with the greatest surprise that We saw him placed in such a predicament—(Bar, hear). As to the present Bill I shall support it—(Cries of Hear, hear); and I am in no small degree induced to do so, as I find there is nothing in it inconsistent with the late Amendment proposed by the Noble Duke. Although I own there has not been, in my opinion, a case of necessity made oat to warrant its, introduction, yet I will give to it a reluctant assent, as it contains nothing necessarily detrimental to the ge- neral interests; because it is but a temporary masers; and because, during the interval of. its operation, an experiment will be tried upon the scale of duties, which will enable us to come with the advantage of as enlarged information to the discussion of a mesnue which we are told is to be submitted upon this subject next year—(Hear, hear). I would now ask, what don, the present Bill propose to do, as compared with the late Amendment ? Is it proposed by this Bill to. remedy any alleged evil that might be consequent upon that Amendment ? No such thing. There is nothing in this Bill inconsistent with what that Amendment proposed. Yet it was given out that this Bill was rendered neces. sary, in consequence of the passing of that Amendment in this House—(Hear, hear). What is this, I ask, but a wilful misrepresentation ? A mistake may be set right—a prejudice may be removed—an arg ument may be combated by reason—but a dete rm ined spirit of misrepresentation could not in any way be fairly encountered, for its malignity was only excited by every exposure of its falsehood—(Loud cheers). I say, first, then, for the thousandth time, that it is a gross misrepresentation to say that the Amendment was adopted in this House with the view of defeating the Bill; and, secondly, I say that this Bill is not rendered necessary to correct any evil that it is even asserted would result from the adoption of that Amendment. Have they who made this assertion read this Bill and the Amendment ? Have they compared them, and in what do they find an inconsistency between them to consist ? For my part, as far as any feeble words of mine may reach and may have influence, I wish it to be known that I supp or t i t b ec au s e there is no past of its provisions incon s i s t en t w i t h t h a t Amendment. The ob ject of that Ame n d ment was to p r event too great an accumulation of corn in bond, and to prevent frauds by providing that no 14 wheat should be taken out of bo nd, so long as the avera g e p r i ce o f w h ea t, within this king dom, as s et t l e d by v i rtue of this Act, shall be less th an 66 shillings a quart er ." Now, from the corresponden ce between the Noble Duke and the President of the Boar d all Trade, from whose opinion it was to be presumed his Ministers would not dissent, it was admitted to be a desirable thing that "no corn bonded 4.l)er fit A 9 • t . 1 1 f I • vkfii t. • •., I