Star. — London, England, 1828-07-17 00:00:00

:. • . v ~a WPM AltilliMr7 7 7 - 77 4 p,:i.c,. , • . _ . , . . hii,, ~,, ta - iiii :. .\ • ••% - ‘ ' ':` ;/ %0 ':- ie 4,- ~, A., • .-.. 4, „. . 4 (ht itait"4* I N. NUMBER 12,915.] VOTICE.—PRUSSIAN LOAN of 1818.—Tbe 11 ondernientioned Coupons or Dividend Warrants due tat October, 1817, having been duly paid by me, but sub sequently STOLEN from my Olice this is to give Notice, that the said Warrants are now of no avail, and if again presented, they will not be paid. Class A of ,EIS each. 6 69 112 149 192 286 312 365 418 489 70 129 150 194 293 314 364 43! 493 18 77 130 152 197 295 326 369 441 46 79 13£ 154 200 296 333 371 .442 ;8 84 133 162 217 297 341 380 445 54 86 /39 170 223 299 , 355 403 446 00 101 143 179 234 307 357 404 451 h 7 107 146 190 250 310 359 415 449 aass Cof 15 ss. each. 2 40 56 BO 110 159 194 211 222 237 13 46 61 81 131 160 • 185 212 223 148 28 48 62 85 143 170 191 213 227 254 30 57 71 88 148 171 196 216 234 276 281 299 382 412 468 490 519 552 625 659 283 310 395 423 472 492 524 563 626 663 294 533 397 425 474 515 529 587 635 664 295 561 401 428 475 516 532 593 636 665 296 369 402 462 478 517 534 602 637 671 297 579 411 464 479 518 539 619 652 678 2090 2203 2249 2298 2384 2397 2477 2511 2637 2731 1094 92115 2253 2300 2388 2398 2481 MO 2142 , .155 1912 9059 2309 2372 1108 2486 4597 2638 2747 2158 2118 21174 1303 2373 2404 2496 . 4606 2671 2748 2170 2224 2276 4907 2374 2424 2498 2607 2676 2749 2174 2225 2213 2322 2375 2430 2501 2612 2677 2771 2175 3230. 9224 2325 2381 2433 2505 2626 2694 2773 2185 2232 2291 2326 2391 2455 2525 2631 2708 2712 219; 2238 2296 2332 2593 2460 2528 2632 2709 2784 lAA 2247 2497 2349 2396 2476 2534 2633 2717 2787 Class D. of £2 105. each. 458 2093 2896 5565 4747 6088 6600 6252 7395 7471 1756 2117 5230 4619 5894 6154 6707 7018 7398 7182 1911 2236 3414 4716 5922 6352 6805 7392 7453 7793 7950 10030 12018 13722 16211 17178 19905 21544 22489 25377 8367 10247 12115 14061 16415 19071 20213 21911 22453 25821 8411 10413 12939 14160 16625 18409 20215 21928 22479 24099 1429 10794 12962 14191 16949 18714 90412 21979 12695 24693 9767 11301 15068 14794 16973 19013 20413 22069 12797 24855 - 9855 11388 15486 15743 17150 19585 20486 22225 23225 24854 9934 11693 13498 15936 17757 19586 20256 22447 25362 24864 18952 19090 19261 19528 19775 20078 20258 20367 20400 20535 18993 19125 19340 19569 19793 10119 20277 20368 20401 20545 18998 19170 19356 19614 19798 20153 20285 20383 20416 20549 19002 19180 19568 19644 19801 20154 20288 20384 20419 20571 19011 19204 19424 19643 19802 20201 20314 21385 20444 20607 19016 19214 19143 19679 19868 20203 20351 90393 20457 10644 i 19021 19218 19444 19714 19903 90 0 A4 20561 20394 20469 2072!1 19054 19215 19449 19716 19928 90233 20364 20397 20471 20738 19048 111233 19499 19737 19947 10254 21148 20398 20619 20787 19064 19234 19504 19749E0067 21050 21182 20399 90522 90900 New-court, St. Swithin's lane. N. M. ROTHSCHILD. FARM WANTED. 'WANTED to KENT. from MICHAELMAS, a' Small FARM. within Eight or Tat Miles of London: Surrey or Kent would be preferred. Letters, post paid, stating Particulars, addressed to A. B. at the Star Mee, No. 1, Pickett-place, Temple-Bar, will be attended to. DAUL FRANCIS BENFIELD, Esq. late of Lei- I .1 caster, and also of Vere.street,Bond-street, Deceased. AU Persons having claims on, or owing Debts to, or holding Property belonging to, the above Estate, aro requested to send the Particu lars forthwith to 84, Bedford•place, for CHAS. PALMER DTMOND, the Executor. ERGOT OF RYE. This day was published, in Sem price is. 6d. TREATISE on DIFFICULT CASES of PAR TURITION, and the Use of ERGOT OF EYE. By W. MICHELL, Member of the Royal College of Surpass. Printed for Minnie and George tlnierweod, SS, Fleet4treet. CARY'S ITINERARY, Price Its. in boards, .r ins. lsalf-beund. Ills day was published, Dedicated, by permission, to the Right Honourable the Postmaster-General, • lIISW IDITION OF QARY'S ITINERARY, carefully Corrected; being an accurate Survey of the Great Roads, both direct and moil, throughout England and Wales, with part of Scotland ; made by command of his Majesty's Postmaster-General for oriacial purposes : with Routes to upwards of 9,000 Places not given in anyi other Work of this description ; the whole of the Noblemen and I Gentlemen's Seats ; a complete List of the London and Provincial Stage Coaches, Maps of the principal Waterlog Places, and a ge neral Map of England and Wales, &c. &c. Painted for G. and J. CAR:, SC St. James's.itteet, and may be bad of the principal Booksellers throughout the Kingdom. Note--This Work may be had bound with a Set of County Maps, of a correspending die, Price eel les. calf gilt. STAINS of Red Port Wine, Tea, Fruit, Mildew, and every Vegetable Matter, are entirely removed from Table Linen, Cottons, Muslin., L aces, and other articles of Dress, by HUDSON'S CHEMICAL BLEACHING LIQUID: it also removes the above stains from Ladies' Buff Dresses, without in ieriag the Buff Colour, and restores all kind of discoloured Linen to its original Whiteness, without injury to the texture of the Cloth. Prepared and sold by W. B. Humor, Chemist, 27, Haymarket, Load= sold also by most Perfumers, Druggists, and Medicine Venders, throughout the United Kingdom, in bottles at 52.-4 s. and Is. each. N.B. Mr. W. B. Hudson has no concern whatever with the Articles sold under the name of " Hudson's Botanic Tooth Powder and Tincture." HAY AND CORN HARVEST. BENJAMIN EDGINGTON, No. 5, Tooley-street (who supplied the whole of the Tents, Coverings, Flags, and Decorations, at the Horticultural Fete), has now on hand a large quantity of SECOND HAND CANVAS, suitable for Rick Clutha, with Poles, &c. complete, at a very reduced Price, and the whole are in good Preservation. having only been used a few days by the Horticultural Society, at their late Fete. Marquees, Trots, Poles, &c. of every description. Orders, by Post, to be addressed in full, Benjamin Edgington, S, Tooley-street, Southwark. FAMILIES about to FURNISH, will find, on isgpecting the Ware-rooms of HENRY L. COOPER, US, ilissineaaic•siaerr Wnuss, the following Articles, at Prices ?scidedly reasonable, for Furniture of superior Style and hh nufaccure: UPHOLSTERY—Comprising the Improved Elastic Steel Stuffing for Carriage Cushions, Chairs, Sofas, Mattrasses, Stc. in addition to a handsome assortment of Bedstead Fornitures. Window Cornices, Curtains, &c. CABINET WORK—Of the first quality and Materials—Alm Solid Furniture for Foreign Climates. SHIPPING—Cabins fitted up with Elegance and Dispatch, and Passengers Requisites provided. CRAMS— Appropriate for Dining, Drawing Rooms, Bed Rooms, &c. CARPETS—Super Brussels Carpets, 41.6 d. per yard (no Inferior quality kept), Kidderminster and Venetian equally moderate. LOOKING-GLASSES—From the most magnificent to the smallest, for Chianti/a, Piers, and Toilettes; on the larger sizes, the Reduction will be found to amount from Fifty to Seventy-five per Cent. CARVING and GILDING—Some very beautiful specimens for Conseil Tables, Glasses, &c. PAPER-HANGING and PAINTING—In the Richest as well as the Plainest Style. FUNERALS—Attended in the most respectful manner, and par. titular regard paid to Economy. HOUSE AGENCY—Houses and Estates registered for Letting cl Disposal, without Char. SALES, A PPRA ISUMENTS, A ND COLLECTION OF RENTS, FURNITURE WAREHOUSED. B. L. COOPER, 93, BismoreGATEATIMWITunt, has the honour of being employed and patronised by some of the first Families in the Kingdom ; and, for style and price, challenges competition with any respectable Esta blishment. THURSDAY EVENING. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. -- r - • HOUSE OF LORDS, JULY 16. The Disembodied Wilda Bill, and the Insolvent Debtors (India) Bill, were severally read a third time and passed. The Cinque Ports BUJ, and the Filets Bill were severally read a second time. The Cinque Ports Bill was ordered to be committed to.userrow. The Improvement of Justice (India) Bill, the Bombay Marine Bill, the Beer Bill, the Cities and Towns (Ireland) Bill, severally passed through Committees. 11111111A11 !LIAM The Earl of DARNLEY, before their Lordships proceeded to the Order of the Day, begged to offer an observation en the sub. jest to which their attend= was directed yesterday. If a new barn was to be erected for the farmer who now occupied this Palace, he thought It would 'be better economy to reinstate the Palace. This, he thought, would manifest better taste than was exhibited in the two eying tee-misters which formed the wings of Bueklnghant Palace. The Duke of WELLINGTON could not inform the Noble Lord either what would be the expense of repairing Eltham Palace, Or what would be the expense of repairing Buckingham House. I He begged, however, to say, that previous to the alteration or Buckingham House, his was worse lodgedjhan any lioesivi, /or almost tag pious OeMliman,lii taiope. Non= wit Rasa TIONS. Lord HOLLAND, in calling the attention of their Lordships to the state of the foreign relations of the country, begged to remind them, that although the strongest hopes were conveyed as to the amicable ad justment of the affairs of Russia, Turkey, and Greece, and of the affairs of our ancient ally, the kingdom of Portugal, at the commencement of the Session, yet since that period no information whatever had been commu nicated to the House. Events bad since taken place of a most important, he might nay, of a most calamitous nature, and it was not fit that Parliament should display any thing like indifference. It was with a view to avoid the appearance of this indifference that he now brought forward this motion. It would have been more becom ing if his Majesty's Government had given the info& 'nation spontaneously. He begged, however, to say, that he was not actuated by any feelings of hostility to his Majesty's Government. His motion was not one of censure ; it was simply one requesting information ; at the same time he was bound is candour to say, that the unbounded confidence which it was clear Parliament gave to his Majesty's present Government did not meet with his approbation. It annoyed him, and he thought it could not conduce to the welfare of the community. It would be recollected that his Majesty had stated, at the opening of the Session, that he would do his utmost to carry into effect the Treaty of the 6th of July. Here was something which required explanation. The Pro tocol of St. Petersburgh was the basis of the Treaty of the 6th of July, and this Treaty was a glorious and be neficial Treaty. It was signed on the 6th of July, 1827; Parliament yet sitting. The Duke of WELLINGTON—No. no. Lord HOLLAND—WeII, perhaps Parliament might have risen a day or two before. But on the meeting of Parliament in 1828 the hope was held out to the coun try that the benefits of this Treaty were likely to be realised. But at the soarers time. somewhat ostentatiously, the Power which this Treaty was intended to coerce was called an ancient ally of this country. He believed this term of ancient ally was now generally considered as a modern blunder. The Poste had, however, rejected the terms of this Treaty. and in consequence the Am bassadors of the Allied Powers; the Ambassador of Eng land included, quitted Constantinople. Then came the Hatti Sheriff of the Grand Seigneur, which he now pretended was addressed only to his own subjects r7 Here the Noble Lord entered into a glowing panegilic of the conduct of Russia, and said that it was an in stance of unparalleled magnanimity that Russia had not gone to war with Turkey long ago, to please her people and to accomplish the object of her natural am bition. What then was the effect of the change of cir cumstances which had taken place upon the Govern ment of France ? The Government of France had ex plained to its subjects the situation in which it stood— the Government of Russia had given similar explana tions to its subjects—the Government of England alone, of all the Allies, had been totally silent, like the cha racter in the comedy of the Two Gentlemen of Verona. The supineness of Parliament had been carried far enough, and upon the grounds he had stated he thought it his duty to require information. A change had taken place, and grounds of suspicion had arisen, that Gover nment intended perhaps to fulfil the narrow letter of the Treaty of the 6th of July, but at the same time to evade its spirit. The glorious victory of Navarin had been spoken of by the British Government, and by the British Government only, as an untoward event. The other Powers had a right to expect, and did expect, that if properly followed up, that victory would have been followed by the complete accomplishment of the object of the Treaty. There were indications of a difference of opinion between the three Powers. The French Go vernment had proposed to send money to the Greeks, and England objected. This objection was et first at tended to; but, if he was not greatly misinformed, the French Government had recently sent out a sum of half a millioa of livres. It was understood at the time of signing the Treaty, that if the Greeks accepted it, and the Turks did not, Consuls should be se' .t to Greece. France and Russia had sent Consuls to Greece. He had yet to learn that England had taken a similar step. The Noble Lord here entered into an examination of the Protocol of St. Petersburgh, and contended that it was, as much as the Treaty of the 6th July, an interfe rence with the internal affairs of Russia, and as much, a ground for a declaration of war on the part of Turkey as the Treaty of the 6th of July. He pledged himself to prove, if the Noble Duke would give him the dis patches, that at the time of signing the Protocol it was perfectly well understood that Turkey, unless coerced, would not submit. Force must have been contem plated ; and if it was not contemplated by the Bri tish Government, that Government acted a most artful, insincere, and dishonourable part towards Rus sia. Russia, by this Protocol, gave up the immediate prospect of glory and aggrandisement. Glory and aggrandisemeat were rights of nations; and Russia, by the Protocol, gave up and surrendered a portion of her rights to induce England to sign it. If the Government of England intended merely to mediate and remon strate, and then, if Turkey would not listen to them, to withdraw like a dog with its tail between its legs, it was most unhandsome conduct towards Russia, and inconsistent with the preamble of the Protocol, which invoked the names of religion, of humanity—names which admit not of half measures, and which must be defended at all hazards, and io all events, by those who pretend to advocate them. The Noble ford had as 7, 1828 intended to adiert eo much at length to this diplomatic proceeding ; tut he had been drawn into it by the neces sity of obsarvig upon the mystery add silence of his Majesty's Eiotrnment—a mystery and silence calcu- ' bleed to ec i oe suspicion throughout Europe and the wield. I.Tpts this pan of the subject he had a string ifleotionsie propose. The first was for a copy of any Treaty 'Aug between the Ottoman Porte and Great Britain prelims to 1809; the second was for an account of any comspict between the two Governments, entered into by wod of mouth. The necessity of this motion One fromierhat a Noble Viscount had said on the first day of tlsti Session, with respect to a traditional ani mate, whim he founded the existence of that traditional alliance tpon the fidelity of the Turks, much greater, ashribed it, than could even be expected of The Noble Baron here entered into a de taif transactions in which the Noble Viscount (Lord grangford) had borne a part at Constantinople,, to shiewthat the Noble Lord had some experience, in eantredittion of this assumed fidelity. The third mo tion was for copies of any Declaration made by the Empelear of Ropsia of his intention to adhere to the Treaty of the Oda of July, 1827, notwithstanding the se parate hostihlies in which he was engaged with Turkey. The fourth motion which he should make on this part of the subject was for a copy of the minutes of any conferences which had taken place between the Minis ters of Engand, Russia, and France, with respect to any ulterior measures for carrying into effect the Treaty of the 6th a July. He now came to the state of out relations wih Portugal. He contended that Lisbon was the most important point of the Continent to Eng land. He bought that the English nation was bound to maintait the Government of Portugali et t only against foreign invasion, but against domestic insurrec tion. The testy went to this length. Toe Noble Duke might shake his head, but this was his opinion. Pot , toga' was the most important branch of continental politics to the people of England. They had been told at the commencement of the Session that the objects of the armament sent to Portugal had been accomplished. Could this ire said now? Could it be said that Don Miguel was a Monarch for Portugal whom Great Bri• tarn ought to support? Don Miguel was the ally of that class of politicians who wished to reduce Europe to one universal despotism. He wished to know to what the faith and honour of the British Crown was pledged: How far were they pledged to support the Constitutional party in Portugal ? How far were they pledged to support the rights of the Emperor of Brazil, or of his daughter ? He meant to impute no blame, bin be mum say that the neutrality we had professed had operated exclusively in (avo ur of the party against whom all our honest wishes must have been directed. The presence of the British troops had perhaps con tributed to protect Don Miguel, at the moment when measures might have been taken effectually to counteract his enterprise. Then the correspondence of a Noble Lord, however innocent in itself, had in fact contributed to the success of Don Miguel ; and'if the patches of the British Ambaisador were given him, be had no doubt he should be able to prove that these letters had contributed to encourage the projects of Don Miguel. The Noble Lord had a right, if he thought fit, to be a Miguelite ; with this no fault could be found; but if he bad been the Noble Duke, he should not have appointed him to a high official situation, knowing him to be a Miguelite, at the very moment when the British Government professed to be the ally of Don Pedro. With respect to the blockade of Oporto, be admitted the principle upon which the Noble Earl at the head of the Foreign Department had acted. It was the principle of supporting the weak against the strong. But he lamented some of the expressions which had been employed, and he could not but regret the breath less haste with which this blockade had been retognised. The constitution of Portugal was not the creation of the British Government, but the circumstances in which it had been conveyed to Europe, led many Portuguese subjects to think that it was the offspring of English councils, and many of them supported it entirely on that ground. He was certain, however, in fact, that its enemies were the enemies of English connection, and its friends the friends of English connection. We were then blended with it in some degree. It had been said that the Portuguese people were averse to the Constitu tion. He did not believe this, either with respect to the people of Portugal or Spain. It was clear, that, in fact, British influence in Portugal had received a fatal wound by the recent transactions. He had no intention to panegyrise a late Minister, with whom throughout all the earlier part of his life he had been in political hos tility ; but, whether by wisdom or by accident, he had left this country in close alliance with the greatest Powers of Europe, and in military possession of that point which, above all others, was the most important to the interests of England. Since his death our situa tion had not improved. It was fashionable to say that England could not embark in a war. He admitted that war was adverse to the interests of the country, but he contended that war was preferable to a dishonourable peace. In addition to the papers he had already enu merated, he should move .for a copy of the 'minutes of any conference held at Vienna, on the 18th of October, 1827, between the Minister of the Emperor of Austria, the Minister of England, and any person on bebalf of Don Miguel, the second son of King John of Portu gal ; for copies of all dispatches received from the Bri tish Resident in Portugal since the Ist of May, 1828; and for copies of the instructions sent to the British Ambassador in Portugal. The Earl of ABERDEEN—I am willing to believe that the Noble Lord, in bringing forward the present motion, wAs actuated by a sense of the duty which he owes to this House and to the country ; and I trust I ao not ask too great an extension of credit and candour from the Noble Lord, when I request him to believe that it is a similar sense of duty, arising from a due atten tion to the general interests, that induces me to withhold My assent to his motion. If I did not think that a due regard to the interests of all those involved in the mat ters to which the motion refers did not suggest the in expediency of acceding to it, I can assure him that I should not dissent from it from any desire of secresy on the part of his Majesty's Government. With respect to the objects of the motion itself, some of them have no existence—others of his objects have been attained by the appearance of the information which be requires in the neweimPers-i-and other information which be re quires is inexpedient to be produced now, pending the actual progress of negotiations. Indeed Ido not thank I err much in supposing that the Noble Lord brought the motion more became be thought it a convenient [PRICE §,EVENPENCI. opportunity on which to bang the observations with which he accompanied it, than from desire for thein formation itself—(Hear). The Noble Lord addressed himself parti9litly to two great subjects, which of late had prominently occupied public attention—namely, the state of the Levant and the state of Portugal. To the last of these topics I shall advert first. In the course of the speech of the Noble Lord, I was desirous to mark a . the particular points of charge which the Noble Lord • • intended to prefer against the Government, for what they had done as well as foi what they had left undone —(Hear). The Noble Lord thought proper to express his regret at the events which had recently taken place in Portugal—au expression in which be was sure to have the complete concurrence of his Majesty's Government, and of every Member of that House—(Hear.) The Noble Lord further said, that whilst we professed the principle of neutrality in Portugal, appearances were against our observance of that principle. But the Noble Lord did • not accompany that assertion with any proof of our infringement of it, and I will say, that whatevet infringement .of neutrality there was—if .there were any—certainly was not in Favour of that side which the Noble Lord would induce the House to suppose.-._ The rapidity with which the blockade of Oporto was acknowledged was complained co, and also the title given by this country to Don Miguel. The title by which he was addressed 'by this country, up to the time of our keeping up an intercourse with him, was the proper one—and as to the rapidity with which the, blockade was acknowledged, it was becoming the dig: pity of the Government of this country to declare its opinion upon the blockade as soon as it was formed. If Government had any doubt as to the establishment of the blockade, that might furnish a ground for delaying the declaration of its opinion ; but as soon as the opi nion was formed, they should not pause for a moment in promulgating it. The Noble Baron complained of the withdrawing our troops from the military position* which they occupied in Portugal; but what right bad we to maintain them?—(Hear.) Our troops were sent out there to carry into execution a Treaty, to the fulfil. meat of which we were pledged. We had no option but to fulfil it, and we did so. Sometime after the withdrawal of our troops there might, perhaps, base been some wish in the breasts of some persons that we maintained our military occupation, but at ti e time at l which the troops were withdrawn, there was ground s whatever—none that I could learn—for our I' oining possession. As to the British Government giving its sanction to the course pursued by Doti Miguel, it would be only necessary to state, that Don Miguel, on leaving this country for Portugal, obtained supplies of money through our intervention, bet as soon as he had deviated from thai course which it was agreed upon be should pursue, the supplies were stopped ; remonstrance on remonstrance was daily made to him against the career in which he had embarked ; and such was the esttnt of the dissatisfaction manifested by the British Government, that the functions of our Ambassador were suspended. and be declined any intercourse what ever with Don Miguel. Was this, let me ask, no di:. position of advantage shown to the party opposed to Don Miguel? Was this a neutrality exercised, as the Noble Lord had represented it, in his favour? Or was not this breaking off of all diplomatic intercourse a neu trality. if not partial, at least rather against than for those in his favour ?--(Hear, hear.) Many of the ob servations of the Noble Lord appeared to proceed from an erroneous notion of our relations with Portugal, and our obligations to that country. Those obligations sim ply consisted of a guarantee upon our part to protect Portugal from foreign aggression, and to preserve the succession of the Throne is the House rf Braganca. There is no treaty binding us, as the Noble Lord ha; stated, to protect Portugal from internal dissension. How could we enter into such an engagement? Was it to be supposed, that at every occurrence of inter nal tumult, or local discord, we were to interfere to prevent it ? The thing was impossible ; and there is no treaty which imposes such a strange and impracticable obligation upon us—(Hear, hear). The Noble Llrd next asks what obligations we owe to the Constitution of Portugal ? My answer is, none— none whatever. That Conititution is not of English origin—(Hear). The presence of our troops in Portugal may have contributed to the support of it longer. per haps, than but for the influence of their presence it would have been maintained; but we have over and over again disclaimed that it was the object of our ex pedition to support a particular Constitution. Inter ference with the internal Government of Portugal was no part of our business. Whatever our wishes may be in favour of liberal institutions, with whatever favour we may regard them, and however highly gratifying to our feelings may be the establishment of those insti tutions, yet it was not our province to force those insti.. tutions on the people of Portugal, contrary to their wish to have and to cherish them—(Hear). Indeed, if one adverts to recent events, they do not seem favourable to the supposition that the people of • Portugal were very favourable to free institutions. People generally defended that which they loved ; but looking to the conduct of those supposed to be favourable to the Char ter, there was little proof in their conduct of their at. tachment to it—(Hear). Indeed I believe that to be true respecting the people of Portugal, which I remember to have heard Mr. Canning declare respecting the people of Spain. Mr. Canning said that the great majority of the people of Spain did not entertain a disposition fa vourable to free institutions. The recent conduct of the people of Portugal seemed to justify the attributing of the same disposition to the people of Portugal—(Hear, hear). Our engagements were clearly marked and ex plicit; and, doubtless, if the occasion or the necessity again arose, we would fulfil those engagements with the same alacrity with which we had done before—. (Hear,bear). The Noble Lord bad dwelt, not indeed with exaggerated importance, on the alliance between this country and Portugal. But Idsno b t e t a hi b n i k go w t e a n n e:d a entertain any apprehensions on that score, for whoever may be the Sovereign of Portugal—be despot or not—he would find it his interest to maintain the closest alliance with this country, It was n ot a li tt l e remarkable that the period of our history, in whi c h t h e most intimate alliance and intercourse subsisted between Portugal and Englandb was a period in which the Go vernment of Portugal was that of the most complete despotism. There is no ground then to fear any cool ness of friendship on the part of Portugal.on the con trary,d w infi f o ar en f re m of it ;h th is ose cou w n h t o ry : ere as c th on e tr g a r d e i a s t t es i n t g f o r is e h ad ed s from those who favoured a French or foreign party in Portugal, wets to be found amongst those who sup-