Star. — London, England, 1801-03-26 00:00:00

i former footing. The bad fuccefs of our Allies cannn: be imputed to us; I fay whenever we were en we have been fuccefsful. I always Rated, :!:11 lay, that the objeit of this war was to guard n i ,;ainfl a iy item of aggreflion made for the pur pcfL of ovt.rturning our Government ; in the de. hich we have made we have been fueeeff fial. itli relpecl to our Allies, if they had in tie be.,:rming taken our advice, if they had laid at;.!_ their jealostfics and anienoiltie, and united in ure common caufe, they would have been fuse: ful ; they would not now have to brood over their misfortunes, whVo one day or other will fall down upon them with increaled force. At to what the Honourable Gentleman laid about the late refignations of Minillers—that a cloud hangs over the whole tranfaftion— that it is a myltery which lie cannot unrid dle, I will only fay, that if ever there was one tranfaEtion more plain and Pimple than another, it was this. We were of opinion that our continu ance in office was intimately connufted with the execution of a great and important meafine, which when we found we could not carry into effeet, we refolved to :ale his Majelly's permiffion to refign our lituations, and our refignations were gracioufly accepted ; we were determined to retain the fame loyalty and veneration for cur Sovereign we ever did, and hoped his Majefty would make choice of thole perfons who would obfcrve the fame principles with which we endeavoured to keep the Britifh Con ftitution together. Such Mini fters as we withed for have been appointed ; and we are determined to give them our fop port. This then is the whole of the myftery on which the Hon. Gentleman has dwelt fo much. During a late ntelancholy event, which every man both in and out of this Haute mull deeply regret, I may with propriety demand what prayers were put up by the public for the appointment of the Hon. Gentlemen oppofite to me to the principal offices under Government? what willies were expreffed for the exertion and interference of their talents in pro moting the welfare of the country at that critical and momentous period ? I believe, Sir, the anfwer will not be very difficult to make, and I hope the new Minifters will experience the bell fupport of the Hon. Gentlemen by their oppofition to them. The Hon. Gentlemen (tern to be ferioully concerned re fpeeting the permanence of his Majelly's prefent Mi :tillers, and manifea their apprehenfions that they cannot, in confequence of the dangers which fur round them, continue to exercife the duties they have been called upon to difcharge. This condua puts me in mind of a Rory, not inapplicable to the prefent cafe, which is related of the two Royal bro thers, King Charles the 11. and the Duke of York. The latter took feveral occafions to communicate to his Majefty the fears with which his fubjets were agitated at the perils with which the King's perfon was threatened. " Do not be uneafy about me," replied the King, " they know who is to foe ceed me." The Honourable Gentlemen on the bench below me, it is no doubt true, are untried ; but if they fucceed in eflablifhing a permanent and honourable peace, they will be entitled to the gra titude and fupport of the country. If on the con trary their attempts in obtaining that defirable ob jed Lbould be fruftrated, this Houk and the pub lic will be compelled to make up their minds to an oppofite mirk. If any Honourable Gentleman has a fpecific charge to make, let him bring it for ward diftinaly and explicitly ; but I contend, Sir, that a general charge, fuel; as that on which the motion is founded, will never lead to any fatiaac tory or ufeful purpofe. It is neccfrary to call the attention and inveftigation of the Houle to parti cular objeas, and nothing effedual can be accom pined by a contrary proceeding. The prefent motion cannot poflibly anfwer any good purpofe, and I (hall therefore oppofe the Honourable Gen tleman's propofition. Mr. Parr (poke nearly as follows :—Sir, from what I have heard the Hon. Gentleman Rate, I was taught to believe, that there were grounds of fufpicion againfl the laft Adminiftration fufficient to induce the Houfe to agree to go into the Com mittee of inquiry. I Gould, perhaps, argue too arrogantly were I to anticipate the fate of the quef tion, by Rating my belief, that the Houk would entertain fentiments of a very different nature. So far as concerns myfelf, l might, perhaps, be thought to at with the greateit propriety by treating the accufations at this time with filence. Whatever un favourable infinuations might be advanced, I was confcious of having faithfully difcharged my duty in a great and memorable Itruggle for every thing that was dear to civilized fociety. Were I, how ever, indifferent to myfelf as an individual, it would be my pride to retain the good opinion of thofe with whom I have bad the honour to ad. There were many other motives of a perfonal nature which had a great influence on my mind. But with all thefe weihty con fi dcrations—with all my partiality for f riends, whole valuable attachment will always remain ftrongly impreffed on my me mory—l feel other motives of a more power ful nature. It was not a queftion confined to my fell alone—it was not a qucition refpelling my colleagues, however dear to me—it was a queflion involving much more important confequences—it was in Taft, a queffion in %Ouch the honour and dignity of the country were deeply interelled. But grave and ferious as fuch a difcuflion might be, I forefee no danger from the molt riid exercife of your judgment ; for, unlefs the Houfe had com pletely changed the opinions entertained from the commencement of the war to the prefent period, the acquittal of myfelf and friends would be eats and honourable. Your Canetion to the mealures hitherto adopted cannot fail to produce an indem nification. The honour of the Honk being thus implicates! by the Motion, the bolded efforts of, our affitilants will have little or no effeß. I need not charge the memories of thole who have cordi ally co-operated for the intercft of humanity—l need not tell them, that the very men who now Rand for ward as our accufers, are the very fame who, by their fpceches, diminillisd your refources, and con traeted your means. Thvie were the men who op. poled us in the glorious refillance of thole principles which produced that havock and defolation which covered the real of Fan opt When therefore ler n t in plate th:•fe in :mon-ov.: rtiblc fa(ts, I am naturally 1, u conclude, that, us:twithflan‘ling the claw eel cc difplaYed in the introduction of this Motion for a' Committee, the charaderiltic of the Houfe is fuch as to afford no encouragement to the Hon. Member— . pledge which the Houfe has advanced, it will not renounce. Faithful to its folemn engage ments, it is not likely that it will rescind its former vote, to gratify the inordinate ambition of thofe who would grafp the reins of Government. From a Noble Lord with whom I have the honour of being conneded, I differ this night in fome effential points. I with it to be clearly undeeftood, that thofe who fupported the late Adminiftration, and who now propofe voting this night for the inquiry, without intending any prejudice, are by their kindlier's in favour of the Committee, ailing the moll unkind and unfair part, without, perhaps, meaning to produce the cenfurable effed. Our opponents may on this occafion jocofely fay,that they Shall have the benefit of the vote, while I fhall have the benefit of the fpeech only! It may be thus inlinuated that they with to bury me, by paffing me to condemnation. But I and my colleagues, notwithstanding our retirement from office, will, we hope, triumph over the mantruvres of our opponents. In the grand catalogue of bitter invedive, the New Mi niltry have not been forgotten. I remember a fimilar occafion, when the Right I lon. Gentleman (Mr. Fox) refigned, and when I had the honour of being called into office. Thofc who condemned the New Miniitry for the want of confidence, and for the want of true conftitutional principles, aded very unfairly. As far as the queition of confidence went, they were men who could reconcile their conduit to thofe who fupported the Lift Admini ftration. But why fo precipitately detrad from the merits of our fucceffors? What would the world fay, if at the head of that Adminittration—they ffinuld find a Man (Mr. Addington) who could conciliate efteem and command refped? A Man who, accompanied by many other virtues, poffef fed the affedions of the mind in an eminent degree —a man now, by his abilities, the Firft Lord of the Treafury, and formerly by his virtues the Firit Commoner in the Houfe—Such is the diftinguiffied charader to whom fome Gentlemen refute their confidence. If you will not try him by thefe rare qualities—if you fill continue to deny him that confidence to which his head and his heart are en titled—recolled that he quitted a fituation of the &II public truft and confidence—recolleet that he accepted his new honours from the moll pure and difinterefted motives.—Another Member of the New Adminiftration would not fuller by compa rifon—his Noble Friend (Lord Hawkelbury) who now fat on the Bench under him, was well known to the Houfe and the Country for a pre eminence of talents and virtues. With the moll unremitting attention to bufinefs, he poffeffcd a great and unbounded underflanding. With the ex ception of the Right Hon. Gent. (Mr. Fox) who, from his feceffion is almoft a new Member, and whole great and comprehenfive powers all mull highly refpeet and admire—with the exception of that Right Hon. Gentleman, who is there in the oppofite ranks to whom my Noble Friend ought to yield ? There is not a man among them who fs his fuperior, and, whether in or out of the Houfe, his abilities and his virtues may challenge a corn pat ifon. If another pledge be wanted for public confidence, let he who is regulated by tke niceft ferife of honour, and moll fcrupulous integrity, turn his eyes to the Noble Lord who now holds the Seals. He is well known not only to the Courts , and to both Houfes of Parliament, but defervedly high in the effimation of the country. If, therefore, he he new to his prefent great elevation, he is neither new nor ftrange to his fellow fubjefts.— In the enumeration of the molt unexceptionable charaBers,who formed the prefent Adminiftration, he would, were he to proceed, tire the Houfe; but, although lall, yet not leaf, he begged to call the attention of thofe who attempted to de preciate the men now in quellion, to the Noble Lord now at the head of the Admiralty. With all his refpclt for the other Noble Lord who had jolt retired from that department—and no man could entertain a higher—he would afk, Was Lord St. Vincent's name unknown to Parliament or to the public ? No. Renowned in the annals of his country for courage, capacity, and fuccefs againft the common enemy, his Lordfhip is equally dd. tinguilled for his (kill, vigilance, and adivity, in the department now entrulted to his care. In him there is a combination of talents very aufpi- Cio l l6 to the great ftruggle in which they are now engaged. Ought not, therefore, the name of that Noble Lord to be a shield and a bulwark to thofe with whom he now alts, as no plan will be Ilene tinned by his Lordfhip that is not founded in pan-it-4;lin, no meafure that is not fortified by the rule of reditude ?—ln the contemplation of thele mcn and thefe virtues—equal at lean to any fet of men in or out of parliament, why refufe the pre terit Adminiftration the confidence.which they fo pally dcfcrve ? Thofe who fupported the lall Adminilliation cannot deny their cordial concur renee to their fucceffors. They were aduated by the very fame principles, and had the very fame objefts in view. The caufe, however, was obvious. The Gentlemen on the oppofite fide of the Houfe, and who endeavoured to fcize the reins of Govern- ment, were induced to their ftruggle for power by principles of a very different defcription. They were led to the combat by the promife of vidory ; but their defired atchievements would not be fo eafily accomplifhed—thofc who commanded the eminence knew how to guard the pafs.—Having laid thus much for others, may I be permitted to deliver a few words about myfelf? the tante of my refignation has been varioully defcribcd, candour and prejudice operating in different extremes. I limit not enter into a minute detail—Suffice it to fay, that every man of real pride and dignity, who feels he can do no important fervice to the State, without the facrifice of effentialobjeds, fhould withdraw from office. Unlefs he finds that he can maintain his Situation without a defcrtinn of prir.- ciplc, why MAU he continue to make efforts with out effeds ? Why (tmid he remain to he refitonfi ble for fyilems totally derogatory to his political fertiments ? I therefore, reconciling my confcicnce to the cci . olution which I was about to take, re- C' ded as 1 advanced, on motives of true honour silt lot d autbision. lam Oct afraid ofa fern ni: y ;lasi n.y 4-t-nd.i.!t. Were ter:t•iis charges made again me, I have the confolation to believe, that, during the 17 years I have been in office, I have done enough to wipe away all aas of inadvertency or misfortune. Had I remained longer in power after the oppofition to that degree of authority which is requifite to the operations of Government, I would have deferved much culpability. In my political career, I have acted agreeably to your willies, and confonant to your feelings ; and will one day prove this all;:rtion fiti faaory to the pub. lic, provided that the public cliuks at any time to make inquiry concerning any thing connected with my condua.—As to the quettion of Catholic Emancipation—Extenfion of Tolerance I would however term it—l am of opinion that the meafure would have been highly falutary to the State ; and that whenever it comes to be ferioutly difcutred, it will not be found to be a naked propofition which we ought to neglect or avoid. I with to recom mend its adoption, in order to ameliorate our fyf tern both in Church and State. I was zealous to produce the dcfired elle& that all animofitiennight ceafe, and that there might be no diftinaion, but in a fPirit of trite emulation for the public good. Does any man for a moment believe, that, although his Majelly be advifed to a meafure, he is to be re (trained in the exercife of his own judgment ? The name, the opinion of the Sovereign, is paramount to every other confideration. I, who long conti nued to experience his partiality, could not —nn lels from pure motives of public good—bring for ward any plan of which there was the fmalletl ap pearance of oppofition from the Throne. This was the public ground of my condult in the late diffe rence of opinion, and this is the only fault charged to me. As to the line of c ond ua of the Noble Lora who acted with us in Ireland, I beg leave to ftate, that our fentiments were fomewhat fimilar. The Irith Papers alluded to, which have been challenged this evening as of a dangerous tendency, had not my pre vious fanaion, although to their general import I had no objection whatever. With the fentiments of the firth Paper I entirely coincide. As to the mea lure itfclf, I was, and am Ilia convinced, that it would n ot only ameliorate our fy ftem both in Church and State, but ftrengthen and confirm the general peace and fafety of the empire. There was one point to which I requcit the attention of the Houfe —I pofitively deny that there was any pledge ever given for Emancipation—l deny that there was any pledge ever received by the Catholics.—l beg again to ftate, in the moil unequivocal terms, that as to the pledge about which there has been fo much idle obfervation, there never was any.—As to the condua oldie war, I (hall not now enter into a detail of the various plans; but I with to con firm what I have fo frequently advanced, that at no period did I make any other declaration than that the re-eitablithment of Royalty would accele-, rate the termination of the conceit; but I never af firmed that its failure would be dangerous to this, country. We had only three grand objects in view: —firth, the Reaoration of Royalty, as the bet fyftem which could be adopted for the happinefs of mankind ;—fccondly, the Peace of Europe, fo far as conneCted with our own happinefs ;—third ly, our. own peace and fecurity, by preferving un impaired, amidtt the wreck of furrounding nations, our conftitution, our honour, and glory—with the' fame national fpirit and commendable manlinefs which dillinguifhed the actions of oar renowned anceftors. -As to our Finance fyftem, thanks to the wifdom and energy of Parliament, we have much confolation. The whole is now rendered fo clear and obvious, as to fuit any dircuffion on fuch a fubjea to the meaneft capacity; and the printed refolutions of the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Sheridan) have added much to the facility of any refearch. The Committee, therefore, moved for, was as unneceirary on this fubjeet as on the preceding.-1 I ;with alfo to have another Prong fait perfectly underftood.—By the dedultion of the monies ari ling from the Income Tax, the Redemption of l the Land-Tax, &c. the incrcafe of the debt by the war amounted to 160 millions only, inftead of 270 millions, as mentioned on the other fide of the Houfe ; and, by a comparifon of the permanent Revenue in the year 1784, with that of iBOO, therel would be found an addition of nine millions, a fum within one million of the inter& of all the' Loans, including that of the 25 mat:rm.—lt mutt naturally be expected, that I thould not pals over a topic which has been fo ftrongly infifted on in the courfe of the debate. The fubjeft has al ready been fufficiently difettfred, in anfwer to fome l obfervations made by the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Grey), on the frit day of the Seffion ; but as the fame doubts have been renewed this day, it may be proper to remark on the grounds they are founded on, on the real nature of their value. There are a variety of queftions branching out of thefe confiderations. Is this country right in the condua it has adopted , towards the Neutral Powers ? During the. American War, this ref tion was agitated, in confequence of a Coalition amongft the Northern Powers fimilar to that which has lately been formed upon a fcale infinitely more extenfive. The queftions to be examined, as they prefcnt themfelves to my mind, are,—in, Do free (hips make free bottoms? adly, How does that rub jea Eland. with refpea to the law of nations; the particular treaties between us and other coun tries; and with regard to the policy which Eng land (hould not lofe fight of on fuch occafions idly, Whether it is competent to a Belligerent Power to refill the introduaion of goods, contra band of war, into the territories of adverfary. And whether naval fibres ought not to be dared amongft the contraband of war? 4thly, How this queftion ftands in refpea to ports or (trips of coati in a ftate of blockade ? sthly, Whether neutral (hips (boutd be allowed to carry on that colonial and coati trade of an enemy in time of war, which they were not enabled to do in time of peace ? Of all thefe I (hall treat generally, from the infor mation to be derived from the uniform decifions of the Courts, and the authority of the moll ap proved writers upon public law. I have, there fore, in the firth place, to remark, tat two of thefe Confederate Powers, with whom we are now at ithie, have recognized the principie of feizing contraband of war. Denmark, in a treaty en tered into in the year 178 o; and Sweden, in the tisaty concluded fa fir back as the year Was.— In this contraband ut aar, we !find (addles and other horfe equipage, arms, &c. fpecifical::.• t- : merated, as they tend to the equipment mies ; and in fair conlirudion, pitch, tar, tin: . and other requifites for the equipment of Had gun powder been of very modern inve:. tion, it furcly could not be argued that this de ftrudive compofition was not to be clalfcd among the articles contraband of war : and by a fair de dudion it mull alfo be inferred, that the fupply of colonial and other produce, as well as that car rying trade on the coati, which mull have afforded material affiliance to an enemy, are equally pro. hibited. Such has been the confirudion of the Courts, fuch the import of the treaty of Aix la Cha pelle, fuch has been the pradice of the fever. years war,and fuch the opinions delivered by thofe great luminaries of the law, Lords Hardwicke and Manf field, and thofe Judges who fuccceded them.— The fame authorities deny the claims of neutrals to exemption from fearch fur neutral convoi:.. It would be the height of abfurdity to recq,- nize fuch rights, fur it is impollible that Sovereigns can always anfwcr for the ads of their fel-runt or fubordinate officers ; and were it otherwife, di: interefis of the Belligerent Powers would allv:t be infecure, for, according to the doctrine nou advanced, it would not be difficult to collect fuch a number of privaters as would be fufficient protc& the whole trade of France, Spaia, Holland. But the claim does not ref[ here, f thole Powers guarentee that the convoy of one fhould be a protedion to another ; aad thus we might fee the trade of Ruflia, however tile to us, convoyed in fafcty by the (hips of Den mark. Sweden, in particular, has exprefsly hated with us, that free bottoms thould not mai, free goods ; and its engagement in the preien. guarantee and confederacy, can be viewed is 1.0 other light but that of adding infult to ininry and bad faith. If the right of fearch has not Urea formly infilled on by this country, yet it will be confelled that thole neutral claims have never li,•en recognized nor admitted by any decifion of our Courts. I will not argue now whether the Adn.i niftration of this Kingdom, towards the chile of the American war, acted with wifdom or true policy in not aliening this right, or whether they were or were not jullified in doing Cu, in confide ration of our naval inferiority at 'that time ? but I have no hefitation in Paying, that they never committed themfelves by any recognition of the claim. The fad is, that all and each of thole Powers have bound themfelves formally not to maintain that claim againft us. Ruffia, in the convention by which the became our ally again(([ France, had flipulated to refill it.—l have al ready fpoken of our Treaty with Sweden ; as to Denmark,when, in the courfe of IA year, her capi tal, her fleet, andher arfenals were at our mercy, the Ripulated that the claim fhould be fufpended dur ing the prefent war. In each particular inftance, therefore,the Northern Powers have evidently been the aggrefihrs. As to thofe flipulations which have been made for particular purpofes, with particular States, they argue nothing againft the original ex iftence of the right. Of the fame nature was the precedence in the American War, and during the Adminiftration of which the Hon. Gentleman op pofite me (Mr. Fox) was a confpicuous part. The time when we had to ftruggle for naval fuperiori ty with France, Spain, and Holland, is not ap plicable to the preterit period, when our navy is to the full as equal to the combined force of thefe and the Northern Confederates, as it was to that of there three Powers at the time alluded to. Now that we have a favourable opportunity, the confideration of the Houfe will be, (hall we ellen the right, or that/ we furrender it for ever? The Hon. Gent. I (poke of had all the privilege of genius to add magnifi cence to concellion, and when he propofed to wave this claim in favour of the Emprcfs of Ruftla and her fubjeas, he conceded it as a matter of high fa• your, and in confederation of the equivalent lie ex pelled in a treaty with that Power, out in which he was difappointed. Let me alk him, however, if he would, under all the circumftances, content to make the fame conceffion now ? Let him tell me, whether, if this right had been conceded, we could fo fully have iticceeded in deftroying the marine force as well as the commerce of France, which, previoufly to this war, ufcd to export twelve millions of its manufactures annually to its colonies, to the great benefit of the revenue, as well as advantage to the for tunes and wealth of individuals ? I maintain, that were this principle given up, France would be en abled to purfue with fuccefs, what has for fume time been her favourite obled, the revival of her crn merce, and the rcttoration of her marine, defiroyed 'by the valour and energy of the Britifh Navy. / ' cannot conceive the policy of making fuch a gra tuitous coaceffion of giving to neutral nations more advantages of trade in time of war than they pa ters in time of peace, and of enabling them and the enemy to divide the rights as well as the pro fits of fuch a commerce between them. I f we poffefs the right, furely no policy could be fo weak as thus to furrender it for nothing, and refigrs to weak navies, interefts which are contrary to thole of fuch as arc mere powerful. The effea of fuch a condo.% would be, that in any future war with fiance, we thould make it an evident advert• tage to all the finaller States either to remain neu tral, or make a lommon caufe with our enemy. This would be ailing upon that Jacobinical prin ciple of the Rights of Man, which would leave our rights to be decided at the arbitrary will of four Powers, and which would fuperfede all thofe advantages for which the prowcfs and energies of Englifhmen have been Co long fuccefsfully exerted." [The latenefs of the hour prevents us from Rating more than the divilion which took place at five o'clock—For the Enquiry us—Againft it 209.] The A secy.° fire fhip returned to Leith on Mon day morning, in confequence of havinz fprung a leak, left the fleet under Sir HYDE PARKER, on Sunday the tsth MIL all well off the Scaw. The Lieutenant of the ALscro gives it as his opinion, that the whole of the fleet mould be before Copen hagen on the following Tuefday or Wednefday. LONDON : Primal for tt;e Prnprktaes, by JOHN DANIEL/ Cartsabrarect) at the STAR PaINTIIOO-0/1/ICI4 NO. t. ar-rareet ; and publilhed by LEVEL KENT, (of Cas t< ?Wry-place. Lambeth). at Na t, Carey4trect i aid at IM At-Orrica. 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