Star. — London, England, 1830-10-16 00:00:00

FOREIGN I NTELLIGE.VCII- DECREE OF THE KING OF SPAIN. • When the deep and cancerous sores, formed upon the political .t.tly of the state by the revolutionary calamities of 1820 to 1823, were upon the point of being healed, and my beloved vassals about to reap the advantages of the important ameliorations which have been gradually introduced into every branch of the public adminis 'ration, that rebellious and incorrigible faction, the sworn enemy of its ountry, has again appeared, to alarm and revolutionize this king dom. entering the passes of our frontiers, and forming plans for the invasion of our coasts. Their horrible projects arc well known, but all their designs and manauvres are watched. in order that they may be de feated, and the monarchy preserved from fresh calamities. Let every good man, then, faithful to his King, and a lover of order and peace, con tide in my foresight and in the vigilance of the authorities, and pay strict observance to the laws ; with the understanding that those who, on the contrary, blind in the career of crime, inattentive to my sovereign cle. mency, and whose corrupt hearts arc full of turbulent and traitorous designs, shall, whatever be the mask which concede their guilt, be in exorably dealt with, and by the strict and punctual fulfilment of the fallowing resolutions, the kingdom will be purged of those evil-doers. " Art. I. The resolutions embodied in the Ist, 2d, 3d, 4th, and sth articles* of the Royal decree of the 17th of August, 1825, against such armed rebels as may be apprehended in any part of the Spanish ter. ritory, shall be maintained in full force and vigour, and carried into enVre execution by the Generals and Chiefs of my armed forces. 2. Such persons as render assistance to these rebels, whether in arms, ammunition, provisions, or money, or who favour and advance their criminal purposes, by means of correspondence, counsel, or any other manner, shall be deemed traitors, and condemned to death, conformably to the laws, Ist and 2d, tit 2, part. 7. " 3. Such members of the corporation and civil power, whose terri tory may be invaded by any armed rebellious force, and who do not give notice thereof to the civil and military governors of the district, allowing them for such communication one hour and a half per league distant from the point invaded, and the chief place of the district, shall be forthwith imprisoned and tried. Should it become evident that this negligence was malicious and for the purpose of favouring the rebels, they shall be condemned to death; but should it be proved that it was merely from inattention, they shall be tined 1,000 ducats, and sentenced to serve six years in the gallies in Africa. "4.i'Vhoever shall harbour or conceal any rebel in his house, with full knowledge of the circumstance, shall be fined 500 ducats, and sentenced to four years in the galleys. „ 5. For the mere circumstance of keeping up a correspondence with any of the individuals who emigrated this kingdom in consequence of being implicated in the political crimes of 1820 and 1823, the offender shall be fined 200 ducats, and sentenced to two years' imprisonment ; but should such correspondence have a direct tendency to favour their plans against the state, they are to be proceeded against according to the 2d article. G. The Superintendent General of Police shall make out, with the greatest despatch, a list of those perverse emigrants who have been sea. tented for revolutionary crimes by any tribunal of this kingdom, with a note of his person, appearance, &c. in as distinguishing a manner as possible, which is forthwith to be forwarded to all the civil and military authorities at the frontiers and sea-ports, in order that they may be known, upon their entrance; should they be apprehended in any point whatsoever, although unarmed, they shall be condemned to the punish ment already imposed upon them—death. "7. The principals, or 'accomplice; of any plan for the interior of the kingdom, for the objects of rebellion against my sovereign au thority, or to excite popular commotion, which may show itself by ae.s preparatory to their execution, shall be sentenced to death. "8. Such persons as shall by persuasion or counsel countenance any acts of insurrection, or disturbance of the public tranquillity, shall be sentenced-to serve 6to 10 years In the galleys, according to the magnitude of such offence. "0. Any person who, possessing positive knowledge of any plot against the interior and exterior security of the State, and who does not immediately denounce it to the competent authority, shaU be proceeded against, and sentenced to from 2 to 8 years' imprisonment, or the galleys, according to the criminality which may appear against him, or the mag nitude of the plot. " Palace, Oct. 1. (Signed by the King.) " To D. Francisco Tadeo Calomarde." • The articles referred to condemn to death all persons found with anus in their hands for the purpose of causing a change of government. FRENCH PERIODICAL PRESS. (From the Patriots.) M. de Cormenbt has just addressed to us the following letter, as coo. spicuous for its logic as it is for its frankness and sincerity ; " TO TEO IDITOR OF THZ PATOIOTZ. " Montargis, Sept. 30. " Sir—The proposition of M. de Bavoux, respecting the allianchiso. ment of the journals, raises ono of the most important questions of a representative Government. " I am either much deceived, or the honourable Deputy has not gone far enough. " When we are about to establish a principle, we should push on tiom consequence to consequence until we arrive at the boundaries of the useful and the possible. " We may establish it as an axiom that revolutions should be eon. summated by the same means which produced them. " When a military despot overturns the constitution of a country, he confides his safety to his soldiers. " When a revolution is achieved by the Parliament, the Parliament becomes omnipotent. " When a Minister destroys the press, he can only hope to maintain his power by organizing a cold and weighty terror, the consequence of stifling of opinion. " But when the press itself revolts and destroys tyranny, to the press it belongs to consolidate its own work. " This being granted, what have we beheld since 1814, and what has been done ? " That great miracle of civilization,—that first, perhaps, of our social institutions,—the press, has been constantly treated as an enemy. " The previous censorship, the process of tendance, extraordinary jurisdiction, the monopoly of licences, excessive security, and an op. pressive stamp duty, have loaded us with a thousand fetters. This Proteus has, however, slipped on every *cession through the hands which sought to bold him : it has become a lion, it has become a flame : it has rusted, it has devastated. " The has successively engendered public opinion, the ChamC, :d an ical d 17:volution. It may, then, with a good grace say to public opinion, to the Chamber, and to the Government, 'Do some.' thing for me who have been the cause of your existence.' " l'he journals are public instructors. We do not, however, require that the public money should pay the professors of economy and liberty, as it dues those of science and literature. No, do not pay the press ; but, at least, do not make it pay. " If you had not journals which watch over France with their hunched ryes and their hundred voices, you would be obliged to organize at a vast expense an active and numerous police. The press, then, saves the Government what the police would cost it, if the press did not exist. Look at the drawers of Fouche ; calculate the expenses of the high police, the counter-police with all the premeditated conspiracies which it was necessary to hatch ; add up these, and say the amount. " The press, whether a friend or an enemy, is a more efficient guard on the frontiers and the interior of a kingdom than armies ate. In a word, liberty could bear the loss of journals with much more difficulty than of soldiers for her defence. " You will, however, recollect that the press is the most expressive sucial necessities—that it is the flambeau, the police, and the life of the State. Knock off, then, entirely the shackles which impede its action. It would be an inconsistency to wish for the end without the means : but you desire the press to advance, and you will not lighten its burdens. " It is just as if you should place an haversack of 100 pounds weight Liu the back of a foot soldier, and say to him, a Fly to battler " The journals are too expensive a commodity. We want journals At a low price to traverse France in every way, and which in their poli tical, scientific, literary, and agricultural paraphernalia, shall visit burghs, chateaus, and cottages, in all shapes, and at the very lowest price. " Thanks to the freedom of the press, the labourers and artisans of the United States have, on matters of government, (let the fact not hurt our vanity,) sounder, more clear, and better balanced opinions than n.any of our statesmen. " Let us confess it without scruple : a moiety, perhaps, of our elec. tors have rather an instinct than a knowledge of liberty. They feel it, but do not understand it. They act by impulse. In polities they pos- sess not sufficient individualism What would happen if the census et the electorial qualification was limited to the wish and the right of the people ? A cheap press can only penetrate with rays of light the °pada, of the electoral masses, and achieve our constitutional education. " But are we to assert that guarantees are not wanted for the press? By no means. The liberty of the press, like all other liberty, shook extend extend just as far ad not to injure another, and no further. " if it should injure the society it ought to serve, it should be punished .n the responsibility of the conductor or the author, and by fines pro. portioned to the guilt of the offence. " If it engender revolt, it should be punished by the penalties which e applicable toroth cases. •• If it defame honour—injure the interests of individuals--it should ~ tfee personal punishment and pay damages. " If it contravene the police laws, it siwuld be corrected by police -nishments. "Accountants, notaries, attornies, and huissiers, furnish security to .tantee their good conduct. The guarantee of journals is sufficiently established by the personal i , sponsibility of the conductor, and by the imposition of a security equal 1y t o the highest fine. This is equally agreeable to reason and jus. tree ; it does not clog the independence of the press, it militates against tie main point of principle; it is what cannot be, and never will be, re. tu , t.'lt,y the proprietors of journals. Under this singly condition, we think that :ho periodical press would enjoy the following advantages : " I. Tl.e proportional security might be furnished in immoveables, in renter, or in cash, at the pleasure of the conductor. "11. The jury ought to decide on all crimes and offences of the presF, without making any distinction between complaints of the Government, constituted bodies, or private individuals. Indeed, why should the Chamirrs drag to their bar those who have offended them, when an at tack against the throne is cognizable by a jury ? Have they not equality of power? The Chambers, like the King, should not themselves avenge their own wrongs. It is always supposed that too much passion ac companies too much power. " 3. The stamp duty should be not merely reduced, as 111. Havoux proposes, but abolished. It is to no purpose that an orator of the left aide has declared that the journals were .► commercial enterprise. That is true, as far as regards those who conduct them ; but not those who receive them. " But would not those who conduct them gain over those who receive them the whole amount which is paid into the Treasury in the shape of stamp duties ?—No ; for they would lower the price of the subscrip tion the whole price of the stamp duty. " Finally, the stamp-duty is collected from the subscribers : the sub. scribers are the people. The people have more need of a press. than the Treasury has of money, and the press is always better the cheaper it is. •' The industry of the mind is the least taxed of all kinds of industry, not because it is the least productive, but because it is an industry of the first necessity. There are some class.es of industry which are not only not subjected to impost, but which receive encouragement. The Treasury has given bounties of revere millions towards the cod fisheries. We must, it is said, form sailors : that is good, but we must also form citizens. This is so well perceived in the United States, that the news papers are carried by past gratuitously, in all parts of the immense ter ritory of that Republic, while, at the same time, they arc not subject to any stamp-duty, nor any fiscal impost whatever. The carrying by post should be gratuitous. On the one hand the Treasury would thereby lose the tax for postage and distribution; but do you not see that these encouragements of the press would give an im pulse to public spirit., extend the relations of commerce, multiply cor respondence, letters, missions, and the products of commerce ? The Treasury would not, therefore, be altogether a loser. Let it, besides, raise the hatchet against excessive salaries ; let it cut off the de vouring leprosy of sinecures and pluralities, and the deficiency of the Treasury will be covered, and we should thereby have less abuses and more liberties. will now restate my proposition in figures, in order that any one may at a glance comprehend it: " The price of the annual subscription to a journal at the present is . . • . . . 80f. Oc. " The stamp and post duties are included in this ex. pense—namely, " Stamp duty for 360 sheets, at 7 centimes the 'heti . . 25f. 20c. " Post duty at 5 centimes per sheet ifie. tic. 43f. 20e. " Remainder . . . 36f. 80c. " Now take from this surplus the allowance made to booksellers and the directors of post, the expenses of salaries, of office, of paper, of printing, of folding, and of distributing, the interest of the capital laid out, the insurance on security, the advance of stamp and post duties, the expense of correspondence, of editing and conducting, the bad debts, and see what remains to the undertakers of journals, and judge whether com petition is physically possible. " But who suffers the most of that ?—The public. " If on the other hand you remove the impost, you reduce nearly one half the price of the journals, and these are what will be the effect : "He who used not to take in a journal will have one. He who had only one will take two. He who had only a journal of a single will take one of a double sheet. He who had only news of politics, will have news of the administration, of literature, of the sciences, of the arts, of agriculture, of commerce and trade. New reading rooms will be opened. The manufacture of paper, of ink, of types, and of presses, will be increased. The compositors, and pressmen the founders, the engraved , and the mechanics, will be multiplied. The enthusiasm of system-maken, the ebullitions of Utopians, will be exhaled by so many open pores, and will fall down consuming MC another. The departmental press, which stopped at the burghs, will penetrate to the viWga. The journals will descend from the hands of the high and middling to the hands of the small proprietor • and the people, whoee benefit should be the end of every measure, would receive instruction conformable with their wants, and will per ceive that each condition has its rights and duties; and the poor, as well as the rich, will not be ameliorated without being enlightened. " But it is objected, the time has not arrived. We must wait. Why, let me ask, should we wait ? Did those Parisians wait who marched forward to subvert despotism, subject to a devastating dis charge of grape-shot? Did those intrepid Belgians wait, who, in anotltee place, renew the prodigies of the Fiend' people, and for whom all generous hearts beat "with sympathy and admiration ? Insti tutions, like fruit, should be gathered when ripe. " France has made one step, and all the world is about to follow her. Neither coalitions, armies, nor fortresses—neither glaciers, mountains, nor seas, can stop the revolution of ideas ; and before a quarter of a ceu tury, the victories of the press will have made the tour of Europe. " I have the honour to be, ske. . _ ..... _ " CORMENIN." Private Letters in the Tinges. THE Hamm, OCT. 12. Although having some points to mention to-day, I can scarcely find materials to form a letter from this place, so quickly after that 1 sent you yesterday by Rotterdam. Count Cronquembourg, the Prince of Orange's Alde-de-Camp, and Mr. Cartwright, the British Minister just appointed to Frankfort, but who still acts as Secretary of Embassy here, have arrived to-day from Antwerp, and also an attache of the embassy who has been within these three days at Brussels. From every thing I can learn from these channels and others here of the best authority, I think that the opinion given in my yesterday's letter will be borne out by facts, and that the Prince of Orange will be certain of the sovereignty of Belgium. On what conditions is still to be seen. Cappaccini and all the clergy are for him, in preference to a republic with de Potter at its head. Every one almost of the least respectability is of the Name mind. Baron d'H orst (this you may depend on) has within a week most strongly expressed himself to that effect. He considers the nomination of the Prince as the only chance for saving the country; and he says that he can reckon with confidence on his own influence over the whole populace, adding, that even in Liege opinions are decidedly in favour of the Prince. One Cap tain of a section of the new Garde Bourgepise, showed to my in foment the cockade which he carried in his pocket, and which he assured him was common to almost the entire of the Garde. It was black, red, and orange, instead of yellow, which forms, with red and black, the Brabangon colours. Many other instances were cited to me, which leave me no doubt as to the state of opinion.— Ducpetiaux, Evrard, and Pletinckx, who are liberated from their confinement in Antwerp, are gone to Brussels (the former particu larly), decided partisans of the Prince, and resolved to exert their ut most influence in his favour. How this has been brought about I can not say, but Ducpetiaux certainly possesses great influence among his party—l do not like the term " Jacobins," and Liberals I cannot con sent to all them. The Provisional Government is completely governed by the club of the Salle de St. George. Its members arc, in great ma jority, furious against the Prince. De Potter, I believe, said something in his favour on Friday night, but was hooted down. Your Brussels correspondent must however know so very important a point correctly. in lcn's dismissal was necessary in consequence of the number of Belgian officers who would not serve under him. Mellinet also will, by and by, be obliged to retire from the Belgian service. He is a man of immense military talent. Van Helen has none whatever, but is very brave and dashing. A deputation from Ghent was with the Prince yesterday. He was in high spirits on Sunday, and wrote home in a most cheering tone. But the King's proclamation, convoking the States to meet here, threw the Prince and his friends into consternation. None of the Belgian Deputies think of coming here; yet the King could not, without a mere mockery, have convoked the States for Antwerp, as if Belgium were really still his. Despatches from Prussia, decisive of the policy to be 'assumed, were looked for to-day anxiously. They had not arrived this evening, and I am writing in great haste for the courier, who starts earlier than usual. The tone of the corps diploniatique, with regard to France, is greatly lowered since the Brussels affair. The state of Prussia ex plains it sufficiently. France sends protestations of its moderation and neutrality : M. Benin de Vous had positive instructions to avoid Brus sels ; but one of his secretaries was there, in intimate communication with the Provisional Junta. _ _ _ 700 volunteers are to march from this place for Breda on Thurs. day. The greatest spirit is evinced on all hands ; and the loan of 20,000,000 of florins, like all the other acts of the King, is highly approved of. --.....--. BRUSSELS, OCT. 4. The newspapers will, of course, have informed you of all the pro- ceedings in this amicable country, so I shall merely add, that on Thum day, the 2&h, began the further divertisanent of a kind of siege, which lasted four days, to the music of cannon and musketry, with an obligato accompaniment of the tocsin. In the evening we were enlivened end enlightened by the burning houses, of which one hundred and thirty are destroyed. One particular part of the amusement was, to have a cannon planted by the Bourgeois just under our windows, and to see it taken away by • party of lancets • to have a few balls in our window.shutters, and a very large hole made in the next house to us by a cannon.bsll. Notnwithstanding all, we were not in the least frightened, sitting all the while in our back drawing.room ; and our house is so little injured, that those who pass by remark it as extraor dinary, for every other in the row has 28 or 90 panes of - glem broken, the shutters shot away, and all kinds of damage done. We have been equally fortunate as to pillage or molestation of any kind from either party, b,:ing the way of any of it. The Rue Royale, where we formerly heed, and where the troops entered, have suffered greatly. and no doubt you will hear sad storks of the excesses committed by the sol diers, but I have :men at the pain of cross-examining the informants, and have invariably wend the greatest exaggeration. One lady, for in teence, r:as taken primmer by the troops, who entered her house and woundtd her father; she also lost 3,0001. worth of jewels, besides her clothes and furniture. All this looked very ill, but upon examination, I tound that her servants had taken stones into the garret to throw upon 1 the twain and that the men had guns; so that it was not surprising that the soldiers were irritated. I tound, too, that after the troops left the house, it was entered by a band of ruffians calling themselves Bour geois; so that it is a, likely that the pillage was their work as any other. :deny shameful stories are every where propagated concerning their beha viour, in order to keep up the excitement of the populace by every means; but every one of my friends who have had opportunities of judging, giv e their testimony in their favour; and even had they behaved worse, surely some allowance is to be made for the exasperated feelings of men who entered a town in the idea that, after a slight resistance on the pin of the dregs of the people, they should be allowed to go quietly to their cowmen, and found instead the most determined resistance, even boiling oil aid vitriol being taken into the houses to pour upon them. I could tell you many anecdotes of both sides, for I am intimate with all parties, and ant too cool to suffer my friendships to be interrupted by a differ. ence of opinion which does not concern women in the least; but I will reserve them for next year, when I hope to see you, as my head is nearly turned with the continual discourse on politics, which I hear every day, and I would willingly forget them for a time to gossip with you on more agreeable subjects. I do not think I have ever felt such a longing for England as I have for the last week. A short time since I refused to leave Brussels, and now I would give any thing to be able to leave it comfortably. AU my plans of amusement are broke up. The acquaint:we:. that I preferred have left, and here am I more solitary than the sparrow that sitteth alone on the house-top, condemned front morn to night, in all places, to hear nothing but the Belgian revolution, to see nothing but its sad effects. The whole town is unpaved, barricades in every direction, and even our pretty boule vards cut up into mimic fortifications, which would make your papa and brothers laugh, under the direction of a little coxcomb, who fut merly knew only how to psy insipid compliments to silly girls. SPIRIT OF THE JOUiiNALS. CNIONICLIC.—The tendency of such a Government as ours k to go on continually taking more and more money from the people. The very growth of the resources of the country necessarily odds to the corruption. because a greater number of influential individual must be gained over. The proprietor of a borough is hut the head of a company of jobbers, with the various members of which he must dis tribute, according to sonic understood principle, the share of the taxes accruing to the place. Thereare claims of all sizes which must be attended to. From the government of a colon y, a living in the Church, down to the place of a tide-waiter, all must be jobbing. And yet there arc people who are astonished that Science should decline in England, that the Church should be shared between haughty Aristocrats and paltry canting Psalm-aingers. displaying neither the learning nor the talents of a fernier period. The Quarterly Rcrievy, published the other day, admits that the Clergy of the present day do not possess learning enough to under stand the labours of the German Divines, and advises them to acquire sufEcient knowledge to say whether they are to be praised or condemned. But why should they ? Livings are not given to learning—the Minister would be a fool that gave livings to learned men. The Standard asks why the Reverend Mr. H. Horne should be condemned to the drudgery of porters' work at porters' wages, he being one of the most learned theologians in Eng land ? But if a clergyman possess interest, why should he trouble himself with learning ? And if he do not possess interest, why should the Minister trouble himself with him ? So long as the Aristocracy disdained the church, it might be as well to encourage learning ; but from the time they crept into it, which Warburton, in one of his letters to Hurd, says was about the middle of last century, adieu to all but parliamentary influence. The very increase of the revenues of the church adds to the evil. In no other country in Europe do the parish clergy belong to the Aristocracy : because in uo oilier country of Lurope do the tithes of parishes form a temptation to the gentry. Parr.— A letter from Bayonne of the 4th mentions that Isturiz, Badillo, Sancho, and Calatrava, ;Umbels of the Provisional Govern ment, alias Regency, had arrived there. Aline, Nunes, Romero Al puente, Francisco Valdes, Rotalde, and Placencia, were also there.— Mendez Vigo and others remained at or near Pau. Milans, Graft*, Miranda, and Evaristo San Miguel, were at Perpignan. A curious correspondence had taken place between Mina and Valdes. The former wished to assume the supreme command : and the latter, who is a partizan of Tottijos, strenuously opposed the measure.— On the other side of the Pyrennees every thing is prepared to give the invaders a warm reception, in cue they advance ; but of this there is no probability, there being neither order nor concert amongst them. At the same time that the French Government is ostensibly giving or ders to have the Refugees assembled near the Pyrennees dispersed, it has excited great astonishment in Bayonne to see that the Paris pass ports, of which they arc individually the bearers, besides an order to furnish them with travelling rations (elopes), have written upon them these words—' 6 ,Reeontnsandc speeialeasal a /a Wettest:lame des au torite: eiviles." What is still more extraordinary is, that an Adju tant of the Commander of the Department of Bordeaux publicly re views the motley bands of foreigners of all kinds who halt there on their way to join the Refugees at Bayonne. These who arrive at Mina's head-quarters boast of having been thus reviewed In Bordeaux. There must be duplicity somewhere. Truzs—.From the power displayed by the press of France before the expulsion of the Bourbons, it might be inferred by those unacquainted with facts, that the French periodical press was entirely free from all the restraints of fiscal law and all the burdens of the Treasury. Nn. thing could be more erroneous. In the first place, before the Martignac Ministry, no journal could be published without an authotatative licence from the Ministry, who were not likely to grant such a privilege to per sons disposed to question their integrity, or to criticise their mea sures : in the second place, up to the end of July, and to this very day, no political journal can be published without a deposit of money, or an offer of security to a large amount. NoWsig could have a greater tendency to agate a monopoly in favour of existing journals, or in favour of rich proprietors, than such a regulation. In the third place, the limitation of printers to a certain number who en. joyedpatenks or licences,crested a monopoly in favour of that class, and thus not only increased the expense of printing journals to all, but doubled the obstacles to the publication of free opinions to those who chose to indulge in a greater latitude of political discussion. In some eases such licensed printers erected themselves into unlicensed censors of the press, and from a pretended fear of being liable for its excesses, refused to print journals till compelled by the order of a 3lagistrate. In the fourth place, the Treasury came in for enormous doves, ex ceeding in amount the price of the paper, of the printing, and of literary labour put together. Lastly, the journalists accused of libel were degraded by being brought before the tribunals of correc tional police, and subjected to the treatment of petty thieves, swindlers, and pickpockets. Vet, with all this additional expense—all this mono poly—and all these vexatious, the daily papers actually became a power too strong for the monarchy; and, under the name of journalism, pre pared and accomplished the late revolution. In considering this CirClllll stance, along with the narrow basis of the French electoral system, which, though far from being popular, has operated with popular wonders, we are more than ever struck with the fact, that the Bourbons had no hold over the minds or feelings of the present race of French. men; that they were entirely isolated from the nation; and that their system of government could never again have been naturalised in the country. A press so burdened and shackled as we have described, and a Chamber of Deputies seturned by an electoral oligarchy of 80,000 voters, had become too powerful for the Bourbon monarchy, because the Bourbon monarchy was an exotic, which had not fixed its roots in the nation, and derived support from no large class of the people. Henai.o.—A great deal is said by some writers in the Daily Jour. gals about the pacific and conciliatory proceedings of the King of the Netherlands, and the anxiety which he evinces to bring about that son of arrangtment with the Belgic people which they themselves proposed originally, but which, since their recent triumphs, they seem no longer desirous to obtain. Those writers accuse the Provisional Government of being influenced by the most ambitious or the most unpatriotic motives, and the people with being inflated with all the insolence of success, in preferring the establishment of an independent .State to a federative union with Holland. It is not our object at present to enter into a discussion of the policy of the measure which seems to please the majority of the Belgians—of the fighting Belgians, at last; but we cannot avoid observing, that whatever difficulties beset the King of the Netherlands, they are of his own creating. " if," to use the language of Junius, " his bed be a bed of torture, he has made it for himself." Without entering into the original causes of the discontent in Iklgium, since its co-npuisnry annexation to Holland, such as the continuance of the odious Van Alaanen in power.—the persecution of the presi.—the refusal of the responsibility of Ministers—and the trial by Jury, let us confine ourselves to t h e conduct of the King since the breaking out. of the disturbances, and let trt we whether he has acted like one who is entitled to the credit of sioecrity or wisdom. What was his conduct when the people of Brussels rose against his troops, and de. mended, with arms in their hands, a redress of grievances? Did he pro. claim them a rebels—all forth his legions—and order them to re. turn to their allegiance before be listened to their remonstrances ? lie did DO such in g. On the contrary, he sent his son, the heir. apparent, who affemed to treat in an sinkable spirit with the armed enigma, received their statement of grievances, and pledged the honour of a Prince to submit their demands to his Royal father, for the discus sion of the States-General. %Pell, the promise was kept is much the some manner that Jesuits keep promises when they think it their inte rest to violate them. The dtaks-General were convoked—the demands of the Belgians were submitted to them—but, in the midst of the die. emissions, the King orders his second son, whom he bad appointed to the chief commando( the forces, to concentrate the available (tools in the vi. einity of Brussels; and,when all was prepared. he minusionses the citis.ns to lay down their arms, and enters the town at the head of his troops to com F el them. Does history, we ask, 4ff.a.l .iny ex ample of Poy perfidy greater than this ? know of yore; nor we know any instance of treachery practised by the Olio or a nation on his subjects that has been more signally avenged. .fir under those circumstances, to wonder that the Belgians, having in repelling this perfidious attack, decline to place any more confi dence in the promises of the King? By what obligatior.s can they bind one who has so grossly violated his faith ? By chat auil.ority can they hold him to an observance of his engagement ? Con they trust in the honour which he has tatnisbed ? esti they rely on the Royal word, which he has so wantonly broken ? They raw believe that his actions cannot be controlled by a sense of justice or by a f.elisig of morality, but that superior power alone can hind him to the obser vance of his solemn promises. We :wet this stare of thiligs--but whatzvet embarrassments the Belgic stairs may ti.row in rite way the pacific relations of Europe, we lutist say the Kind , of tL, Net: Alards is responsible for than. CORBETT'S REGISTER.—Where i, then on this earth a people mete fit for life under a Republic than the Belgians? I'laiu in their man ners, simple in their dress, industrions, sober, patient of toil, steady ' in their purposes, proverbially pions ; inhabieing a rich all, frugal An their living, excellent hush:mein:ea, cleanly and econcn`leal in their houses ; upright in their dealings, and, above all, obstinately brave and persevering. And yet they are unfit for a Rentiblle, and it would he " much better for them to have a Conrtita iiocal Monarchy !" Like ours, of cour',: ! There was a nursery.maid used to say to one of my children: `- You'd better sit don.,, tpy dear, and not gallop about th e room so." n No, Dincy," said tkechild. " I aettte• not laying a very heavy emphasis upon the wont n,g-- And thus the Beigians would answer, if they were to read the e`,,:ria tions of this man with the kilt and phillib:g. how the Belgians v. Juhl stare, if they were to see this politician ice petticoats, who takes him to recommend to them a " perpetual t nun" as a thing calculated to " flatter their vanity !'' Faith, they have had toomuch of an occasiia.,l Court to want a" perpetual" one. They it read of the cheap (}„sera. ment in America; atui so as all the wood ; aid in short, the indtistr'n as part of mankind are now resolved not to toil any longer for the benefit of a lay and rapacious anti insolent Aristocracy You may be assured, that our Government will not stir hand m fit against you, hi the way either of war er of subsidy . • and that &ere. fore '• like your Belgic Ares of old," you may now be free, and Inn., just what government you pleua. Tile situation of our Cr— remittent is this : it cannot, even row, collect taxes softie::.: to pay the interest of the &Ist in full, io:1 to maintain all its establishments as they now arc ; yet, the taxes are so heavy as to produce misery the most deplotable, and discontent raging front one cad of the country to the other. All tie middle classes of society are calling for a reduction of taxes ; and such reduction mus, take place, or the nation will be convulsed. NVII:rz are then the means of war or subsidies ? At this very moment the several parishes of Lon. don nod its evirons are combining, in order to obtain relief from the taxes with which we are already !ended. Here are a million and a half of people now actually In motion against the taxes. What more is wanted to convince any man, that new taxes cannot be imposed ; and vet how is war to be made or subsidies paid wititsur new taxes ? And, when you reflect that war uonld cut off half the trade and ma nufactures of the country, you must see that war would Fluent: us irate utter confualon. Timm—We have always defended the principle of the New Police : wf the objections sow made to it, some do not affect its principle. and of those which do, the greater portion a-c not tenable in reason. Ti .! parishes complain bitterly of the incrtased expense entailed on them by this establishment. If the business of preserving the public peace, ata of securing person and property, was badly executed by the ancient watchmen, and if much of the efficacy (at least toward. any good purpose)' of those confederates with thieves and vagabonds. was easily traceable to the wretchedness of their pay, it follows, that all who regard the peace of society, an,: the protec tion of life and goods, as things worth paying lot, at the ittark,:. price of severe labour, can ground no fair objection It. the polw,, merely on the rate of their wages being higher than that of nateittnen's. It is otherwise, if the extra taxes levied on parishes be more than suffi cient to defray the additional expense. The communisation of a co:. respondent—who proceeds, we suspect, on good authority—informs us that the erns charge foe t he hat twelvemonth ought to bare been levied out of the poor rate, and ought not to have exceeded Bd. in the putted. If, therefore, there be parishes in or about London where the charge oc casioned by the police, as compared to the watch, amounted to the dn. Terence between 24001 and 1,4001. or between 1,7001. and 9001. we Call only regret that such foul play should have been committed. and protem against the abuses of parochial administration being laid to account in the necessary charges for police. NitralL INTELLIGENCE. The following veurls have arrived out :—The Lady Flora, Fayrtr. from Bengal and Mauritius; Clermont, M'Auley, from Bombay; and Aune, from Newcastle, have arrived at St. Helena. The lkidalus. Scott, from Leith ; Paddy Carey, from Liverpool ; and C.csiumbise, Johns, from Newcastle, have arrived at Miramichi. The We►t it - (Ilan, from London ; Helen Gray, from Liverpool ; and Cathe►ine, from Bermuda. have arrived at St. Andrews's, N.B. The Louisa, from Grenada, at Halifax ; and the Thule, Lerwick, from 13elfasi, Bt. John's, N.B. Dear, Orr. 15.—Wind E. Poaramourn,OclNls.—Wind E.—Sailed the Amphitrite transport, for Guernsey. PL:mourn, Ocr. 14.—Wind S.E.—Arrived his Majesty'. Ail, Briton, Beagle, and Adventure, from Rio Janeiro ; and the Briton, Clemente, fromEiourdeaux. Bautrowr. Ocs. 14.—Arrived the Hawk, Wilson, aril Arg• Munro, from Riga. YARMOUTH. Ocy. 15.—Arri•ed off the port, the Valiant, W.iik.r and British Union, 3loos, froth Archangel. HAYMARKET THEATRE. Last night this theatre closed for the season. It was also the es e.- sion of Miss PATON'S benefit, and the house was well tided. The per. formances of this lady arc too well known to require any comment ; we need only say that she vindicated all her former fame. At th e con . elusion of t he performance the manager came forward, and spoke the following Address : " Ladies and Gentlemen,—As the entertainments of this evening terminate our season, I am deputed by the prsprietors of this establish ment to return you their respectful thanks for the patronage you have afforded them. Expressions of gratitude, on these occasions, are r n ge nerally and liberally used, that it is hoped your gocd taste net: "oat feeling will not deem the present acknowledgments the. L. care nor acceptable from their brevity. The unquai tied appioLa don which you have bestowed on each nove:ty preseu.eil to your judgment—the very great attraction which attended the intro. duction on these boards— of the first tragic actor of his time. end tht recent flattering applsuse bestowed on the no less girt( d artists, whose splendid talent was first introduced to your notice Ly the managemen: of this theatre—induce a hope that you will consider the premises nude, when I last had the honour of addressing you. as redeemed. Permit me, Ladies and Gentlemen, to renew those promises of eon. tinued exertion for your amusement ; aed while, in the name of the proprietors and performers, I bid you a present and respectful farewell, to accompany it with the warmest wishes for your health and prosperity. Mr. Owsw.—This gentleman, we notice, has ratted it public meeting, at the London! Tavern, for one of the most important purposes that can comes before the public foe its calm and sober dacisirok. it is to consider the advanteges sad disadvantages of religion in forming the character of man, and in governing tie worIJ.--Alorniny Pea. By a rescript dated August 12, the Emperor of ittleiti conferred the order of St. Anne of Like Finks Class apon Sir Alcz.oult r Crichton, one of his physicians in Ordinary, during his late visit to S t . Petersbuigb. The public will regret to learn that that excellent Judge, Lord Pitmilly, his finally retired horn the Bench ; we have nut yet beard to whom his Justiciary gown is to be given. The resignatiou or decease of another Judge will reduce the Court of Session to the ham. ber of Judges which the late judicature act has fixed it shall in to urr consist of. Arrangements are in progress for establishing a et: conveyance direct from Leith for London every other day, and erg of the prevent Smack Companies is likely to join the principal shipper,' of goods in carrying the measure into effect. There is every reaso-1, so believe that this undertaking will very much increase the trade 4;41 bustle cf Leith. THE MINISTRY.—We have the following frcin a l a til e correspondent, whore means of obtaining eccutate information, ra,ti v „ to parties and prospects, are no second to tlicte of any other me lt tt l ua l in England ;—" I assure you, I do not despair of tome cord beis.g done fore Ireland, even in the next Sessions. I have met some workilis nun much in the Duke's contidtnre, and the subject even of a modification of the Union has been discutstd by Ilinitiert. It is, however. a total mistake to believe that any trial was on foot between Mr. Huskisson and the prevent known:. The contraay is the fact, and Mr. H. weal to Liverpool for the express purpose of attacking the Duke at the public &ones. No part of the present opposition has any idea of joining nadir existing circumstances. They look open the ease ns too forlorn. It is generally aeknow/edged that the Duke added Inuit to injury, in his manner of refasAg os aid hi the last Sessions. He should have vrofessed sorrow at Ms inability to serve us, but if we are united, we will not want his assistance."... Duelist Months, Register. A note, enclosed in a bottle, was picked up on Sizewoll botch, near Aldborougb, Suffolk, the 14th lost. the comesto of width &re—" This bottlewaa thrown into the Maelstrom, off the mast of New. way, on the 15th of Sept. 1830; and as it is important to ascertain estate it was diAgorgid, as well as the time it may take to resets say n est , editors of newspapers are requested instantly in give Wacky to this no.e. In Douglas. taut fifteen days from Kircutitright sawn. I ~ ' l 1 I iv _,/' '~~ ~~ ; •