Star. — London, England, 1808-01-15 00:00:00

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. 'V WART Y. The 'traitor' of Altit die aissaalation of te English Doeiraiiihe, in answer to fret of tie .Etnperos of RtisirkiciVith a marginal commentary. On the folio - 144 passage in the second paragraph 4 the Declaration, " His Majesty was not unaware of the nature of those engage ments which hod been imposed upon Russia in the conferences of Tilsit." (1.) The Masitsur says : (1.) "We are authorised to declare, that no secret engagement was formed during the conferences at Tilsit of which England could complain, and which roncerned her in any way. Why does not the Cabi net of London make known those secret engagements which are contrary to the interest of England, if it be acquainted with them ? Its Manifesto would in that case be unnecessary ; and the mere communication of those secret articles would justify its conduct in the eyes of Europe, and redouble the zeal and energy of every English citizen. But it is the custom of this Government to set out with a falsehood, in order to autherise its acts of injustice, and in the endeavour to vindicate those vexations which it causes all the nations of the world to suffer alike. When it was deemed adviseable not to execute that article of the Treaty of Amiens, which required the evacuation of Malta, the King was made to declare, in a Message to Parlia ment, that all the French ports were filled with ves sels ready to effectuate a descent upon England, and all Europe knows whetl•er there was then the least armament in the ports of France. When the Cabinet resolved to seize a few millions of piastres which four panish frigates were bringing from the continent of America, it told a lie equally gross, in order to justify :he most scandalous aggression. When, finally, it wished to excuse the inexcusable expedition against Copenhagen, it had recourse to suppositions whose falsehood is evident to all Europe. " But if the formal denial of Russia and France —if the experience, so often renewed, of the false hood of English assertions—if the challenge which given to publish any secret article of the Treaty of Tilsit, which should be contrary to the interests of England, are not sufficient to convince every impar tial man ; a very few reflections will prove that Eng land does not believe in those secret engagements formed by Russia against her. " If, in fact, the Cabinet of London did believe in the existence of such engagements between France and Russia, why did it not, at the very instant that it made that discovery which induced it to attack Co penhagen, assail the Russian squadron in the Medi terranean, instead of permitting it to clear the Straits of Gibraltar ? Why did three Russian vessels, which were coming from the North Sea, pass through the English squadron which was blockading Copenhagen? Why, if secret stipulations had been made at Tilsit to the disadvantage of England, did the Cabinet of London have recourse to the mediation of Russia, in order to conciliate its differences with Denmark ? Let these Ministers be at least consistent with themselves, and let them not assert, a few pages lower, these very words—' Br, until the Rtinian Declaration war published (that is, until November), his Majesty had no reason to 4: that any epiniotu which the Emperor of Russia entertain of the tramactions at Copenhagen, aril k each as to preclude his Imperial Majesty from smoreosiing, at the rjust of Great Britain, that same efMe ee of Mediator .' bus the English have recourse to the mediation Russia, in order to come to an arum t with Denmark, more than three months a air the Treaty of Tilsit ; and they pretend, as we shall see still farther down, that they un dertook the expedition against Denmark, only to d' *Awe the exemetion of the arrangements at Tilsit, and to e of the objects of th ose arrangements.' They seized• vessels, on' account of arrangements which esi lawsh e Emperor of Russia had made at Tilsit ; they per:4Mo) the vessels of the Emperor of Russia to pass haply ; they were at peace with Russia, for they had recourse to her mediation ; it is hence not true that they then believed that Russia had fivmed arrangements against them ; it is hence not true that they now believe in the existence of those arrange ments. How is this unhappy nation fallen ! by what miserable counsels are her affairs directed ! Her Ministers, in framing a Manifesto of a few pages, have not good sense and reflection enough to avoid contradicts thus gross." " Hut his Majesty had entertained the hope, that a crying) of the fralliedieli of that utfortriate Nertiatiol, and a just estimate of its effects upon the glory of the Russian name, and upon the interests of the Russian Empire, weld have induced his Imperial Majesty to extricate himself from the embarrassment of those new coun sels and connection, which be bad adopted in a moment of de spondency and alarm ; and to return to a policy more congenial to the principles which be has go invariably professed, and more con ducive to the honour of his Crown, and to the prosperity of his dominions.* (S.) (2.) " The good faith of the Cabinet of London shines, forth here in all its brightness ! It hoped that the Emperor of Russia, having formed engagements opposed to England, would fail in keeping then al most immediately. Doubtless the English Government judges according to its own feelings. It reveals its secret to all the world. The treaties which it signs are made only for the occasion (lone des acres eventuels ); the obligations it contracts are but simulated en gagements, which it violates or keeps according to its caprice or interest. We repeat it—the Emperor of Russia signed nothing at Tilsit which was contrary to the interest of England ; but if he had done so, his character, his loyalty, did not authorize England . to think that he would have at once violated his en. gagements. We shall not lay any stress upon the tone of all this paragraph, in which Russia is repre sented as 4 yielcEng in a moment of derpoidetisy and alarm I' The Russians will answer it better than ourselves.— We will only observe the difference which subsists be. tween the Declaration of Russia and the answer of England. We find in the first, the noble language of a Prince who respects supreme rank and the dignity of nations, and who, if he speaks of facts shameful to a State, does it only because he is compelled to un fold the masons of his complaint. We see, on the contrary, in the answer of England, the gross inso lence of an oligarchic club, which respects nothing, which seeks to humiliate by its expressions, and which, for want of good reasons, has recourse to ca lumnious-imputations and insulting sarcasms." " His Majesty had mach cause for suspicion, and just ground of complaint. Rut he abstained from the language of reproach. His Majesty deemed it necessary to require specific explanations with to these arrangements with France, the concealment of wlikh from his Majesty scald nos but confirm the impression already received at their nevertheless, directed the tb. cot only widicot at=s t don, batwith dist !Jahr trapeat-bl Ihmaador , briber tdeadddpoad treat e 474 A.) - rwo e restaaskats. sage. were sh edding ' the sole interest of ti..! oppress= calamities touched the two sovereigns : - 111 - e - iirrie de sirous to put an end to them ; and the Emperor . of Russia, though animated by so powerful a motive, was desirous that England should be sensible of the effects of his ancient attachment, and required that France should accept his mediation • a condition which the generosity of the - l E2ller ;of Russia ten dered less unpleasant (swim ) to the Emperor of the French. Still it mig ht well be so. since the mediation he was called upon to accept was that of a Prince so recently reconciled to Frazee ; and this mediation being so propord, and so adizitted, Eng land, instead of accepting . it with eagerness, answered so great generosity by insulting distrust. She re quired that the Secret Articles of the treaty of Tilsit which concerned her should be communicated to her. She was answered that there was no secret articles which concerned her ; and doubtless, in order to dis sipate so odious a suspicion, the Emperor of Russia, who was always earnest to leave the der open for negotiation between France and England, ought to have expressly fabricated such articles. He had no right to expect that such generous cares should be so ill rewarded. In truth, it is hard to carry further the forgetfulness of all decency, all feeling, and all reason." a His Majesty willingly does justice to the motives which ori ginally engaged Russia in the great struggle against France. His, Majesty avows with equal readiness the interest which Great Bri tain has uniformly taken in the fates and fortunes of the POwers of the Continent. But it would surely be difficult to prove that Great Britain, who was herself In a state of hostility with Prussia, when the war broke out between Prussia and France, had an in- terest and a duty more direct in espousing the Prussian quarrel than the Emperor of Russia ; the Ally of his Prussian Majesty, the Protector of the North of Europe, and the Guarantee of the Germanic Cotutitution." (4) (4) " The Ministers of London have indeed a strange lack of memory. If they wished to persuade i Europe that they were not in connection with Russia when the war broke out between France and Prussia, they ought to efface from the memory of every one, and withdraw from all the public documents, the pieces which they published on the events of 1805. Those pieces.puhli shed by England, have made known, that the Cabinet of London, in order to turn aside the tempest which was gathering at Boulogne, formed a treaty with Russia and Austria. It was contrary to the opinion of Prince Charles, and all men of intelli gence, that an Austrian army precipitated itself upon the Iller. The faction which the English Govern ment had then at Vienna did not examine whether it suited the Powers of the Coalition to wait till the Rus sian troops were united to those of Austria. This de lay of three months was alarming to England ; the long nights of autumn threatened her with too great a danger, and Cobenrel sent the note which determi ned for war, at the very moment when the army of Boulogne was embarked • and the destiny of Mack was decided at Ulm, while the Russians were still in Poland. While England can he answered by facts thus public, how should she deny that it is foi her, and her alone, that Austria and Russia have made war ? Austria did not delay concluding peace; Russia re mained at war with France. Afterwards a Russian Ple nipc • atiary signed a treaty of peace at Paris. Rus sia did not ratify it ; for the sole reason, that having in conjunction with you made war, it was in concert with you that she wished to make peace. Thus, after having made war for England, it was still for her sake that Russia did not make peace; it was for her sake still that Russia continued the war. It was not for Prussia, for Russia owed nothing to that power : she owed nothing to that power, because Prussia, after having signed at Berlin a treaty of co-operation,caused it to be almost immediately disavowed at Vienna, se parated herself from her allies, and concluded apart her arrangements with France. The possession of Ha nover, so desired by Prussia, was not only not intended by Russia, but even against her interests and her will. It is further an historic truth, that Prussia was induced to take up arms on the report of the treaty of peace signed at Paris by M. Doubril, and in consequence of assurances given by the Marquis de Lucchesini, that by a secret article of that treaty Poland had been ceded to the Grand Duke Constantine. This impenetrable Cabinet of Berlin, after having deceived the whole world, was at length caught in her own toils. It is hence true, that when Prussia took up arms in 1806, it was at the same time against France and against Russia ; it is not less true, that after the battle of Jena had already destroyed the Prussian army, and the French were already at Berlin and on the Oder. there was still no treaty between Prussia and Russia, —Russia was obliged to march to the Vistula on ac count of the war in which she was involved with France since 1805, and in order to defend herself.— This confounding of the most recent events, this ig norance of the occurrences of our own times, is wor thy of the present Ministers of England. Their whole conduct, finally, unfolds the selfishness and machiave lism of this cabinet." " It is not in a public declaration that his Majesty can discuss the policy of having, at any particular period of the war, effected, or omitted to effect, disembarkations of troops on the coast of Naples. But the instance of the war with the Porte is still more singularly chosen to lilusarate the charge against Great Britain or an indifference to the interests of het•Ally a war undertaken by Great Britain at the insligation of Russia, and solely for the pur pose of maintaining Russian interests against the influence of France." (5.) (.5.) " Therefore the Emperor of Russia has no right to complain that the Cabinet of London*should employ the forces of Britain for the sole profit of Eng land, while he himself was actually engaged with the French army. • If the English squadron, which forced the Dardanelles, had chosen to unite with the Russian squadron ; if it had taken on board the 10,000, men which were sent to Egypt, and united them to the 12,000 Russians at Corfu, the attack upon Constan tinople would have been an effectual diversion for Russia. The conduct of England was in a spirit to tally opposite to this : after having sustained an inde lible disgrace before Constantinople, she made an er- 1 pedition to Egypt, which did not deprive the Grand Vizier of a single man, and which had nothing in common with the quarrel in which she had engaged Russia. i " Therefore the Emperor of Russia is to ascribe the whole blame to himself, since he would not wait foe the succours which England two disposed tOgrant succours ought to have nth. , yet in the possession of men which laid down their arms and of Buenos Ayres, England had which have since set Copenhagen would not, it is true, have af . the arms of Britain--France was defence : she respected England efforts—hut Russia would Writ i.,_ .41. Sail itist e r e o r tomplain. It was of little moment to the Cabinet of London, that two nations of the continent were massacring each other on the Vistula : the treasures of Monte Video and Buenos Ayres excited her cupidity, and Dantzick received no =tours. " His Majesty, as his Ministers affirm, made the rartat Om to farbfl the expectation: of hie Ally. And what have been the effects of them great cArt: ? The arrival of 6000 Hanoverians at the Isle of Rugen in the month of July ; that is, a month after the contest had been terminated. Was it not evident that so wretched an expedition was conceived for no other purpose than to occupy Hanover, in case the Russian army had been victorious t Is it not evident that it arrived at Rugen only for English objects ? Is it not evident, that iithe French army had.been victorious, the aid of 6000 men would have produced no effect? Is it not evident, that by the month of July the French 'army must have been either victorious or beaten ? Is it not evident that the '2o,oooSpaniards, and the 40,000 Frenchmen, from the Army of Italy, (of which a part had been placed at the diedispo sition of France, by the security given her r throu the Expeditions to Egypt and Buenos Apes), cfjoin to the 24,000 Dutch troops who were at Ham burgh, wouldbythe month of July, form an army more than sufficient to renderfotile all the efforts of England? " It was not, therefore, in the month of July that stieeours ought to have been sent ; it was in April.— But the Hanoverian Legion was not then formed ;. and till the Ministers had it in their power to set inl motion this mass of foreign deserters, they had only national troops at their disposal, and we will state why they did not choose to employ these. The 15,000 men of Buenos •Ayres, joined to the 15,000 British Militia, might have furnie.ed in the month of April. an army of 50,000 English. That, however, did not suit the Cabinet of London : the blood of the Cacti nent alone must flow for the defence of England.— Whoever reads attentively tl , e debates of Parliament, will find there the developerrent of this policy, and it is this policy alone which Russia justly complains of. She had a right to see 40,000 English land, in the month of April, at Dantzic or at Stralsund. Has England done so ? No I Was she able to do it ? If she answers in the negative, she is then a very weak and miserable nation, and has little tide to make so great demands upon her allies. But what was wanting in the Ministers was inclination ; they wish only for piratical operations ; they calculate the results of war ,at so much per cent.—they think only of profit ; and the fields of Poland presented nothing . but danger and glory. If England had at last taken part in some battles, English blood must have been spilled ; the . people of Great Britain, upon learning the sacrifices which war : requires, would have wished for peace ; the mourning of fathers, the mothers- weeping . fort their children fallen in the field of honour, might perhaps have produced, even in the hearts f those Ministers, the same sentiments which a long war has inspired in the Fren .h. the Russians, and the Austri ans. The British Cabinet, in its turn, could not pre vent itself from feeling a horror at perpetual war, or else the men of blood who compose it would be exe crated by the people. The land war is not like a war by sea : the strongest fleet does not require more than 15,000 men, abundantly supplied with provisions, and having no privations to suffer. The greatest sea-fight l is not equal to a skirmish at land, and costs but littl blood or tears. France, Austria, and Russia employ in war armies of 400,000 men, who are exposed to all sorts of dangers, and who are daily fighting. The' desire of peace arises even in the bosom of Victory ; and in Sovereigns, the fathers of their subjects, it finds a place among the dearest sentiments of their hearts. Of all the forms of Government, Oligarchy is the most severe: even that, however, is inclined to peace, when war costs so many victims. The system which influ ences England not to support her allies is the conse quence of her selfishness, and the effect of the barbar ous maxim of perpetual war. The English people do not revolt at this idea, because care is taken to re move from them the sacrifices of war. It is thus that durit four coalitions, we have seen England laugh at the sight of the misfortunes of the Continent, feed its commerce with human blood, and make a sport of the scenes of carnage in which they took no share. She will partake again of the esteem of Europe—she will be worthy of having allies, when she shall pre sent herself in the front of the band with 80,000 men : then, whatever may be the event, she would not wish for a perpetual war—her people would not submit to the caprices of an inordinate ambition—her allies would not he her victims. It is in fighting with one another, that the Russians, the Austrians, and the French, have learned to esteem each other—it is in fighting that they have madehostile and cruel passions yield to the desire of peace. England has acquired her superiority on the seas by treachery, at Toulon, and in La Vendee. To the convulsions which she has stirred up, she has only opposed a few ships of the line, and some thousands of men. She has neither experienced the want of peace, nor the bloody losses of war. But it is. natural that the Continent should wish for peace, and that the Continental Powers should hold the policy of England in horror." .. The vexation of Russian Commerce by Great Britain is, in track Ltde more than an imaginary grievance. Upon a dili gent examination, nude by his Maj.sty's command, of the records of the BMA Court of Admiralty, there has been discovered only a 1 solitary instance in the course of the present war, of the condem nation of a vessel really Russian; a vessel which had carried naval stores to sport of thteenimon enemy. There are but few instances vessels *Weed, and none in which justice has been a party regpeariy complaining of such detention. It is monorail - 04*W as well as of concern to his Majesty, *hi the EmPeOht RAY should have condescended to bring forward a complaint viidsk as it cannot be seriously Mt by those whose behalf it is usgye, might appear to be intended to coml. 1 :Lein 0110141110 *elan:lawns, by which France pent- et Mime the jealous= of Giber countries, and It oneis trr un dl i a an t the Admiralty Court has only. On Me own inveterate an* against Great Britain." (6) condenmed (6) " ship, but this arguznent is not less fallacious : more than one hundred Russian ships have been obliged to change the course of their voyage, have been subject to odious searches, and been detsun ed in England. Since the manifesto of the Cabinet of London more than mere of those ships which were detained at the time that the Russians fought for the cause of England have been already It is -not then to the Admiralty Court tha t ought to have been made to verify th e oct, Russia's coMplaints. It is the registers of at sea, and of the Commanders of th e p 6 .. ‘ ought to have bees consulted. It is a sir,.: of proving that one has done no Isto ng - t ygk i proofs of ose wrongsuiiismthajenymn where they otrefesethe medistions.,,, n0t , . 0 ear of ri le Russia; although the offer ci it was aecompsoi e d t . stances of concealment which might well bare iu st 4 4 7. The ankles of the Treaty of Tilsit were not come .-- Majesty; and specifically that article of the Tiro% l c which the mediation was proposed ; and which r united time for the return of his Majesty's answer to ta it And his Majesty was thus led into an apparent c otap limitation so offensive to the dignity of an inderedu it But the answer so returned by his Majesty was o st i was a sonditional acceptance. The conditions tr y • • Ide!esty were—o statement of the basis upon wt ikt th , was disposed to treat, and a communicatiou of the ..,„,• Pace of Tilsit. The &at of those conditions Am - 7 same which the Emperor of Russia bad himself mouths before, to his own acceptance of mil of the Emperor of Austria. The second was oneuild • ty would have had a rig'it to require even as the Ai r theiu t gl ia Majesty; but which it world have been big* omit, when he was invited to tonfide to his impoos imlll 4 care of his honour and of his interests?' (7) Sophistry and hypocrisy add toile s,. of disgust which is felt at reading such th l ifi r : However horrible the principle of pc be, it would be less shameful to avow it : thei• of greatness in bold, proclaiming crimes , says, that she has not refused the mediation the Emperor of Russia ; and yet the very 6, her note appeared in answer to that offer, h s ; ' entered Copenhagen , declaring, in this masa. rpe tu l not only against Russia, but against Austri a sa whole of the Continent. Her answer to the of St. Petersburgh was read by the light o fd gration of Copenhagen. And what was sh e . swee ? That England wished to know th e the negotiation. How wretched a shift, wh o question involved such important iate rest ? Yarmouth and Lord Lauderdale knew th o e I let it be asked of them, whether they believe F fa wished for peace ? The most desirable ha s h isasi closed in the notes of Russia, since she okay mediation for a just and honourable p eace . r. t . demanded a ,guarantee, and the Emperor of o offered his. Was there on earth a gamete us powerful and more august ? As to the coramai s i c of the Secret Articles concerning ycu, what cil i you to ask for them, since none such existed! was your real intention ? To refuse the in You have refuted it ; and the hand which rigid refusal was then reeking with the blood of dearest and oldest of the Allies of Russia. " The complete abandonment of the interests of de Prussia (who had twice f ejected proposals of separate pen t a strict adherence to•his engagements with his !wry and the character of thew? provisions which t h e bpi Russia was contented to make for his own Wescott is tit ciwions of Tilsit, presented no encouraging prospect ofth of any exertions which his Imperial Majesty might be employ in favour of Great Britain." (a.) . (8) . Prussia bad lost all its states : Memel rat the point of being taken from its Sovecifs, Cabinet of London was one of the causessi this fortunate situation. since it had been cued of the war, by insinuating to Prussia-that tended to restore Hanover to the King of • Is it by the assistance of England that die ' Prussia has been extricated from a desperate ' It was the Emperor of Russia who fought is ' and , caused the restoration of his croft. 'iii' strange manner of abandoning his allies. 5 allies of England would be very happy, if *II only to complain of being abandoned in dew way. It is certain, that France did twirepropre Prussia a separate peace; but it was welltatano at a time when she had not the generous kepi" of Russia in her favour, that the Prussic was not to base been evacuated until the should have made peace." " is is not, while a French army still Occupies sad by the remaining dominions of the ring of Prude, ia wilt stipulations of the Prussian Treaty of Tilsit ; while are arbitrarily exacted by Prance from that minute of >Y Monarchy, suck as, in its entire and most flourishing II Prussian 11fonareby would have bees unable to • the surrender Is demanded, in time of peace, of Pranks which bad not been reduced during the wet. ; 'adults& of France is exercised over Prussia with such stasis as to drignate and demand for instant death, inclarliohili, of his Prussian Majesty. and resident in his dowidistMs charge of disrespect towards the French Goresamet;lii s while all these things are done and suffered, under thew( Emperor of Russia, and without his interference *skiff li ally, that his Majesty can feel himself called urn to Europe for Wing hesitated to repose an unconditioni in the effiesteed hisistsperial Majesty's mtdiatior." (9) : • (9.) This pwagraph contains only false No new contributions have been laid upon the States; but those which had been imposed du* 1 war were to be discharged. All the countries ' the Niemen and the Vistula, - forming a 1 more than a million, have been evacuated : the not; and the reason it has not is; because the has not fixed the periodsfor its evacuation; preliminary arrangements with the King . 01 not yet terminated ; because the expedition to barn has recently thrown more uncertainty affairs of the North of Europe; because the Minister (who, according to the ancient policy Cabinet, has, by perfidious communication4vo good informs. ion to the British Cabinet) is sull don ; because English vessels havebeenreceir mel; because, in short, in the cum:m/1 122 1 stances in whichthe acts ofinjustice on the•p_ut dr, Britain have placed Europe, Russia ancrltsigt," understand each other (ontit i t ntendre). Alcor of individuals, subject: of his Prissian sirojalpav surrender of Prussian fortram which could 'Wks * . during the war, these assertions are altogcthet WM, gible. France has, on the contrary, restored on fortresses to Prussia, Cossel, and Gratz: Th 11 1 make war loyally, and certainly idtinct put to the peaceful subjects of conquered countries. Tbil not seize the property of individuals ; they F.! People of the Continent, read the maritime colt England, and you will see what her code 01 1 would be were she as powerful there as sheds 06 , 1 ocean. She does not seize merely the. shie s , s _, Princes with whom she is at war, but also a chant vessels which transport private propel. 111 is no differe'nce in the eye of equity between . 1 zines of rnerchandize belonging to inclividualT, quered countries , and the goods of traders tub , ! stowed in merchant vessels. According to Ix A , Lions of equity, there is no difference between ai l vessels and convoys of goods transported by 2 01 , 1 " Hamburgh to Berlin, or from Trieste to Go' otiO _ goo [grin Bind I the t gm iotist on- id& dot 110 i 1 • B 76 - 0 di 1 !iiti e in , tliantetes sod teadeciey. Not Ws htajasty, him. Batt these sum te &laud etas =plastics le he wade. ' was yet i cy,m the Indication al say tO 12, ows MSee regard to the feeliagelstat • 000 6, witch resulted ham tie et d ut• the streets fres eaalidesee iaternipted, Vows • • the 15,000 menw -m flames, these forces otsosticas, 74 in Tower and coo. triumph to the = g AMU -their purest higod ihr aiaatiftwie of defy the °prawn of tibellOlL mese 'ate r es pe ct eres • II I •