Star. — London, England, 1824-03-17 00:00:00

when he said that great advantage . woultl be derived from a community of religious opinions between the owners, overseers, or managers, and the slaves, he trusted- that be should not, he understood as having any intention of forcing upon the slaves any particular form of Christianity, or of any intention of interfering with any religious instruction which they now received, or might wish hereafter to receive. GOD forbid that any attempt should be made by any clergyman of the Esta blished Church to entrap the minds of the slaves by the discussion of any abstruse theological doctrines ! ('l/ear, hear) —or that any attempt should be made to disturb, by such miails,tbe.s) stem of Christianity which they might profess!—(Hear, hen?). It only now re mained for him, with respect to the measures which his Majesty's Governinenf proposed to adopt, to state to their Lordships one measure, to ivhich, as it was to be found in the papers upon their Lordships' table, it might be unnecessary to advert ; but as it was a mea sure which he trusted would do away with . a great many difficulties, he would beg leave to call their-Lordships' attention to it--le meant his Majesty's Proclamatien to the slaves. A very general impression existed through ! . out the West India Islands, that the measures now pro posed were to be followed up forthwith by a measure for the complete and absolute extinctionoof slavery. He cont., not .state from what cause this impression had arisen, but it was. well known that the whole of the , slave population in the West India Islands believed that his Ikiajesty.lisci sent out orders • for . their immediate emancipation; that they were, in point of fact, free; but that their masters withheld from them their free drim it was - therefore thought,desirable that a Proclama-, tionshould be issued by his . Majesty to contradict that erroneous impression. A Proclamation was accordingly' issued for that purpose; and, considering the character of the persons to - whom it was addressed,it was deemed necessary to be as concise and clear as possible.`A short Proclamation was then issued, and as it was so shot t he would take the liberty to read it to their Lordships : " Guinan Iler.—Witereas it has been represented to qs, that the slaves in some of our West India Colonies, and of our Possessions on the Continent of South America, have, been erroneously led to believe that orders had been sent out by us for their emancipation : And whereas such belief has produced acts of insubordination which have excited Our highest displeasure: We have thought fit, by and with the advice of our Privy Council, to issue this our Ituyal Proclamadon; and we do hereby - declare and make known, that the slave population in our said Colonies and Possessions will be undeserving of our protection if they shall fail to renderentire submission to the laws, as well as dutiful obedience to their masters And we hereby charge and command all our Governors of our said West India Colonies and Posses-ions to give the fullest publicity to this our Proclamation, and to enforce,• by all the legal means in their power, the punishment of those who may disturb the tiatiquil, lay and peace of our said Colonies - and Possessions. " Given at our Court, at Carlton House, this 10th day of March, 1824, and in the fifth of our reign." It was impossible for him to conclude without adstert lug 'to the subject 'referred to in the Proclamation, a subject upon which su many Petitions had been pre sented to their Lordships—he meant the extinction of slavery. He must say that he considered the true mean ing of these Petitions had been much mistaken. All the Petitioners spoke of the extinction of slavery as an object to be effected gradually, and indeed some of the Petitioners went so far as to state their ready acquies cence to make compensation to the persons who would suffer in consequence of the abolition of slavery. Un doubtedly, if slavery were to be immediately abolished, if those who were now slaves were to be immediately and unconditionally emancipated, the planters would be entitled to compensation. The planters had a legal right to the services of their slaves—(Cheers). Nay more, the planters had a legal right to the services of the issue of their slaves—(Cheers). IF, thee, their Lordships deprived the planters of these services, they were bound in ho n Our, they were bound in justice, they were bound in equity to indemnify the planters. He knew it had been admitted by those who were most anxious for the abolition of slavery, that the planters were entitled to the vervices of the slaves now in existence ; but it was denied that they were entitled to the services of the issue yet unborn. Those who maintained that doctrine were for converting the property of the planter into an annuity, and an annuity for life instead of a freehold which he now had. Ile did not now nit:an to contend that it would not be right to make that alteration in the property of the planter; but he spoke of the nature of the planter's property in the slave as it now existed. lie wished to call their LordshipJattention to the provisions of at* Act of Parliament passed within the last four yeati. In that Act the right of the planter to the ser vices of the issue of his slats was distinctly laid down. —(The Noble Earl here read the Clause in the Act to which lie alluded, and from that Clause it was clear that the planter was entitled to the services of the issue of his slaves, provided he complied within a specified time with certain regnlations.)—After having read that Clause, he could not entertain a doubt of the tight of the planter to these services. As he was upon the subject of indemnity, he could not pass over one thing which was thrown out by the planters as an object of indem nity; namely, indemnity for any losses which they might suffer in consequence of the mitigation of the. system of slavery. lie must sec their case made out—he must.see what was the nature of the loss and whence it had arisen, before be would consent to give the planters a single shilling—( Hear, hear).—Let their Lordships look at the provisions of the measure now proposed. One of the first provisions provided that the property in the, slaves should be secured to the planters. Did the plan.' tern mean to say that their property was interfered with, because it provided that 24 hours should elapse between the commission of the offence and the punishment of the offender—(/lear).—Did the planter mean to say that a provision which afforded time. for reflection to the ma linger was a fit object of indemnity ?—(Near).—Did the planter mean to say that he was entitled to indeinnifica tion because the slave was not compelled to labour on a Sunday ?'—.(llear, hear)—,What! indemnification for abandoning that which his religion ought to teach him never to have exacted—( Loud Cheers).—lf planters could make out that they had suffered losses in conse quence cf. being .deprived of that which as Christians. trey had a right to .exact, he (Earl flathurst) would say they must be indemnified . It was stated by those who. wished to induce their Lordships to the immediate abo lition of slavery,that the measure would be nothing more thaii an alteration from compulsory to free labour, and' that the planter would derive more benefit iron) tree. than he now derived from compulsory labour. With _ respect to free labour; he must say, that from all the forination which he had received upon the subject,. be could not point out one instance in which the experi went of-'an alteration from compulsory to free labour,, had been . fairly tried and succeeded.' Indeed he knew - ' many instances in which that experiment had failed. One case in'soppoit of this alteration was often quoted —he meant Ci2ylon. Now; -without. taking nito del ation how far the transition from compulsory to het labour had succeeded in Ceylon; he Mist say, that in . considering how fir; taboo-0111d be - relied epon. by.thtplanter, it mutt ! e 6rst Onsitlited?ht what kind' .1 of labour the %Vest India planteis*,shwes were occupied. In the West India islands the labour , 44trtre I was for t , sugar plantations; and in Ceylon no inch article as su gar was manufactured ; and therefore, in pint of the labour necessary in each country the coMparikmi 'did not hold. Next, look at the condition of the slaves in both cases. In Ceylon the emancipated slaves were of the same origin with the other inhabitants; they spoke the same language, were confined within a narrow corn pass, formed but an inconsiderable portion of the whole , population, and on their labour but little of the cultiva tion of the island depended ; whilst in the %Vest Indies the slaves svere not of the same origin with the other ,habitants, their language was different, they were spread over a great extent of country, their numbers exceeded the number of the rest of the population, and upon their labour depended the sole cultivation of tl.e country. iietweeit the conditions of the , slaves of the two corn- tries no comparison could be made but novwithstand ing the advantages possessed by the slaves of Ceylon, it was thought advisable - to have SO or 40 years expe.. rience before the complete extinction of slavery was carried into. execution. The Noble Marquis had, last night, in support of the alteration from compulsory to free labour, called the attention of their Lordships to Colombia. With respect. to Colombia, he knew that a I fUnd of 3 per cent. out of the hands of persons deceased I had been created for purchasing the freedom of such slaves as might be deserving of their freedom; but it was not probable that the progress of that measure ' could be so rapid as to enable the Noble Marquis now to pronounce ith cenfidenie any opinion • upon the 1.01. i ject. Ile knew that in Colombia all the issue of slaves born after a certain time were to be fi ee ; but he thought their Lordships must wait some time before they could pronoence an opinion upon the effect of that law. In Colombia the amount of the slave population was stated to be 360,000 ; but that was an error, and an error which had arisen, he believed, from confounding the free people of colour with the slaves. Ile believed E in point of fact, that the numbei of slaves in Colombia did not exceed 200,000; and if that statement were cm - rect, it would appear ton the slave population of Co- lombia formed a very inconsiderable portion of the whole population; and therefine between the slaves of Colombia and the West Indies no comparison could be made in this respect. He now came to the place where he thought the experiment of a sudden transition from compulsory to free labour had failed—he meant St. Domingo; that place had not for many years, it was true, been in a state of tranquillity, but still he thought the period of tranquillity was sufficiently long to enable the politician to judge of the effect of the measure. Previous to the emancipation of the slaves of St. Domin go, the annual exportation in sugar alone amounted to 160,000,000 lbs.; but now that the inhabitants enjoyed the benefit of free labour, he would ask their Lordships to !Orin an opinion as to the annual exports of that tom , modity alone. Did their Lordships think it was one half of the e xport before the emancipation of the slaves? 'DH their Lordships think it was one-fourth? No, he had great reason to belie* that in that island they did not raise sugar enough for their own consumption. He was led to form this belief from the Proclamation of the President Boyer, prohibiting the clandestine importation ofsugar—of sugar which was the produce of slave labour, and which was in this instance an overmatch for_ sugar proditced by free labour. The next instance quoted in favour of 'free labour was the emancipation of the slaves of .Guadaloupe; In the beginning of "the French Revolution all the slaves of that island were emancipated ; in ten years afterwards, Bonaparte, upon the representation of the planters, to whom lie had restored - their plantations, re-established slavery. At that time a pamphlet, entitled The Crisis of Slavery, Was written by Mr. Stephen, one of the most intelligent, enlightened, zealous, and sincere advocates of the Abo lition of Slavery, and that Gentleman, in adverting to the report then in ciroulation, that Bonaparte intended to restore the plantations to the Guadaloupe Planters, admitted that it would be a mockery to restore the plantations without at the same time re-establishing slavery, the re-establishment- of which was, in the opinion of this Gentleman, impracticable, but which. Buonaparte (who agreed with him in 'Opinion, that it would be a mockery to restore the plantations without re-establishing slavery) very stibrtly proved to be prac ticable. The next instance adithiced in support of the emancipation of the slaves was that of the American States. He was aware that, in the year 1782, the State of Connecticut passed a law declaring the issue of all slaves born after that time free; but in Connecticut the number of slaves bore no proportion to the mount of the whole population, as the proportion did not exceed. one to thirty, and therefore between the slaves of that State and those of the West Indies, nocomparison could be drawn. What reason was there to believe that the measure had succeeded in that province? In the first place, the example was not followed by the other States, and in the next place he had reason to believe that the experiment did not succeed. He had lately seen a Re port of the State of the Jails of that State; and the number of free Blacks in those jails, compared with the number of Whites, was out of all proportion. In- deed, at Philadelphia and New York, establishments were formed for getting lid of those emancipated slaves, who had turned out to be a burthen to the State. 'To what reason then was the failure of this measure to be attributed ? 'Was it because the black slave, was a being unfit to enjoy the blessings of freedom ? No; Gon forbid that he should ever say that the ALMIGHTY had formed a race of beings who, under any circumstances, would be incapable of enjoying and appreciating the blessings of freedom ! He would not say so ; he would not attribute the failure of the measure to such a cause ; but he would attribute it to what he considered to be the real cause, namely, that the emancipation had taken place before the slaves or their children bad been pre viously prepared by proper education for the enjoy ment of the blessings of liberty. In the latter case it failed because the children had not beeu previously 'educated ; because emancipation had been prematurely adopted ; because it was adopted in the gloss ; because it was adopted by one general sweeping Act ; and be cause the father of the child who had been emancipated was incapable of giving him, in his own conduct, an ex ample of industry, and teaching him how to enjoy the blessing which had been conferred upon him.;—(tlear). But it might be asked, why might not the black' la bourer be taught industry, as well as the whitelabourer in this country ? The answer was obvious. The la bourer in this country said to his son, " I work for my . bread, and if yoa wish to get your bread-honestly, you must follow m? example." But the slave who was the father of the emancipated child, said to his son, " I work because 4am a slave—if Idu nbt work I shall be al are free, you cannot.be flogged, and' ....kaleetkuot work." ThE evil in this system ...acipattein was, that the,Seate and not the parent ...adcipated the child.' But contrast this state of eman cipation with the state of emancipation contemplated by the'Order in Council, which enabled the slave to pur chase his freedom—which provided him with the means discliarging the duties of a freemanwhich erralr!e,i hitir to purchase the freedom of his child ip preference to his own, and therefore gave him an interest in taking care that the child should receive that instruction which would render him capable of enjoying the benefits of freedom. With respect to the children emancipated by the State, they must be previously educated by the State; and if that previous education did not take place, he would ask their Lordships how they could imagine that any good could result from such emancipation? 'He could assure their Lordships, that ever since this measure had been brought under tire consideration of his Majesty's Go vernment, he had paid the most anxious attention to the subject, and most• anxiously desired that he could bring his judgment to take the same view of the subject as the heart of every man possessing the common feelings of charity or commiseration prompted him to take; but he must state (and that most reluctantly) to their Lord ships, that the only conclusion which he could arrive' at was, that the great object of the abolition of slavery was to tte attained pr;ucipally by affording tc the slaves the amplest means of moral and religious instruction; by enabling them, by the fruits of their industry, to purchase their freedom, or the freedom of their chil dren; by quickening in them a desire for t': ).e arts by which they might more readily acquire tLe means of procuring their freedom ;and by diligently but cautiously instilling into them a sense of the blessing.' of that free dom, which they must acquire by their industry alone. One thing more he would beg leave to suggest to their Lordships, and that was, that it was his honest and. sin cere opinion that nothing was more calculated to defeat the object which their Lordship& had in vieav than the constant discussion in Parliament upon this subject.— The manner in which the discussion was carried on was calculated to produce the most serious injuries—it war .calculated to break down the barrier between master and slave—to excite alarm in the mind of the master, and discontent, insubordination, and insurrection in the mind of the slave—(Hear, hear). He did not wish now to advert to what had lately taken place at Jamaica,. but be was ready to admit that their proceedings were rash and inconsiderate, and that they were carried on not from any apprehension of fear for: their own secu rity, but from an apprehension that the rumours which were then in circulation were well founded. What kindness can be expected by a slave from a master who expected every moment that he would be deprived of what by law was his property ? and, on the other hand, what eki:ectations. could be entertained that a slave, buoyed up with delusive hopes of immediate emancipa tion, would apply himself to industrious pursuits to ob tain that emancipation? He should conclude by ex preising his most anxious wishes, that the future e'er. tions of the friends of the abolition of slav4ry, would be directed towards the counteraction of those evils which necessarily must be the result of inconsiderate and pre mature discussion—(Load cheers). He thanked their Lordships for the patient attention with which they had listened to his observations; but considering the situa tion which he had the honour to hold, he trusted their Lordships would attribute the length of his observations to an anxious desire of discharging to the utmost of his abilities his painful duty—(J-kar, hear). Lord HOLLAND did not rise for the purpose of making any observations upon what had fallen from' the Noble Earl, because if he were to make 'any obser vation upon them, it should be in praise of measures. for which be, as a West India proprietor, as a friend of freedom, and as a Member of that House, gave to Ministers his sincere thanks. Indeed, the only regret which he felt was, that those measures had not been long since adopted; but he rose for the purpose of stating, that by any former opinion which he had given. as to the necessity of affording religious instruction to the slaves, he was not bound to approve of the Ecclesiastical establishment now proposed by Ministers; and he also rose for the purpose of asking the Noble Earl whether the Order in Council which he had mentioned referred to all the ceded islands, or referred only to Trinidad? He asked this question because many of the provipions of the measin e appeared to him to be founded upon the Spanish law. Earl BATHURST.—The Order applies solely to Trinidad ; there will be a separate Order for St. Lucia, more conformable to the French law; and there will be ia separate Order also for Demerara and Berhice, when the instructions which have been sent out there shall have been considered and shall arrive in this country. On the motion of the Noble Earl, the papers were then ordered to be printed ; and their Lordships ad= rjourned at Half-past Seven o'Clock. Of 9/I HOUSE OF COMMONS. The House was summoned in the usual way to the 'lons:, of Lords, to hear the Royal Assent given to several Bills by Commission. ABULMON OF SLAVERY. Sims. LEMON presented a Petition from the Minister. Church wardens, and, Inhabitants of Stilyard, praying for the Abolition of the Slave Trade ; and a great number of similar Petitions from various other places. CRIMINAL CODE. - Dr. LUSHINGTON did not intend, under present ciecum stances, to occupy the attention of the House but for a very short time. Ile was not aware that k was intended to offer any opposi tion to the motion , he was about to make; his observations would, therefore, be within a very small compass. He meant to propose that a Committee should be appointed to inquire concerning the best way of improving and amending the Criminal Code. The House must be aware that the number of Statutes which had been passed from,time to dine, were in a state of the greatest confusion. He would not name the many inconveeiencies which had arisen in consequence of this—he would assume that the House was con vinced of their existence. It was necessary for him to show how fai he meant to go, and on what principles: his first proposition would be, that the Conunittee should inquire into the state of the I Criminal Code, and unite all the Statutes on the si.rne subject into one head :—as, all laws relative to larceny, forgery, &c. Ile did not intend, at present, to propose any alteration in the existing laws, either as to punishment or offence: when the Statutes were brought before the House in the shape of a Bill, the I louse would be better able to judge of the defects in the Criminal Law, which were nu merous, apparent, and in many instances disgraceful to the Statute Book. He would not, at any time, propose an alteration in a law, unless it was clear to every individual in the house that it was re. quisite. lie did not wish to trespass on the: rinse of the House, and would therefore conclude by moving that a Committee be appointed for consolidating and amending the Criminal Law. Mr. J. SMITH, in seconding the motion, observed that such a proceeding wbuld give the greatest satisfaction to the nation at large..—The motion was carried, and a Committee appointed. Mr. CALCRAFT said he would take the liberty of asking the Right Honourable the Chanoellur of the Exchequer, whether he intended to admit French leather lute this country, on payilig a duty of 30 per cent.? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, that the Hon. Gentleman must be aware that many articles of French ma nufactured leather were now admitted on paying a duty of 75 per cent. and that it was his intention to extend this permissrou further. On the motion of Mr. S. Welland., the House went into a Com. mince on the Game Laws.—The Report was brought up, and or dered to be taken into consideration uo :.‘ltniday. neat. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER tins ..91 that t'•„ House should resolve itself into a Committee on thestibjeet of silk, in order to rectify an 'error- which had been committed...4h. House accordingly resolved itself into a Committee. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER observed, th at it had been proposed to allow on all Organzine a drawback, which would be equal to the duties; because it Would I e a bard thing if people who had a quantity of this silk were not e:.ahled to sell it ; and it would be equally wrong to allow the shk.thEnwstet, the dr-'awb ick on what bad been beffifebtdillglit tihtlertlftlliltatt. his proposal now was, to give each patty that which he was co . tided to.—The Report was ordered to be teetlved'tozntotrow. The CHANCELLOR of Abe 'EXCH'EQUEIt Moved that the Order of the Day for the House to go into a Committee on the Silk Dill be read, for the purpose - of p6stponiniltsfurtber consideration to Thursday next.—Agreed to. The Annual Duties' Bill was then read a third time and passed. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCLIEQUER give notice that on Thursday next he should ractve for the Hotote to strintoa . Coos, mime on the Irish Union Duties' fill, whets it vr,ls his hiteotion to propose the remission of these duties. The ATTOA.NF.Y-OF,NERAI, moved that the Bin for rem . aeration to the Law Officers who bad been deprived of their fe et ir consequence of recent Aces of- Parliament, should belaid b t f ute a Committee of the I-louse on Thursday next. . Mr. 11U MR thought that the best way would be to te t te ' : to a Committee above stairs. He wished the Learned Cadman to state his reasons why he made his present motion. The ATTORNEY-GENERAI. observed, that the. grounds could only be stated before a Committee. There was nothing new in his proceeding; the same course was pursued in re 23, relative to Irish Low Officers. Mr. .A BF.RCRO)IBY objected to the principle el the motion. Mr. IlUi‘lE suggested the propriety of postponing the question for the present. Mr. IiCSKISSON observed, 'that if the Honse went into a Committee the grant might be still withheld. The SPEAKER obsesved, ‘ that the I-louse could-confider the propriety of granting remuneration only, in arxhaunittee. After a feav remarks from sir. Asestearrstsre and Mr. time, and replies from the Azxottmer and StiliettoneGennstes., the rue. ti9n was passed. NEGRO SLAVERY. Mr. Secretary CANNING appeited at the Bar With . certain Papers similar tdthcse tt hich were laid on the table of . the HGuse of Lords. Those Papers having been brought up, The Right Hon. SECRETARY rose, an.i caid that he rose in discharge of a great duty. I. aa, his inten tion to take a short review of the meaiwes that had !teen adopted, and the course which had heen pur sued in consonance with th - e Res• lution,, pas•cd by that House last year.—Here the Clerk read the lteb.omons: " That it is expedient to adopt the niest efficient and (*Maw Mea sures for ameliuratipg the condition of Staves in •-tur Colonies. " That this House - and the Government, by a firm, demi - mist* ' and temperate enforcement of such measures, hope so to improve the condition of the Slaves, as to prepare them for the enjoyment of those civil rights and liberties which are enjoyed by others of his Majesty's subjects. • " 'That this House and the Government were anxious, at the earliest peritxl, to enter into the subject with every view compa tible with the well-being of the Slaves, the safety of the Colonies, and the - interests of all those Who arc concerned in the preservation of their property." 'The Right Honourable Gentleman continued.—He was desirous that the House should have present to its mind the text and the Resolutions on which his Majes ty's Government had to proceed and- frame its conduct, and not on any wide spread theory which had been em braced by others, whilst his Majesty's Government was constrained to act on such a suggestion with the caution that became so very delicate and important a subject. It was undoubtedly a subject which more than any other at the present moment inspired him as be approached it with awe. To speak of its magnitude as compared with any other subject of deliberation at present, would be to give but a faint idea of its consequences and the diffi culties with which he end his Majesty's Ministers saw it was surrounded—difficulties which he who attempted to find a remedy for, would only find thicken around him, until there was nothing left him but a choice of un mitigated evilcese( Hear ).,- Formidable as those diffi culties now were, they were less so than in the last year, when his Majesty's Government had to combat with conflicting iateeests ; to grapple w ith a them y which would not permit anything to oppose or stand in its way, or to resist a host of prejudices deeply rooted in too many minds. Fortunately, however, what had already been done,had narrowed the ground and made their way somewhat plainer. He hoped that it would be understood that what Parliament had done on that occasion ha,' ori ginated in a perfect conception of the evils with vt hi, the Legislature had to combat, preserving, however, a due regard-to those impediments which had derivee a sanc tion from time and usage, and more especially from Acts' of the Legislature with respect to this description of property. In deciding on interests of this nature, it was not for the House to permit that property to be swept away, in of der to make a •clear stage. He hoped that no misrepresentations had gone abroad that it was intended this object should be obtained by a sudden emancipation of the Black enpUlation, or that a change, which was evidently expected to be the result of pro gressive improvement, should be thrown' amongst the slaves themselves to scramble for—(Hear.) As faithful Ministers of the Crown, it behoved them to advise not only that which was likely in theory, but that which was practicable—not only that which was likely to do good, but that which was least likely to do mischief— (Cheers). These were all important considerations, de serving of being coupled with the difficulties apparent to every man ip first approaching the question. It ap peared to be the general wish of the country riot to adopt any principle of hostile policy to those whose lot was-cast in those parts of his Majesty's dominions be yond sea, but that whilst we were carrying on this great and benevolent object, we were not to drive the plough share over the properties and lives of his Majesty's free subjects in those Colonies, Tilese were the principles which had been fixed by the vete of this House, and by those principles the Government had to abide,•and by them therefore, the Government must be judged. if enough had not been done to effect the desired ob ject, it was upen to any in that House to originate measures which might be less cleseicerised by caution. Amongst all the ptactical entlearassments which sur rounded this subject there.was one which was peculiar —namely, that scarcely an exeression er phrase could be made use of, that uers not likely to be seized on by one interested' party or other, and wrested to their own purp ate, ether for support or cause of offence. lie would declare that for his own part he was perces:et impartial as far as it might be supposed he could so, who recollected with pleasine the humble support he had given to the great question of the abolition of the Slave Trade early in life. And he would say that re maining down to the present time in the same opinion, he should be far from considering it a breach of faith on his part had he now brought on this discussion, and , he should be less disposed to impeach the conduct of others under similar circumstances. With all these . feelings, which had so liberally been avowed by many in their speeches on the que,tion of the emancipatioa of ,the slaves in the Vest Indies, he saw reason for -Avir • observing more caution when they came to ex re,s • their sentiments on the question, which had been c risi dered pregnant with alarm. When he talked of a:arrn, Goo forbid that Ire should be taken 3 , sanctioniaz by A -*ls] OM foil! to now pint tonfi taste tie* ;Fled: %Aid end I 77 - taUSt interf tire 1 last y of th 4 at ho provi mean was those Islam whit! liofat basis pine An C :emir sures the sl TOW menu been grid{ olojes serve been Nan as in and sive elm give He PAC Indi yea* the-j first The use the bat lifil the Tea 4104 YAA Ole 64 vicv tit; stl 'ex Pr J' ~~