Star. — London, England, 1818-03-07 00:00:00

PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS. HOUSE OF LORDS, MARCH 6. Counsel w e r e bearajo part, respecting the Scots muse Of Aittn r. Craigdallte."—To proceed again on Monday. Three private or local Bills were brought up from the CM. mons by Mr. DATZSPOIIa and others, and read the first tin/. The Marquis of Cuotummatar, as Lord Steward, delivered the answer of his Royal Highness the Prince Regent Jo the re cent Address of their Lordships, importing that directions should be given accordingly. The Annual Indemnity Bill was read the third time and passed. The Earl of ROSSLY N.' presented a Petition from the Inha bitants of Grincomb, in the West Riding of Yorkshire, com plaining of the hardships they 'ort perienced from the operation of the present system of the they Laws, especially from the un equal mode of rating, praying that the le ad mines may be rated; and that the Petition be referred to the consideration of their Lordships' Committee on the Poor's Laws.—The Petition being read, was, ill the first instance , ordered to be laid on the table. LEE'S DIVORCE BILL. On the question for the second reading of this Bill, Counsel and evidence were heard: from the statements made it appeared that Mr. Philip Lee, jun. was married in September, 1800, to Catherine Dean, spinster; that they cohabited together as man and wife until August 1802, having two children, both of whom are since dead; that at that period he went to settle as a mer chant at Havre de Grace, whither his wife soon after repaired, but upon the rupture of the then peace by France, he was seized by order of the French Government, and detained as prisoner in various parts of that country, his wife accompanying him until the summer of 1804, when he was put in irons from Verdun to Bische, on the Rhine, and Mrs. Lee was cons trained to return to Eigland.—Mr. Lee was detained a close prisoner until 1814, when he obtained his liberty, and in May returned to England. In that intend, and in the course of the year 1811, he received information of Mrs. Lee's having formed an adulterous con resion with Mr. Samuel Bovrring, of Walworth, in Surrey, with whom she openly lived, and had two children. In consequence, the Petitioner, Mr. Lee, brought his action in the Court of King's Bench in the Easter Term 1814, where judgment was suf fered to go by default, and damages were afterwards assessed to Mr. Lee, in the sum of SOO/. which was paid by the defendant. The Consistorial Court of London subsequently pronounced a judgment a memos et Moro, in favour of Mr. Lee. These necessary facts being satisfactorily proved in evidence, the Bill was forthwith read the second time, and committed for Monday. Some private business being disposed of, their Lordships ad journed until Monday. PROTEST *NUZZO ox TM JOURNALS Or THE 1101111 Of WILDS, *RADOM Dissairriaser, B:cause it is manifest that there has been no widely spread traitorous conspiracy, nor even any extensive disaffection to the Government, since the Secret Committee, whose report is the sole foundation of this proceeding, do themselves express their satisfaction in delivering their decided opinion, " that not only the country in general, bat in those districts where the designs of the disaffected were the most actively and unremittingly em ployed, the great body of the people had remained untainted even during periods of the greatest internal difficulty and dis tress ;" staring /tether infects," that the insurgents were not for tuidable by their numbers, though actuated by an atrocious spirit, and that though the language used by many persons en gaged in this enterprise, and particularly by their leaders, left no room to doubt that their objects were the overthrow of the esta blished Government, yet that such objects were estmeagient when compared with the inadequate means which they possessed ; and t not finding their confederates had arrived, as expected, to their support, and that in the villages through which they pa ssed a strong indisposition being manifested against their cause and projrct, some of them had thrown away their pikes before the asi l. wry and that on the first skew of force had dispersed— Their leaders attempting in vain to rally them." td—Because In such a state of things so consolingly described by the Committee, and so almost ludicrously destructive of every idea of an armed rebellion, or dangerous ineureettion, more es. pecially against a Government supported by such an untanned people, and such an immense military force, we cannot but think hat a different and less alataii: - .g coarse atti,ht in wise policy to have been pursued, and that tranquillity might ii.‘ve been equally restored by a vigorous execution of the ordinary laws and th.: exertions of a vigilant 31agistracy„ without a...y suspen sion of the public freedom, since it is the prompt selection and speedy execution of a Jim palpate offenders, rather than delayed proceedings against numbers upon doubtful testimony, that in vest the Courts of Justice with a salutarT terror and forte. Sd—Because the depamure from this just and judicious mode of oceeding, gave an indiscriminate importance to the accused, whilst it exposed the admiuistratima of the Government to a dangeroUs disrespect. !di—Because even ...hen the Act of Habeas Corpus is sus pended, none on that account ought to be apprehended upon questionable suspicion, or, to use the language of the Report, upon " such expectations of evidence as Ministers have unavoid ably relinquished," but upon such grounds only as would be just warrants for arrests and trials in ordinary times, the only legal effect of the Suspension being that it suspends the deliverance of the accused ; we think, therefore, that a general Indenlisity for suck nunseron: and long imprisonments, ought not even to have lnien proposed to Parliament, until an opess and impartial Laves tlgation had taken place. sth—Because. from the mistaken principle of this Bill, mali cious and meritorious illegality are equally protected,.on the false and unfounded assumption that informations ought to be indis criminately and perpetually secret, but even if we could agree that whilst traitorous conspiracies are actually in force, and extraor dinary powers in action for their suppression, secrecy could in all l i cases be justified, yet we never could consent to its continuance after order was restored ; the laws being then sufficient to pro. tect good subjects for having honestly discharged their duties, and because holding out such general prospects of Indemnity is a dangerous encouragement to mercenary Informers, who make an infamous traffic in the lives and liberties of mankind, deceiv ing and disgracing the Government, whilst they betray the in. nocent whom they accuse. 6th—Because it is not the occasional resort to such secret and impure sources of evidence in cases of obvious necessity, but the systematic encouragerommt y•ii, which we conceive is sanctioned by this Bill that we protest against and condemn, since the suc cessful prosecutions of the worst traitors and libellers can bring no security to the Government of this country, unless the con duct of its Ministers and of its Parliament, by a faithful adhe rence to the tree principles of the Constitution, shall constantly expose the malignity of their treasons and the falsehood of their libellous complaims. (Signed). KING, ERSKINE, AUCKLAND, GRONVENOR, VASSAL HOLLAND, CA/LiIAKVON, LANSDOWN, LAUDERDALE, ROSSLYN, SIJNTIORD. lIOUSE OF COMMONS. Mr. DEA LTRY presented Accounts of all Fees, Taxes, and other dues, paid upon a pardon under the Great SeaL—Laid on the table: Petitions for the repeal of the Leather Tax were presented from the Tanners of Tevistock and Inverness.—Ordered to lie • on the table. Mr. D. GILBERT presented a further Report from the Fs nance Committee.—lteceived, and ordered to be printed. Lord PALMERSTON presented a Petition from the Uni versity of Cambridge against the Tithe Bill now before the 14-use, praying that It may oot pass into a Law.—Laid on the table. A new Writ was ordered to be issued for the election of a Member for the City of Winchester, in the room of achard Meyler, Esq. deceased. General THORNTON, for an tbinreirable Friend of his, put off to Monday the motion respecting an indemnification for the High Bailiff of Westminster. The Aqua Vim License Bin was read a second time. The Assessed Taxes Bill went through a Committee.---Roport to-morrow. The Husbandry Horses Bill was read a second time, and or dered to be committed on Monday neat. Mr. BENNET presented a petition from the Debtors con fined in Whitecross-street prison.—fieferred to the Committee .... on the City Prigoor. Sir J. NEWPORT moved for a Return of an 011 ices in the Department of the Customs in Ireland ordered by Act of Par- Simms( to be abolished, and of those held under Grants.— Ordered. Sir C. POOLE presented a petition from Plymouth, agaings the Dutids on Cubas and Cwt.—Laid on the Table. Sir T. ACKI.AND presented a similar petition from Ply mouth Dock.—Laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. Mr. EGERTON presented a petition from the Proprietors of Salt Works at Chester, against the Repeal of the Silt Duties. Laid on the table, and o rdered to be printed. lungs TI the Mon So jourt B. train troy sole I 'add they the t Ploy , even treM mitts spirit gide , room blish cora l Cat their a str I F ro i r Thet • 2•1 byte idea • pecia plop' • think pollc been and t 'ion speed proct vest I Ad• of pr• whits &Int Ott Pend, • quest upon ably I warn • effect the a Midi I been tlgati Stl cious and crinia whits dinar caws after tect and a das an in tog Dares dd imps frit" by te cold' no se duct react expo tibcll K G. L. M other I the t P. • from • on tl !WIC 111 versi It - nt the t A Men ?dey 0 the ut ; 11 'll to-ni dere , fined of d Si Dep II ',nu , • Orde Sts the• .* l oo t 0• t • 'VA SHOP STEALING PREVENTION BILL. The Shop Stealing Prevention Bill was read a second time, after some observations from Sir F. FLOOD, who wished the operation of the Bill to be extended to Ireland, as he considered it calculated to prevent offences, and, when committed, to ensure the punishment of the offenders. Sir S. ROMILLY should not have had any objection to ex tend the operation of the Bill to Ireland, if he had not thought that it might increase the difficulties which the measure was likely to encounter in a different quarter. Sir F. FLOOD gave notice, that if the present Bill should pus through the House of Peers, he should propose one of a similar nature for Ireland. Mr. PEEL said, that it was not impossible that the same Bill should be extended to Ireland ; he therefore wished its Ho nourable and Learned Mover to give time to make arrange ments for that purpose. Sir SAMUEL ROAIILLY then agreed that the Bill should be committed on Monday se'nnight. PLACES OF WORSHIP. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER gave notice, that he should call the attention of the House on Monday, to the part of the Prince Regent's Speech which related to the Erection of Churches, and should move that the House resolve itself into a Committee on Monday senniglat, to take the said part into consideration. Mr. TIERNEY said, that he should take an early opportu nity of moving that the money voted for Monuments in honour of the Victories of Trafalgar and Waterloo, be applied to the erection of a National Church. TITHES BILL. Lord PALMERSTON wished to know whether the Ho. nourable Mover of the Tithe Regulation Bill would consent to postpone its second reading to another day, in order to live time for its consideration, as well as on account of the dimmer sion which was expected this evening on the Mutiny Be? Mr. CUR WEN felt disposed to do it, and the more so as he hoped that the period which would thus elapse would serve to do away the prejudice which the petition front the University of Cambridge, presented that night, could not fall to hays raised against the measure. He then postponed the second reading to this day se'nnight. INDEMNITY BILL. A Message from the Lords brought up the In demnity Bill, with a copy of their Lordships' Re port, and prayed the assent of this House to the same. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL having heard that it was the intention of an Honourable Member on the other side (Mr. Lambton), to oppose the Indem nity Bill on its very first stage, gave notice that he should move that it. be read a first time on Mon day next. Mr. LUSHINGTON moved that the first reading of that Bill on Monday be made an Order of the Day. Lord FOLKESTONE opposed that motion, as contrary to the notice given by the Honourable and Learned Gentleman. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that it had been in coutemplation to read the Bill a first time on its being brought up, but from what had trans pired of the intention of the Honourable Member, he had preferred putting off the first reading till Mon day, that the Bill having been printed might be known in all its parts, and that the House might not conic prematurely into the discussion. Mr. LUSHINGTON contended that his motion, instead of being contrary to the notice given, went to secure the first reading of the Sill on Monday. Mr. LAXBTON thought, that if the motion were adopted, the question could not be raised on the first reading of the BilL The SPEAKER explained, that in that case the question that the Order of the Day for the first read ing of the Bill be read would certainly be first put, but that the debate might be taken either upon it, or upon the question that the Bill be now read a first time. The motion was then agreed to ; and on Mr. F. Dotior.As's proposal, the Report of the Lords was ordered to be printed. MILITARY ESTABLISHMENT. Mr. BROGDEN having brought up the Report of the Committee on the Mutiny Bill, Lord ALTHORPE rose to make the motion of which he had given notice, respecting the amount of the military force which it was proposed to keep on foot. The House were aware of the importance of economy in the present circumstances of the country; 'but how was economy to be consulted, unless by re ducing the public expenditure to meet the public re venue ? The present military establishment must be diminished, or the burthens of the people increased. His Honourable Friends had hitherto compared, and he thought rightly, the Estimates of this ye ith those of 1792; but the Noble Lord opposite °blleted to that period. In order to remove all such objec tions, he would take the fairest year for his Majesty's Ministers. This was the third year of peace; and that on which he should fix would be 1786, also the. I thini year after the close of a war, that with Ame rica. In his comparative view of the two establish " ments, he should set apart the number of troops ne cessary for the service of our new acquisitions since 1786. The Noble Lord had said that they amounted Ito 12,600 men ; but he would allow him 13,600, which would leave 24,000 men for the old colonies. As to the increase of force in Ireland, although he blamed the system of misgovernment adopted to wards that country, and the withholding of consti tutional rights from the great mass of its population, since it must be governed as a conquered country, lfe would'not press for the reduction in the troops by which it was occupied. He would, therefore, also leave the army in Ireland aside, and take the compa rison on Great Britain alone, and her foreign posses sions as they stood in 1786. At that period the mi litary establishment for Great Britain, Jersey, and Guernsey, consisted of 17,368 men, and that for the Colonies of 9,546, exclusive of some Irish regiments, to the amount of 2,490 men, in all 29,404. Now the establishment proposed for Great Britain, Jersey, and Guernsey, was 29,780 men, and for the Colo. nies 24,000, in all 53,780. Bo that the difference between the establishment of 1786 and that of 1818, was not less than 24,370 men—(hear, hear, hear)._ The Noble Lord accounted for some portion of that increase by an alteration in the mode of relief, by ' which 6,000 men were now required. In 1786 the number for the same service must have been about 2,000 men, so that 4,000 were fairly accounted for ; but there still remained 20,000 men, whose necessity must be shewn. The increase of the population of I Great Britain, and the tlisorders which it had occa sioned, had been mentioned as some cause for that augmentation. He was sorry to hear such arguments brought forward, but it could not be contended that any increase of population in England could be a reason for augmenting the. force in the West Indies Ulcer).—ln 1786 we had lately emerged from a war which had deprived us of a large portion of our possessions, and left us to depend for protection en tirely on ourselves ; but we had now seen the issue of a contest in which triumph had attended our arms. We had a large army on the Continent, and a host of Allies. The only possible danger which could threaten our West India Colonies must be from Ame rica. But the whole of her standing army did not exceed 8,000 men, and yet to keep it in check we must have 24,000! The arguments which he had used tended to a greater reduction than that which it was his intention to propose. But if he did not move for a decrease of more than 5,000 men, it was in consequence of seeing the House reject by a great majority, the motion of his Honourable Friend, who the other night had in vain attempted to efft.ct a di minution of 10,000 men in the military establishment. He had himself little hopes of succeeding, though even if 5,000 were taken away there would still re main an increase of 15,000 beyond the establishment of 1786. In point of economy also the question was one of interest (though it was not on that ground he should urge it), for the reduction of .5,000 men could not produce a saving of less than 180,0001. It was formerly the system of the country to keep up the Navy, and he regretted to see that it was abandoned. Never, till of late years, had such forces been asked for the land service of Great Britain, Jersey, and Guernsey, as for that of the Navy.. From 1790 to 1792 the numbers voted for the Army had been 17,000 men, and for the Navy 19,000, but now they were 29,000 for the Army, and only 19,000 for the Navy. He was afraid the reduction in our Navy had been too great to enable it to resume easily its power if the occasion should require it. The objections against a standing army had now grown out of fashion ; but even with a view to diminish the influ ence which the Crown derived from military appoint ments, the reduction of 5,000 men was impor.ant. As to the mode of reducing them, it was evident that since the abolition of a trade which filled our West India Colonies with discontented slaves, a smaller force must be required for their protection. We had 100 battalions, which in 1786 consisted of only 400 men each, but at present of 800. He should pro pose to take 50 men away from each of those batta lithis, the strength of which would not be materially impaired by being reduced to 750 men. He concluded by moving, that instead of 113,000 men, 108,000 be inserted. Mr. WYNNE apprehended that the motion, if carried, would probably be attended with no effect. It would not be the first time that the numbers of the army having been reduced on discussing the Mutiny Bill, they had been retained by the Executive Go vernment as they had been voted in the original Army Estimates. He then quoted many cases in which the House of Lords having decreased the num ber of men voted by the Commons, and the Com mons themselves adopted the amendment, the origi nal numbers had yet been employed. He did not see how any question could arise on the Mutiny Bill, which could only operate to prevent the number therein stated from being raised in the United King dom, but not the introduction of foreign troops, for which no Mutiny till was required. He was inclined to agree with what the Noble Lord had raid respec ting the Colonies, lint his chief objection was not to the number of men employed, but to their not being paid by the Colonies themselves. It was not many years since that the island of Jamaica had main tained a regular cavalry and two battalions. Mr. BANKES contended that the motion of the Noble Lord was perfectly in order, ordinary, and constitutional. That the other House, which had no right to interfere with the first vote in the Commit tee of Supply, should in former times have vainly attempted to reduce the numbers of the army, by al tering the clauses of the Mutiny Bill, was most asto nishing,; but the numbers might now be effectually (oucol4 by a single vote of th e Commons. If the n. Gentleman and the House would accede to the present motion, it would be easily shewn that there was a power in the House to carry it into execution that if our ancestors had neglected their duty, theit successors would execute theirs • and that Ministers should not employ more men t han had been voted. In the third year of peace it was proper to look at every possible retrenchment consistent with safety.— But large establishments, he allowed, sho uld be re- duced gradually. Not less than three regiments, orl 2400 men, might, he thought, be retrench at home, and the remainder be taken from the col • which I i s, would then come nearer to the standard 1796. Lord PALKERSTON said he was %intent to take the question up on its own ground, whether the num ber of troops were more than sufficient for the pur poses for which they were voted ? Ile denied the foundation of the comparisons between the present and former periods. With respect to the year 1786, there was a large body of Hessians in our pay, which ought to be added to the number of our own army. The events that followed the year 1792 shewed how greatly Mr. Pitt was deceived. He came down in that year and proposed a reduction in the establishment, because he thought there were reasonable grounds for our remaining at peace fora period of 15 years. But in a few months events shewed that this hope was fallacious, and means were resorted to for im mediately increasing the militia. Indeed, the low ness of the establishment with which we entered on the war did materially cripple our exertions, by giving as a less effective force ; but this had ultimately oc casioned us a much greater expense than if the re. ductions had not been made. Since then 26 years had passed, and we had witnessed greater events than had ever occurred in ten times that period before ; therefore the Noble Lord ought to shew that there was an identity of circumstances between now and 1792. It might be said that the people of this coun try were not to be governed by the sword, and he was the last man who would adhere to that sort of argument. But the experience of the last few years proved how . greatly our population had increased, which gave rise to commotions that rendered a force necessary for the protection of the lives and property of individuals. But there were various causes not under the controul of man which rendered the force proposed necessary. The Noble-Lord here repeated his former observations on the quantum of military force necessary for our different colonial establish ments, the relieving of which would annually take away one-tenth of the number voted for the home service, leaving only 21,000 as the whole number, Iwhich, he contended, was by no means more under the difference of circumstances, than that of 1792. Indeed, when there were added to the mu ., out to relieve the troops a b roa d, the aeduzi-" made for filling up the skeleton regiment s t h, sent home in their stead, it w ou ld h e founds . should scarcely have above 18,000, instead 4 . ; 1 The duties of a great portion of this force lye . protection of the metropoli s ; f or t h ere we, ' occasions, as in the instances of the Cat without the possession of a large militai would be impossible for Government to t safety of the capital. Then there was aIC her required for assisting the revenue, lc annually much more than the expense of rn, them ; and though the country was in a 7, e , sure tranquillized, yet the hest way to kel; to possess the means which had tended :a , With respect to Ireland, it was quite u.L.as : . trouble the House with any observation-, AS Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Peel) had fully on this point. The present circumstan'... colonies, particularly India and Calla a much larger force than in forme- The Americans had a large stand though there was every reason would occur to disturb the amicp istcd between the two countries, arise, and it was therefore Lam!), those provinces against any sushi , ! Noble Lord, after recapitulating ti maintained in our different est .' with insisting that there was n • which the present establishmeat and that no reason had been give farther reduction. Mr. ORDE was of opir ion thal went would tend to ruin and deg He saw no reason why the militai this country should be different n were in 1792, Why was an Mere: population, it was said, was increu be a reason for raising the muslin; every succeeding year ; so that if admitted, and the .system suffert vestige of the old constitution of F be perceptible—(hear, hear.)—A said, WAS necessary to be kept in True; he had forgotten that it was to have a more splendid and crce litary on levee days.—(liear, he novelties in the metropolis of EN ings of these festivals were ushere ried movements of the Guards, an. tinued bustle of horses, and noii would, if they had been heard in our ancestors to believe that the door. ( Hear.) Time was, when hold his levees in the simple styk first magistrate of a free people.— visitors went in and out. whiler files of troopers ; and their ears w. the eternal clangor of martial buil to see the country so degraded, ' glorious station. He was sorry t tion to military pageantry ; and men opposite, to produce in the land, such an approach as this w to the military and despotic cone.. tinent. For these reasons, he show.. motion.—(This sparh was loudly cheered., Lord G. NUGENT congatulAted the H. hearing a speech so replete, as that of Gentleman, who just sat down, with sot tutional doctrine.—(Hear, hear.)—He trouble the House with any lengthened arguments. He should only observe, all mind, the country had strong reason to be the number of foreign mercenaries on Establishinent.—(hear).—They consisted of Italians, and French ; and amounted to at thirds of the number proposed to be There was a great deal of desertion amcn mercenaries ; and if there was any dith reefing the reduction, he thought it woul. away, by considering, that in every view, cinaries ought to be sent out of the country opinion, also, no Army Estimates should • support of the House, (certainly, they have his vote,) which provided for a Bi of occupation in France.—ihear, hear.)-1 jections to the keeping np this army, whi could be done away. He did not like, in tutional point of view, to see an Ent placed in circumstances, and conversan ciety, which would snake them not only I despise the principles of their own free C (hear, hear.)—Now, could it be supposed men would sincerely venerate civil liberty ing been so long employed in a country net known ; at least not known to them. the principles of the civil liberty of £ (hear, hear.)—He was aware that by t which Ministers had concluded, and scr men apprOved, but which he thought the to be found in the history of our di' were pledged to maintain a certain c France. This Treaty ought, he admittea, credly observed, as the honour of the colrat. .ledged upon the subject ; but he would muCh Cher vote for the supply and support ef that cc: gent by a body of Russians, or any other elm , ries, than have his countrymen placed in the die Ling, odious, and tut-English office of mainti*, military despotism.—(hear, hear ) Mr. WARRE could not see the necessity for larger military force at present, than existed in l' and if the manner in which the army were genre? employed were considered, it would be ciatel . every rational being that no such necessity coulk pleaded, unless it were deemed material to hae 46 diets stationed as sentinels upon Cliincse guard French mortars, or to attend idle shoe.): was extraordinary, he observed, with what Ministers could get rid of the authority of Mt. PI when it suited their purpose, while they held 11 0 1 authority as an object of the highest reverence. other occasions. Because Mr. Pitt had prat:':. l moderate Military Establishment, in 1791, in ccTM sequence of the probable duration of peace embarrassed state of our finances, that lir.ittl vs truly deceived, and destitute of political te:c , -.7'' The insurrection in the Isle of Elv was put c101%: 111 ! a Cornet of Dragoons, a relative of the Ho. MeFe bet for Wiltshire. If, indeed, the French Rcrj. 3. tion, with its desolating principles, were yct itt eye ration—if the victories of 1814 and 1815 NJ taken place—if the Treaties of the Noble Lai to the a w e s _ the d e d uzio : . regim ents tha, Id he found th at 0, instead I this force gee ther e he Corn r 1 1,. ge nmcnt en5.,,..'• e wa s a ii , mt renue, *h i d I )rose of mai za vas in a pe a; ay to 1 4 ...." tended to tre e , Fait! uai.eop, st , ration-, AS ' 4 l ! filly mstant% .. Canada, tims, p s ,* dir.g arm:- • itilc: - - t:•.e arr. , fr.mer to h e er, at such an esti,. stroy the try e5t.,1,;;; 47 ,-.. t „• now t r .. re eas? necessity! , Ise I. But thi; ng trmy f t is argurar f ., red to go m ix gre..ter forie.ty s a the metrop4. ow• de.! par.ia reart i -.Th ee moo- red ir. wits nd with • Ilse oi trumpes, . their tita& ' ETTIC:I Wen 4 his Nlijeste ushis c whis:h )r., rat p.,,sisg frrY. %Tr tv .• , ir.pets. , . l • • r. front i., sze sa.'• ale d;N:t•s!!!!:•:-.i.. • • 1- ra. cheered.) ,ted the House.t is that of the /I with sound • shniel et ig• thened or g bserve, .llnt tale ason to be jeainali aries on our Pee ansisted of Germs; nted to at lean I to be reduce:, ertion amor.g tt's any difficulty i:. it it would be 4,1 'erg view, these ro the country. ha es should receisett ly, they wouLi at 1 for a British r 4 hear.} —He army, which ton n like, in a crs an English cal onversant sri* sot only forget. :4 m free Conivner. supposed, that nil liberty, aftsir t country isl.ere it o the extent, or sty of Eugh&P - Fiat by that Tray , and sc me Gelb eight the v, ivs our ertain i cy...ll ; sta admitted, to he of the clyantrY se would mils port ci that cc: any other mere> placed in the ice of maintit?-; dis7l ie necessity for :Ivan existce in 17x,..'