Star. — London, England, 1830-11-03 00:00:00

ri V I 1 I, 4 1 hat cow- try of t ; and pume.rty, never would have been made, if the last House of l'oitotions had had the sense and honesty to have restos. ed freedom of election to England ; that the King of France might still h;tve been upon his throne, and all danger have been prevented from the mischiefs of anarchy and confusion, which have only been emietal by the unexample d wisdom of the brave and learned youth of France. and the splendid forbearance of the brave and honest working men of Paris, who did not hesitate to risk their lives, when they saw nit et a syste m of tyranny and taxes was about to be fixed for ever on tne!it, noel on their c',ileiren. And in reference to this affair, so im. pot :,,nt in its consequences, too much praise and thanks cannot be given to y ode- Majesty, for the honour you have conferred on England, whose woos •sere heretofore famed as • ever first and foremost in the achieve. rent of liberty,' in taking the lead, and setting the example of acknow ledging the new King of the French ; who, lite your Majesty, sits upon Li throne, by the best and highest of all titles, that which is said to be' the voice of lion himself—namely, the voice of the people. For this great honour and service, it is the unanimous opinion of this house, of the whole nation, not to say of all Europe. that this act may justly be ascribed to the personal character of your Majesty, and to your own sense of justice, and of the true interests of your subjects ; and your Ma. jesty,fdeserves to enjoy the hope, that your name may be remembered by millions still unborn, for the lasting blessings of peace and friendship be tween France and England,which this act of your Majesty has every pros. I .ret of consolidating. And the Members of this, the first House of Com 'none in the new Parliament, promise your Majesty, as it is fit they stientlel, that, if others learn nothing by example, they will ; and as th e y do nut doubt that a King, who has already given such proofs of f.'s desire of being beloved by his people, and of promoting the wel fare and happiness of the industrious classes, that a King, who more than 30 years ago, from his own mouth in Parliament denounced • monopolies as the canker of the State, and called upon the Legislature to root diem out,' will never endure to sec his people ruined, and his Crown put in hazard by that worst of all monopolies—the monopoly of the seats of the Mouse of Commons. So they implore your Majesty to withdraw your confidence and the patronage of the Crown from all per sons engaged in, or resolved upon upholding this odious traffic, and thereby implicating your Majesty in such connection. And, if in so acing, your .Majesty, who as yet stands clear of this system, and above all suspicion in the eyes of the country, should have to encounter a factious opposition to your Government, or, if the usurping proprietors of seats in the House of Commons should be so lost to every sense of justice, and to their own interest, as to dare to set up their usurpation against the ancient, just, and undoubted prerogatives of the Crown, your Majesty may rely upon the sealons and determined support of this flume, and of your people, even to the last drop of their blood. " And your Majesty may be assured that nothing short of the complete annihilation of this odious and unrighteous monopoly of seats in the House of Commons will ever satisfy the just and unanswerable demands of your people to be restored to their ancient laws and constitution, of which they know they have been most wrongfully deprived by the cor ruption and prostitution of this house, within little more than the last hundred years, which is but as yesterday in the history of laws of such high antiquity, and such transcendent fame throughout the known world. That, next to the disesteem in which the memory of the last House of Commons is held by the people, for refusing to enter upon the great question of Patliamentary reform, would be the grievous disappointment and just indignation of the people, if nothing more than the representation of a few large towns were to he Oireftti them, while the great master grievance of a pro prietary interest and domination over seats in this House, should be allowed to continue. And your Majesty may also rest 'seared that the great majority of your people have no desire to alter the frame of the government of King, Lash, and Commons, which has endured so lung, and been productive of such advantages to the community neither do they think it necessary or expedient to claim or demand any new plan or scheme of Representation unknown and untried in the history and practice of their ancestors ; but they will never cease to de envoi that, wherever, according to that history and practice , the right of Representation has been bounded, there also shall be bounded the bur. den of taxation." The Address and the proposed Amendment were than reed from the Chair. 'llie reading of the amendment elicited repeated shouts of laughter !ruin all quarters. Mr. O'CONNELL rose, and without offering any remark, seconded the amendment. The Speaker read the address and the amendment. Mr. CURSET PELHAM rose, but he was nearly inaudible. We understood him to animadvert particularly on the questions of re trenchment and reform, and to express a hope, that when these questions came again before the House for discussion, they would be differently ditposed of than they had been hitherto. Mr. LONG WELLESLEY disapproved of the tenor of the speech from the throne. He did not consider it such as a monarch should have teen satisfied with ; and that the present parliament would lave stood in much better odour with the country if the speech had net been put into the mouth of his majesty. There was great distress in the coun try, and there could be no doubt that there was disaffection in the mum. try (cries of no, no). Yet there never was a time when more warmth of loyalty and good feeling existed, nor a time when the subjects might be discussed with more security. He alluded to the momentary pro fessions of gentlemen at times when they had an end to accomplish, and their tendency to turn round to their former systems as soon as their purposes were served (coughing). lie did not think that public faith could be maintained. He hailed with delight the glorious effects of the French Revolution ; but those who thought that the effects would stop there would find themselves mistaken (hear, hear, hear). They would find that the spirit would disseminate itself into Italy, Prussia, and every state that the Holy Alliance had by the sword kept from ex pressing openly their opinions. Ile would recommend a couneof non interference with Belgium; but a sentence in the speech from the throws professed a different intention. He had seen a note from the Duke of Wellington in which he avowed an intention to deviate from our gene ral line of policy. Perhaps it was not the intention to interfere with the nature and form of the Government of Belgium, but may to take care of its formation as far as related to France. But that sentence in the speech certainly required some explanation. (hear.) He would not detain the house in recapitulating all that had preceded, and all that had succeeded the French revolution, although he had collected his information on the subject carefully from several quarters. He was at a loss to know what Government meant by 6 security of the states.' He would take it upon 1 ' self to say, humble individual as he was, that if a soldier from Russia, Prussia, or any of the European powers, were marched into the countries which had struggled for their liberty, that the soldiers would be infected with the same spirit of liberty. Ile concluded with offering a few remarks on what he desig nated extraordinary conduct on the part of the ministry, in the opposite policy they had adopted in recognizing .3liguel as King of Portugal, who held the throne contrary to right, and in opposition to the will of the people ; and that the ministers had, at the pante time, recognized the Duke of Orleans as the King of the people's choice. JOSEPH YORKE. said, he was pleased to hear that his Ma jest had met the Approbation of the bon. gentleman who spoke last in sonic particulars; but it was evident that Mr. 1.. Wellesley was not very enlightened on the subject of finances. Ile (Sir J. Yorke) could see that the hon. gentleman' gloried in the French revolution ; in that he had followed the seconder and mover, and like them he had not said who was to blame. Ile had told us of the various sources from whence he had obtained his information. and he had covered it in by telling us, that the spirit would spread over all Europe-- (Cries of No, no.) Sir Joseph Yorke begged pardon if he had Ws.. construed the expressions of the hon. gentleman. He (Sir J. Yorke) had been led into the mistake in a desire to follow the hon. gentleman closely through all his arguments. His Majesty was bred on board of a man-of-war—hat: his education in the cockpit, and from a midship man's chest had now stepped to the throne. lie (Sir J.) was proud that one of his own profession should preside over the kingdom, and to be the head of this house, where they assembled to dole out to the na then from their concocted wisdom. With regard to the amendment that had been proposed, to use a phrase of the profession—it was a tough and long yarn, and was composed of as many sheets as would make a good-sired pamphlet. (Laughter.) He was a little surprised at the noble lord who had moved the amendment, as being the represen tative of the house of Marlborough—he had pointed oat so much that must be curtailed ; but he (Sir J.) could tell the noble lord, that if sure retrenchment had been acted upon, neither the house of Marl borough, nor the house of Wellington, would have shared so largely of testimonies of the public gratitude. (Laughter.) It had been stated, lie believed by Mr. Meriden, that the country had expended on the affairs of France 12,000,0001. and now was it to be supposed that his Majesty was to sit with his sword in his hand and not to may a word. Antwerp was a most important station. Boons. pane had said that whoever held Antwerp held the key to Holland; the access was so simple that they might come down in numbers over the ice. He (Sir J.) thought that the ministers had acted wisely in putting the speech into his Majesty's mouth. It was s matter of serious import to anticipate what might be the consequences if France got poll sesijoa of Holland. He was not alarmed at the state of affairs, and he that the conduct of Parliament would be carried down to poste tifF with Mr. LONG WELLESLEY rose in explanation. M. HUME regretted to hear that an officer should advocate war. The speech that they had heard read had breathed nothing but war, and had not at all attended to the wants and sufferings of the people. He regretted that he should hear in a British Parliament any sentiments op. posed to those who had struggled foi their freedom against the grasp of despotism. The Bourbons had regained the throne on a solemn pledge to grant free 'agitations to the people, and they had jusly forfeited their claim to the thuds*. So far from regretting what had occurred, In (Mr. Hume) rejoiced in the downfall of the despots. He did not like to see a red coat to an address, for he always considered that an officer must be influenced by the discipline to which he is subjected; but Jet the gallant officer remember what had been the acts of despots, bow waxy they had hurried to the scaffold, and the blood they had caused to flow. He (Mr. H.) expected to hear a far different speech': he knew that his majesty was a lover of free in *Stations ; sad he (Mr. Hume) agreed as to the effect it would have upon the esentry. The Hon. Secretary for the Home Department had ►teted e is the last speech be made during the last Parliament, that no lIICSBUTES should be brought forward but such as were agreeable to the people; but he (11r. H.) would venture to say that no one would be prepared for such a speech as they had this night heard. Was it pos sible for men to suffer greater wrongs than Belgium had endured ? It was not the explosion of Paris that excited Belgium, its grievances had already made them ripe for resistance. The people of England would complain that his majesty's speech called on Parliament to support treaties entered into by the masters of the Holy Alliance to pacify Eu rope, which might be called wisdom then, but was, in reality, oppression then as well as now.—( Hear.) It cam the people of England twelve hundred millions to establish a dyeasty in France which was blown away in three days.—( Hear.) He thought it an insult to the people of Eng land to call on them to expend their blood and the produce of their labour in opposing liberty in Belgium, for that was the real meaning of the Speech. He would undertake to say that the people of England were not prepared to sacrifice men or money to interfere with any other countries. (Loud cheers.) lie prided himself on being descended from those who established their own liberties, and would not allow any other country to interfere; and he thought it disgraceful to England to at tempt to force a government on other countries. Han, man in Eng land was disappointed by the King's Speech, be was that man. His Majesty lived and reigned in the beans of the people, and he thought the Speech would be in accordance with this feeling. The first ten pa ragraphs of the Speech were about foreign politics. What did we we about foreign politica, while the people were starving? (Hear, hear.) — He would ask any member of that house—any member he meant who had any constituents—he need not ask those who were sent there by the Peers, who were the representatives not of the people, but of the cor rupt system by which the people were kept out of what should be their own House of Parliament ; he would ask any such man whe. they there was not an universal cry amongst the people for a reduction of taxation ? Pledges of economy had been given by every government for the last fourteen years. but none of them had ever practised it: if they had acted:on their pledges, that house would be the most econo mical house in the world, and the country would be the most economical country in the world. The time, however ' was now come when they must be driven to practice economy and those were the King's best friends who told biro the Truth. If niinisters thought that Britons were to be less than Britons that they were to become hewers of wood and drawers of water, they would find themselves woefully mistaken—(Hear.) The people of England wanted reduction of taxation, and to elect the men by whom the taxes were imposed. They wanted to keep the House of Peers out of the House of Commons—(Hear, hear.) They did not know how many of the people were starving—how many had died for want, since the last Parliament. (No, no, from the ministerial benches.) He wished the hon. members who sat behind that bench (Treasury bench,) and fattened on the thousands a year taken from the people. would but inquire into the condition of the people, by whose labour those thousands were produced. Millions upon millions were granted out of taxes paid by this suffering people to the idle, the 'useless, and the profligate. Every measure of that house had a tendency to impo. verish the people, yet no reduction of taxation was recommended in the speech. If the speech had recommended reduction of taxation, he would then say that the King was the father of his people, and that his ministers deserved all honour and support ; but, instead of that, it was but too evident that England was to be the last among the nations of the earth that was to be relieved by its government of the overwhelming burden of its taxation. Perhaps the seconder of the speech might fancy that the working people are in a state of comfort—that, instead of working sixteen hours a day to earn three or four shillings a week, he had as many pounds. He had said be wished to band down the Constitution untainted by inners don. It was tainted by the innovations of the aristocracy, who had usurped the beet privilege of the people. The people of England, after this day, might put on sackcloth and ashes, as it was evident their suf ferings were to continue. There was no disaffection to the King, but there was great dissatisfaction with the Government. What was it Ministers called disaffection ? His boo. friend, the member for Water ford, had a whim in his head that the Union with Inland could be re pealed. (A great laugh.) Was there any man in Ireland, out of the Castle, that was frightened at his hon. friend's whim ? But the fact was, the whole Castle took fright at Mr. O'Connell's letter. His hon. friend had a right to bring before the House the question of the disco. lution of the Union if he pleased; and if be could convince him (Mr. Hume) that it would be beneficial, he should vote for it—but he thought he would have something to do to convince him. (Cheers and 1 1 laughter.) Still he would say, that he would vote for the separation rather than have Ireland kept as a colony. The union between Ireland and this country bad neit in fact yet taken place. Why had the Mi. nista., put into his Majesty's mouth, that there was disaffection 1 He denied it; the power exercised in Ireland was despotism. If they thought the Member foe Wataford was disaffected, why not namehlm ? They had before excluded him by Act of Parliament' from a seat in that House, to which he was elected; a mat pitiful proceeding. If it was reasoitable that a separation between the two countries should take place, why should not the people of Ireland be allowed to meet for the pulpits ? (Great cheering hem the Treasury Benches, implying that separation was the object. and would be the e ffe ct of allowing the society to meet). Did they ppae they could gag the whole people of Ireland ? He would tell Ministers a secret—no one man could ever excite a people to disaffection, except the seeds were sown by bad govannient.—(Hear.)—Why should not Ireland be go. veined like England and Scotland ? He was anxious to put on record his dissent from the speech ; but. from not being allowed to know the contents before be beard it delivered, he could not dolt at present with. out danger of its losing crude, and not free from something objection. able. To-moneter ' when the report should be brought up, be should pot his opinion en record, as he could not consent to have it supposed that be bad deserted any of the opinion he had hitherto supported in that House , all of which he fi rmly maintained.--(Hear. hear.) Mr. PEEL said, it appeared to be the wish of the house to come to an early dathdon, and it was not necessary for him to enter into any lengthened defence of the speech. The noble lord had concurred in the principle of the address; and the honourable gentleman's objections were founded on an unintentional misrepresentation. He had said that his Majesty charged the people with disaffection; but on the contrary, he bad declared his confidence in the loyalty of the people. He lamented to hear the bonoundge gentleman using inflammatory language. Should he represent the people of England as being in a starving st a te ? That there was distress in some places be deeply lamented ; but the people of England were not in a starving state. 'rho hon. gen. damn had broached a new doctrine, that foreign politics did not coo. cern this country. (Hear.) If he did not advert to foreign policy, the time would come when all his economy at home would not be sufficient for the security of the beet interests of the state. (Hear.) The minis. ten of the crown were not responsible for the expressions used by the movers or seconders of the address, though both had acquitted them. selves with great ability; but the hon. gent. should allow them to express their own sentiments. (hear). The beacarable gentleman assumed that ministers approved of the issue of the ordinanees of the late Frenchlking. He deeply deplored and condemned the issuing these ordinances. He bad bdorestated distinctly in that house that the Government of this country bad never interbred, directly nor indirectly, in the appointment of Prince Pol*nac to be Minister of France. It was said they should have prevented the issue of those ordinances; but they bad no means, for they had no knowledge of them till after they were issued.—(Hear , hear, hear)--With respect to Belgium, there was a wide distinction between what took place in the Nether lands and what took place in France. Looking at the Netherlands for the last fourteen years, he thought the government was more free and the people more happy, than they had before been. The speech had no reference to what took place in Antwerp, it referred to what took place in Brussels. The situation of Belgium was a peculiar situation. it was the ground on which all the conflicts of Europe had been fought for ages. In 1814 Belgium was occupied by Austrian troops, and it was offered by the five powers who were parties to the treaties of Paris, to the King of the Netherlands, on terms of Misgoverning it in a certain specified manner. We incurred considerable expense in carrying this arrangement into effect, and the country had enjoyed prosperity under the enlightened ad. ministration of the K. of the Netherlands. That country now revolts, and claims its separation. Civil war now rages, and there appears to be no chance that, if the parties ate left to themselves, any settl eme nt can take place. Can it be inconsistent with humanity for• those powers to of fer their good offices to bring about a satisfactory arrangement between the contending parties? To this country and the King of the French it appeared that such mediation might be beneficial, and other govern. men „ concurre d i n is propriety. With respect to Portugal, they lied not changed their opinion of Don Miguel's usurpation ; and they had refused to recognise his authority, a even to consider it till he should grant an amnesty for all political offences. Two years and area months had elapsed since Don Miguel ascended the throne of Portugal; his subjects acquiesced in his rule, and the commercial British subjects were affected by our delaying to enter into diplomatic misdate with him. The Honourable Gentleman had called a disgrace ful set the issuing of a proclamation in Ireland foe the pre. vendee of a meeting, which was intended to renew the agits. dos which the Catholic Kelief Bill had allayed, and which be believed would not be revived, bad not advantage been taken of the events which had taken place in Paris and Belgium.--(Hear hear.) Gentlemen had mid, that the Honourable Member for Weinfeld had a whim in his head; but was it foe the indulgence of such • whim that as inflammable people should be excited and inflamed? (Hear, hear.) Let it not be supposed that Government could be gulled by the asset. don, that the meeting was only intended to make a temperate appeal to Parliament. (Hear, bear.) The Honourable Gentleman had said that Ireland was not yet ready to oppose force to force. (Immense cheer. ing.) There could be no doubt that his object was t o torm an assoeia don in Dublin that should agitate and indame the people of Ireland, till it would be dangerous to refuse their demands. (Great cheering.) It was because he believed it was true mercy to the people to pre vent their being made the victims of those who sought to gain an unenviable eminence by playing on their credulity and in. flaming their maims, that he advised the Proclamation foe the prevention of such a society. (Cheers.) It was because he was most anxious to relieve the distress and improve the condition of the people of Ireland, that be would not incur the responsibility of not issuing such a proclamation. We should not encourage the wild pro. jest, that never could be executed, of dissolving the Union. Having united the hems:thy—having united Wales to Eegland—having united Scotland, and having completed the whole by the unit* of Ireland, let us not retrace our steps, by commencing the dissolution of the empire. I When the proper time came, he would undertake to show, from what took place in Ireland when she bad a separate parliament, and from the sympathy which bad since grown up between Ireland and Ragland, that attempt at separation might lead to the spilling of the best blood of an countries. (The right boo. gentleman sat down amidst the loudest cheering, which continued for an unusual length of time.) Mr. O'CONNELL said he rose to address the house with satiate.- tion,m it afforded him an opportunity to repel calumny. He had alma dein to the attention of the house, as he represented the people. He had more constituents than all his Majesty's ministers. Tbei bad all shrunk from any popular election, and he believed there was but one =them representing any thing better than a rotten borough. The t t if the Ring was most unsatisfactory. It said nothing of the poverty of the people; but if the people were not suffering in England, why were they burning machinery ? It was a libel on the people to say they could so act, but from the pressure of deep distress. There was an expression ofregret for the misfortune Oche King of France who sent his army toast down unarmed citizens. The right how gent. lamented that the ordinances had been issued, and also condemned them, but he could tell the reason s—the ordinances did not produce the intended effect, but brought destruction co those by whom they were issued. Don Miguel was compared to the King of the French—but oh ! what a difference! He would mention one single point.—King Philip had se. parated the church from the state ; that adulterous conaection by which the church was polluted and the people oppressed. Don Miguel endem voured to render the union more firm, because be found in the church the support of his despotism. The administration of the King of Hol land was called an enlightened administration. He denied that it was an enlightened administration. It refused to make judges independent .--lt refused to allow trial by jury—and it totally suppressed the liberty of & w i l te d 's. The language of the people was French, and they were cow to plead in the courts in Dutch, which not one in ten under. atood. It was, be supposed, peculiarly enlightened to suppress all the parochial schools. /tech bishop had a diocesan school for the educa tion of young men, supported not by the state, but endowed by indivi duals ; yet these were ail abolished ; and this was the country that was called enlightened, and that at a time that all the usurped authority of man over his fellow man was giving way, and the whole fabric of unrighteous domination crumbling in the dust. and the people were de. termined to have a good and cheap government ; and it was at such a time we were going to interfere with the freedom of Belgium. No one could doubt that the minister would have an army in Belgium but for the national debt, and because the Holy Alliance found that they bad enough to do at home. The minister who made the speech miOt cen sure him, but he would not condescend to vindicate himself from his alumni:l. It was intended, by the expreasks in the speech, to say that the people who wished to agitate the dissolution of the Union were disaffected to the king, or wished to separate the countries, they were both calumnies. He was told there were dishonourable means of acquiring influence and station. There was one way certainly, which he had witnessed, by talking of religion, and Goo, and conscience, as uniting to form a champion of the Established Church, and opponent of Catholic freedom ; and after giving every pos.' bible encouragement to all who would become his supporters, by his re. pared declarations, then, without change in his principles, to turn round and desert those who had put faith in his remises. This was a way in which be could never obtain eminence or influence. lie had never de. serted any one who had come to the support of measures he advocated. A thousand times he had asked what the Union had done for Ireland? and the question had never been answered. Did the right hon. gentle man know how the Union had been carried? A civil war was excited in Ireland—this was admitted in the Irish House of Commons ; and the corruption that was practised exceeded every thing that was ever before known even in that country. What was the effect of the Union ? Why, the revenue fell off three millions without a single tax being taken off. —The consumption of wine, tea, sugar, all fell of, though the po pulation had since doubled. An Act was also passed by this Par. liament, by which the landlord was enabled to eject the tenant from his tenement for 2211. 6d. ( Hear.) They also passed the Sublet. lag Act. Did the House know the effect of that Act ? There was a constant rush into all the towns of Ireland of the poor, driven out of their cottages by hundreds and by thousands. Why did the people suffer all this without resistance ? It was because t hey had confidence In those who sought to repeal the Union. If the people were told that there was no hope for their distress, that every thing said against them in that House was cheered, while their advocate was only allowed to speak in their behalf by sufferance; if hope was banished from their minds, they might take counsel from despair. During the whole time that he was advocating Catholic emancipation, be had constantly said that he looked for a domestic legislature. He said so for upwards of 2U ) ears, without producing any effect; but when the people felt their poverty continually increasing, and saw an attempt made to add to their taxation, they then united in one common sentiment to petition for the repeal of the Union. The promoters of the repeal had recourse to none but legal means, and they kept the people quiet, and they would persevere. The landlords of Ireland had ldt the country, and their rents were exported. In one county, Wicklow, 50,0001 a year was sent to one of those noble landlords, and notice tad been given to 800 of his tenants to quit at May l In many places the Mendicity Associations were unable to continue to relieve the destitute poor, and they were thrown off to perish. In the town of Naas, belonging to a nobleman who opposed the repeal of the Union, there were 12,000 in. habitants, and there was an influx of 4,800 paupers, turned out of their habitations and come to add to the peony of the townspeople, or to perish in their streets. This was the case all over the towns of Ire- They might arraign his condact—.they might complete the ruin of his country—they might enspend the Habeas Cayes Act—they might prepare for him their &apse...but be would never be their serf. Mr. CURTEIS said he bad Weed with geese disapprobation the in. dernmatory speech of the boa. Cleedernan. He wee as independent a ' member as the hos. gendsmes, and he would support ministers in the most effectual easasones Ar poeventing his agitat the people of Ire. land.—(bear, bass) Ns *might mildews ought not only to prevent his forming esseciadess Wasp Imbed in a state of disturbance, but ought to prevent his demi( the people by writing. (A laugh.) At the same time, he thought Wain= should practise every possible re duction of expense, which all the pis* required, and should avoid all interference in the affairs of or any other foreign country, which the people would not endow,— rbear.) Mr. BROUGHAM said, if the Hon. Member for Waterfeed meant to'say that the House would net hear, it was aisle-statement, which was refuted by the very great attendee the House had just bestowed on his eloquent speech. He bad Yard that spe.. h with great pain, because it drew a of Ireland were appalling than be drought could be presen ted of any port of the civilized world. He bad heard this statement made, every symptom of which was indicative of mortal distress, and not one of his Majesty's Ministers pve the slightest coo. tradiction to the statement. lie had also heard the King's Speech with as much pain as he had ever beard any speech from the 'Doom. (Hear.) He would first express his satire satisfaction, which be only shared with the house, at his majesty's having given up that unconstitutional branch of revenue which the crown had held independent of parliament. He held it to be his bounden duty to protest against the dangerous doctrine of the speech. The doctrine of interference in the Speech was hot tamed on a principle never before acted on by the minister of the crown of England ; for ministers had declared that the principle of non-Inter fcrence was at an end—that this government were to look to the in ternal affairs of foreign countries (hear, hear). He protested against such principles; he expressed not these opinions for the purpose of criticism nor from party feeling. if he wished to gratify pasty fe e l. ings he had only to look at any part of the government who now assumed the management of the affairs of this country, and he should find ample gtound to indulge such inclination, such was their weakness; but he expressed them, to give warning against embarking in that fatal policy into which they were about to be plunged by the ministers. He regretted much that his Majesty was made to express "deep regret l et the state of affairs in the Low Countries ;" but as if that were net enough, he was made to add, " I lament that the enlightened (the " enlightened !") administration of the King should nut have pre served his dominions from revolt." Revolt I Such was the language that had been advised, but this was the first time that a British Sove reign had been advised to express opinions respecting the private, in. usual, and domestic 'Skim of" another country. (Hear.) In truth, bad they not enough to do to attend to the affairs of Middlesex, Kent, and Ireland? Ministers might have found enough to do with affairs at hone without troubling themselves, even were the course correct, with these foreign speculations. They had no right to interfere, (Hear.) They bad co right to praise the Dutch Government as " en. lightened," and they had no right to brand the resistance to that Go. ver9ment as " revolt." (Cheers.) It was none of the business of our ki :listen to express any utilises—it we. paltry and impertinent wed. dling—it was unworthy at the character of the Crown, unworthy to in. dulge in such mischievous gossiping, and it was inconsistent with the dignity of Parliament to be mode a party to such gossip and meddling. But would to GOD that he could mil it impertinent meddling only ; it had a direct tendency to peemete war. (Hear, bear.) To show the character of suck leagreepa, ha would reverse the picture. Sup. pose the King at the Hqpie had chorea, in his address to site gums Gonad to s e ;t i c " Unseat to se. that pars of the King of Englsnd's doubler dial Maui might choose to teks_pert with the people) are vary appssuml, and I lament that Parliamentary rm has bees sob Inetpested ; sad I lament that the enlightened people of Ireland Mu lea lbastrated by the tyrannical condu the Government.—(tboXilieg might speak of tyranny where others spok e of revolt"), —in dimehing that unioa which is the object of .11 true men and good purists." What should we think of like this ? and yet the Wag of the Netherlands would be l e a s= justified in using it, as we were in speaking et the conduct of the Belgians. The luggage which he had quoted was a proud. nem, a disgraceful pen of the King's Speech, and Is was wholly uarvadented. Even whoa the disgraceful of Poland took place, the Sing'S Speech °Leaved a studied 2= 1 : 18 . es! doubt, the Foreign Secretary of tbat day bad almost as goad la L Neam oaths Foreign Secretary tot this country had in July last, when en the Oa co that month they was told in the s . Speeth ho tl i t i al there was tan. quiddity though, four days was in commotion resisting the ordiseneer (hoer, hear.) bot wet* decline thee redatencs to bare ipesn meet just and &rife% meet apd most signal in its coodissioes, and most admirible by the 1404 , Ited followed victory. Again, whis thaw ware the • " STOW apnoea o "bil insrver rim in gr um en a sta in died i tlit; ° e 1 :4 4 64 1i Ss% jam guidance of Mr. Pitt, whose namesakes or followers, or r em . mutt, or latter pert of the remnant, the gentlemen opposite pretended to bet no, just, correct, and stateman.like silence waa observed till s, p t 1792, when allusion was made to the events, but only to exprebs ti.at there would be non-interference. That mime was adhered to ali France Issued an edict calling on the people of all states to rise i n revolt against their Sovereigns. Thus there was no interference till a ea , arose demanding notice. Now, however, for the first time an unmet. dented course was pursued, and in such a way as to occasion in his nil!' serious alarm. When be said he looked with apprehension approach. Ing to alarm—let it not be supposed that his ground for alarm rested hex; no, it did not rest here ; there was further ground for alarm ; the interference bad, in reality, already begun. (Hear ' hear.) b there were not an expression on the part of the h ouse and th e of the government were not frightened from that purpose upo n they seemed resolved, the peace of Europe was not worth six eitsuths•)3urchase, whoever might live to see the result—(Hear, Il ex) M I am, • said the King's Speech, " endeavouring, in concert with say allies, to devise such means of restoring tranquillity as may be earn . pkible with the good government of the Nalands, and with tht • temerity of other states.' Who did not see here another Congr ess Venn, and Aix.la-Cluipelle—the late Lord Londonderry, and the pre sent Prince Metternich—and not only "my allies," but the " holy alliance." He trusted any such interference, in any manner, would resisted by the Parliament as the people's preservers of the public peso—(cheers)—and he was the more anxious to urge such expir e s. sion of opinion, because be knew of nothing that was so likely to din. turb the'peace as acting on the principles avowed in this part of th e King's Speech. (Hear, hear.) And he would not have it imagin et t that there was no ground for alarm, because the present was the weakest Ministry that had ever, by any combination of circumstances, fanned the Goverment—bee :use they were men who had hardly been able tc carry on the official business, but who certainly were inadequate to meet the debates in Parliament; unfortunately, men who were weak, still might involve the country in such difliculdes as to render a war inevit able. (Hear, hear.) They were men who were likely to be imposed upon, and flattered Into mischievous acts. There would be little per sons buzzing about them, and urging that to create a little alarm would be a good thing—that it would be useful to have some negociations— imposing to have a Congress—and it was better to do something. than "tot to do nothing." (Cheers and laughter.) Besides, a Con gaga at London would be a great hit ; there would be the car riages and shows, and, above all, the sight of divers foreignersforeigners for the gratification of the Londoners. That would get the parliament through the session. Then there would be the to amuse the public during the recess ;—but unfortunately these matters might bring them upon the precipice of war, and so place them as to make the war almoe inevitable.—(Hear, hear.) He was for avoiding any pro. needing that might place this country in such a dilemma. He might have expressed himself somewhat lustily, but be it remembered that he had not WOO the king's speech till three or four hours ago. He ex pressed his alarm now, because be saw the principle of interference, in stead of non-interference, avowed. . He warned the ministers against continuing the course 'upon which they seemed resolved and If they were deaf to him, then he warned the house of the con. sequences. He agreed with the good, sensible, and promising =chof the honourable member for Sussex (Mr. Cur). rte it was the deep-rooted and immovable opinion of the peoples( littgleowl, that they would not have the peace broken—that they would set sedum any Minister who fancied that it was right to adopt the principle of interference, or who felt disposed to espouse the cause of crowned tyrants. The ministers might think the King of Holland " enlightened "—but he believed the people of England did not consider his acts to have been very " enlightened." (Cheers.) The march of the Dutch army into Brussels, while negociations were pending, was moat pefidlous, and by it h ad been aroused that indignation which had led to the annihilation of such army. The Wt act of that enlightened" monarch was to set Antwerp in flames. lie did not praise all the conduct of the Belgians, but he blamed those who compelled him to the unseemly task of discussing the internal affairs amber countries. Hoek would 'gone word respecting Ireland. The se eases in the Netherlands had occasioned agitation la Ireland—but dim was total disaepaney between the circumstances attending the imbra of the Netherlands and that of Ireland (hear). In this country the was no fear of contagion • he had no fear that it would spread— ant because the King's speech intimated as much, but because the pm. pie were sound at heart. The representation might be, be wished it was, woe; but be was, he believed he spoke the sentiments of the people, *Eau limited monarchy, which necessarily required an infusion of aliketeeseey. Foe his part, he would sustain this form of government as best calculated to secure the rights of the people; and he would rather pada to efforts to defend it than survive to read the lesson that its de. Oruction would give him of the instability even of the best of inatitu. thus. (Loud cheers marked the conclusion of this speech, with clapping at bawds from many persons in the gallery.) Sir H. PARNELL denied that there existed in Ireland any general feeling against the Union with this country. At the last general election a repeal of the Union had never once been mentioned on the hustings. Te be convinced that it was the interest of every Irishman to uphold that Union, it was sufficient to look to the commercial state of Ireland prior WIN taking place. With ripest to the distress existing in Ireland, 'however much it was to be regretted, he believed the hon. member fur Waterford bad grea exaggerated its extent. Mt. FITZGERA LD, in answer to the hon. member for Yorkshire, omMended that the allusion in his Majesty's Speech to an interference in the affairs of Belgium, was merely with termite to a diplomatic inter twine', unavoidable with respect to a country so nearly situated to our own. The principle of absolute non-interference, was admitted to hare completely failed at the beginning of the French Revolu tion, and was contrary to the course which had been ever adopted by the wisest ministers of this country. With respect to the affairs of Ireland be denied that, as asserted by the hon. member for Middlesex, the Se. eretary of State for Ireland had interfered with the meetings of the people for the subject of petitioning ; the proclamation, issued to pat down a society assuming attain parliamentary functions, had, he was persuaded, prevented the occurrence of a civil war among a people excited by foreign events. Mr. SPRING RICE rose to protest against the assertion that the protection of Ireland from a civil war rested upon that proclamation. With respect to the repeal of the Union, he would only say that to that Union we must cling, under pain of de grading England and Ireland, separated from each other, to the lowest rank in the scale of nations. Mr. FITZGERALD explained. Sir H. HARDINGE said he rose merely to observe, that it was one thing to tolerate meetings for expressing the opinion of the people on any great public question, such as the repeal of the Unice, and another to tolerate an association which was nothing else but a revival of the Catholic Association, and which fell, therefore, under the Act of Par liament for the repressing of dangerous associations. After a few words from Mr. Honors, EDWAIRD lENATCHBU LL. and Mr. Hume, the Address was agree d to without a division. The House then adjourned at a QuarrEa to TWELVE. . Nov. An unpleasant feeling 'pervades — ifiroughout the town in consequence of a deliberate act of self-murder committed here last night by a young gentleman, who, from papers found on his person, appears to have been a member of Worcester College, Oxford. The letters in his pocket•book were addressed to Albert Smith, Es. The general opinion here is, that the deceased, who was a total stranger at Newmarket, had previously been in desperate circumstances, and had ridden over from Gin:bride, with the intention either of winning sufficient to extricate biroself. or, as not being successful, of destroying himself. This ides is supported, as well by his conduct on the race-course as by the subtle. quest deliberation of his proceedings. He evinced great eagerness to bet against Locate for the last race, and seemed careless as to the odds being above the market piles. His engagements, however, were few; his being unknown to tke betting urea will readily account for this. Of course he lost. In the evening he dined at the inn where he was sup , ing, and seemed very anxious about his portmanteau, which it turns out contained a case of hair-triggered duelling pistols. On thie being brought into the room he wrote a letter immediately, and made the waiter accompany him to the post-office, to see him place it in the letterbox. Previous to this he had had some conversation with two persons, which does not appear to have been of a very friendly nature. Immediately on his return from the post.ofEce• he &avast the door of his room, and, as it would seem, discharged both the pistols at his head, fur two reports were heard, with a slight in terval between them ; neither of them took effect, one of the bulls having lodged in the ceiling. He must then have again loaded ore of the pistols, which this time was aimed with certain effect. The ball entered immediately behind the right ear passed through the brain in its pelage, dividing the arteries, aid lodged immediately beneath the upper part of the skull on the left side. Death was inson. amass. There wee a lapse of nearly three minutes between the tint and the last dbchages. thi entering the room at the window, be was found lying on his back, and the floor completely deluged with blood. The deceased is supposed to have been connected with some respectable families in the neighbourhood of Aberystwith. His manners and fir• pesrance were gentlemanly. The races in the list for to.day, owing to the opening of Parliament. arc quite unimportant ; in fact, if the conditions of the plate would hart permitted, it would have been put off to the end oft week. Tb , match was decided as follows : Match, T.Y.C. 50 h. ft. Ilst. 51bs. each. . . Lewd Chesterfield's f. by Silkworm, d. by Waxy .• Mr. cooper's c,1.d 4 g7 ••• • • • • r At Blyboreugh-hall, Lincolnshire, on the Slit ult. the Lady of Car ta% Ltsard, Ill& Lamas, of s son. MARRIED. Yesterday. at Christ Church. Marylebent, J. Sterling, E.q. of the loon Temple. to Sums, eldest daughter of the late Lieut..Gesersl Charles Barton, of the 2d Life Guards. DIED. On &today, the 24th ult. at Brighton, the Nev. W. Yates, 1 1 % the 67th yew of Ms And on the morning of the lit inst. Sophia Vatote ‘ his timer. het Seth pac. MOOS : tin !ht y owe *us. n► ♦M- Orrtss, No. 1, Pickett-place, Temple Bar.