Star. — London, England, 1830-05-21 00:00:00

Isar followed ; in 1803 the whoi- of Louisiana was ceded to America 1 , f • tound sum ; and in 1606 Mr. Jefferson wrote to Mr. Munro, American Ambassadot in this country, that the Gulf of Mexico 5..,s a part of their waters ; in 1813 the Floridas were added to Ame ...;•a ; and in 1823 it was said that he even looked upon Cuba as the most dt•sirable object to fill up the measure of their political great. '.ess. al; liongli it was admitted that it could only be obtained by war. —Si. far he had rhe yen that the object of the United States was the ro.set.ien of the Gulfs of Mexico, of Panama, of Guatemala ; and .t must be in the forethought of statesmen that we must maintain our 'FM" in that Gulf. or give up our commerce with the new Repub. I,e. Ilene.: again he repeated the necessity of preventing Cuba !sting emdc a point of attack upon the part of Spain against Mexico, or its possession by the United States. He was sensible that he had ' wtarit.l the house, but the importance of the subject was his best apology ; discussion would he heard not only here, but elsewhere, and he hoped that Spain herself would feel inclined to follow the policy she had adopted in her treaty with the United Netherlands in 1809. 3lexico was the great source of the precious metals; and in this, as well as every country in Europe, there was a degree of suffering which would be greatly allevived by increasing the pro ductive power of that republic. In the name of Europe he called upon this government to interfere; for in his conscience he believed that the increase of their mines would prove of the most essential kende to every European State. We had a right to say above all other countries, that such a hopeless walfare should at last be discontinued. Sir R. PEEL said he did nut at all quarrel with the speech which had been made upon the presentation of a petition. He (Mr. Gus kisson) spoke in his individual capacity, while he (Sir R. Peel) stood in the situation of an adviser of the Crown, and could not therefore indicate the policy of the Government upon a question of so much importance. The speech of his right hon. friend divided itself into two points : the first was, that England was to protect Cuba from any attack by Mexico; and the second, that in conse. quence of a supposed interdict, we were bound to protect Mexico from any attack by Spain directed from Cuba. Upon the latter point, for obvious reasons, he must abstain from all discussion, al though it was competent for him to Bay a few words upon the past policy of this country upon this interesting subject. His right hon. friend considered that in 1824, or early in 1825, this government in. terfered to prevent any hostile expedition upon the part of Mexico and Colombia against Cuba, and that therefore we are now called upon to prevent any hostile expedition from Spain against the new Republics. On this point, however, there was a very great misap. prehension ; and the great question was, did we issue any inter dict, or did we incur any moral obligation, by treaty or otherwise, to prevent any aggression by Spain upon her former colonies ? It was stated certainly that such an interdict was given ; but Mr. Can ning, in all his dispatches upon the subject,said that England would maintain a strict and unqualified neutrality. No doubt he deplored the continuance of the war; he wished its termination ; bat still j•ersevered in saying, that we would maintain a strict neutrality.— He (Sir Robert Peel) was here bound to admit, that if any inter. diet had been placed upon Mexico as to an attack upon Cutts ; the same fair dealing should be applied as between Cuba and Mexico. Now, he was prepared to deny the existence of any such interdict. In the first place, there was not a single trace of any such thing to be found in the Foreign Office; and while the regularity of Canning was not less remarkable in his department, than his eloquencein that horse, it would by no means be unfair to deny the existence of such an interdict. In the second place, if ever it did exist, it was not issued at the instance of Spain. Spain never claimed onr vcntion on that subject, and therefore we had no right to say that we interfered either in the alleged or existing rights of either of the belligerents. He would not now enter into discussion upon the tight of Ibis country to interfere as to the duration of their con. test. The interdict was supposed to be issued in the year 1824, or early in 1825; the government of the United States then did in. terfere ; they appealed to Russia to mediate between the con. tending parties, and on the 20th of December, 1825, Mr. Clay ap. plied to the then Colombian minister at Washington, with a view to prevent any attempt upon Cuba, until the interference of Russia might be fully considered by the Republic. The Colombian minis. ter, in reply, stated that he knew of no meditated attack upon Cuba from the port of Carthagena, or any other; while ultimately, the Mexicans,yielding to the kind advice which they had received, gave up any idea of the threatened attack. In this dispatch not the slightest allusion was made to any interference upon the part of England. He was aware that his hon. and gallant friend (Sir R. Wilson) had stated something contrary to this.—(" No, no.") Well, Mr. Canning was now no more, and therefore nothing very positive could be said about it. He (Sir Robert Peel) was then a member of the Government, and he certainly was not aware of any such interdict as had been alluded to. Of the second point he was quite satisfied, and that was that it never, as he before stated, was communicated to Spain. In the third place, from documents laid before the Government of the United States, it was clear that the interference between Spain and the new Republics was entirely upon her part ; and upon the fourth, which was the great and last point, he held in his band a document, which being of an official character, be perhaps ought not to use ; but upon a question of so much importance as the present he might be excused in deviating a little from the usual course of proceed. ing. The document which be held in his hand was an extract of a dispatch from Mr. Canning to Mr. Dawkins when he went to the Congress of Panama, in which he stated, it was desirable that Cuba should remain a colony of Spain ; and that we had refused to join in any remonstrance to Mexico or Colons. Ilia as to the threatened attack upon Cuba. So far it must be quite clear that Mr. Canning issued no interdict upon the subject. Some remonstrances might verbally have been made as to the danger of exciting one part of the population of Cuba against the other; but our great object was to conciliate if we could, and at all hazards to preserve neutrality. He (Sir R. Peel) was not at all indifferent to the great advantage of re-establlshing tranquillity in Mexico. Spain, Mexico, England—the whole world, must be interested in it; and he would deeply regret if any thing should occur to destroy the independence of the new republics. He deprecated the discussion of any question of the abstract right of interference upon the pert of this country or any other; but he would speak in the language of friendship to Sain, and never, perhaps, was there any occasion when our advice wou ld be better taken ; and we should earnestly exhort her not to waste her energies in fruitless expeditions, but to consent to terms for the independence of her former provinces. In common with every other country, feeling for the happiness of nations, we had a deep interest in the settlement of this great Iluestion; our commerce had suffered, pirates infested the South American seas, and put down they must be, even though the consequences should prove to be such as we did not contemplate. While Spain threatened Mexico and Colombia, internal dissatisfaction would be fomented—angry pas sions would be vented—their great resources could not be de veloped ; while, on the other hand, Cuba and Porto-Rico would be kept in a state of continued apprehension. Spain had not the smallest chance of success in re-oonquering her former dependencies, and even if she could he was quite satisfied that she would be imposing the greatest burtben upon herself by her temporary success.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped that Spain would listen to the advice which she almost daily received from this Government, and in so doing she would at once be con. suiting her own dignity and resources, and the happiness and the commercial intercourse of the Republics and the whole civilized world. There was a time when we stood in the same relation to our own provinces in the same part of the world, as that in which Spain now stood towards her revolted Colonies. And what was the conduct of Spain then ? In 1799, Spain was so satisfied with the fruitlessness of our contest with the North American States, and of the injury which its protraction inflicted upon the interests of other nations, that she interfered and offered to England her friendly mediation for the purpose of restoring peace. Spain then advised England, if she was not at once to recognise the independence of the United States, at least that she should consent to a truce—the same advice which England now gave to Spain ; that she should consent to a true which might lad to negociation and end in a total cessation of hoed- Mies. England then rejected the advice of Spain, but did she regain her colonies ? If Spain now rejected the same advice in her turn, the same results would attend that rejection ; she would fail to re-esta- Wish her sway over an empire which she bad long ceased to have the power to retain, and by a pertinacious adherence to a fruitless though harrowing system of warfare against the peace and tranquillity of the New World, she might be loosening the ties of amity between her self and the nations who were the most friendly to her in this.— In thus offering his friendly advice to a great and Independent country like Spain, he trusted that he had not said too much, nor that it would be thought that he had been trenching upon the free power of her government to act upon its own independent views. Bat be hoped also that he bad said enough to rescue the government of Great Britain from the suspicion of any thing like indifference to the tranquillity and the prosperity of the rising states of South America. There was another most important and delicate point to , which he would address a few words —.era to what had fallen from his right honourable friend relative to the views of the United States and the designs of her government, or any portion of her popu lation, upon the South American territories. Ile hoped the United States, a great and powerful nation, pooeseting the freest institutions in the world, and being justly proud of her power and her freedom, would have too much generosity and good sense to make the weak. nets of another country rising into liberty by the same struggles, and through the same ditheoltiis which she experienced, the vhstim erabe instrument of her own sot. bite would ratol. lest that, by taking hoer of defence against the attacks of Spain, she wool open her own princi ples, and exposing the now copied from bee own, to inevitable failure linch would be the cootie queues of the United taking dis Nurse some apprehended. lie bothansuch expeetatiolL He phiced, he bad every reason to place, the • osmium in As pritate assurances and the public Clot• of the dicers iivo whose hands the adminienra&n of the Gossuninout of the Hotted Elates bad been entrusted. He had been personally amid by oat of thorn-4nd that one ha believed as Lo nourable a man as ever breathed, the minister representing his go vernment in this country—that that was no intention on the part I l inic mean s , h aa l s ris to right ght - of the United States, either byrofvorcece of Texanorbyanyolccwr seasseasitself of that important province hon. diend had alluded. He trusted that it was not only the inten. tion of that government not to possess itself of that territory by force or compulsion, but that it would also exert itself to prevent its sub. jests from taking possession by other modes, such as unauthorised settlements, and the appropriation of uncultivated tracts of land. He did hope that the government of the United States would have justice and generosity enough to discourage all such modes of ag. greesion upon the. territory of a weaker state, as well as to disclaim all views and intentions of aggrandisement on its own part. He should not now detain the house longer ; he trusted he had said enough to shew that upon this one single fact this country was not called upon by its Juiciest to form a defensive alliance with Mexico, against the aggression of a neighbouring State, and also that the honour of England was not involved in her undertaking the defence of the former provinces bf Spain, against the attempts of the mo ther country to re-establish her authority. (Cheers.) Sir R. W ILSON asserted, that to his own knowledge a commu. nication was made to Mr. Canning by the Mexican and Columbian ministers, informing him that an expedition was preparing for a de. scent upon Cuba, which design was abandoned in consequence of Mr. Canning's interdiction. He also had in his possession a docu ment, communicated to him from Gen. Bolivar, in which he was informed that that General was about to make an attack upon Porto Rico with 4,000 men, then assembled at Carthagena. In deference to the wishes known to be those of Mr. Canning, that expedition was also abandoned. He contended that while the states of South America had thus been prevented from retaliating upon Spain by the intervention of this country, we were bound to prevent Spain continuing hostilities against the colonies. It was said that Spain was not likely to repeat her attempts to reconquer 31..xic0 after the signal failure of General Harradas last year. Hut he could state as a fact that a proposition had been made to the Government of Spain to send out 25,000 troops to Cuba, and an engagement was offered by the Government of Cuba to restore the authority of the Mother Country in Mexico. lie knew that lists had been opened in the different regiments in Spain for the men to enrol themselves as vo. luntftrs fur this expedition, and that funds had been appropriated for it by the Chambers of the local Governments. Now whether the attack was actually made or nut, this very demonstration con. stitutcd the evil in Mexico. and prevented the settlement and pros perity of that country. Besides these difficulties, it could not be denied that her government must be greatly emba rrassed by the in. cursion of six thousand people from the United States, called Squat. tent who had established themselves in t h e province of Texas, where they refused to acknowledge any law or government but their own, and were continually increasing in number. This situation of things was one which called for the most anxious attention of England, it nut for her interference by force. It was as necessary to preserve the balance of power in the other hemisphere as in Eu.l rope ; and the only means of doing so was by supporting the power and the integrity of the Mexican Sates. Mr. BARING said that this was the most important subject with reference to the industry of this country which could come under the consideration of the house. It was impossible to hear the speech of his right hon. friend, allowing for the caution necessary to be ob. served in his official situation, and not be impressed with the very great importance which he attached to the subject. He could not but think that great danger was to be apprehended from the occupa. don of the province of Texas by these subjects of the United States. It was very well for his right hon. friend to speak of his confidence in the assurances which he r. crived from the ministers of the United States; but, with the known habits of these people, if they were allowed to go on in the occupation of the province, it was not all the presidents, or all the secretaries of state that ever existed, who could withdraw them from it, or courroul them. The only means of checking the disposition of the United States to acquire universal empire on the American continent, and the only true policy of this country, was to erect Mexico into a substantial barrier against en croachment. Those two powers were ultimately destined to contend for the mastery of that vast continent ; and the interests of England pointed out that we should take the most prompt means of enabling Mexico to use her own national power for the protection and vindication of her own rights. When gentlemen talked of the trade of one part of the country as compared with that of an. other, it was absolutely trifling as compared with the important in terests of trade connected with this question. If gentlemen looked to our exports they would see how comparatively trifling all other interests were. They would see that these New States of America, even in their present distracted and impoverished condi tion, took from us annually nine millions of official value in ma. nufactured goods, which was two-thirds more than the whole value taken from us by Russia, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Prussia, France, Portugal, and Spain, altogether. Those coun. tries took from us about 3,500,0001. of official value, while the South American States took upwards of nine millions. Gentlemen could not but see the vast importance of upholding this market for our produce when they considered that the whole of our exports to North America, the market which was formerly considered the great sheet-anchor of our own manufacturing industry, took from us only 0,600,0001. Did not this point out to England the great policy of encouraging as much as possible the growing prosperity and means of consumption of these countries, which could never become our naval and probably not for • century at least our manufacturing rivals ? Of these exports it was curious to sec the distribution according to the degree of tranquillity enjoyed by the different States. In Brasil, where there was an established government, with an em. peror indeed, but still with a very good constitution, and where they were not teased by the petty warfare of the mother coup. try, were indeed they were rather the teasers than the teased, no less than six millions of our exports found their way. In the case of Chili, which was one of the poorest of the states, but which from its remoteness was more free from external interfer ence, the value of the manufactures taken from us was 1,100,000 L while Mexico, by far the richest and most extensive state of the whole, laid out no more than 400,0001. The reason of this was that the country was sweating and bleeding to death under the burden of a military force, which she was obliged to keep up to repel foreign aggression. The consequence of this was, that no British property was safe, the convoys of British merch ants being plundered by any chief that happened to alms the road they were travelling, and that law and order, the foundations of prosperity, could no where be established. Then with regard to the precious metals, so interesting to this country in the artificial state in which it was placed, one of the mines of Mexico, belonging to an English ' Company,during the last year produced more silver than the annual produce of the whole of Europe. According to the estimate of M. I Humboldt, the produce of the European mines was LlO,OOO marks annually, whereas from one mine in Mexico last year was produced 250,000 marks. About what the true interests of this country re. quired there could be no doubt, and he thought it would be but fair to all parties, if this teasing and impotent system were continued by Spain, that we should make a frank declaration that interests had grown up to other nations in the welfare of South America which would no longer suffer us to permit the continuance of a war which had no prospect of a termination favourable to Spain. He had heard with great satisfaction and pleasure the views which his tight honourable friend took of the subject, and the importance which he attached to it. He was sure that in it lay the very greatest considerations of our own national welfare. Politicians, and travellers, and men of learning, might turn to Athens and to Sparta as the object of their interest and their study, but the industry of Sheffield and of Leeds must look to the shores of Ame rica for its interests and its reward. Lord J. RUSSELL contended that there was no ground for the interference of this country by force, although he hoped that 'be war between Spain and the South American states would speedily be brought to a termination by our friendly remonstrances. Mr. Alderman THOM PEON agreed in all that bad been said of the very great importance of this question, and trusted that by the course to be pursued by his Majesty's Government. our relations with South America would soon be placed on a more satisfactory begs. ' Mr. BRIGHT contended that the question of the indepen. deuce and prosperity of the South American States was one which not only interested this country in the highest degree, but the whole world. It was of the very last importance that Cuba should be preserved perpetually, either as a dependency upon Spain or as an independent State. The petition having been read, Mr. HUSKISSON, in moving that it be printed, said that be had heard with the greatest pleasure every sentence whicir fell from his right hon. friend the Secretary of State for the Home Department. The unsettled state of affairs gave the American ma. chants great advantage over the British merchant. The American was near the scene of action; the Englishman was at a distance. He regretted to hear that an attack would be permitted on Cuba. The government of this country ought not to be neutral on that point; it ought to say, on the one hand, that Cuba should not be attacked; and on the other, that Mexico should not be attacked, be. cause we had great Interests in each place to protect. His right boo. Mend had alluded to the conduct of Spain in 1779, with res pect to our then North American colonies, and he (Mr. Huskieson) drew from that conduct the inference that we bad a right now to follow it, and to say to Spain, Desist from your futile claims and alarms, and do justice to the Mexicans. Spain ought to look at home. and endeavour to re-establish herself as a great Power in Europe, an d t h e ... us wa y to do se was to give up foreign claims which else could never hope to enforce. If this country was to maintain her present position, the State of Mexico must be watched ; for one of the greatest authorities on this subject in the United ihdee bad de. Glared that the United States would for the proud be quiet; but the State of Texas would advance, till at the last the U nite d States would be obliged to extend to it the panoply of her ecessdention. The petition was ordered to be printed. BREACH OP PRIVILEGE. Mr. BENSON called the attendee of the house to thousand of Mr. Thomas Eyre Lee, who bad acted es agent to a Winer the fgt. matlen of a Liverpool, Birmingham, and London Junction Canal. Since he had first noticed the subject. Mr. Lee had petitioned the house, and prayed to be heard by counsel in refutation of the charges (Mr. Benson) contended that thway.b)ehehhad bee arges w n e i re nad ju e a fully borne out by the facts of the ease. T he hon. member then tt ili and nst hthiamt.thHee sta tement he had made was re peated the substance of his former statement, and alluded to the evi -1 dence taken before the Committee on the late bill in support of it.— He considered that the proposed company was nothing short of a babble; and as M r . Lee had been the most active in imposing it on the house, he should conclude by moving a resolution to the effect, that Mr. Thomas Eyre Lee having so conducted himself, had been guilty of a breach of the privileges of that house, and that he be called to the bar of the house and reprimanded for the same. The SPEAKER intimated to tke hon. member that it was ne cessary that the Order of the Day for the further consideration of the Report of the Committee should be first read. The Order of the Day was then read, after which, Lord CLIVE moved that Thomas Eyre Lee be called to the bar of the house and heard on the subject matter of the petition which he had forwarded to the house respecting his conduct concerning the Birmingham and London Junction Canal Bill. The motion being agreed to, Mr. Thomas Eyre Lee torus called to the bar, and informed that the house had granted the prayer of his petition. Mr. T. E. LEE having read the petition which he had for. welded to the House, assured the House of the truth of its assertions. He contended that this canal, if made, would be a great public benefit; that he had not broken the standing orders of the House; and that he had acted with perfect good faith, not having wished in any way to impose upon the House; that many of the shareholders were men of large property, although they had been represented to the House as of inferior station ; that the names of the subscribers had not been impro perly affixed ; and that no one had suffered from the issuing of script or any other document which might have been improperly used.— In conclusion, he thanked the house for its indulgence in hearing him, and contended that he had only acted as many of his predeces sors had done, and not with the slightest intention to mislead or to impose upon the house. If he had erred, it had been most unin tentionally and unknowingly, and therefore lie hoped the house would not visit him with its displeasure. Mr. Lee having withdrawn. Mr. BEN-ON said Mr. Lee had been heard in his defence. but had uttered nothing which had shaken the conclusions to which he (Mr. Benson) had come. He thought Mr. bee had committed a breach of privilege, and therefore he moved the resolution which he had before wished to propose when, in point of order, the order of the day was to be read. The resolution having been put, Lord CLIVE, without at all endeavouring to screen Mr. E. Lee case e ch w h u a u d b ld en cant i e uduee upon rhehousehoped ru c fro ircu m i a n l s i ta th n e ces cen o s f u t r le w look ' upon it him, t tat the with a lenient eye. The fault did not entirely originate with Mr. Lee, but, in reality, with the wording of the standing orders them. selves. He was glad an hon. friend of his would shortly move an amendment of these orders. Colonel PEEL said that he, as a Member of the Committee, fully concurred with the Report made, especially with that part of it which reterred to the depositing of the list of subscribers to the intended canal. Mr. Lee had been warned to be careful how he proceeded, and yet he had taken the cootie he had done in de.. fiance of all that had been said to him. A most gross breach of the privileges of that House had been made, and Mr. E. Lee was the responsible party. He did not wish to connect Mr. Lee with the forgeries, or any such gross matter, but he should certainly support the motion of his honourable friend (Mr. Benson), for the subject was one upon which the !louse could not be too particular : it was no satisfaction to those opposed to the bubble to say that it must be detected before the House of Lords ; they ought not to be put to the expense of going before that trinunal. ( Ilear.) Mr. Alderman WAITH MAN supported the Report of the Com mittee. lie would not say this was the most atrocious transaction that Isad ever come before the house, because he knew of a hundred others that were at the least as bad. [The hon. alderman then al luded to the evidence of the broker to the Company, to shew that the whole affair was a gross and infamous bubble.] The public were rubbed by these bubble transactions. For one, he should con. eider that the house could not pass over the conduct of the indi vidual in a milder manner than that proposed. Mr. D. W. HARVEY said, as he was a member of the cern 'Mitre he felt anxious to make a few observations. The hon. member for Stafford said Mr. Lee knew nothing of the business until the 11th of May ;—this might be true, the subscribers to the undertaking might be forged, yet Mr. Lee might be innocent. The parties entrusted had not called • meeting. Mr. Levy was the Alpha and the Omega of the concern. But he would ask, was not Mr. Lee on the 24th of February cognisant of the point in questions (Hear.) He would, with permission of the house, shew that Mr. Lee came to town on the 10th of February, and was told the fictitious character of the list. The hon. member then went into an examination of the evidence adduced before the committee, and contended that Mr. Lee had not complied with the spirit of the standing order of the bout?, which required a list of bona fide sub scribers to any undertaking, and his conduct throughout was such as ought to be noticed by the house. Could hon. members believe that up to the 11th of March, Mr. Lee was ignorant of the charac ter of this list ? No doubt could exist but that he was privy to It, and had therefore rendered himself culpable. Sir J. WROTTESLEY thought the hon. member who had just sat down, had put the question very unfairly, and he wished to follow him on the points of his arguments. In order to do so, he must advert to certain parts of the voluminous evidence which had been brought forward, and which, in his (Sir J.W.'s) opinion,would entirely exculpate Mr. Lee front any guilty knowledge of supplying a false list of subscribers. The hon. baronet here read certain parts of the evidence, during which some member cried " Question !" He Sir J. WROTTESLEY (with some warmth)--Are we to blast the character of a gentleman without inquiry. 1 thought I was sit dug in the company of gentlemen. I appml, Sir, to you (address ing the Speaker) for protection ; such conduct is not becoming mem bers of the House of Commons. The honourable member then proceeded. The fact was, Mr. Lee went to the Bankers and received the letters from which he made out the list, and not a single name did he insert in that list without producing a letter. —(Hear, hear.) If the house were now to censure Mr. Ice, they must go the length of saying that every solicitor who introduced a bill, on depositing a list in the private bill office, should vouch that it contained the real names of persons and property. In all the bubble schemes of 1826 and 1826, not a single Instance was on re. cord of any motion being made to bring any of the patties to the bar of the house. He could not think a scheme to connect Nottingham with Birmingham, and sanctioned as it was by Mr. Telford, could be designated a bubble. Not a single individual Intl been injured by the conduct of Mr. Lee. He would leave in the hands of the house the character of this gentleman, who had never, on any occa sion, done any thing to forfeit his reputation, and be hoped no hon. member would vote on the present occasion who had not made him self perfectly acquainted with the case. Mrr. SLANEY said this was not a question, as stated by the hon. alderman, relative to a bubble company. He did not think it could be thus designated, after it had been recommended by one of the first engineers of the country. The question was, did Mr. Lee ' bring forward the list with a guilty knowledge, and with an intention to commit a fraud upon the house. He thought no such decision could be come to. Mr. liee might have acted incautious, but certainly not guilty, and as such his punishment had already been sufficient. He could assure the House, on the best authority, that 31r. Lee's character, up to the present time, remained untarnished ; he bad never connected himself with any bubble companies, and if he had now committed an error it was one of negligence, and not of a guilty knowledge, and certainly did not call for the severe punishment of being called to the bar, and reprimanded by the Speaker. Mr. FYLER thought that Mr. Lee had acted fairly and honour ably, and the house had not ought to come to the conclusion that the undertaking could be termed a bobble company. Ile should vote against the motion for calling him to the bar. Sir HENRY PARNELL said, be knew that Mr.Telford thought the undertaking would prove one of the greatest improvements in the county. Re thought therefore on such evidence, it could not be called a bubble scheme . The hoc. baronet vindicated the conduct of Mr. Lee. Mr. C. W. WYNNE said, if Mr. Lee had made out a fictitious list with scanty knowledge, the censure of th e house would not be auScient—ise ought to be committed to Newgate for a length of time. No we could doubt but that he had acted, at all events, with great incaution. He might have easily ascertained the con. rectnees of the list, but he had neglected to do so. A very little in. quiry would bare enabled him to judge whether the names were real ones or not. The house was bound to watch over the correct ness of the business brought before it. lie certainly thought Mr. Lee's conduct such as called for the admonition of the chair. Mr. BROUGHAM thought, with the right hon. who spoke last, that an admonition, if Mr. Lee had act with a guilty knowledge, was very inadequate. But the House had no direct evi. dent,' before it; all the evidence was second-hand ; they ought, therefore, to pause before they came to a resolution that would bloat the character of any individual He did not say they had not the power to agree to the resolution, or that it was without precedent. He did think, however, they ought to examine witnesses Wore they came to a critninatory resolution, which held Mr. Lee up to the public as an individeal capable of committing a Bud less Pediment ; but if he had done so, the resolution ought to be Mond up by further prelims& He (Mr. Brougham) hod hegira We the eisaroar of I& Leo, and he found it to be mMt Imnsurbies he ossdiase, hstrovir, but think that Mr. awe hod send with Inerilio, but or to AN degree as to call for each .ached essense her the blues es this permed by the resolution. Be woe* dr buss, be the sake of jostles, not to ran headlong into a ruts it wadi art on sews a aim* en a respectable awn. Mr. JOHN WILLIAMS WAS [KO ..f opinion that the raili.i ment proposed was t oo great for the offence, sad should it the firm was persisted in, move as an amendment. that the house pass 4 resolution to the effect, that it was their opinion that Mr. 1,, :e acted with inadvertence, but not with a guilty knowledge. Mr. LAWLEY considered the conduct of Mr. Lft highly as I , _ pable, and would support the motion. filr. O'CONNELL thought Mr. Inc guilty of culpable ne 2 h. genre, and that he deserved the censure of the house. The motion was then put, and strangers were otekred to a draw—no ai,kion however took place. On our return we found Mr. PEEL speaking to a point of order After a few words from Mr. J. M'001) and Colonel DAVIs, a motion was then put, and carried without any division, to du effect that Thomas Eyre Lee had, in negligence, lodged a tabs and fictitious subscription list in the Private Bill.office of th House, and that he be reprimanded at the bar of the House for such conduct. On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, T. Eyre Lee war brought to the bar of the House, in custody of the Sergeant -at-Arms, and reprimanded by the Speaker in terms of resolution. CURRENCY Mr. ATTWOOD complained of the great length of time whidt had been taken up with subjects of much less importance than the• of which he had given notice six weeks ago. Considering the late hour he should postpone his motion till the Bth of June.: LAW Or LIBEL. Mr O'CONNELL witiiireWliisriotiOn relative to the law t. libel, and !mid that he should take an opportunity of stating his set,. timents on the subject when the Attorney-tit:mud brought forwar,t a similar motion. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQITER obtained kat for bringing in a bill for amending the bill for building and forging of churches. Sir H. MAXWELL obtained leave to bring in a bill for the better regulation of the county rates of Ireland. Lord MORPETH obtained leave to bring in a bill for the im. provement of the roads from London to Edir.burgh, and from Lor. don to Portpatrick. Mr. D. W. HARVEY obtained leave for Sir J. Barrington being beard by Counsel, at the bar of the house, on Saturday next. Alt. SPRING RICE moved the second reading of the Galway Franchise Bill, upon which the house divided. On our return to the gallery we found there had not ben fort' members present. The house then adjourned at Half-past Three o'Clock. HOUSE OF LORDS—This DAY. APPEALS. Mullins v. Townsend. Appeal—to be heard. Ouchterlony v. Lord Lynedoch. Appeal—to be heard. Morrison v. Mitchell. Appeal-4o be heartL Thomson v. Forrester. Appeal ditto. ORDERS OF THE DAY. Suits in Equity Bill—to be read a third time. Lords ordered . be summoned thereon. Ellesmere and Chester Canal Bill—to be considered is Comm ices: Rother Levels Drainage Bill—ditto. Crommelin Harbour Bill—to be read a second time. Strode's Estate Bill—to be considered in Committee. Hawkins' Estate Bill—ditto. Bankrupt Act Amendment Bill—to be considered in a Commit:. of the whole House. Marquis of Hastings' Estate Bill—to be considered in Com. mit tee. East Retford Election Bill—further consideration thereof on q. cond reading to be resumed. Other witnesses to attend to be ex. mined; and several witnesses ordered to attend " forthwith." Beverley Roads Bill—Yeovil Improvement Bill—Kingsburt Episcopi Bill—Rickmersworth Road Bill—and Dundalk RO3d Bill—Committee thereon. HOUSE OF COMMONS—Tins DAY. ORDERS OF THE DAV. Grazier's (Ireland) Steam Company Bill—to be read a secon, time. Court of Sessions (Scotland) Bill—Report thereon to be take into further consideration. Sale of Beer Bill—. House to resolve into s Committee thereon A' ten o'clock, according to arrangement. Bankrupt Laws Bill—Committee thereon. Fees Abolition Bill—Report thereon to be taken into funh.t consideration. Arnie (Ireland) Bill—to be considered in Committee. Four per Cent. Dissents Bill—to authorise the iuutng of F.xche qua Bills for the payment of the proprietors of Four per Cent. Annuities who have signified their dissent under an Act passed in the present Session for transferring such Annuities into three pounds ten shillings per centum annuities—to be read a second time. Almshouses Exemption Bill—for exempting the occupiers of alms. houses from assessments for the relief of the poor and ether parochial rates—to be read a second time. Supply—Committee thereon. (Resolutions on remaining )1:i. cellaneous Estimate* to be moved and considered till ten o'clock) Ways and Means—Committee thereon. Capital Punishments (Scotland) Bill—to be read a second time. (lame Bill—Committee thereon. - Registrar at Madras Bill—to be read a second time, and Count,: to be heard. Heritable Securities (Scotland) Bill—to be read a second time. NOTICE OF MOTION. Mr. DAWSON—to move resolutions on the remaining 3listel laneous Estimates in a Committee of Supply. GERMAN PAPERS. VIENNA, MAY 3. The Courier de la Greece of March 27, contains the 101/oleic; Message from the President to the Finance Committee:— " The Chevalier Eynard gives to Greece continual proofs of the interest which he takes in that country. You know, Gentlemen, that be had advanced to us 700,000 francs out of his own property. H: was the bolder of Greek Stock for 30,0001. He has sold it with a pro fit of 204,860 franca, which are his own property, because, at his own risk, he advanced large sums to Greece for which he held the above mentioned 30,0001. as security. This sum of 204,860 francs he present. to Greece. M. Eynud retains 104,860 francs in part payment of the 30,0001. and sends us 100,000 francs in money, which we hare just received. This present Is accompanied with conditions. Bs an official letter of January 2, ht states the manner in which it is to be employed. Above all things be wishes agriculture to be emu raged, and with t h is view he assigns 26,000 francs to establish a model farm. To fulfil this work, we have directed M. Palevlog to lay before us, outlines of the expends necessary to prosecute the works. We enclose his reports and estimate.— We approve the plan annexed to this report, and authorise you to leave this sum at his disposal, but to keep account of all the awns that you will successively remit to him out of this money. We add a letter for the Captain of the Alexander Newsk, which brings the four barrels, with the 100,000 francs from Mr. Eynard. We shah give you frrther instructions for the employment of the remainder of the money, which shall be entirely employed according to the in. tendons of the generous friend of Greece. "The President, J. CAPO D'ISTRIA:r. " The Secretary of State, N. SPILLADIS. "Napoli, 6th (18th) March, 1830." Atutriaa Olaerree. FROM THE RHINE, MAY 6. According to positive information, the regulations for the nar!- gation of the Rhine, agreed upon between Prussia and the Nether lands; and presented last year to the Central Committee at May. code, by the Ministers of the two Powers, to which Bavaria. Baden, Hesse Darmstadt, and Nassau have signified their assent. have been lately agreed to by France ; so that we may hope .t due regard to the interests of the individual States will soon lead to the conclusion of a system of regulations founded on the above mentioned project. • FROM THE DANUBE, MAY 2. It is said, on good authority, that the frequent exchange of notes between the great Courts, is connected with the final regulation of the affairs of Greece. The Porte is reported to show no disposi tion to evacuate the places and districts which the London Protocol assigns to the new State, and which arc still occupied by the Turks. It is even affirmed that it would make the evacuation of those places contingent on the change of certain stipulations of the Treaty of Adrianople, to which Russia is the less likely to assent, as it has always strenuously protested against mixing up the Greek loans with its own special affairs. The Allyontrinc Zcitatttg, which arrived yesterday, contains a long article on Greece, In which it affects to consider it at under. stood that Prince Leopold has refused to accept the sovereignty of that ssuntry. BERLIN, Mar 8. " For several days we have had certain information that Prince Leo. pold of Saxe-Coburg has renounced the honour of placing himself on the list of Farepees Sovereigns by accepting the throne of Greece, because the pionipelsiatiaries of the Allied Powers did not think themselves mdimefiald le comply with the demands subse quently leresslie heirsed by him. His receding from the obliga tions which be bed aim upon him in supplement B to the protocol of Feb. 20, is GM* wring to the refusal of the pecuniary aid which be required. The ionspetitors for the Greek throne have now, there. fore, a new ~cat opened to them for the gratilcatios of their wishes. Isie esnilidates will undoubtedly take advantage of the favourahle uer velinity, and endeavour to slip into the place of prince •