Star. — London, England, 1830-05-25 00:00:00

The House then resolved itself into a Committee, when the fol lowing sums were agreed to :- 3,0001. for the support of the Refuge for the Destitute for the year _1830._ 4,0001. for the relief of the American Loyalists for the year 1830. 3,0391. for the support of criminal lunadcs. 5.7121. 7s. 10L allowance for Protestant Dissenting Ministers of England, for Protestant French Refugee Clergy, and for Protestant French Refugee laity. Air. HUME wished to know why we continued to pay this sum? He did not think it right to grant the sum for Protestant Dissenters nor that for the Refugees, for now there was nothing to prevent their return to their native country. Mr. G. DAWSON made some observations, which were totally inaudible. Mr. HUMS said, that he thought notice ought to be given that these pensions would not be continued after the present receivers of them died or. The vote was then agreed to, as were also the following : 45,000 L for foreign and mail service money. 76,0001 for printing acts of parliament, bills, reports, Ike. for both houses. - 8,0001. for printing public records. Mr. PROTHEROE hoped $ new commission would be ap pointed for superintending the printing of the public records, for the present commissioners had too much other and more important duties to perform, so that this record commission was wholly neglected. Mr. HUME wished to know what the fees were for respecting these documents at the Tower, which he understood to beenormous, and to whom they were paid. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said they were of a very ancient date, and no increase had ever been made to them. 96,8501. to defray the expense of stationary, printing, and binding, for both Houses of Parliament. Mr. HUME thought the charge of 1901. for stationery for the Penitentiary was enormous. There was also a charge of 251. for the lottery-office, which was long since abolished. Mr. DAWSON said, it had struck him that the charge for the Penitentiary was high; but on inquiry he found that some of the prisoners were allowed to write for practice and improvement. He would inquire about the charge for the lottery.office, which being small had escaped observation. The resolution was agreed to. The CHAIRMAN reported progress, and asked leave to sit again on Wednesday.—Agreed to. FORGERY. The order of the day being read for the House to resolve itself into a Committee on the Form Punishment bin, Sir J. MACKINTOSH said, he wished to move an instruction to the committee to receive certain clauses, which he was apprehen. hive were too extensive to be otherwise adopted in the committee. The SPEAKER said, instruction to a committee was only ne cessary to increase the power of the committee, not to Instruct it to do what they had the power to do already, which was the case with respect to amendments of which the right hon. gentleman had given notice. Sir J. MACKINTOSH said, the only difesence of opinion on the bill was, the expediency of continuing capital punishment for any acts of forgery. He had supposed that it was necessary to make the motion in the house; but was perfectly ready to move his amendment in the committee. Mr. PEEL said it was perfectly competent foe the committee to receive any clause that might be moved to be added to the bill. The house resolved itself into a committee. On the clause, that forgery of exchequer bills, bills of exchange, and warrants for pay. anent of money, should be capitally pun ishe d, Sir JAMBS MACKINTOSH said, be should endeavour to con fine himself to the question before the committee. He would not enter into the history of the discussions that had taken place in par. liament on this subject since it was introduced by Sir S. Hominy, 20 years ago, to the present time. He could not reflect on the differ. ent feelings between that period and the present without a gratifica tion which it was impossible for him to express. He had lived to see the day when a minister of the crown was anxious to reduce the severity of punishment. He congratulated himself to see, in the short period of twenty years, in that house, two ages of such con trasted character. When he recollected the small beginnings of that able, intrepid, and honourable man, Sir Samuel Romflly, and now saw the table crowded with petitions, praying to abate the severity of punishment even beyond the proposal of a reforming minister, who placed his game high above the reach of chance or accident, amongst the benefactors of mankind—his gratification and delight were indescribable. The number, and profession, and character of the petitioners, who had long cherished severe punish ment as the shield of their rights, but who now appeared it the bar praying for a mitigation of punishment as necessary m their security, were entitled to the greatest consideration. He had pre sented a petition from Edinburgh, signed by all the principal men of every profession, and by 17 bankers out of 18, who had peti tioned the house to deliver them from the pretended protection, but real danger, of the law. Throughout England, 1,700 bankers had petitioned the house to give security to their property, by deliver. tog them from the danger, of a law, become inefficient by its seve rity. These petitioners were entitled to the greatest attention, as they spoke the language of experience. They were witnesses ; and if they were called to the bar to give an opinion on any question of trade, that opinion would be entitled to great respect; but here they were witnesses of a matter of fact. Amongst them the house was to look for prosecutors, and witnesses, and jurors, and they told the house that the law was too odious to be exe cuted. Would the house say to such a body, " We understand your interests better than you do I" Their present petitions were contrary to all their former prejudices and feelings; and they now state, in the strongest manner, that whatever utility might be in those laws in farmer times, the age was now too humane for their execution ; and as the people were not to be re-barWbcd, the laws must be humanized.—( - Hear, hear, bear.)—A petition had been presentedyrom three traders in the City of London, one of whom discountednegotiable paper to the amount of 22,000, 0001. annually, and the three discounted upwards of 50,000,000 L a.year ; sod they asked to return to that ancient system of legislation, from which England only began to deviate in the reign of George the Second, and which had obtained for E ng land the reproach of being cruel in her laws, careless of shedding human blood, and valu ing nothing but money. These petitioners only asked for the gene ral law of the civilized world—for the law of France, of Holland, of Prussia, in fact of all civilized Europe, no part of which cemented their commerce with blood. It was the repeal of the accursed law which made this country an exception to all civilisation that these petitioners asked. He admitted that by the law of France papers issued by the royal banks were secured by capital punish. meat. Since the restoration of the Bourbons, there were but two prosecutions under that law, and all the prisoners, sight in number, were acquitted. He thought it probable that the severity of the punishment might have contributed to the acquittal. In all the other forgeries of Francs the punishment was imprisonment and bard labour. France was a great coun try , and Its legisl ation o was worth the consideration of statesmen. property France was protected, without the effusion of a single drop of blood, against all those dangers which were apprehended in this country if we ceased the practice of blood.shedding. (Hear, hear.) Forgery, by a pub lic officer of France, of the most aggravated kind, was not with death, but hard labour for life. Whoever contended for capital punishment for forgery, was bound to chew that it was ne. cessary to the preservation of the most important interestsfof so. ciety. He must *hew that f cannot be prevented without ca pital punishment. Till that was he (Sir J. Macintosh,) must consider the execution of every man for forgery as an unnecessary punishment, and a crime in the law and the lawgiver. Every unnecessary capital punishment was, in the view of religion and morals, a legal murder. In the year 1826, there were nine capital sentences in France, and an appeal was made to the Court of Caseation, and it turned out that every one of the nine were innocent, though their guilt on trial a pp eared to be clearly proved. He called upon the house to say whether the same thing might not happen in any country, and should not be a warning to us against the hasty resort to terrible punishment, which, wherever it was erroneous, inflicted an irrevocable wrong. A writer of cull. nence had said, that no one in Rotne or Naples would dare to give' any assistance to the execution of public justice, because public justice did not stand well with the public. Unreasonable severity would produce at 'imam feeling in any country. If equal punish. meat was applied to unequal aimes, gross injustice must be the consequence. Tae punishment of imprisonment might be applied in Mutat proportions ; but this was not the ems with death, our highest punishment. We put a parricide to death, and we put a sheepetealer to death. While we continued this inequality of punishment, we were guilty of the most flagrant Injustice.— Our ancestors were more consistent, for they inflicted on aggravated crimes a cruelty in death, which, thank GOD, would not now be endured, which made a scale of punishment, bearing some proportion to the magnitude of offences. In the last seven years, there were 217 convictions for forgery, of which 24 were followed by the punishment of death. This showed the great chance of escape there was from the conviction that was felt of the too great severity of the punishment. If there were vated eases of for gery, that required a greater email of punishment , they should be defined, that the punishment should be known, and not left in that state of uncertainty which was the consequence of the t diapto. portions between the convictions and the extreme piplinnent. In the same period of seven yam the convictions for am& were 99, and there were 88 executions. This showed sound Mote of the law, that the prerogative of the crown won not esereasi in making out who was to be destreyod, but in distinguishing those who might be the power sitheils of loyal msg. Flalleet Ins, the eziamissa IMO 110, of whisk rainy was he mur der, and twenty Sot all other ins. This shwa a wits =MI. don of the law, the severity of which was disooloilagehme tM Woe of murder, * in which , It went along with the smisa si := 1 of mankind. la &ilia is the year 1818, 1j wow foe murder and 39 for all other crimes. So that in England thin woo more than three tinnit the quantity of blood shed for the prolsedss of property that was shed for the protection of life; and in RIMS there was more than tour times the number of capital punkin meets for the protection of life that there were for the pees& don of property. This was in conformity with what would have been a wise maxim of legislation, had it wanted the sanction of a precept, " Whom sheddeth man's blood by men sh r a e ll ii ir i blood be shed." In England it appeared that the pro- portion of persons charged with crime were to thelopulation as one to 200,000, in France as one to 450,000. This difference, hewn confident, only impeached the wisdom and justice of the laws, and could be fully explained by a reference to the different system of laws in both countries-(Hear.) In the reign of Charles the fecund it was the boast of Sir Matthew Hale, that every man in England could know, with certainty, the punishment of any crime banks commission : the multiplication of capital punishments, since that period, had completely destroyed that security, and made the push& ment that might follow the commission of crime, a 'natter of the greatest uncertainty. And what was a great aggravation, all the facts and circumstances on which the life or death of the convicted de. pended were unknown to the public who had been present at his trial, and probably to himself. It was decided by asecret tribunal, whose proceedings, though conducted with great care and misty, were concealed from the public and the criminal, who was sometimes doomed to death for some circumstance of apparent aggravation which he could have explained, had the opportunity been afforded him. But this secret revision and decision must go on, till the number of capital punishments shall be reduced by law. (Hear.) He was aware that secondary punishment was by some deemed an inadequate protection against the crime of forgery. Was it clear that the punishment of death was peculiarly adapted se the prevention of the crime ? He would ask any man ac quainted with the workings of the human mind, whether the punishment of death was most feared by the class of persons most likely to commit forgery ? (Hear, hear.) They were per. sons of some education, who - were used to speculation and ho- card ; who had great fear of degrading employment, of dmdgary I and infamy. The sting of death is not the mere loss of life-it Is dishonour and disgrace. The class of forgers would prefer a M- I den death to a life of disgrace. There was something sublime is death, which in most cases gave its endurance some appears= of superiority ; it should only be inflicted as • punishment in mess where such violence had been offered to human feelings as mid make it be regarded as the sentence of justice, not with the limilegs of sympathy for the sufferer. He would propose that the si punishment inflicted for forgery sho u ld b e i m p r i sonment , with ul = e labour, and that a power should be given of adding solitary mine. mem, or that it should be transportation for more than 14 years; and that in cases of great aggravation, both punishments should be in flicted in succession. (Hear.) The offence of forgery might be of very different degrees of guilt, which would require different degrees of punishment • besides which, he wished to eve the Courts the power of m akingi the experiment of secondary pit. 1 nishment, in such a form as they might think best. He would also propose that the power of pardoning convicts. now vested in the Governors of Colonies, should, in cases of forgery, be taken ' , away. It hod been said, that if these punishments failed to prevent the crime of forgery, that we could never return to the present system. That argument he considered a complete admission of the whole case against capital punishment; for it admitted that if mitigation was found to fail the feelings of the country would never permit a return to the present system. The supporters of mitigation were willing to put their plans to the test; the objectors appeared to be afraid of appealing to any test. This was not a party question, and he hoped it would not be decided as a party question. The Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir Robert Peel) thought the time foe so great a change in the criminal law was not yet come; but would there be any harm if the house, acting on behalf of the Ist:opts of PEaltwere to endeavour to quicken the Minister of the ? ps d' the Minister might think it right to stand in the breach made in ancient prejudices, and make sure that if the question was carried, it was carried by the decided will of the people, and be might, therefore, go to a division ; but his determination should not influence the votes of others. By a return on the table, it appeared that there was but one conviction for forging a will in ten years.-- Was it necessary to continue an almost impracticable punishment, he the sake of that offence which so rarely occurred ? Even with is clauses he meant to propose, the punishment of forgery would be severer in this country than in any other civilized country in the world. Was it certain that the people of this country required such sanguinary laws to deter them from the commission of crime ? The right hon. gentleman concluded by moving, that the words " suffer death as a felon," be left out of the bill, and the following words be substituted : "be transported beyond the seas for life, or for any term not less than 14 years, or be imprisoned for a period not less than 7 ars, and not exceeding 14 years , and, if the pri soner be under 66 anof be kept to bard labour, and be sub ject to solitary con fin em e n t for such time and at such places as the court before which he was tried, or his majesty's privy council, may think fit; and that it may be comp e t e nt f or the court before whia the conviction took place, to sentence the convict to transportation after the expiration of a term of imprisonment." The right his. gentleman sat down amidst loud cheering. Sir ROBERT PEEL wished be could take the view of the quer. don the right bon. gentleman and the petitioners had taken; but after mature deliberation he could not agree in their opinions. He would state the facts and circumstances on which his opinion was founded, snd the house would decide whether it was a prejudice, or had a better foundation. When he came into office, seven years ago, he did consider that the criminal law of this country, the se verest of the civilised world, should be mitigated; and it was an object of his ambition to follow those who had led the way la the work of mitigation. In every Act he had introduced he bad trgormitigation of punishment. The present Act did e ci thought It better to proceed with caution, and looked forward to the time when the whole criminal law would he • reviewed, with a view to a further mitigation of pu n.mt. In the seven years previous to his coming into office, in 1822, there had been 731 executions. In the seven years the num ber had decreased to 423. In London and Middlesex, in the former there had been 192 executions; in the latter period 122 period, a diminution of 70. But notwithstanding his general opinion of the policy of mitigation, he must pause before be weed es the proposition of the right hon. gentleman, for the total &Deaden of capital punishment for forgery. Whentbe great magnitude of the offence was considered, great caution should be used for rernevig any of the securities against it. In the case of Fauntleroy, the Bank of England actually became responsible, and paid for his fee pries sums amounting to 360,0001. When the temptation to the commission of the crime was also considered ;-a man, over. whelmed with embarrassments, sees that he can relieve him. self, perheps acquire a fortune, by the commission of a forgery, for which there is no necessity for &confederate, and,of which the deter. tion Is most difficulti-if he chooses to have a confederate, and an, by bribing • banker's clerk, obtain possession of cancelled the success is almost certain; it may be said, that bankers not have the life of the offender ;as a esawhy for their negligence ; but bow else is their property to be secured ? It often cannot be traced-it is generally paid to on innocent person ; the criminal is not known, for be does not appear. When all these circumstance s were con sidered, it did appear to him that there might be danger in suddenly withdrawing the safeguard against a crime so easy of commission, and so ruinous in its consequences.- He said he did not wish to check the direction of public ern. patby;-:-he did not seek to iprotect bankers merely; but if it were shown that the fear . of death did operate as a prevention to the amt. Woolen of this aims, ou gh t that punishment, in a country peat. Hardy circumstanced like this, to be removed without some very pe. culler cause ? It ought to be borne in mind also, that the ahne of forgery had consid erab ly diminished since the suppression of the ILI notes ;-•-thsy were frequently forged because such notes had passed amongst the lower orders. It was now urged that there was pecu liar reluctance to prosecute for forgery. He was willing to give the fullest credit to amsdentious motives for not presssuting for forgery; but ha thought that other motives might Mee ism the reluctance to prosecute-the trouble and expense dpromindoo. As to reluctance to prosecute, be would trespass on the bum with some comparisons. In seven pm for murder, highway robberies, &c. there were 8,382 charges, of which there were 1,085 that were not prosecu or one-eighth ; for tbe same period there were 373 charges for for gery; of that number S 2 were net prosecuted-cr one-eighth. So much for the peculiar reluctance to prosecute for forgery. That argument then was thus removed. The necessity for all possible security, when the magnitude of commercial trans actions through the medium were remembered, be thought required no comment. The bank had 300,000 stock accounts ; it also bad 400,000 stock transfers annually; its means woe to the ex -1 tent to 26,000,0001.. It bad not now pending one prosecution for forgery; t h an would the house on light grounds withdraw the pro tection against forgery held out by the punishment of death ? What would be gained for that security which would be lost ? As to the bankers Wog deterred from prosecutions for forgery, on account of the south of the punishment, it was notorious that thirly.eix banking is in Louden had combined to pro. ascots it (icier. He bed been curious to ascertain t h e amemt of their dealings. Be found that at their clearing house, in thiamin them were passed 46,800 bills, and drafts foe 10,111111,880 L Fear of these houses passed, in the course of one yea% bills, dis. that were exposed to forgery to the mem of Hear, bees, hear.) Remaining that face-4he extent tits temeostisus-Ive hundred millions liquidated by taw banking aibilimins le ens year I—sad shat the bank bad bet two pressolluts, said riot um ems poodle& would the bans ess shemiat liat imar S a w a b u isb policed so nub security ed thst they ay within,. die epaidratut at leak he fear transpertedes or would operate sea say dekko so. curity as amposed with that now gamed. The recommendation of punishment by ag axamillawnent required sedans maim don ; it ought to be with a delicate haad....it produced in many looms . If course were adopted, what seas. rity would they have that pnblic sympathy would not be excited in favour of the •ictims of solitary confioement—of those who were ex posed to a system that too often produced insanity. He had too much doubt about the efficacy of secondary punishments to acquiesce in the proposition now made; and yet he should gladly agree to it, if his judgment and experience told him that the mitigation would have a beneficial result. Mr. BROUGHAM said that he could not admit that secondary punishments were not adequately efficacious, and he thought too much stress had been laid on the consequences of solitary confine ment. Ingeniously as the statements were put, he could not admit the force of them. Much stream was laid on the security now ex perienced by the associated London bankers • but what was it that gave that security but the e6cacy of sec o ndary punishments.— In the last two years there were convictions for forgery ? In how many cases was the satisfactory punishment of death in. flicted ? In 24 only, one in ten. Then, the secondary punish ment had been influential. Did the one in ten operate as terror; or did the nine who escaped death have its effect ? The man ner in which the law was administered had the most effect on the multitude. Ought they to add to the sanguine calcula tions of escapes; or ought they not, as nearly as they can, to re duce the laws to an almost absolute certainty ?—(hear)--or ought they to hold out the chances of escape from prosecution altogether. The hon. and learned gentleman concluded by calling the attention of the house to the safes, to the hundreds, nay, he might say, to the thousands of petitions from bankers and mercantile men, in all parts of the kingdom, which had been presented to the house, in favour of a commutation of punishment; to these individual credit was the breath of their nostrils, and their opinion was of the utmost value. • Mr. FOWELL BUXTON supported the motion. If forgery were to be punished by solitary imprisonment, to imprisonment with hard labour, or even to transportation for the remnant of his days, he should prosecute to the utmost. As the law at present stood, the criminal was protected, and the banker and merchant were deprived of that protection which a more lenient punishment would secure. Mr. WYNN supported the amendment. Jr. 111ARTYN rose amidst loud cries of question, and said a few words in support of the amendment. Sir JOSEPH YORKE would vote with the right hon. the Se cretary of State, whose opinion he preferred to the whole of the thousand hankers who had petitioned the house. Sir THOMAS DYKE ACLAND also said a few words in sup. port of the bill. After a few words from Mr. PHIL and Mr. BROUGHAM in ex. planation, the house divided, when there appeared— For the amendment Against it Melees against die annniemst . .15 The other clausal the bill assn pond through a committee, and the report was ordered to be received that day. Mr. POWELL BUXTON gave Mies ea the past of his sight hon. Mend (Sir J. Mackint os h) Ent he iimeM, mimes the re port was brought up, move, that imprisonment or tarspeselis be substituted for the punishment of death. GALWAY riunrcs Ist JILL. Mr. S. RICE moved the further consideration of the above bill. Mr. DALY moved the adjournment of the house, upon which a division took place— For the adjournment Against it Majority .. Upon our return to the gallery, we understoodlthat the bill was forwarded a stage. The other ors of the day were then disposed of, and the house adjourned at Three o•Cloek. FRENCH PAPERS. The Algiers expedition is delayed by contrary winds. The fol. lowing are extracts from the Papers received this morning : " TOOLON, MAY 22, 11 o'CLocg, eat. " The Admire/ Duperre to hie Excellency the Mauler of the Mario, and Colonies. " Yesterday the calm prevented the departure of the fleet, and we are menaced ta.day with the same obstacle. " The spirit and health of the army and navy are excellent. Frost the Gazette de Frames. " In order to be able to do without M. de Irillele„:an attempt was made at a liberal government—(Ministry of 1818.) " Then an attempt was made not to govern at all—( Ministry of August 8, 1830.) Now an attempt, it is mid, is going to be made to govern monarchleally—(Ministry of May 19.) We believe that the last effort will show that when a man is required by the state of affairs, nothing can supply his place, and that recourse must be bad to him, or one must turn for ever In a vicious elide. " A new experiment is to be made. So long as Mr. Pitt lived, England could not do without Mr. Pitt. The tiling and Prance will see if they can long do without M. de Wide, and it M. de Polignae end even M. de Peyronnet can supply hie Gamete de Prance. " The fall in the public funds commences to be apparent. After the prorogation of the Chamber, which on 'Change was only eons!. dered as a constitutional act of the royal prerogative, there was a rise, which we said would only continue as long es the constitutional order of things was not broken in upon, and if the persons in power showed themselves suelciently ? well advised as to resign themselves to the emisequenees. Since then this last supposition has appeared improbable, and the Rentes have continued to fall. " The dissolution was doubtlessly a constitutional act of the royal penguin, but it has been accompanied with circumstances which would indicate little disposition at the part of these in power to submit:to ens of the most rigorous consequen4.-s of the Caudal. tkmal regime—the necessity of being in harmony with the other pens of the legislative soversignty. dna that time things on 'Change have taken a muss swims aspect. Bat let there be no mistake, however ; a fall of seas francs will only be in consequence of a maws. It is at the int erbium) , act, the Ant signal of a di , eons from the charter, that one will be able to judge whether money is osesdtutional royalist or dant* royalist. "his then that the refusal of the taaes:would take place : then the minima of the emigrants would be Awed in the markets foe 100,004,000, 400,000,000, and 200,000,000,—in diet, for any thing that mold be got, so many men would require ready money in each aided circumstances. " A constant attendant en •Change, and great itanafir upon the public funds,—saes on the look-out for business, no matter in what esese,—desalbed today, In a few words, the present state of align t "Look, gendensen, said he, for those who think that those in power will stop without putting their band en the Charter, and that whatever may be A. result of the Andean, they will be in hammy with the majority of she Chamber, rental are very cheap at $l, and even at IL " ' For those who think War will be canted to the very extreme, and that to attendon will be paid to • majority ceetrary to the wish of the Ministers, the Rentea are not watch 70L " 6 Buy and soli, gentlemen e wbaimM may bo your opinion, den la monothing to be damm'—Josened de Comeitorm. " The Gass* hr. behaved better than could be expected ! it has broken with the Ministry, which it datotninaes the new Mild/My— ths Ministry of the Nth of May : it accuses the ens of the Bth of August, of sat having governed at all,—an amides which is at va. Arm with Dins mambo of praise and boasting. " In Yt r it has declared itself independent of everybody, ex. owing N. i VUkle t the man—the only man of the restoration— ti trus Pitt. As long as Mr. Pitt lived, Ragland could have no ease Minato. What is 11.. lot P—Ostracism. But dist is nothing : he wishes to vaunt to Ms tonnes pada', and be will stain. The Gwen* has devoted itself so his recall. As to the newly ad composed U Ministry, its respect fee the Royal prezw. gabs temarbe, ope eceding, mai waits for them ai to be m at ay As work. A pr ~lsword wA li. do Menthol : he is one of the mess noble character el the age wh a tcooduet Game explain itself. That is to say, he is c o the council tho e is among the people,—sho advance sentinel of 11. de ViUsle. AU this is plain and sficant. The Game". has never, during its life, es well spoken but we suppress Our praises, they would perhaps discsurage it. Behold, at least, the ism success of the ministry—it has lost its only journal FRENCH FUNDS—Mar tt. Ave per Cents. 1011. 44e. SOL 4k. 4k. 411 e. 3k. Vow per Cests.lolf. Three per Cents. 80f. 65c. 703. OOH. TS& Vs.. ke. sae. 45e. Desk Seek. lAist. sot. Ilofts d e s M lag e. Ms 110 E We. Sepal Mum I'APPe. 77 i*7*I 77i i• DAN SSW. itsbage so LaNiew—ON swath (papa), !SE 50e. Urge mei (purr) NIL Ms.—Cows Adeallostivse. PURITY OF ELECTION. ninenfieort Ttouceerlenh,ts.itttuil.li he I T Ad h b e )so.. e sui t r w tt eF e r n ci at half-poetAyy - N t a h ct iirt he o m between two and . tla o'clock,anear Ban. in th e Ch a i r. • e i and A r i sarYD Triumph of We s t m i nster an d P ur i ty of Flection,' %1:(' hundred gentlemen sat down to dinner ; amongst ale)! we noticed John Cam Hobbouse,F.sq M.P. Lord Ehritr 4 ton, M.P. George Byng, Esq. M.P. Monck, F. ; M.P. D. O'Connell, Esq. M.P. E.RD. Davenport, E s l M.P. Otway Cave, Eaq. M.P. John Wood , E Sq. .1 1 Mr. Jones Burdett, &c. The first toast was " The People, the only true smut, of legitimate power."—Drank with three ti mes I wee. and great applause. The next toast proposed was " The King, and hu speedy recovery."—Three times three. The applause which followed this toast shoved tl. great interest that is felt for the health of our bel,e..; Sovereign.—Tune, " God save the King." Sir FRANCIS BURDETT said, the next toast, Gentle men, I have to propose, is one, the subject of which often brought us together, it is " A full, free, and fat. Representation of the People in the Commons House of Parliament, which is the only efficient remedy for ot• national grievances."—Drunk with three times titre, aad great applause. Lord EBRINGTON then rose to propose the health of Sir Francis Burdett. His lordship said, in rising to pro pose the health of that distinguished Chairman, he did it with mixed feelings of regret and gratification. He re. gretted that that duty should devolve upon hi m in cone quence of the illness of that excellent man, Mr. Shard, It had been that gentleman's privilege for twenty-t ar , ; years to propose this toast.—For twenty-two years he had invariably been present as the noble champion of purity of election.—(Cheers.) It was a gratification, however, to him (Lord Ebrington) to know that it required no eloquence to obtain a favourable reception of the toast he was about to propose. The services of Sir Francis Burdett in the cause of Civil and Religious Liberty were known and appreciated in all parts of the kingdom—they were not confined to the City of West minster. (Hear.): His public and private conduct needed no eulogium.—(Great applause.) It was unnecessan for him (Lord Ebrington) to allude to the zeal and intre• pidity that Sir Frauds Burdett has always shown in ad vocating the rights and interests of the people; when he considered there was any attempt to invade thos, rights, he resisted it ; not only to his own personal de triment, but to his personal hazard. (Great cheering.; So long as civil and religious liberty were dear to the country, so long must the name of Sir Francis Burdett be associated with the great measure of last Session.-- The toast he had to propose was " The health of Sir Francis Burdett, the great Champion of the Rights of the People."—Drunk with three times three, and the most enthusiastic applause. Sir FIIIANCIE BURDETT mounted the table, and a; soon as the deafening shouts of applause had subsided, spoke to the following effect:—" Gentlemen—lt gives me more than common pleasure to meet the Electors of Westminster this day, as I have been labouring uncle: an affliction (Sir Francis had his left arm in a sling) that I thought would hare deprived me of the pleasure of being present at our Anniversary. It always gives me great pleasurse to meet any portion of my countrymen. but to meet the Electors of Westminster I feel peculiar pleasure. (Great cheering.) With you I have acted for many years in the great cause of Parliamentary Reform. It was with you, gentlemen, I began my ca reer in that great work. An apathy to the great cause of reform has lately manifested itself, but 1 am satisfied the hearts of the people of Westminster and of the country at large, are not indifferent to this important subject. The union that is manifesting itself throughout the kingdom shows that the people are beginning to exert themselves. Before, however, I had the honour to re present the city of Westminster, I had enlisted underth, banners of reform. It is now 35 or 36 years ago since I first advocated in this room the great cause of Parlia mentary Reform. My noble friend who proposed m health has done me too much honour. I never considered the question of Catholic Emancipation entirely as a telt gious question, I always looked upon it as the cause of civ.l liberty; and, gentlemen, civil and religious liberty must stand and fall together.---(Great cheering.'-- There is a gentleman present (Mr. O'Connell) that is entitled to no small share of praise in his advocacy t,i that question. (hear.) It was a question tbat has beta advocated by all the patriots of the last fifty years, and happy ought we to think ourselves that we have lived to see the glorious results of their labours. (cheers.) I should feel ashamed, however, now we have granted civil liberty to the Catholics, if there was any one pre sent who did not regret the fate of the great measure brought forward in the House of Commons a few even ings since. I mean the measure to relieve a small bu , respectable portion of the community—the Jews, from their civil disabilities— (cheers.) Why,l would ask, should they be excluded from the benefits of the Constitution They are deprived of these benefits—for what ? Be , cause they do not think exactly in religious matter:. as we do. A shame on such a system of legislation ; would really appear as if the Prime Minister, sticking to that sticking point of Christianity, being part and parce: of the law of the land, was determined from being clam. yelled to grant the great measure of last Session, to ease his conscience by making an atonement in the shape of a peace-offering, by refusing the Jews their civil rights —(Great cheering.)—l will take this opportunity of no ticing an article that appeared in a public newspaper (" The Times"), which stated that Jews could not fee! an interest in the welfare of the State, like Protestants and Englishmen. Surely they could not, neither haii they any right, unless they were in the possession 0: the rights of Englishmen.—(Cheers.)—Any one might • suppose also from that article, that the House of Commons was so corrupt, that Parliament would be turned into a Jewish Sanhedrin. Well, let it be so, and see how a works (hear.) It would be impossible to turn it into any thing that would militate more against the interests of the people, than as at present constituted. (Hear, hear.) -- To hint at the corruption of the House of Commons some years ago, would have been considered monstrous. It was, however, thought nothing of now, for the corrup tion—l was going to say—is more notorious than the sun at noon-day—(hear, bear.) It was now so notorious that no one professed to disbelieve it ; and the public, I hope. will not any longer submit to a thraldom the most igne minious that ever was placed on the necks of the people. ' Gentlemen, Ministers take credit to themselves for passing ' the Catholicßelief Bill, why it has been a tower ofstrength to them, and the gratitude of the country has much more than repaid them.—(Hear.) The eyes of the peo ple were beginning to open. In Birmingham, the people were convinced of the truth, that without a reform in Parliament all other attempts to relieve the country must prove useless. Of what use were the indefatigable ex ertions of Mr. Hume : the house rejected all his propo sitions for partial remedies. He was a man who cone , crated his whole life to labour, in fact, labour was his delight; and yet, with all his praiseworthy exertions, I I