Star. — London, England, 1829-06-20 00:00:00

IMPE IA tAtua,_ es s LORDS. Just 19. alianaz'^olliPiffiNiNkei o'clock, and formed themselves Into a Atte, P "ages, when. on the motion of the Marl of .Satarresanav, it was agreed to that the Hari of Fingal and the Mari of Jersey had each established hi+ right to vote for represen• tathre Peers of Ireland, and adjourned until four o'clock, when the Loa. Cnassiniacon. the Earl of Suarressuav, and the Earl of :11neauti. eatas Conunisaloners to give the Royal Assent to the fol . lowing Bills—The Sugar Duties Bill, the Customs Amendment Bill, the Land Revenue (Ireland) Bill, the Sugar Warehousing Bill, the Ecclesiastical Counstßecers' Bill, the Nletropobs Justices or thel Peace Bill, tbe Division of the Counties Bill, the Public Markin COOMllissioners 11111. the Cotton Factories. Regulatlon Bill, the Silk "Sannfacturers' Wages Bill, the Friendly Societies Bill, the Soma Debts (Scotland) Bill, the Gaol Reports (Ireland) Bill, the .asib of the rot! qt - - Bill, thy Charitable Loan (Ireland) Bill, the S • ~ re Butter Trade - Orel:ad) 1111 L the kWh Arnie Bill, the i•letropolis Police Bill, the Metropolis Roads Bill, the Port of London Ins. prominent Bill, the London Workhouse Bill, and several prima .808. A person from the Treasury laid on the table papers respselio die Shipping and Navigation of the United Klegdont. LONDON DRIDOI APPROACHES RILL. The Earl of LAUDERDALE brought up the Report of the Committee on the London Bridge Approaches Bill. On the motion that it be received, Lord DURHAM said, he rose for the purpose of withdrawing his opposition from the Bill upon the us. derstanding that it was to be but a temporary Act, be. cause it appeared to the Committee that no other mode could be adopted for making the approaches until the next Session of Parliament. He believed the City had agreed to enter into engagements next year quite dif: ferent. It was intended that a very considerable part of the revenue belonging to that body should be taken out of the hands of those who had at present the ma nagement of it, and vested in the hands of Lords of the Treasury. who were to take upon them to clear the es• ponies necessary for the proposed project. He did, therefore, trust and hope that his Majesty's Ministers would use their ability to see whether any diminution could be made of the very enormous sum of one million at which it had been estimated. Having stated what was intended to be done ant Session, and the reason for his having withdrawn his opposition to the Bill, he thought it unnecessary to detain the House longer. He should, however, disclaim having acted through the entire business from any desire for opposition. He had thought it his duty, as the measure affected the pro perties of many individuals, to exert his power to pe lmet what he considered would be a very injurious one. Ti e Earl of MALMESBU ay observed, that his op. position to the Bill had arisen chiefly from two objec tionable points in it—one was the placing the disposal of those funds in the hands of the city of London ; and the other was in laying the whole burthen upon coals. which was a necessary of life. Those were the two points to which he objected, and, since he understood that both would be obviated nest year, he did not now intend to persist in his opposition. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY considered that the Bill now upon the table of the House would act as a dead letter towards the ways and means of obtaining the funds necessary for accomplishing the great object in view. He had never objected to the principle of rais ing the funds. All he objected to was that the tax should be laid exclusively upon coals. With respect to the other Bill which was to be brought forward nest Session he should only observe, that he understood the City of London was to place in the hands of the Trea sury the Bridge-house estates, amounting to 25,0001. several items of the Orphan Fund, and other property, amounting in the whole to a very considerable sum, to be laid out for the purposes required ; and as this money was to be placed in the hands of the Government, be had reason to presume that the enormous expense esti mated for making the approaches to the bridge would be considerably diminished, and that the funds would now be properly applied,and not thrown away in those egregious follies in which they had been squandered.— . Having said thus much he had no further opposition to the Bill, but would conclude by withdrawing the notice which he had given for Monday nest. He should, however, observe, that if the City of London were again to treat the Order of their Lordships' House as they bad that of the 18th of May, be would then renew his no tice. He regretted that their Lordships had been placed in such a situation, owing to the Bill not having been brought into the House until the close of the Session, as to be prevented from, he would venture to say, le gislating upon it at all. Great inconvenience had fre quently arisen by reason of Bills being brought before the House at so late a period of the Session, and he re gretted that such was the case in this instance. The Duke of WELLINGTON said, in the few ob servations that he had to make he would begin with the closing mouth made by his Noble Friend. He begged to remind him that the attention of the House of Commons had been drawn to the Bill early in Feb ruary, as early as it possibly could ; that it was passed with all possible expedition, and had been now in their Lordships House a month or five weeks. It was on the 16th of February that the first petition was pre. sented for bringing in the Bill. He had supported it because he thought the expense was necessary for mak. ing these communications, without which the bridge would be quite inapplicable for general use. He wished to remind their (.ordships that the old London bridge was in such a state as tendered it impossible to be used for a long time. The principal engineer, who was ex amined before a Committee, said that he would not answer for its continuance one year longer. Under these circumstances, be had thought it his duty to sup. port the Bill. It appeared to him that the parties who opposed the Bill, and those in whose favour it was brought in (for it was but a private Bill), had concurred in the arrangement, which was, to bring forward a fu ture measure that would be satisfactory to both, to which be had no objection as far as his Majesty's Go .VROIMENt was concerned. It was determined that, although the Treasury was not to take the management of the work upon itself, yet that it should coniroul the • large public expenditure. Several funds now belrog• iog to Om city of London were to be put into the hands of th e Wreasury. which should go to meet that expense, and amble them to go on with their work. A great deal had been said upon the increase of the coal duties. It bad been coo plaioecl that the duty was to be laid on coals exclusively; but he would remind the House that the dnties for the last sixty years which bad been aps plied to aU. public works in the city of London, were those which were levied upon coals The House of Commons thought that a coal duty would be the fittest .to.have applied to that purpose. and the city of London had declared that they were walks* to make it avail able. Upon these grounds be had approved of the measure, and bad supported the Bill throughout; and, for the sane reasons as he had stated, .be should nest Session support theetbair Bill. This Megogide of LONDONDERRY explained, The Earl of . ELDON said, without making any obs servations upon what had been termed by his Noble Ftieud the " Deadeßill," having some time ago pros seined a petition from the iohAbitante of Thaiegegkett stating their approval of the Bill, aod praying thet,thay might Pave compensation madefor anyinierytbsymight sustain is consequence, he was persuaded that the _ . 16, Noble Duke would take we t when the de Lilies Bar should come soda the consideration of his Majesty's. Ministers, that the interests of those persons would ,be properly atteoded to. With respect to the order for the production . of the City's accounts which had bees alluded to, he hoped that their Lordships would coed der their own usages respecting_Uorporations before they again made such an order. The Marquis of CAMDEN thought it right to say, with regard to the city of London, that they had been by no means backward in producing their accounts. which bad been. kept in a manner that did them great credit. ----- After a 'few words front the Earl of Muzunsainiv. sod. Lord DISIAIII in explanation, the Report was received, and then, on cite notion of the Duke of Wassuorop, was read a third dine and . passed. wessaan TUX TX2 cameos*. The Bishop of Winchester's Estate Bill and several other private Bills were brought up front the House of COOBOICXX, and read a Am tints. ~•0 IPOOTCN LIM 0. The Earl of ROSEBERRY was anxious to put a question told, Majesty's Ministers concerning a subject of consldersble importance. He alluded to the Scotch Law of Entail. Two measures had been proposed, and the caution he wished to put to his Majesty's Go. moment was, if it ware their intention to adopt either of chose meuures, and to introduce a Hill during the seat Seance of Parlia ment for carrying the object into execution The LORD CHANCELLOR said he could state to the Noble Earl, with reference to the important subject to which his question related, that it was the intention of his Majesty's Government to take the subject into consideration during the recess. He hoped they would be enabled to come to a correct opinion upon it before the nett Session of Parliament. The Earl of LAUDERDALE trusted that any alteration in the Scotch Law of Entail would be made accerdlog to the true spirit of the law of Scotland, Resettled at the Union, and that nothing would be done contrary to that spirit. Lord HOLLAND could not imagist, bow the Act of Union, would interfere to prevent an alteration in those laws which had been alluded to. He did not, however, rise to discuss that question. His object was to patient a Petition from a number of &maks se speeting the practice of burning widows in India. He hoped be should seethe time when that horrible practice would be done sway with. But be thought it woold be wiser te leave the Executive Government of the country to legislate upon the subject..—The pe tition was read at length, and laid on the table. The LORD CHANCELLOR begged that what he had said op the subject of the Scotch Law of Entail might not be misunderstood. ' He did not pledge himself to introduce, nor his Majesty's Govern ment to adopt, any specific measure on the subject. He bad merely stated that las Majesty's Ministers would give the subject their coo dderadoa during the recess. FORRIGN RELATIONS. The Earl of ABERDEEN laid an the table some papers eon. meted wit► the foreign relations of the conotry, which bad been ordered by t►eir Lordship.. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said, he could not help regretting that his Majesty's Ministers had not thought it their duty to come down at an early psi iod of the Session, and, of their own accord, to communi cate to their Lordships some information on the state of the foreigs.affairs of the country. Even at this late period of the Session he felt himself called upon to make some observations lest silence should be construed into acquiescence, much less into approbation. He believed there never was any occasion when it was more neces sary to feel distrust with regard to our foreign relations than at the present moment. He looked in vain to every part of Europe, and he could 6nd no place where .England was now so much respected as she had been only a few years ago. The doctrine of non-interference which was laid down by the Government of this country he admitted was a safe and sound doctrine, but, like every other doctrine, it admitted of some qualification. With respect to Portugal, fur instance, this country had Already interfered too mush in regard to the succession of the throne to pretend that she should now adhere rigidly to the principled non-interference. It happened, ton, that in the disputes of Portugal the Government of this country bad already taken a very decided part. This country had not adhered to the principle of non interference at Terceira, and he was at a loss to know upon what grounds the step taken there could be de fended. It was said that the vessels conveying the sub jects of Donna Maria to a part of her own possessions had false clearances, but surely that was not a Juslification to British vessels fur firing on them. He hoped the Noble Earl opposite (Aberdeen) would now state what course it was the intention of his Majesty's Government to pursue with respect to Portugal, and whether it was intruded to pursue the same system of friendship hitherto pursued towards Don Miguel. and finally to acknowledge that usurper as the rightful King of Porn:- gal ? There was one subject on which he considered it absolutely necessary that the Noble Earl should give sums explanation. It had been reported that a propo sition had come from the Government of this country for the marriage of the young Queen of Portugal with the usurper of her throne and the murderer of het friends. So profligate and revolting a proposition hr had never heard. and he hoped the Noble Earl would I be able to contradict the statement that the Covet nment of this country was in soy degree a party to the propo. sition. It was also necessary that some information should be given on the subject of the Treaty of the 6th July, 1826. It would be very desirable if the Noble Earl would state what expectations he had of carrying' the Treaty into effect, for Russia having broken the Treaty with impunity. it now appeared that the Yreaty was farther from being carried into effect than at aoy previous period. As to Greece. he did not think that the occupation of the Morea by France would be abused by that Power ; but it was disgraceful that England had not taken a more energetic part in the liberation of Greece. France bad completely outs*ipped this country in that honourable effort. With respect to the new States of Sioth America it did not appear to him that the Government of this country was exerting its legitimate influence with regard to those States. It would be admitted on all hands that nothing could be more desirable than to cement the friendly and cordial feelings which had subsisted between the new States of ' South America and this country, and, if there should be any want of cordiality between the new States and this country, or that internal commotions should con tinue in those States, he trusted that it would not be attributed to the early friendship which England had shown to the South American States. The Earl of ABERDEEN hoped be would stand excused in the opinion of their Lordships if he declined to follow the Noble Marquis throigh all the subjects to which be had addressed himself. He (Lord Aberdeen) had already expressed his willingness and desire to explain and justify the whole conduct of the Government of this country as regarded Portugal ; and if a di.cussion bad not taken place on the subject it was no fault of his. Had any motion been made be would base been ready to meet it. With respect to many of the inquiries of the Noble Marquis, be referred him for information to the papers now laid on the table. Those papers bad not been pre pared with a niggardly hand, but, if more information should be required, he was not prepared to say that it could not be granted without injusing the public ser vice. The Noble Marquis (Clunricarde) had accused his Majesty's Government of being friendly to the reign- Government of Portugal, and with being parties to the, infraction of the Tseaty of the 6th July. Now, it W4ll very well for Noble Lords, basing no respousibi-, to ate severe Massage towards the individual at the bead of the Goveinmeot of Pottugal; but the real question was, whether the Government of England was ailitt in adopting the principle of neutrality with re open to the contest-for the.Criiwn of Portugal! What ever might be stated on abet subject, be could assure their Lordships that his Mnjesty's Governmentolid not Affect a system of neutrality, 'but were determined to follow INT honestly. They were determined, too, not to apply this, a:rength of a mighty empire against a feeble Government, to gain popularity from any party. The course pursued by the Government of this counts y with regard to Portugal. be-was prepared to contend, was not only the wisest course that could be pursued, but was the only course left to this country to purses., We were bound to purses that course in the Iola:meal of raining treaties ; and he might state that it was only this week that the reversal of a sentence was obtained against a British subject, simply because it was against the provisions of an ezistiog treaty. It was impossible that the. Government of dus country could go back and say that it should relinquish all further intercourse wills the existing Government of Portugal. As to the .ols earvation, that this country was not looked upon with es cinch respect as it had been by foreign Governments, be could only deny the assertion, but he did so in the most nnqu slified manner. This country had not fallen from the high position it had occupied at any former period, though, perhaps. the manner in which its affairs were administered was not so pleasing to those testless and turbulent spirits, some of whom were to be found in other countries, and who were anxious to be allowed to rush on destruction. He insisted, however, that the friends of peace and rational improvement in all coun tries felt as great a degree of confidence in the Govern ment of this country now as they had ever done at any former period. The affair of Terceira, which the Noble Marquis had alluded to, was certainly unfortunate, be cause it had been attended with the loss of a single life. All the particulars of that transaction were fully es plained by the papers now laid on the table. and, after referring to those papers, he thought their Lordships must agree with him that the Government of this' country was compelled to adopt the proceeding it bad adopted at Terceira by the principle of neutrality which, as he bad before stated, it was resolved to act upon— by the Treaty which this country was bournd to put sue. As to the proposed marriage of Donna Maria with Don Miguel it did not originate with the British Govern ment; nor had the British Ambassador at Rio de Ja neiro made any suggestion on the subject until the pro posal had first received the sanction of her father and of the young Prince himself. This marriage, too, was proposed by a Right Hon. Gentleman whose opinions the Noble Marquis would probably be inclined to re spect; and he might further add, that it had been con templated almost from the birth of the Princess Donna Maria. He repeated. however, that this marriage had never been a British proposition ; but he had no hesita tion in adding, that, if Don Pedro desired to unite his daughter to the present head of the Government of Portugal, the Government of this country was not dis posed to throw any obstacle in the way of such an ar rangement. As to the Treaty of the 6th of July, the Noble Marquis inquired what expretations he (Lord Aberdeen) had of being able to carry it into execution ? To this be should only reply, that it was quite enough to have the Treaty to execute without prophesying as to the results of the endeavour—(Hear, hear). All be could say was, that his Majesty's Government would do all that lay in their power to execute the Treaty of the 6th July, and that they had endeavoured to carry it into effect, not only in letter but in spirit. As they were still engaged in these endeavours, however. be would not hazard any opini in as to the result: It was , impossible to look at the situation of the Tut kish easpitt without perceiving that any great change in the state of that empire would materially affect the balance of power in Europe, and would lead to most important results as respected this country. As to the new States of South America, it was said that the Government had neglected to use its legitimate influence to settle the quarrels between those States. It was a fact which he regretted extremely to be obliged to state, that the new States of South America were in a state of hostility with each other, and of increasing anarchy and distress. The Noble Marquis surely did not mean to charge his Majesty's Ministers with being parties to the state of things which had arisen in the new States of South America? and yet, if this was not the intention of the Noble Marquis, he (Lord Aberdeen) was at a loss to know what the Noble Marquis meant. As to the Go vernment of this country'attempting to reconcile the quarrels between the South American States, it was no part of our duty to have interfered in such a way—it would have been most unwise to do so, and the expe rience we had already was quite sufficient not to en courage us voluntarily to extend our interference. He confessed he looked for a long period of distress to elapse before wise counsels would have any avail on the conduct of those States, and before they should be placed in a state of permanent prosperity. All that could be done, without compromising the principles on which the Government acted, would be done, but any active interference on the part of the Government of this country was not called for in any way, nor was not necessary. Having alluded to all the topics touched upon by the Noble Marquis, be might say that he thought he had some reason to complain of being called upon at the end of the Session without notice, to enter into so wide a field as the general conduct of the foreign policy of this country. Lord HOLLAND complained that the whole Ses. sion bad passed without his Majesty's Government thinking it necessary to lay any information on the.sub ject of our foreign policy before the House, although more than a fortnight had elapsed since the other House of Parliament voted an Addles: for papers on the subject. At the close of the Session papers were now laid on the table the titles of which many of their Lordships did not know. Under all these circumstances he was rather surprised that the Noble Earl did not think it necessary to enter into some details when pre. smiting these papers. He was surprised the Noble Earl could be contented with giving such meagre and supine information as that contained in the papers now laid on the table. The Noble Earl said he was ready to meet any accusations made against his Majesty's Ministers; but was it now to be held for the first time that his Ma jesty's Ministers should wait for accusations to be made against them before they communicated information to Parliament? Was the confidence in Ministers so great that, as matter of course. or of necessity, the conduct of Government with regard to our foreign relations should be allowed to go on without any inquiry? He did not wish to call attention to the subject for the sake of harassing the Government, for, indeed, he scarcely knew what party he might harass. He did not know whether he should harass the opposition of Oxford' or the opposition of Cambridge, and, therefore, his hands were tied up —(A laugh). The conduct and principles of the Government were so varied and , dissimilar. When the subject of our relations with Por tugal was brought before the House last Session, the Noble Earl at the head of the Foreign Department ex cused himself from entering into a full explanation, and granting the information required, by stating that Noble Lords out of office could not judge what papers ought to bit grouted dr what ought not the NohW Earl then intimated that he would give ihe inform*: tion respired at the first moment that it would be sae so to do, and that his Majesty's Governdient ward panting for the hour of explanation. Notwlthbrand: ing these promises, however. no communication was made to Parliament with respect to our foreign re . lations during the whole of the present Session; and when papers were moved for by a.pesson unco rk ; netted with Government, and those papers were granted, they were laid on the table -without a wo r d f explanation. Their Lot,kt.ips were now asked to be ratisfied with an evade statemet.t. without any detail -41 the .views of Governtrient. He complained that the Goreroment had held out gteat promise. and pettormed little, and did not explain on odic they had a ithheld the information they . had Looking to the Speech from, the Throne at of the last Session, that Speech held oat that of policy would be pursued which had not been He did not say that changes might not ' place with jostifiad the changes, but thin of proot lay on those who bad the man. ails:. The country•was informed, in the S.. the Throne with respect to the East, that effs. making to pacify Greece, and to place the relations between that country and Turkey on an amicable foot , ing. That Speech characterised a red' naval victory as an untoward event ; and Turkey was then designated. for the first time, 4 ' oar ancient ally." The language of the Government, divested of its official formality then was,' We are extremely dexterous fellows; leave every thing to us. Our prele-es ors have shackled us with an unwise Treaty, but we ae different sort of chaps, and know bow to proceed. We have the ears of Princes, and know how to deal with foreign Powers; and we will prevent war though the danger in which our predecessors have placed the country is very imminent." Such was the language of Ministry divested of its form and technicality. They promised that Russia would waive her belligerent rights, instead of which Russia went to 'war with Titrkey. It was then said that the Ambassadors would stay at Constantinople and settle every thing anti. cably, instead of which the Ambassadors withdrew from Constantinople. The language of the Noble Earlorhea speaking of the Ti eaty of the 6th July, was, " The Eat petor of Russia will waive his rights as a belligerent, or there is an end to the Treaty." (The Earl of ABBR. DUN here dissented from the sentiment attributed to him. Lord HOLLAND proceeded). The Noble Earl bad used the words he had quoted cn a former occasion, although they might not now remain in his recollection. He had stated that the Emperor of Russia would waive his belligerent rights, or that there woulc: be an end to the treaty. Now, he (Lord Holland) did not see why the Emperor of Russia should waive his belli. Resent rights, and he thought nothing could be more absurd than the attempts made to set up a dis tinction between a blockade of the Dardanelles, because it was a sea, and the blockade of any seaport. The Dardanelles contained no seaports but those belonging tr . a . Russia or Turkey, and there was an end to that ar gument. All the assurances which Mipisters had put is the mouth of the Ling were found in the sequel to be wrong. Instead of waiving bit belligerent rights. Russia declared war in six weeks after his Majesty's Speech was delivered; and yet. under such circum stances. Ministers did not think it necessary to come forward with any explanation or to make any communi cation to Parliament. Parliament was entirely ignorant of the state in which this country now stood with respect to the Treaty rf the 6th of July.— IT he judged only from his Majesty'. Speech, and the declarations formerly made by the Noble Earl, be should conclude that this country. vias not bound by the Treaty of the t•lth July, Russia having declined to waive her belligerent tights; at all events, he thought it would have become his Majesty's Ministers to have communicated with Parliament on the subject. With respect to Portugal, that was a subject on which be did not mean to enter. though it was one on which be telt deeply. There, as elsewheie, the expectations held out had n.tt been fulfilled. No man who regarded the safety and honour of this country but must regret the course adopted with respect to Portugal. He would say, away with all the nonsense as to non-interference in the internal affairs of Portugal. The whole history of the transactions of this country with Portugal was one of interference; and if the Noble Earl ransacked the archives of his office, he would find evidence of inter. terence heretofore with regard to the succession, to a change of Ministry; and as to other internal arrange. n.ents connected with the kingdom of Portugal. the language always held by our diplomatists was—.“ As to Portugal, that is an English affair"—(Hear, hear). In fact. the whole tissue of the subject was one of inter. ference. In the last Session the Noble Earl (Aberdeen) had promised two things—first, that he would give such an explanation of the conduct of the Government of this country as would extort approbation from Par liament ; and secondly. that the Government err uld adopt a rigid system of neutrality. The first promise the Noble Earl certainly had not kept. The House yet waited for a statement of his views, or for his reasons and explanations why he had not before communicated with Parliament on this subject. He was sorry to hear the vulgar insinuation (for such ho should call it) to the restless spirits of other countries. Since the French Revolution it had been the fashion to call persons abroad who took an interest in the affairs of other Gto vernments restless spirits, jacobins. and revolutionists He should just inform the Noble Earl, however, that no person had ever filled his situation with success who did not consider the public opinion entertained towards the Government of this country by foreigners The Goa vemments of all great countries were in the habit of looking as a matter of interest to their character; is other countries. They were not satisfied with diple. matic dispatches, which generally contained less oath than other documents whatever, and were pejo— aor less than a tissue of varnished to end—(Hear). It was not - Metternich, or of any other man should look, but the opine intelligent public in foreign ef his Noble Friend (the Margo,. country was held in less respect by foreigners. He could asotre lington) that it would be house from Naples to Saint, to this conclusion, and not who sat at the tables of any who dare to deny the fact, there was an alteration in the respect in which country was held, and that the alteration was not for de l better. The alteration had taken place within I f elt years, and could only be ascribed to the line of OW adopted by our Government with regard to Weir nations. Upon the subject of the succession to do Crown of Portugal be would only say, that be dune the interference of this country would be justified W I very obvious principles. Lord Bolingbroke_ had I served that be knew nothing of the fuadlooeodu t France and Spain, but that it was clear ly . agoioo I °` wrest of this country that Francs sad Span ihmid 11"14 811 Bri It Ea et tut th 111 VI Ist xrcionds 4 promised. the openink ''' Nat a cours4 een punned) • I hove t41:14 ' ! MI 1 the hilt l' ri . iin tigeinegit c: bit S..eecH h.° ft thi effolis firer. ;to Lever, and were neither sore • 1 irnished lies hom begin& I of to the opinion of Pri 3 Prince, that a wise & pinions of the reflecting i countries. He agreed lois of Clanricarde) that ak . specs than at other a Imre the Noble Duke(if At-,1 1 impossible to visit a Petersburgh without c t even the meanest of the Noble Lords oppoilW , which was notarial, n this yawner, in wbl~