Star. — London, England, 1829-03-31 00:00:00

Oa reply to his Majesty's Speech, with reference to the state' of Ireland. and he thought that pledge called, upon us to pause before we committed the country to a mea sure the enactment of which would be irrevocable. Fe. could foible the contemplated law through all its va rious effects; to do so would require a far wider haves. tigatioo than had yet been given it. To'show that such was the was only necessary to recur to the dis. cassia' that had taken place upon the Bill on Friday last..-.He contended then that abundant time ought to be . allowed, in justice to the people, nay, in justice to the inearate itself, for he believed there was no Mem ber in the House, no matter what his opinions might be, who would not admit that there was an intense feeling throughout the country decidedly adverse to the measure. It was contended that this feeling had been produced by excitement; if so, there ought to be time Rivets in order that such excitement might be allayed. %Yhea he looked to the admission of Catholics to his Majesty's Councils be could not but see that, although they were forbidden from advising the Crown on eccim simtical appointments, they bad still a more efficient power vested in them in the direct influence which they were capable of exercising with respect to these ap pointments. When he looked to the corporate bodies which held direction over Protestant bodies and insti- tuti•ns spread over the country, and which long the tished customs had brought home to the feelings of the people, be could not but regard the introduction of Roman Catholics into them with apprehension.. The present Dill gave Catholics not only the power of in fluencing ecclesiastical appointments, but it also gave them power over the funds by which those appoint ments were maintained. When be looked to our cola nies abroad, though Catholic Governors were there de nied the power of directing ecclesiastical appointments, still it was perfectly obvious that Governors of distant colonies had a strong controulling influence, while they themselves were removed from influence, and he was, that by the Bill Roman Catholic Governors of our colonies were gifted with a transcendent power over the Protestant Church. From what he had seen' f Dill, be pet ceived that it was to destroy the nu. testant Church, and the security of all the Protestant estahltshmetsts in Church and State. He could not help' taming the Bill altogether a dangerous and desperate expetiment, which, it passed, would leave them practi• sally without the power of repealing it, and he would conclude by supporting the amendment of his Honour. able Fr iend. On the &sew potting the motion, Mr. H. VILLIERS rose to express his dissent from • the view of the question taken by a Noble Lord (the • Marquis of Chandos) and the Hon. Member who had just sat down. He believed there never was a time at which the country had better reason to be sal fled with its House of Commons, or at which the House of Com, mons had better reason to be satisfied with its own de liberations. The Hon. Member (Mr. Moore) had ad verted t., the pledge given in his MAjesty's Speech, as to the state of Ireland , and bad attached considerable importance to it. He (Mr. 11. V.) also attached impor. tance to that pledge. He had ever been of opinion that the Catholic Claims had bran withheld on insufßcient grounds, fp. cause it was an established principle that all Governments were intended for the good of the cons niuniry ; and he could never see the propriety of main• taining a system of laws which amounted to a conti• nuance of strife and dissension in Ireland. Inquiry into the state of that country had been hitherto evaded, and the brst nioile for breaking through that system of eva sion was. in his (spinal*, the mode adopted this year by his M.jesey's Government. It placed the anti-Catholic pony in a position entirely new. It forced them either to reject entirely the recommendation of the Crown. to adopt the measure submitted by Ministers, or to bring forward r•me measure of ther own. As to the disap pointment which had been expressed respecting the course pursued by Ministers, the terms of the Address did certainly pleJge them to take the whole state of Ireland e nisides al ion. But the anti-Catholic party had gone over the question with scarcely an allusion to Leland; it bad been only slightly refereed to in the speeches. of the Hon. Members for Cork Castle, Dor- set shire, and Newark; and he therefore thought that they had no right to lay such particular emphasis upon that point. General GASCOYNE said he was one of those who had opposed the first introduction of the measure; and he would now say that nothing which bad since fallen from the Right Honourable Secretary—nothing which had fallen from any Honourable Member—nothing contained in the provisions of the Bill itself, bad suc ceeded in removing his fears or calming his appre• pensions. They had been called upon to make great sactifices—to alter the frame of that Protestant Consti lotion under which they had lived so long and so hap pily—to past with principles and opinions advocated by able lawyers, and subsequesitly adopted by emi neat politicians, and afterwards received by the nation. Now. if they were called upon to make these sacrifices for the permanent settlement of the question, there might be a reasonable plea for doinig so. If it were • demand fir religious toleration, no man would be snore disposed to concede it than himself; but what wire they about to give? Were they about to give a measure of teal relief to the mass of the population of Deland, or to sacrifice the feelings of the majority of the people of England to carry a measure fiom which no substantial relief would be derived? The object of this Bill was no other but to advance the wishes of the Roman Catholics, in preference to the sentiments of the great body of the Protestant inhabitants of this country. The contest had not been if Catholics should be ad misted to other offices, but whether they should be eligible to seats in Parliament? In order to prove the ] necessity If such a measure, and the relief Likely to be obtained by its adoption, be would only ask it lieland. is sending a representative body to that House, could send men more enlightened, more capable of discharging the duties minuted to them, or more aretitive to the interests of their countrymen (fur if they had a fault he believed they were rather too national), than those who already represented it # If it was proposed to give ad. vantage to the Catholics by this conces•ioo, be *mild appeal to those *be kaew their course of education, and she mars* of education received by Protestant Members of that House, whether, so far from being au advantage. it would not rather prove a disadvan tage to them ? The very prejudices of the Catholics had been attentively considered in that House. and the -present Bill was a proof of the fact. He could not help regarding the measure as an illasioo. brought about by the arts of ambitious demagogues, exciting that pat of the empire for the purpose of obtaining i temporary popular *T. If it were said that it was for the relief or amelioration of Ireland, be would ask if the admission of a few Catholics into Parliament could afford th-m any advantages which they did nut already possess ? 'VI is there an individual present who would declare that be advocated the measure upon that ground? No one would &ay that, when the Bill should be passed, some tato,' professing the Roman Catholic religion would beams candidates for beats in that Home • Thee iould be thirty or forty Catholic Members. He did not pre tend to as that they would all be from Imbed; but he would put it to any one of the Hon. Gentleness who had advocated the measure to say if individuals would be fond to declare dolt they had merely retained their i seats .for the e.tholics until they had procured thole; concestimas for them, or if th ey would not rather soap test the privilege. In his opinion the opportunity would be taken by the Catholics of gratifying their bigotry and their prejudices, by electiag where et was possrldien, member of their own religion sa preference to umber more experie nced and equally alive to their real into rests. what would be the situation of Ireland when a dissolution of Parliament should take place ? and a dissolution must soon take place; for those Hon. Members who thought that all points of difference would be set at rest with the settlement of the question there were greatly deceived—(Hear, hear). The par ties of Whig; and Tories bad agitated the country for years, and those who believed in the repose that was to follow the present measure would be disappointed. —Let them bat suppose the feeling of the lower classes in Ireland sUa a Catholic came to offer himself as their Representative in that House. Let them take, for example, the city of Limerick—(Hear) Suppose a Catholic should say, is I am come to offer my vett for one who professes the same religion," what would be his feelings when he came to be informed that the liberty to vote far a Roman Catholic candidate and the privilege of voting at all were taken away togs. then? He would say and maintain that this measure alone, or the two measures united, unaccompanied by any other of a more effective character, in place of pro. clueing conciliation in Ireland, would be entirely abor tive, and would only be ground of Einem disorder. — Before changing old established laws—laws which had been reverenced, and which would continue to be re• verenced—it would have been proper to have inquired whether the measure of relief was really calculated to prove ell that it was intended to be? Is would have been proper to have considered the real wants of Ire land, one of which was a resident gentry, instead of whom there were middlemen, and high rents, and low wages, and the want of poor laws, and the want of education, with all the evils produced by such a want. He did not see any additional inducement held out in the Bill for quieting the Catholics, or to cause the investment of capital to increase in Ireland; nor did he think that the gratified ambition of a few would tend to ameliorate that country. It bad often been asked what remedy would they propose in lieu of the measure before the House? He would reply b referring to the Speech from the Throne, and to h Majesty's suggestion to that House, that they should inquire into the whole state of Ireland; and he would ask the Right Hon. Secretory for the Home Depart. meat if that recommendation was intended to mesa nothing? Had they acted upon that recommendation, and had the settlement of Ireland appeared the real ob. ject of Ministers, be for one shoulJ have gone coolly into inquiry, and with less opposition than be hod show, to the measure, the mode of bringing which forward adopted by the Right Honourable Secretary had ag gravated the evil tenfold—(Hear). It had been no. communiceted to any body so long as secrecy was practicable—.it had been kept even from the knowledge f mlividuals with whom the Right Honourable Gentle. mm was in official intercourse—and it would appear as if he had acted mauler the impression that the less there was known the more probable was the chance of success—( Hear). The expression of public opinion upon tars triestiou had been outgunned; and, numerically speaking, it could not be denied that the people of Eng• land were adverse to concession. An Hon. Member bad said that the people were satisfied with their repro. sentatives. He (General Gascoyne) &Hewed quite the contrary ; but, it any doubt were entertained upon the subject, and it there was an anxiety for main airing the Constitution instead of breaking in upon it, why did nut his Majesty's Ministers advise the disuilution of Parliament ?—(Hear)—and clear up these doubts to the satisfaction of the country. He believed the feeling of the people against the measure prevented them from adopting that course, and, in his opinion, there could be .no stronger criterion that there was a decided numerical majority opposed to it. In his mind, the farther in vestigation should be extended, the greater that majority would prove to be, and, from his means of forming an estimate upon the matter, he was fully convinced that nine-tenths of the populatiln of England were hostile to the measure. He could not but complain that a fair opportunity had not been afforded them of becoming acquainted with the extent of its provisions. Suppose resson,ble time bad been given —had the Bill been read a first time and printed, and an interval al lowed for consideration, say until after the holidays —be believed the opposition to it should have been less determined in its character. The Right Honour. able Secretary bad talked of the incumbrance of securities in bringing in the Bill; but the phrase was misapplied, for there were no securities, and, of course. there could be no incumbrance from them.— The only real security that could be afforded in the case would be that which was to be derived from excluding Roman Catholics from the office of Prime Minister. The Right Hon. Secretary opposite bad, indeed, said that the circumstances ender which, if at all, a Roman Catholic could fill the tituation of Prime Minister would be such as to render it extremely im probable that any Roman Catholic should wish to be placed in that office. He (General Gauls's.) should. however, prefer a direct and express prohibition ; and, indeed, the reasoning of the Right Hon. Secretary upon this point, if at ail admissible, would go to prove chart e Roman Casbol.c could scarcely be more likely to become a Secretary of State than First Lord of the Treasury. There might be more than met the eye in the security which was said to be cotitaiurwl in this indirect prohibition; but as the Bill now stood, and as he (Gem° ) understood it, it afforded no security at all. There was a t me when the Right Honourable Secretary slid that he never should in any event consent to a manure for the emancipation of the Roman Catholics unless it should be accompanied by another for the payment of the Roman Catholic Clergy. A late Foreign Secretary bad, ha believed, a plan of this nature in his mind; but be did not venture to propose it to Parliament, as that species of new taxation at the people of ibis country would be, if possible, more unpopular than even the present measure. One of the 'cost effects which the Bill note befoae the Nape would produce was the de struc.isa of the confidence •luch had been hitherto placed in the principles and conduct of public men. The alterations and t. rgiversadons iliac bed taken place in that H. use, and the hotter tergiversations which were likely to happen elsewhere, would have the effect of destroying all confidence in that and the other House of Parlia. meat. It had been often said, in the course of the dis• cussions upon tbis subject, that, as soon pa this tonsure 091 0 4 have been citified, matters would Saturn into their former condition, and all the egad ace which had been so violently shaken would be restored again. fie believed that the very ,cnotrary of this would hoppers, and 'hat, instead of cons lean in public awn being in. stored, the pubic would kola total indiffereaco toward them. He much tegtetted this consequ nee, because he believed that a generous coadeace in pub* wee h4d produced great national advaotagps in some Waren amongst which he *mold mention the cue ()Nelms French war. He was ceofident that before the present &Wow was gone by, certaiply before the coeclusion of the nest Session—the Right Hon Gentlemen op posite would find himself in a Tay different positron from that which he had formerly occupied. The sup port which the .Right Hon. Gentleman was now se ceivinefrom a quarter in which these could be no con fidence, and from parties who had a particular object to attain, could scantly be a sufficient recompense for the confidence which he had lost amongst the public.— Would all the cordiality which DOW appeared to subsist between the Right Hon. Gentleman and his new allies continue after the present conjuncture had passed by? There was no man in that House or out of it that es teemed more than he did the goodness of the Right Hon. Gentleman's heart and the kindness of his disposition ; but his public conduct was another matter, end the time would come when the sins which he bad lately corn miued would be visited upon him—(laughter. and bear)—snd when he would experience the effects of having lost that private zeal, arising from cersooal re ' gad, which had induced individuals so make sacrifices for the advancement of his interest. And if Ireland should not become quiet—(and he believed in his con science that it would not be any quieter next S ssion than it was aow)—if a considerable tinkled n should pot take place in the n.ilitary establishments of the country —they the people would look for tesponsibility (tom those persons who had originated the present measutes, and who maintained that the consequences of them would be nothing but hominy and peace. The Right Hon. Gent. might be assured that the opp• r• unity of calling him andhis colleagues to an account would not be lost. There was one measure which he regretted not to have seen introduced—he meant a system of poor laws for Ireland, the only motive for opposing which was to evade the tax which would in that way fall upon the absentees. He (General Gascoyne) hoped that, what ever divisions existed amongst the Members of that House upon these subjects. they would be all united upon the point of introducing the poor laws into Ire land, a measure which would alone confer upon that country those benefits which the Right Hon. Gentle man was anxious to procure for it. The Hon. and gallant Member said the: the last clause in the Bill was the only one of which he approved. Mr. CAMPBELL supported the Bill, oa the ground of expe diency—be felt confident that It would be the means of tailoring tranquillity to Ireland. Mr. PIERCE had been to the minority on this question, and [regretted to hear the foul epithets of bigotry, ignorance, dtc. wh.ch were heaped on those who were opposed to this BAIL He felt con fident that the majority of the meet hilluential part of the cumniu nity were opposed to it. He bad the highest confidence its the pre. seat bead of the Administration, but on a question of such vast importance as this he would take leave to judge for himself, because. if once passed, the evil could not be retrieved. He would consent to all other pans of the Will, except that which gave the Catholics admissibility into the Legislature. Mr .1. E. DRNISON did nut mean to disparage those who opposed the pteseut measure. It was certain that the numerical march) , of the country were opposed to h—but he was UM that it those who had ;limed the Petitions which had been presented against it, were told that the erect of it would be to restore peace 'and tranquillity to Ireland, they would petition in favour of it.— The settlement of this great domestic di&ulty would, be was sure, give general satisfaction, and be bad not the lean fear but that it would *relivable, Ave millions of his Majesty's subjects—(Hear). Mr. HART ifiAVIS would heartily give his vote in favour of the swamp if he thought that it would have the effect of tran quillising ireland ; but, before GOD, he believed it would be attended with a different result. CUST was willing to believe that the Hight Honourable the Secretary for the Home Department had acted couscientioudy, but the Right Hon. Secretary had not given any satisfactory reason for the change which took place in his oeotintecos. No doubt the Right Hon. Secretary bad made great sacrifices, which he would not have made if be had not adequate reasons; be ( Mr. Cost) could not coosclentiously vote for the mea.ure, for he looked on it in a religious light l the Catholic religion was so disposed to en croach and to Awls every thing into itself, that this could not be looked on otherwise than in a religious view. Sr C. BURRELL opposed the Bill. because he thought the Cathode religion unchanged in its persecuting spirit; but if the present Bill should do good, be should be the first to rejoice in it. Mr. W. BANKES—Sir, after so many years debate, then, this is the Bill we are called upon to pass. Is is a matter of regret to me, Sir, that it has not been compe tent for me to give my sentiments opzin this measure earlier in the debate, and that I have been obliged to delay doing so until the Bill has arrived at its two last stages. I regret it, Sir, because I must give my most uncompromising dissent to the Bill in all its clauses, and every principle contained in those clauses. 1 care not from whose hands it may have come—l case not by whom it may have b.en advilca teal it equally my duty to give it my most decided opposi tion. I freely confess, Sir, that it is with great feelings of pain that I come thus forward to cppose, and, as fin as as me lays, obstruct a measure that originates from, and Is recommended to us by, that sled min now at the head of his 1111je•ty's Councils. I call him great, Sir—and why ? It is not in respect of his office or of his power, but in respect of his achieveusents and cha racter ; and surely if ever there was a man who, on those considerations, deserved that epithet, it is he. I have, Sir, in common with every Englislim in. I may say in comseon with the whole civilized world, earn red the splendid progress of success that has marked his career. 1 yield to no min, either in this or in other countries, in admiration and gratitude, inspired by sari.' veying the security and glory with which he has sur rounded us. Sir, as a private individual I have known that illustrious person In his retirement. and have been, to a certain degree, honoured with some small share of his kindness and attention. Of that, Sir, I am not for getful; but here I have a great public duty to perform, and if that duty rue counter to the private connections of my life, I regret, but cannot change it. I feel c.lled upon by my country, by my religion, fearlessly, un compromisingly, unhesiiatiegly, to oppose this Bill— (Hear). I fee Sir, that we have some ground to com plain-1 am sorry that truth compels we to say it—of having been worse treated by our friends than by our enemies—(Leughter and cheers). Ay, Sir, it is so, in deed. Upon no former occasion might we not have bad better terms. Upon every former proposition of this kind there was a talk, some show, some slight shadow, at least, of a real, substantial, and tangible security. There has been always some plan for, or talk of, interfering in the appointment of the Catholic Hier. al dry, that was to calm those great and reason. able apprehensions that I and others entertain for the Protestant establishment. But what plan was there here of this sort? There was nothing of the kind. —The Bill was a plain unconditional surrender. Sir, we have heard it argued that this Bill is not the offi! spring of intimidation. Why, Sir, if I had not seen any thing of what was passing mound me—if I bad never heard one word of the Catholic Association, of its members, of their acts, of their speeches, of:their/gbh cations, of their menaces..if the name of Mr. OtOrl• nen had never sounded in my ears, I should have seen Panic !Rijeka Ppm) the viry has of dm Bill. , Why, Sir, 'elpt are the signs and symbols of panic in ordinary eases? Do we not yield every thing that is ,waited, ill *at is asks; 91 us? De'rt obi tstow every thing aide in order to get forward, and mid ah we tear, without looking to the tight or the lef. Do Steenvterßyiloi ? rte Is it not a .17 we not hussy forward? Do not we precipitate ft thtitg? i n D the ll face rear these 42 ing up. an abandonment and unconditional auraes.the , p se e%e of our liberties ? Has not this sorrender been hur,je iiee not, o ir, has it not been precipitated beyond what any sa rns i t : not pro duced by fear would have been? So hotried ji it been that time has not been given to appoi nt , a... law officer of the Crown—!Cheer:). No, ai r ,i a : has ni t been given even to find a tetonspen t h a the framer of the Bill, for recomprnsed he d a n t . less will be; but time has not been given to that reward for his labours which would seed & II back to his coostituents with his honours fresh abou t Sir. it is the linguini, y of this case that tf.is,the grep w legislative act that has been proposed these twat% sired years, is introduced to this /insist to be pot b ye law with the protest against it of the highest lead thrni.y in this House.—(L-sud cheers, which wen n doubled on Sir C Wettier• II boaing his ackn whi m . areas.) But, Sir. 'here was tin neeJ of a n y l ega l 4fri z in th • framing of this Bil.. Any man, So, (bio t i n , done what is here dose. No legal adviser was sorra to do that which terusited no law. atil archlect, is competent to pull down an edifice. Any man 4 4 has sufficient boldneis can direct t'se of what others hold sacred. Toe a present wad, fir is one of destruction, of annihil a t ion, of fibrom a :. of overthrow to the old laws, without an attempt at the substitution of others.—(Cheers.) n'hat stitution is tlice?—What is dive wr ught but de strucion? The poor Protestant freeholder is a j emblem of ve policy of this measure. He surrenders his rights and franchises, but is told that it must be dome for conciliation sake, that something better will be given for it, some great advantage. But is it to him that it is given? N., Sir; it is given to a Chard opposed to his own; the advantage is given to thine who are hungering and thirsting for the benefices a lsold—(Hear, hear). That, Sr, is a picture of .a r state it this Bill be passed—(Hear, heat). And all this is to be done for I eland. Sir, Gentlemen who have argued the question on the same side with loy. o f ha v e been told that they took Ireland too little intotheir consideration. Dot, Si., I 2.k whether we h a v e n s enabled to take it into our consideration ? What interne. 'ion or documents have we had la.d before us foram pnrpo•e? I know very well that at the opening fine Session his Majesty from the Throne did recomm ndsko we should take the whole state of Ireland into our caea. deration. But I should like to know a hat past of them commendation Ministers have a.sisted u. to comply aiii? We must take from garbled extracts, lions whit he,* Right lion. Gentleman has thought fit to produce, ila in tires of those proposed change. ; for hack of better of must even refer to these. What will then he the result? Mat the situation of Ireland has been unsettled—no ose car, or will venture to deny it. But within my memory, and within that of the Right Hon. Gentleman hinuelt• Ireland has not been in any other—(Cheeri I am gia to hear these chic's, because/ it looks as if Hon. Geode men were about to concede to me the object of an ari gument which I was just upon the point of briogiq forward. I will ask any man who has attended toga subject, whether any new case has arisen—whether sia gross aggravation of the evils of Ireland has occurred?— His answer will be yes—and I will ask the Right Ho. Gentlemen opposite when those arose? We base been told by the fi rst Law Officers of the Crown tbati the law of the land was sufficient to put down agitators and the agitation that prevailed in being. Was that not sufficient? Were not Ministers and Oa Irish Government armed with new and estraordiawy powers for the purpose of meeting and suppressing suss' Associations as those to which allusion has been made? And yet with that two-edged sword of the law they suffered the evil to increase; they suffered to sleep a the scabbard that weapon with which the law hadl armed them to crush and to chastise ; and they sufferei unresistingly and unopposed the increase of the evil 04 according to their own confession, it bad outstays their power to Compete with. And now they : come down to Parliament to use the consequence of dui own neglect of duty as an argument in support d their measures thus extorted from them, or rather se a cloak for their own apostacy—(Cheers). Lai us look at the Bill, and discover, it we can, those culla of comfort which its framers and supportett tell share to be found in it. We shall then find that Prime Minister of the King may be a Roman tholic ;* but then (say the Right Honourable and He 1 nuurable advocates of the measure), he is prohibitd horn advising his Majesty upon any subject co with the Church, its establipliment, or the interests the Right Reverend bench. This is all very well, al very plausible; but suppose the Popish Premier nes not to refrain from offering to his Majesty his advice upon those matters ; suppose, on the contrary, that k. were to use the opportunities for access to the Sovereipl which his place of Prime Minister would afford him air the purpose of advising the King to act injuriously to, if not totally subversive of, the Protestant Church awl Establishment, how is his treachery to become knows te, chat he shall be impeached and punished ? By whoa I. it to be revealed ? By the King ? No. By h is Cooled' Cm tally not—no such denunciation can be anticipated. Where, their, will be our security ? When, therefore, 1. find a clause of this nature put forward to facilitate tree passing of such a measure as that now befule the House, I can only look at it as a delusion, as a mockery—lot's,' such words only can such an attempt be c h ar acterise; We are told, (us ther, that the increa se of the Jesuits iir be prevented. How stands the case? We know that ris . order has, in this country and " 'cereal - blishnsents ; that order, be been hunted out of every Stati as well as Protestant, one tis by this Bill, the provisions of ■ calculated to Ore equal satisfaction and the Catholic, that the order - - To be suppressed? No such —suffered to remain in a country sence is admitted to be somewhat security is to consist in the registry the Right Honourable Gentleman, tart' of State for the Home powa of sending over to the Jesuit with whom to bold a - (Loud cheers.) A very full certainly ; but I hope the such impostatios will be required. present but of future times, Jesuits in the government of Church—Jesuits, not of the supporters of it. and thorough sera of its principles. Such wanting to come down to this W. have - not altered my opinions, yet I will act directly • trary to them. Ido not deny that there is daogv; that which I recommend, but still I will run upon to. admit that this measure is fraught with evil, but it necessary, and I will do evil that good may MP . (Lettl latttettiri 411401fatio8)—• louse, and al in Ireland, several sok it remembered, which lei lie in Christendom, Cat ime or other. Yet we f which we were told est 3 atisfaction to the Prot order of Jesuits is—wltst• thing—but to be tolaat ountry in which their pi aewbat dangerous, and 'egistry of their names; ii. lemon, or any future Seal , Department, is to have the the Continent for some • six months' consultatioao.,, A and adequate tare/ t, day will come what • quired. I speak Net of de 4 when there may be toast E the State as well as is tle order perhaps, yet bola ° igh proselytes to, and obelP Is a Jesuit will not thee b l , , this House, and sail 11 , •