Star. — London, England, 1829-03-19 00:00:00

o ven rov i lt s t. not tempted) the equal and d i eing pro. min i on 0 1 the laws? Such mit the Imosestionahle in timate glom the passhges which ha had read. Bit, for the purpose of removing all doubt upon . the su bj ec t, a •glause bad been introduced at the conclusion of the De ' t i vr aciras of Bights, which expressly acknowledge that the geoeial object of the great political arrangement • theneffected was that which he had stated, namely, to swirls to all the loyal and peaceable people of this realm 'the complete enjoyment of their lives, liberties, and ies. If. the views of King William at the Rem orlon were those which were attributed to him on the' - present occasion, then his arrival in this country, in.' 'steal of being accounted a blessing, ought to be cursed' by the people as the greatest mi s fo r t une w hi c h h a d ever , befallen them. But King had not come to this toubtry with religions tracts hi one hand, and an ester urinating sword in the-other.—Here the Noble Lord, atter a pause,took a view of (Imitate of Ireland, and enumerated at some length the features by which the tondition of that country had been for some time din. tingui:hed. He then proceeded to ask upon what • rounds the Parliament was called tipm to endure this dangerous condition of society in Ireland? It was be t tube the Roman Catholics were said to entertain cer• tali religious - opinions which were inconsistent with the allegince which they owed to the Sovereign of this country. It was said that in those circumstances, if a few Roman Catholic Members should be introduced into that House, however deeply the Constitution of this country was rooted in the attachments of the people, that yet, if SO or 40 Members of the Roman Catholic persuasion should be introduced into that House, they would be able to overthrow the solid fabric of Ve Con stitutioa. But how this was to be done bad not been explained. It bad, indeed, been said, that when party ranhigh, and divisions ran close, the Raman Catholic • Members may be won over by the Minister of the day to assist him in effecting some purpose injurious to the general interests of the State. But the changes which this_ argument supposed as capable of being effected by eh Oman Catholic Members of Parliament must be effected by the whole Legislature united. The argument supposed that the Government which was compelled to purchase in so dishonest a manner the support of the Catholic Members was in a condition of eats eme feeble. ness, and tottering on the verge t f destruction. But the changes to be effected by this combination must, in the first place, have received the recommendation of a Protestant Cabinet and the sanction of a Protestant King. And the supposition of such a state of affairs as lie had described, and of such a coalition between the Ministry aid the Cabinet, must be to increase ten. fold the strength of their opponents in the Parliament and in the couwey, and to strip the Ministers them selves of the office which they had so disgracefully abused. The Hon. Baronet opposite (Sir E. Knatchbull) said that he did not quarrel with the Roman Catholics for their conduct, but for the religious tenets which they held. He (Lord Palmerston) believed that the tenets to which the Hon. Baronet alluded could not be any other than those principles which were likely to end in prac tice, and to influence the conduct of those by whom they were entertained. But those obnoxious principles the Roman Catholics denied, and, it they even did enter tali them, yet 'he ibsisted that even that part did not support the' conclusion which had been founded upon it. The argument alight be admissible it the question were, whether Ave or six millions of Boman Catho. lies should sow be introduced into Ireland? But there they Were, and the question was now, what was, us be dole with them ? The question was, whether they were to be estranged from us by a system of insulting and oppressiveltgislation, or to be cemented into ,fral friends and Joy al subjects, be extending to them the same privileges, and giving them the same interest in the prosperity of the Constitution which was enjoyed by all other classes of their fellow-subjects? lie • as de cidedly of opinion, that the fact LI these imputed doc trines being tate, taiued by the Roman Catholics in their prawn state of stealth, numbers, and education, only fist atthed alp edditional argument in favour of cowssion. But whit Piet e liltse objectionable tenets about which so much bad been said? The only one which bad any practical connection with the subject was, that of di vided allegiance—that in the event of a collision of in terests between this country and a foreign power, the Roman Catholics would be induced to prefer the in terests of the former. This imputation the Roman Ca tholics expressly denied. Let any, even the most jealous, Protestant frame an oath in abjuration of this obnoxious and imputed tenet of divided allegiance, and every Ca-, thotic in the kingdom wa s rea dy to tak e such an oath. lt it should be said that oaths are but words, and words, but breath, he would then turn to the army and navy; and appeal from Catholic words to Catholic 'action —to the achiev.-ments which persons of that per suasion had •perforreed in defence of their King . and the institutions of this country. But, supposing OR di -sided allegiance actually to exist, iu wh..t situation. hasi it the most favourable oppottunites of operating most securely and effectually ? He would answer, in stations f milieu y and naval cern/nand. Yet in such situations Roman Catholics were admitted to power and influence •of the most important kind, and the law wide' which they were so admitted was not an ancient statute of Charles and %Valiant, but' one enacted under the sanc tion of these very . nten by whom this uuwurtby and unf , %bided imi utation of divided allegiance was now thrown upon the Catholics. Was it reasonable tar prudent to commit to the Roman Catholic the milli , * . guardian.hip of the fortiesser and strongholds of power. ohilst he was made he obi. ct of distrust aodexclusioo, Veil Mil rounifed and observe - d by our uwu troops? In ' situations of perilous tiptoe'. t, arid which sae piegnant with the mr s• important consequences to the elfare of 111• cou-try, where the natural workings of the human he, rt v cold, if any where, bring a printiple of divide,/ allegiance s ir to active operation, whet.: there ea-. the gre_test chan:e of concealment. and where the sanhest cla w re of treachery might. be destructive to the very est•tence of tine empire—ru such a situation the Roman Catholic Commanders were, without hesitation, in trusted with power, whilst in that House and the other House of Parliament—where their conduct would be' perpetually Q. fil to the olvetitati4ll of ale MI. try—Name their acts had swam WIZ every aseranig seat upon the wins of the wind into every v. met of she 114.pire, and of the civilized world—that was the situation to which the opponents of concession Vaa.hiesl IP Uslipit Lb. llenan. Catbabct. it pad been ite late nisch the fashisa to.saver at the wisdom of our ancestoss. But in this matter our aucestots had brew V gch wiser than the present generation. Ole go - Semis had hared and !erred the Croboli4s, mot bask soa,e season to do so. The present 110.1111 es of amino eipatien hated and feared the Roman Catholics *One any reason at all. Our enamors wanted to eAlirPtite the gnaw Cruholica. and they tit ip pod soma r•out 11; -swi the laws of flatus* Miami shit the effect could have teen prorfrateets Hue cow" which 64 been edeptitil .would haw prothape4 it. They fug did Not asks it lawful to pot a Raman Caleb( 111 detta slimmer he should be toansl—'hey coratikreft eta as a wildbeaat—steriatins him as such shay had al tempted to bunt him back from society into his native wilderness. The Protestants of the present tituomplakby abhorred the Catholic, and equally regarded bim as a wild beast; but instead of hunting him back to . the forest, they bactallowed him to prowl about the streets . of their cities and the walks of their gardens. and . fancied that they were sufficiently protected against the dangers of such a state by no other defence than the portals of the temple of jostiae. If the Itoatan Catho lics were such as they had been sepresented, the Pro testants had already gob. too far—if the Roman Catho lics did not merit the imputations cast upon them, then we had not gone far enough. It was vain to discuss whether we should confer political power upon the i man Catholics? this had been alre a dy do n e. We h a d Towed their numbers, wealth, and intelligence to in crease. These were the elements of power, and whether in the despotisms of the east or in the republics of the west, would always furnish the means of influencing public opinion, and even of controulling the measures and cou:icils of the Sovereign. These elements of power we.had ourselves given to the Catholics. Wealth we bad allowed them to acquire,intelligence we had forced upon them ; and whilst they were growing 'more nu merous, more wealthy, and more intelligent, we were debating about admitting them to the possession of po litical power —of power which they already possessed. Those toes who have an almost absolute command on the passions, feeling., and prejudices of severs I millions of men, oho carry in the folds of their gar repent the dreadful alternative of domestic way or ppeace —if these men have not the possession of political proer, then there was no meaning iii, liPids, nor any power in things. He called upon the House to strip these leader: of that poster which cannot be exercised for nods an a l, might be employed for evil. He called upon them to turn the materials of weakness into the elements of , strength, and the causes if discord into the sources of harmony. By returns laid before Parliament in 1821, it had appeared that the poi Wation of Great Britain in that year was 14,000,000, and of Ireland in the same.year 7,900;000. To the public burthens of the gate. Great Britain in that year contributed 50 000,0004 What was the proportion of than sum which Ireland had furnished ?„. 25,000,0001. her proportionate share? No such thing. She had not i n th at y ear contr ib u t e d 5,000,0004 sterling. What could be the cause of •so extraordinary a disproportion? The soil of Ireland teas proverbially fertile, and 'he appealed to the most hard hearted feeling of England as to the proofs which were here every day afforded i f the laborious disposition of the Irish peasantry, It had been said that the want of capital was one of the causes of the distresses of Ireland. Ant did not tire very want of capital. itl Ireland prove that that country gho st h ave b een grievously misg.). cs ,verned ?• Zngliolt capital ore, flawed in every direction but one. There was no speculation however bold in which an English capitalist would not be ready to embark. —lt had climbed the heights of the Andes, and reached even to our antipodes. Beyond the bounds of the United Empire thete was no adventure so hopeless as to dis courage, the enterprising spirit of the British mer chantc. But around Ireland the wand of the enchauter had drawn a forbidding circle which British capital was not allowed to enter. He called upon the House now to break the spell, and allow the country:to be encircled with the fertilising streams which were ready to flow in upon it when they et old do so with security. If he wished to convince the gentlemen of this country of the evils which applied to Ireland, fie would a-k them to go there and.zonvesse with the Roman Catholic people of that country, and to observe how impossible it was' to enslave a pe.iple without demoralizing theta. If this experience should not be sufficient, lie would re commend Ahem to go .to the Protestants of the north, and there to observe how the nob:est motives were corrupted by the possession of unjust and ills: gitimate power. They would there find that, not satisfied with the disputes of the day,. they raked the ashes of hi•tory fur food to support their malignant passions, and inv...ked the ghosts of departed centuries to infuse an additional horror into their political con tendons. It had been said that the present system ought to be persevered in for the preservation of the Consti tution of 1688; but what deeper wound cou:d that Constitution receive than that which was inflicted on it by the present system? Did the Constitution of 1688 consist in governing per force? His Right Honourable Friend the Secretary for the Home Department had stated en a former evertiog that five sirhs of the whole military force of the coui t try was employ..d in keeping 'Leland in tranquillity and submission. Was that ibe Coostitution of 1688? Was it fur the purpose of esta 7 , bushing a military Government that bur brave ances. Arm had expelled the S;uar , sfrom the throne? Tnis was ... " Propter vitam vivendi prrdere camas." The Honourable Member fee Newark had recommended, as a cure for the evils of Ireland, that the absentees should be taxed; that Christian education should be communicated to the people ; and he had also recommended the Poor Laws and a civil war. Rut it trasisraillity were restored to Ireland the absentees would soon find their way back again. l'lre remedy for absenteeism WAN the removal of the disabilities of the human Catholics. WWI rev rd to educe.' lion, if the object were to keep ibe 151.6 in their present condition, it would be better not to educate Them at all—tor the more en. lightened they became the more would they be dissatisfied with the condition in which they were placed. The Poor Laws would pro . bably increase the ill qualities and nsisforrunts to which the Irish were said to be peculiarly liable. A system of Poor Laws would increase their numbers, thelr improvidence, their want of sin. rasped an of economy . The Honourable Member bad also recommended that the same harsh measures which bad been at tended with success against the demagogues of England, should be misur nfairce is Inlaid, and that blood should be sh e d. B ut t h e able; Member would have found in the History of Ireland time bleed had beesaked, but that the success of that remedy bad bog! Gulp momentary, and leaving untouched the causes of the oeLlasitleo of time country, bad only afforded a temporary allevia tion advionse 'of la effects, allowing to rankle more deeply the palmed arrow which bad been infixed in the heart of that de emed country. Ir was well, Indeed, fur Hon. Gentlemen to speak contemprooos4 of danger who lived secure under the protecting Mildew el also law —whose slumbers were never broken, nor their tears awakened by coutention and civil strife. Well might they talk of the groondisamusw of our apprehensions! But to Pav e They *sae scars who never f e l t a woun d." Marco.' as we bad—to have seen as some Honourable Members of that Home bad done—tbe mischefs, the horrors, to wheels deli war' gives rise, and to heir Honourable Gentlemen wise had known by sad experience the barbarities it engenders described as any thing but at the l a st o f calamities, was to him matter of utonipbasserw. If the country was, on the point of in- Girth% dam eg fllitilltr to UM which proceeded from an -over charged thimeaff cloud, we should not, by neglecting the necessary though etudimpeocaation, tarn it in suicidal f r ay on (surmises.He would, for the sake.of aegnorent, grant that the success of such a Le fral war would be as sad compl ete as wou ld b e i ts i n j ust i ce.— That gallealtel seen cease with the existence of th ose w h o Oared k -41 beg balms ed Basked would Boat over the sinok *treble.' itabied's titles, towns, and hamlets, and over the sea led. Of !Mr &Mat bask !Nits sue that Ragland would never MIN =Mb a t o Enennd woad recoil from the bare mates. et each a horrible. stir* a devilish triumph. Events were premix. wpio as with a force sad a rapidity which no human arm midi/ Aar. Wlsilp usewertspeaking about securities the danger was Wreath oar fcet—the *air of ceavublau was approaching—is. dead barld-40ser s bear). fie trusted he should not be told that this was the Wimp et latiasidallea—ha trusted be.sbould not be moped id awakes to the fears, and not to the wisdom and justice or that blame add the country. He disclaimed such intention; hue abets wee a grebe of fear of which no din aboultbe ashamed. The leer to with be appealed was ism the apprehension of danger Name sebick lea shield saccemb; it was of a digerati species, and was Iseastigaill described eseribed by Burke as b e i ng th e met i er o f came, ens debberadoa, which, at ether ImpeNde, might save ea k heen ride i sad that iegaTZgilgi erhuirOuld not listen tonna erlinksime fear sitoubi go break his -whist windmills, and the Court in Cheate.sy almuldrestrain from meddling with pub* affairs. • • Laird MILTON said he fled listelie I with much at. widen to the speech of the Noble Lord who had just sat down. be must say it did him infinite honour, and he (laird Milton) to beg pardon for attempting to gimpy their time after so eloquent an appeal ; but he bad been anxious to speak afisr the Hew Member for Cork Castle (Mr. Banker), btcause hr thought, him that Lamed Member's great legal knowledge, if there had bran say onntrary to the spirit of the Constitution in grant be would have brought It forward; but he bad bees He knew it was extremely irksome to talk of die' of 1680, and he did so only to remark that the laws sow sought to be repealed were not passed in that year, but In* year 1678. The Hon. Member for Newark seemed to think Ilmtish Constitution one of exclusion; he (Lord Milton) thought 'demise; but if he was wrong, and If there was any great objec don against admitting Catholics into Parliament, he should hear 'k stated by a high legal authority on the opposite side of the House. For flue own part he looked upon it as a measure of expediency— and that was political wisdom. founded in justice. He would not detain the House with any further observations. The ATTORN,EY GENERAL rose amid the loudest cheering ever heard within the House, and stood for some minutes before he could attempt to proceed. When the cheering had in some degree subsided, the lion. and [wattled Gentleman "dikes eJ the House, evidently , labouring under deep emotion, which, added to the continuance of the cheers, rendend his first words nearly i.raudible. Silence being at length moored, the Hon. and Learned Member proceeded to the iollowiug effect : I rise, Sir, to address the House undet 'circumstances of considerable difficulty, and A , ith a full -ad perfect sense of the importance of the measure under discussion. - I have followed lithely:, 'and I can pioduce testimonial. of it, a fair and independent coui ie. When I thought I could retain office.% ith hop ur I did set tin it—when I could uot retain it u ith lint.our, I relinquished it. Differing on . this Object as I do fro n ma iy Him. ,Members out thisritele f the H.,u e, I entertain lot many of them, as they well know, a lumen.: of the most heartfelt -respect and affection; but called upon as_ I have been, as Attorney Geker.l of a Piotestant Go vernment, to state my ser.tinients, I must throw myself upon the candour. the Avelino, lhe.geneinsi y of tl.e House—and all these qualities belong to the Hots e of Commons—while I perform the duty I rose to my coun try—the duty e hich, iii .some degree, I noes c its myself the duty I owe to. the British Parlietneta— sad to that Sovereign of whom I artinormirally,but nut practically, the servant (Cheers). I feel myself eatholJened by this expression of sentiment, unless, tilde. d, I cave heat d an a l interpret it wrongly. I feel convinced I shell be indulged with a hearing as a Commoner of the realm, as Member for Ptympton, unconne.ted with the trcsilliClion of my official situation, and as an indekendent Member of Pailiamentosbote public c' .ratter and personal lode penaence entitle me, as •ell as any Hon. Member of this House, to deliver my undistembled sentimeots.— Feeling that it would become tiecessai y for me in the discharge of my duty to express o.y seotiments upon this great question, I determined to acquire the utmost possible knowledge of it, and I will ermine to :4y that no Honourable Gentleman within the walls of this House has ever applied himself to the study of the subject in at its bearings with greater assiduity lit least, and certainty cot-with more of liberality, than myself, to see how far, consistently with security to the Monarch, the Church, and the 'amities of Great Britain, the Catholics could be admitted to the full enjoyment of the Constitution. In saying this I claim to myself not the merit of discei ninety, but of assiduity in inves tigating this question. Hawing done this, I m.y be pew. mined to state that no pain which I, as an in di v.clual. ever endured cculd be compared with that which I suffered when, oi.ly seven days before the opening of the sent Session of Parliament, I is as intimated that the question. commonly called the Cabolic questions was to be recommended to Pat lia meet by his Majesty's Gis vernitier.t This cheer i id .ces rue here to state, that if a iy tx,iression snail, in Cie cots. se of my address to the House, fall from nay tips capable of being attributed to ill.nat.ire or apetity. I trust to the candour arid t e lib..r ality of the House in Commons to` suppose a u - isaid—iodiciartnpula. I abjiiie it. Let me not be suppo.ed to speak under teelings II n alto e or as pe: it ; but, waising such mo:tees and such sets intents, let me be sledest as au humble individu:sl who has never in this House resumed to offei his opini o n with any other assumption of import ince, or i .11 .eneeti by any Wu, f chug than tho e belonging to a B itish Gentleman. To' resume—l repeat that Inner endured pain comparable' with thrt which I felt at the c.immunicathin I have mentioned—when I f..und that at a isoi.Ce of seven days uniy, that cause which had !iron hitherto so ably, so nisbly, and so successfully defe n ded by My Iti;,ht Hon. A Friend near me (alt. Secretary P. el). was to be utterly abandoned—left without a lender—mid cast Corti' with . te any regard to the mescy of the seinsfs and waves. k•itbW that Hon. Manlier s opposite—much as I 'May stiffer from then WI this or other subjects. will not per. mit themselves for a asonstitt t.i suppo a rib =t I have mu. tertained the lila of Outing myself to ward as the leader of the party thus abendiinel 1 am convinced they will believe t eat I co 1.0 lot ward from necessitr alone. I feel competent, nay, that I am bound, as an independent Meartier of Path iment, to take this step. I lament the necessity flit it. .I p to.fully fdi that ne - cessny, and sincerely confess my concern in the presence of that leader, which the Piutestant patty has now no longer at its head. A very cetehratedlistolian (Mr. ' Hain )•has told us that a man cannot, without the im , puzation of vanity; say more than a words rat him self. I have said a good many already, and shall therefore say a few words more. I know nut whether, in point of courtesy, I' ought to press myself mote upon ihe attention of the House; but the situation in which I stand will, I trust,. operttesas my excuse for further pt.:seeding on matters partly pet toad' to myself. I know oot whether., as Memoir for Plympton, I should be allowed to addicts the (louse; but I have done so as the King's Attorney General, and King's Attorney General I will remain. I du not in the least doubt +h at those Honourable Gentlemen who have been guilty of the incivility of interrupting me in the first part of my sentence, without waiting for the conclusion, would be glad were my determination otherwise, and I will state why; theNobleLord who has just sat down is,as the House knows, Member for the University of Cambridge, and has always proved himself .an able, diluent, learned, and consistent Member ft.r that University. He has uniformly supported this question, and is therefore what is termed a liberal Member. I am old that I am the obstacle which prevents the University of Cams bridge from having another Representative on that side laugh). Now. I have never held office on terms which 1 should blush to acknowledge. I was the tool of no Government in the acquirement of office. I am the tool of-no Government in the retention of it—(Cheers). And if the advocates of this que s tion of Catholic emancipation think, that by going to Cam. bridge they would obtain an scquisition to their cause in the person , of an additional Member, and by the ex pression of opinion by that University, I take the liberty, ' as anindividual Member of this House, to say, that for t he lest three weeks I have.been the occasion of no ob stacle of that.nature. I.shall trespass in this way os t heauention of the House but for a few MOMRItio lomat, while I advert to the distinction between the Attorney lihmeral and the Member for P., minitio• 1 Jechite.! thaw the Hill which is owe en thl table of the I lutts4 Lai Commons—raider I order ft—because, locking tit the oath I took as Attorney Genet al, I thoultt that se dressing up the Bill I would he Abe. dotting my deity to the Country and to my King, and itiawii.g • op the death-warrant of the E-tab:tshed Cloe:L— I repeat, that when l addie , ted my Mind t. Oar que,- tion I became convinced wee Ito complyivou e request made to (Heil should be &a- iiig up the eeath• watt ant of the Protestant Church, a, coioi hotly as Noy slid when h e ad v i se d th e l evy of shipuntni t. or a. Lord Chancelior Jeffeties did w h en h e d rew ep t i, e commit tat of the seven Pr. tes ant Bishops to the Tower. I may be told that 1 placed myself in a situation of con. siderable difficulty, and I admit it, but I have cone so with sentiments which have al •ays influen:ed me. Having toraterly declined office from a sense of ctni• acieatious obligation—l retain office tinder the same feeiing. 1 have a tight, theiefore, in the sittiati.in in which I staud, at an independent Mein set of l'sris ment, to stand in the m;slJle of this House, and coons to ory:elf at Last exemption ham censure of e the; sine of it. Alter what I base stated, 1 shall not trouble the House with a singli ohieivation mote respec.ing myself, but I trust shall be' permitted to stale, and I shish do so at no great length, the vest us why, in my own jusigmera, I could not con en: to _ _ thaw that Bill. Tye Noble Loid who h as j t.st sat down celled upon me. not by name, ;t is true, but by implication, as Attorney Geneial s to come for staid and maintain the proposition that the exclu iaa of Roman Catholics was a principle of the Rev..l.oio l . If ti.e House will permit me, I shall atteinit to an swer the Noble Lo. d s ch.l rage; in doing which it will be necessai y tor me to icier• to some documents I have by me, for which also I entreat the per mission the House. Honourable Gerrileman eertecey well know (tri.d I hope the argument will not degenerate to a legal quibble). that because the Bid of Rights does not trate me statute of Elizabeth, which doects that the 0 :h of Supremacy thoil be taken ; nor ilie Act of Cloolvr r which plebe:lnes re auk of Al joratioe ; that because, I say, these two statutes ate hot recitess in tl:e Bill of Rights, it is contended that they are notl Sally turd constiuti: natty recited, and were thereby repealed. This conclusion I deny. It is true that the 11.1 i of Ity,lits does not lecoguise the existence of these two enac:inetitr, and that it does not provide that they should thereafter continue in force ; but I maintain tnat all those tests which existed before the Revolu ion were roestaolished, 'waived, and re confirmed by the Mil of Rights.— It was made a condition betwe n King Wiliam and the people of this country before he set a foot tti;on liiitish soil. These illustiiins prisons, the inte and Pinar:* of flange, were called un- betide the o_oin try psoteeded to the extremity of expelling Jso es the Second from the Throne, to declare wireosei vie) avoid not consent to become negotiators for effectii g a settlement, or, to use the modern phrase, the amicable settlement of what may be called the Catholic ques tion, withaut adopting the extreme measure of the ex,- pulsion of King James? Now, Sir (ad.Jessing the Speaker), it is very well known that you me supp ied with a very good library, white lion. Nlembers. may consult the best historical authorities; of the choicest works on the History of England, and araong, them all? wen k. of !lapin. But I mu.* say that Win Mem bers on the outer side of the q.sestiroi seem t• , rile to be very shy of consulting those autholltieti, atm6l piittlCU -I.irly the pistol y of the magi) of ‘Vilii.ins and Mar ) The malaria that has diffused i:s p. stite.uo. ii.R.tente over the House of Commons—the Rom (Laugh7eit—appears not only to have aireited went and the principles of the converted tiehtletoeu, but to !t eve super induced upon them a devAir .on of mem try Now, haviiig consulted those historical an. .rities, I will take the liberty of min ndiog the. H. Member of a few facts that hive quite escaped tlore ♦ ry convenient 1111:111 Ty. Sir, kiln these dO,:tons tits k ant enabled - to .ta.e, that before the country a4optiM the measure of expelling King James for (that erupt to . i:ivade and subve,t the libei ties of this Pio roam tins dom, a negotiation was proporest to the Prioce and, Princess of Orange with a view to pi event that espy!. son by negotiation; and the hince and Prit.cest of Orange came over for the purpose of meting vpoa that neg: dation, by what Hearne& before an amicable ad. jo s unent. ,rowe some apoln A y to the House fur enter ing on the law argnMent that I am about so use; but having keen called upon by the Noble .Member for Yorkshire as the first law authority its the 1101,,e-1 4.1. wit that in my official capacity 1 am the first law au. dimity in the House, bift I can assure the Noble Lord that in that character I am but a most uncertain, pre• catkins, and fug•citeis first law authority in the 11 use. However, Mich as Tr am, lam still, though so fugitive, the first law *titian ite in it; and as such. I hope to be limited with indulgence by the House while I dtha e on on argument of law. to which my atteatton !.as been m• vited ny the N lble Member for Yorkshire. Sr,. the Not:le Member has challenged me to this argument, :sod most willing do 1 t the challenge; and, with every de ference for the N •ble Lord. I must tell taut lie has laid r dirwa a principle which is contradtzted by ,he testimo nies of history, and controverted by undisputed Its and uncontradicted declarations. the e te,omoities, Sir, I have been called upon. and I now rise, to state and to illustrate. Sir. previonNly to the Hew Atition, King William was asked his opinion as to the wounds MI which he would consent to a .modification of the Constitution, and whether he would not c ono t to a relasattin of laws protec.itsg the Church, and e penal Roma„ l a c " ! uCdaetclb o C l a ic o s , , oli l c e s a t cb l i t ov o ti s lo e , claims aff i e n .ti fo n r g ce th ,, e . h ic Houses of Parliament, and born ecclesiastical, and military employment. N..w, what was Itis High- ness's answer to that inteirogation? That he could not consent to repeal the Test Acts cleated to pro tect the Church, nor the laws excluding the Ca tholics which defended the Constittltiou; and that the Catholics were not affected by the Test Acts, but the Pt otestant Dissenters. That document, Sir, shows that the Prince of a ange made it a coriclitiom of his consent to the Act of Settlement that the laws ex cluding Roman Catholics from power should not be te pealed. Thit document I have quoted fairly—l chal lenge the Noble Lord to show the contrary. This upi nion he (King William) delivered before he set his foot on the Throne of England, when lie was consulted by thsse who desired to prevent by megociation the ex pulsion of King James how the Throne of these realms. He (the Prince of Orange) distinctly declared that he could not allow the repeal of the laws excluding Roman Catholics from offices of State, and that decle. ration he mat'e as en initiative and inception of site great, principle of the Revolution. Now, Sir, I. beg le tee to ask Honourable and Learned Members whether that declaration was ever cavilled at at the time it was made, or when the revolution was being accomplished, or after the revolution? lam aware that the lion. Mem• ber for•lnvernesshire, ant, nay Hon. and Learned friend, the SolicitoinGeneralfor Ireland, and other argomen tutors of that scale and order, have asserted the cut-