Star. — London, England, 1824-05-11 00:00:00

J i . mood to twenty) he considered k to be his duty thew* • • • ITANLEY said, that a clause would be intro the present Bill authorising the parties to sue ted, and that an alteration would be adopted, the Company would not have the paivdege of see Bad). was read a second time and committed. WZ•T INDIA COMPANY. ANNING moved the Order of the Day fur ,d reading of the West India Company Bill. USKISSON tose, inst for the purpose of op m motion, nor would he at that moment go at zo the merits of the Bill; but he wished to set )urable Friend right upon one point connected lamely, that the application for a Charter of ttion ought to be made in the regular manner to his Majesty in Council, through whom imendation for the measure ought to come, in direct appeal to Parliament. He had stated for Ott information of his Honourable Friend, id not prejudge the question by going further present. ,LICE supported the Biil, and suggested, that :ommittce on it all the objections to which it • should be offered. ISIUSSON explained. Ti.e coune he would id wm, that an application should be made to in the first instance, and, should the Crown if the measure, then that the lhll should be im. introduced into Parlianrent. 'KES wished to know from the Right Hon. in was it his intention to oppose the Bill ? and yportunity to state what in his mind appeared ra , ons fot objecting to it. The Bill came into • under very suspicious circumstances, in the ape of a pi ivate Bill, by \vlrich designation ho.ed, perhaps, that it syritll3 escape inves-, but agile never ',Vas a measure which more rly caned bir the scrutinisin,; e)e of Parlia• ie voul.l not found his obj!c:io.i to the Bill by a juggle between certain persons, proprietors i ,ndia Securities to a lathe amount, got up for me of inducing other persons to take those se ;lf their hands; but he would ask the House, ,c endured that a Company should be formed ,ital of no less a sum than four millions? by uto which the parties should escape from the f pay meht of theiridebts ; for such would, in re effect of the Bill ; as, were it to pass, every if it would be only liable as far as the extent istered capital might go. He had known seve :es where persons sued corporations, and having by verdict found no means of levying the The Hint. Member quoted an instance where, thud had recovered against a Mayor and Cor ley laughed at him, and desired him to levy it off the effects. But that was not the only his opposition to the measure. He would ask , would they consent to the formation of such ible Company, liable to so many objec aid if the" did, how could other similar ma be mimed ? And the consequence Of the principle to every branch • of trade, that no individual could compete with such ,; and thus the principle office trade would ietely destroyed. Another great objection lelt to the Bill was, because it spread the effects ich larger a sot face than those at present in a most important 'a:snit of which would by in the same proportion the proprietorship of thus render it the interest of so many more continue the system of slavery. The prc- India system had existed Inc a long time, and mber of persons were interested in it; but he entreated the House to consider what additional influ ence would be given to it by creating a Company, the capital of which was to be fur millions sterling, to be raised by 40,000 shares of £lOO each, which would be, in fact, raising an army of 40,000 persons to maintaii, the system of West India slavery. He had yet to learn that the measure bad become necessary. He could see no reason why the owners of West India property should come to the City c f London to borrow four mil lions of money on 'mope; ty on which, if good security. they could obtain Leans horn individuals. It was, in deed, contended tha; the West India proprietors could not be relieved but by the propcsed incorporation—an argument which had no weight with him. The object of the Bill was to enable those persons to borrow money, not in the usual way, but by an indirect mode, thus to interest large capitalists in West India interests. Mi. CRENFELL repli?d to the argument against the Bill, that it would hare the effect of increasing the number of the advocates of slavery. If such an effect could be anticipated as that of prolono ing slavery in Ireland—(A laagh)—he would be one of the very first to withdraw from it. Mr. T. WILSON supported the Bill; and in reply to the arguments of the Honourable Gentleman oppo sie (Mr. S ) kes) be could assure the House, that plenti ful as money was, the West India proprietors found the utmost difficulty in b.,rrowing ; and he besought the House to consider how much a Weit India merchant or pioptietur would depreciate his property and injure Lis credit by hawking it about. An individual lending ten or A:15,000 might lose that !nit and be ruined ; but those who entered into a corporaCait did so with their eyes open. and it was hardly poisible that they could lose all they invested._ Mr. WILLIAIti opposed the Rill on tLe ground of its inereasii,g the number cf pervins intezested in the prolongation ot the system of slavery, and expressed Lis_clete_i_u_ii_t_illtic : it_t2 . ?i , t,t)se it in every . 5.f9..ge.. M r , WillT.llollEal,o opposed the because it would have thz remote effect of ilcteastig the price of sugar to tl.e consumer, by the 111G110ruly a hich it was calculated to ensure, and quoted many cases of corpo rations—the South Sea and the Cbaritabie Companies for example—by the establishment of which the in terest of the public had been injured. There was another and a different objection to the measute; namely, the 1 kelihood of loss to all who should entrust their mor.ey in the undertaking. Adam Smith said, that from the year 1680, up to his own tin e, fiftrfive Compaties had been incorporated, not ore of which bad succeeded. The House had, therefore, a duty to pet-hum to those who might, were the Bill rtissed, be induced to embark their capital in the undertaking. For these reasons he should oppose the measure in every stage. Mr. C. 11.. ELLIS supported the 13111, not on private, bt.t upon public and general grounds, and wished it success. With respect to tborobjectitai pointed out by tire Hight 1 lonournble Gentleman (Nlr. lltiskisson), that could be obviated by st.frering the Bill to be committed, in which stage aria time might be afflicted for ob taining the o, i ion of the Crgon ; which, if adverse, the Bni might be withdrawn. Amongst the persons 1., 1 ' 11l \; 3 r 1 . '. : "he tinders' • 1 to appose Lord S . / 1 f &teed in t and be SW by which 1 a Corpora i t, ti The Bit ) 1 Mr. AU 1 - , the . secon( . Mr. Ili_ posing the length inn his Honou with it—n 1 Ineorporat —that is, 1 -8 4 i • the reeomi r 1 } stead of a the usage I but should ] . into it at p -", Mr. ELI in the Con i . was liable Mr. Htl recomMelll i . • the Crown 1 .. approve of 1 i saediately i . Mr. Sig Gentleman ..1.11 - :, : took the of strong rca the House { , indirect sh, its framers ligation 4 I] 1 imperative] meat. He calling it a . • of 11 eit In . . the pm -p,:s] curities c•ff t i ' . Iva, a to b , 1 I . With a capi I ; cctering iu li,bility cf fact, be the member of of his regis ; tat ittanct tern % et ed 1 . HITIOUIIt. 1 after a plai poration, tl the annou,lt i ground of 1: i i ,i the House, a foftnijal i,, • tions? At i• - , , F application; extending 14 C oc'jd h e ( li l lpai; ses ' , j be comple rhich he Is.! corer so nail • - existence, a • 17 to extend ii slaves, and 1 - persons to 1 1.•-•-• sent West I . .1 'I 45, a great nun I .s 4. 1 i • . ? i .I t ? ! i . • T .. i . . . t . I 1 , I iLs • , ~ : . • k 1 i i t j. t li 1 • :, At ! : ; 1 • i l- '. i 1 !"' i •• ''' q i i • ! who had enrolled their names as subscribers to the Company were many of our largest capitalists and most eminent merchants, on,whose reputation for discretion, and knowledge and judgment of business he would rely as a reason ter embarking in the undertaking. At a Moment like the presents when there was such a redun dancy of capital that the proprietors of it were at a loss fur the means of employing it, it would be an object of no trifling importance to direct the application of such capital to British undertakings. The Bill would be pro ductive also of a great advantage, by drawing closer the bonds of connection between the Colonies and the mother country, and thus extend the resources to be derived from the West India Colonies. It would also extend a due respect for these interests, and the regard fur their security. lie had not expected to find the Bill opposed by any principle of jealousy ; that, because it was likely to advance the interests. of the West India Proprietors, therefore it ought to be refused ; but lie trusted the Ilonse would not suffer itself to be influenced by any such feelings. He should give the Bill his most hearty support. Mr. W. SMITII began by disclaiming any feeling of hostility to the West India Interest or the Colonists. He should but ill dischar g e his duty, however, if he were not to express his decided conviction that the present system of supporting our West India commerce was a bad ole, and must eventually fail. The consequence of such a measure as this would be the extension more widely of the interests and concerns of the West India proprietors, by increasing the number of the subscribers to this project, who must all ultimately be involved in the ruin which awaited the proprietors of West - India ' ' property. It was absurd to attempt to patch up a scheme or system which had been some years declining and which nothing could save from going to wreck. As for any attempt to keep up the price of sugar by increas ing the productiveness of West India estates, it was po sitive nonsense; for the more sugar produced arid brought to market, the less must its price be. The Co lorist had already the monopoly of the supply of the mother country ; and if individuals (riled under such circumstances to carry co the trade with success, was it likely to prove more beneficial if conducted by a Char. tered Company ? Sugar was now become an indis pensable necessary of life, and it was by no means de sirable that its price should be higher than 'it was. He had no doubt that Government would, as well as him. self, look an this subject with suspition, supported as it was by persons who, though highly respectable, were too obviously interested in the measure being adopted, or else it would have taken upon itself the responsibi lity of the Company, more especially if they expected any very beneficial results would accrue to the West India trade as a consequence of the measure. Mr. HUSKISSON said' that if he understood the proposed Company to be what the Honourable Mem ber bad just described it, he should certainly object to it at once upon principk. The Honourable Member had argued as if a monopoly were about to be granted by Charter or by Act of Parliament, to private indivi duals; but, if be understood the Bill, the Company were not to be traders at all—(hear, hear).— The Honourable Member represented them as buyers and sellers of sugar. But as far as he understood the plan, they only intended to place themselves in the condition of a house for West India consignments—to receive consignments of West India produce, and sell them as a.,ents ; but not to go into the market for the purpose of buying and selling' on their own accounts. He had no private Interest what ever, either in the proposed Company or in the West India Colonies; and in supporting the second residing of the Bill, he wished to state his belief that it would not have the effect of raising the price of sugar. Without entering into causes upon the present occasion, it was enough for him to state that the Planters we.e suffering such distress as threatened destruction to their property. So great, indeed, was it, that last year, and again this year, they had applied to the Government to advance them Exchequer Bills upon the security of their land. There were strong objections to the Government being in possession of such security, and the application was' refused. The object of the present Company appeared to him to be that of affording the assistance which the 'est Indian producer could not obtain elsewhere, and which was absolutely necessary to the preservation of his property. He was surprised to hear it said that im provement in the condition of the slave was to be ex pected from the distress of the planter—(Hear,ltear).—. He would put it to the House if the property did not produce a sufficiency to enable the planter to live, whether or not the slave was likely to have his comforts, moral or physical, increased ?—(Hear, hear.) Ile wished the situation of the planter to be considered by the House, and that Honourable Members would operate cordially and sincerely with those who desired progres sively and cautiously to ameliorate the condition of the slave. If the planters were driven to despair, a scene must follow which it was dreadful to contemplate, and in which the negroes must participate in the sufferings 'of their masters. Ile should vote for the second read ing of the Bill, but he did not pledge I..itnself to sup port it after it came out of the Committee. He thought it would be better that the capital of the Company should be limited, and he did not at present see that any case was made out to warrant the granting of a Corporation. Dr. LUSHINGTON considered the measure one of great importance—a measure which, it carried into effect, would certainly end in the destruction of all the capital that should be embarked in it, a consequence which he, perhaps, would not much lament; but it would also enhance. the price of sugar to the Public, which that House should prevent. The only reason which the Right Hon. Gentleman had given for sup porting the measure was the state of distress in the West Indies. It was well known that persons lending ' money on mortgage to the West Indies made a profit amounting 'to ten per cent. And why did they not ad vance whatever money was wanted by the planters The reason was, that the capital was insecure from the state of the West Indies and the trade with those islands. By the Bill the new Company were also allowed to hold lauds in Britain as a collateral security, which would be attended with tire worst consequences ; and, from a consideration of the whole subject, he would oppose the further progress of the Bill. Mr. F. 131iXTON, after the length to which the dis cussion had proceeded, would in a few words only pro. I te-t against the measure as highly detrimental to the !interests of the slaves. In the first place, by enharcing their value it would make the chance of their ruanu-I I mission more remote ; and in the second, by placing them in the powcr—not of their owners, but, of persons who would not have the power, even if they had the iiiconation, to give them their freedom, it would render their situation tar more hopeless than it was at present. Ile should, therefore, led it to be his duty to oppose the Bill at every possible opportunity. Mr. WILMOT-lIORTON objected to the questicnn! of the slaves being mixed up with the piinciple of the' Bill before the Howe. He looked upon measure as one which would place the West India planter's in the same situation as a mortgagee in this country, and it afforded them this additional ad vantage, that they h t transfer their seem it;es with facility and advanta. He considered that this was not the time to go at any length into the details of the Bill, which there would be many other opportunities of discussing, and expressed his intention of voting for the second reading. Mr. EVANS considered the Bill to be so objection able, that he was determined to oppose it in every stage. He would therefore take the sense of the House on the question of reading the Order of the Day.. The gaikry was then cleared for a division, hot Mr. Evaes de clined to press it, anti the Order of the Day as therefore read. On the question that the Bill be read a secuni time, Mr. SYKES opposed the Bill.—l le apprehended that the immense ca?ital of the Company, and the influence which it would consequently procure them, would en able them to obtain a monopoly of the ma , ket for \Veit India produce. The West Indian merchants already possessed a monopoly of the home market; there would therefore be a monopoly within a monopoly—an bixe rium iu imperio. Under these circumstances, he felt it his duty to move that the Bill be read a second time this day six m , mtlig. Mr. HUSKISSON said a few word; in expllnatinn. The Hon. Member for Norwich (Mr. W. Smizh had, in his opinion, misundentood the ii:eanin:; of the c! which he teletred in the coni se of his spe'.: , _!•. The clan,e in trreqion conferred no porter beyond that o: agency upon the Company. Mr. W. SMITH differed from the Right Hon. Gen tleman with tespect to the construction of the clause. Mr. P. MOOItE opposed the !louse then divided. The uumbe►s weic—For the second reading, 102; against it, 30. _ The bill was then read a second time. ASSESS eD TAXES. Lord lIGTII A M ruse to present A petition from Leominster, praying for the Repeal of the !louse and Window Tax. Mr. Secretary CANN ING suggested the propriety of postpon ing the petition, as had been done in the former case. Lord MILTON said the subject of both petitions was different. The present was on public business. The petition was then read and ordered to be printed. Similar petitions were presented from Salisbury, Winchester, and Southampton.—Ordered to be printed. _ . Many Honourable Membe. s IRhi petitions on the same subject. Sir J. SEBRIGI IT observed, that it would take up much time if all these Petition: were to be read. \'r. Secretary CANNING said he did not sce how they could stop now, after having disposed of one. The SPILAKM.It said it was competent to any Hon. Member to stand up and proceed with his motion—(Cries of Mr. Maberly). Air. MA BERLY immediately rose, and at the same time several Members, with Petitions in their hands, also rose. There was, however, a loud cry for Mr. Alaberly, and after some time the ilonpurahle Members who had risen gave way, and Mr. MABEItLY rose, pursuant to notice, to move for the Repeal of the Asstased Taxes ; and he would look at the statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and then at the Sinking Fund. At the commencement of the Session, the Chancellor of the Exchequer had ex hibited a precis ellich contained his plan respecting the expenditure and revenue for the next four years, which. if adhered to, it would be in vain for the country to hope for the repeal of any taxes until the year 1829. The Right Honourable Gentleman had estimated that on the sth of January, 1828, he would have a balance of revenue over expenditure, amounting to 4,135,999/. The Right Honourable Gentleman had formed this esti mate with reference to the . existence of a sinking fund of five millions. The view which he (Mr. Moberly) entertained was, that it would be better, in the present situation of the country, to get rid of the sinking fund, and to remit taxes to that amount. He challenged any Member of that House to prove that a sinking fund had been in existence from the year 1792 down to 1819. In 1792, the amount of the debt was 200,000,0001. and in 1819 it was 800,000,000/. An increase of debt of about 600,000,000/. had, therefore, taken place during the period when, as it was asserted, the sinking fund had been in operation. The Honourable Member then proceeded to argue, that owing to the recent rise in the price of the funds, it would require a considerably larger sum to pay off the funded debt of the United King•, don] (taking the value at '2O years' purchase) at the , present moment, than it would have required in 1819. It was not to much to the amount of the debt as the rate of interest which was paid upon it, that Parliament ought to direct its attention. liy reducing the rate of interest, the Public would be immediately relieved. It was wrong to suppose that the amount of a tax which was abandoned was lost to the Revenue. The capital which was thus left in the hands of the Public was em ployed in sktch a way as to prove beneficial to the Revenue. The amount of the three per cents. was 527,000,0001. and the interest paid upon them was 15,810,0001. If we remained at peace, there could be very little doubt that the Government would be enabled in a short time to reduce the interest of the Three per Cents. If the interest were reduced to 21, a saving of 1,330,0001. would be effected ; but if it were reduced to 21, the saving would be 2,635,0001. Notwithstanding that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had repealed part of the Assessed Taxes, he believed that the expense of collec tion was actually greater now than it had formerly been. He would now state to the House the taxes which he proposed to repeal. They were the House and Window Duties, the Horse and Agricultural Horse Tax, the tax on Carriages and Carts, the tax on Coachmalccrs' Li censes, the tax on Hairpowder and Armorial Bearings, the Composition for the above, &c. amounting alto gether to £3,560,000 a-year. If the House should think proper to vote for the repeal of those taxes, he could see no r eason why the whole expense of collecting them, amounting to £300,000, should not also be got rid of. If the taxes should be repealed, there could be no pre tence for retaining any part et the expense. of collect ing them, except, indeed, for the purpose of affording retired allowances to tho,c ho had bun engaged in that service. He v.ould be the last mall to propose that a servant should be turned adrift without re ard, because his services Isere no longer required. There was no chance that the Chancellor of the Exche quer, if left to hirnsed, would remit the taxes which h e (Mr. Moberly) proposed to repeal. That, indeed, was pretty evident from what had occurred shortly after the' late repeal of a portion of the House and Window Du ties. At that time the Commissioners of Taxes sent let ters to the Assessors in all parts of the country, direct ing them to survey the houses in their districts, and telling them that if they used tlair utmost diligence, and in creased the anreuat oi . tire returns, they woul3 be fa vourably recommended to the Treasury. This pro ceeding created the utmost alarm thr onghout the coun try, and representations poured in rii:on the Govern ment on the subject (torn all quirt ter s. Tire Chancel lor of the Exchequer, under thane circurnstauces, wisely put a stop to the pi opwed survey, which lie declared was ,~. only thought of for the.purpoteot ktualizing the dutie s; The Assessed. Taxes must be considered as direct taxes. But how would the House receive a propositials fo r t h e imposition of an Income or Property Tax, which wa s the only fair mute of direct taxation? The I louse would, he believed, s c arcely a1i0.... such a rlaii to be stated. I t might be said that can iages were articles of luxury, and therefore were proper objects of t r:ation • nu t looking-glasses were quite as mica articles of luxury ;ls carli iges, attd yet the former did not pay an anni !a l duty, whilst the latter did. 'fl , e Hon. Nlember con. cluded by movirg the folloss ing Resolution: " That It Is expedient, that from and after the sth .!.v , of sty, 1825, the duties now payable on houses wintiows ihzll cease and determine. That it is expedient, that from an.!..fter th e Stb day of Jannary l lB2s, the duties on servant., ctrthie., makers' licenses, horses, mules, together with all composi:i.r,s far the said duties, shall cense and.determine." Mr. LEIESTEIt seconded the motion. Ili thoirel l it calculated to diffuse and increase prospeait,-, present system was like the restrictioas free tra.ie. The Sinking Fend -.las not necessary for 6iir but if it ever was •,ecessary it was net so ; public credit had stood the teat of the seve:est ttia:s, nor could the most factious objector say that if v..e ?e, pealed the Sinking Fund now, we did it from comp .1. sion or necessity. The diminution of the debt r.f.:!:z take place in two ways, either by dimird.hiog the itself, or increasing the wealth of the debtor. Ile astorishei that Gentlemen who aivocated p ', f free trade should think of adhering to the Sinking or acs:st its ,uppoi tins it against wealth, prosperity, improve-oeot. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER 5.4,! that the Honour ible Member who had bt ought forw.ed the motion had merely agitated the same cptesti-a :which had come under the consideration of tl:e about six wrxks ago, upon a nee on made by the Ilea. Member for Westminster (Mr. I lohhonse.) Linen tha: occasion he had stated the reasons why he mild me; consent to the proposed repeal ef the Assessed TaieF, and nothing haitsince occurred to invalidate those rea sons. The mounds upon which the Honourable' Mem ber for 'Westminster rested his motion were precisely similar to those which the lion. Nls.mber for Abingdon had that night advanced in support of his proposition:, The Hen. Member for Westminster, however, had not been able to persuade the House to agree to his proper. sition, and he could see no reas 'a why the efforts of the Honourable Member for Abingdon should be a tensed with a happier result—(fkar).—lle was not quite ac curate when he said that the motion of the Honnurable Member was precisely the same as that which had been made by the Honourable Member (or Westminster.— The latter Honourable Member proposed the repeal of the House and Window Duties only, but the Honour able Member for Abingdon wished to extend the repeal to every other article constituent.; the Assessed Taxes. If the arguments which he (the Chancellor of the Ex chequer) had u•.ed applied with any strength against a motion which had for L 3 object a repeal of taxation the amount of two millions, they must apply with greater force to tile which was intended to effect a re peal of taws to the e%terit of three millions a..d a half. Ile really thought h.: was not called on to argue tl:e crestioa at ad after the recent decision of die House— ( Year, hcar ).-1-le would detain the House for a very short time whilst he alluded to one or two points of the Honourable Member's speech. The Honourable Member had asserted, that the Sinking Fund, or, more properly speaking, the excess of revenue over expenditure, had produced no diminution of debt.— The Honourable Member had compared the amount of the debt at the present moment with its amount in ISI9. That was not a fair mode of dealing with the subject. He should have gone back to 1816, when a surplus of renew ie first existed. Since 1816. 25 ,000.0001 s of one fielded debt had been redeemed, together with 14,500,0001. unfunded debt. This reduction had been effected by means of the surplus of revenue over ex penditure, let it be called by what name, or nickname, if it would please the Honourable Member, it might. The llonourable Member had also alluded to the Ex- chequer Bills, which on the Ist of January, 1816, %sere, for Great Britain and Ireland, 52,082,000/. They now were 54,944,0001. being a greater reduction than he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had spoken of. Be sides this, it was perfectly true that there was a consi derable diminution of charge, for which they were in debted to the Sinking Fund. lie alluded to the reduc tion of the interest, for though it might be thought that that was not referable to the Sinking Fund, yet it was impossible to say that the Sinking Fund had nothing to do with that saving ; for had not the Sinking Fund been in existence, he doubted if he would have been in the situation to have ell: of ;he operation taking place. The Hon. Member said that by adopting his plan. it would give such an elevation to the funds that they might be enabled to reduce the interest of the 3 per cent s . He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) could not say what the pleasure of Parliament might be under the circum stances stated ; but this he knew, that with the Sinking Fund they had reduced the interest of the debt 1,700,0001. There wet e many knowing persons who were speculatiag on the advance of the Three per Cents, to par, and the Hon. Member seemed to think that a probable result of his plan. Blit was the existence of the Siekiag Fend to preclude that? On the cone: am y, were not the Funds in that state to lead to the probability of greater redac tions? lie (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) did not think that the lion. Member had made out a very Along case against his old frieni, the Sinking Fund. The Hon. Member had told the House that, according to his (die Chancellor of the Exchequer's) statement, they had the gloomy prospect of no farther reduction of taxation for the next lour years. He (the Chancellor of the Exchc quet) would rather not de it in prospects either gloomy or brilliant; but he wonld suppose last year, wren 34'00,0001. of taxes were remitted, the Hon. Member might have said, u Ay, this is all very well, but if you keep the Sinking Fund you can repeal no more takes;" . yet 3,200,000/. had been repealed, and they were hew in the situation of repealing 1,250,006. more, and the House had not found him indisposed to bring it forte a. d. If the increasing prosperity of the country would do what the Honourable Member said it would do, he t die Chancellor of the Exchequer) would find himself in the same situation as he had already been, when the House might expect, if lie had the honour to fill the same situa tion, that his conduit would be guided by the same principles as hitherto it had. Every principle that he had hitherto laid down must lead to the conclusion— which indeed lie had always expressed in the most un reserved manner—that if a tax was very high in propor tion to the value of the article, it wasner se a very good thing to get rid of such tax. Ile hoped, therefore, t:e; House would not be led away by the statements of t!e: Honourable Member, but that they:would !vier to tier principles on which he had already acted. One W , '" 4 l before he sat down, on the subject of the