Star. — London, England, 1824-03-24 00:00:00

h e had shewn inftctent reason far the Continuance of t h ose powers,. and had succeeded in removing any ap preheo%ions that might have . been felt of their liability, o f a bs ci se in tittle hands to whith they had been hereto fare entrusted and to which their exercise was prbposed Otto be coufidcd. • Mr. HOBHOUSE said, that on a former occasion be, a g e s sepreseed ahis regret that the Right Hon. Gentle- 1 s e load be' en bY advocating a measure so a ou sh at virtancewithathe opinions of those who were considered the best guardians of the constitutional la Meats of fhls country. He understood last year,theugh tot froni the Right Hoo. Gentleman, that 'xi more *mild be heard of this odious Bill. So far from being of Any iese, it has' calunmiated the. character of the country by conneeting it with that of the Government. Ile was dateemined to do all inc his power to present the F ailing of the and to justify him in this determi , tuition, he had the trample of a Right Hon. Gentleman opposite. He had no wish to compare past eirtnes with, present failings, and he therefore did not refer to the formeesentiments of that Right Hon. Gentlemah, ex cept on account of their authority. The Right Hon Gentleman had,iii the year 1816, as he (Mr. Hobhouse) triderstood, recommended that the Bill should be op pined by physital force." He (Mr. Hobbouse), of course, did not refer to this advice for the purpose of .recom inending any violence to the Right Hon. Secretary, Nho, he hoped, would live and repent ! — ( A laugh) , either did he understand tharthe Right Hon. Gentle, man meant "physical force,"iiterally understood; but that korai of Parliamentary resistance which was often fiery effective: He was not in the House when the Right Hon. Gentleman uttered these words; but he under good. they etre really uttered by him—(Hear, from Mr. Wynn). He understood the flight Hon. Gentleman now to deny that he had uttered those words. Certain it was he had riot acted Open them ; but that was not new, as it was only a variance between profession and racticeaa(A laugh). The Right Hon. Secretary had informed theta of the provisions of the Bill; but this was unaecestaay, for they were known too well. It was hot the provisions of 'the Bill, but 'the Bill itself tsb which the opponents of it objected. It was a base sub- SerViency to those who had shewn themselves unworthy of the success they had enjoyed, and who wanted to make us accomplices in their villainy. He denied tit! Soundness of the construction of Magna Charta. it watt' said to refer only to Merchant strangers ; but there were at that time no aliens but merchant strangers. There were no Gentlemen making tours—(A tangh). The cases referred to lb the reign of 'Henry the Fourth were of no weight, as they occurred in the reign of an, 'u'surper, who was afraid of foreign interference in fa ynur of the cause of Richard the Second. Those of Elizabeth's time were of as butt consequence, as she disliked the influx of the Scotch on geteunt of James of Scotland, afterwards her successor. Even James the Second, tyrant as lie was, did not expel the Protestants who s. tight refuge here in consequence of the revoca tion of the Edict of Nantes. Argument of this kind tray however unnecessary, for when this Bill was intro. docta in the year 1792, it was admitted to be 'a perfectly novel proceeding. The small number of the persons on %%horn the Bill had been enforced, shelved, in his opi mime that it was not necessary. The Right Hun. Gen tleman had said that these powers were not delegated to any subordinate officer, but the same might here beers said of General Warrants, which were issued only by tine higher posse's, and yet they were grossl abused. The Right Hon. Gentleman had argued that this power would not be abused on acsoant of the.responsibility of Ministers. But he was quite surprized to hear the Right Hon. Gentleman talk of reasonsibility, constituted as Parliament was. As for the hospitality of thiseciuntrs, through the Government, he had only to refer to the fact that refuge which had been refused to the Spanish Constitutionalists by one of our Colonies, had been af forded them by the Emperor of Morocco. He thought little of the concession or the Right Hon. Gentleman with regard to those who bad resided here a certain time, because he objected to the Bill altogether; though it was worthy of remark, that a similar clause, proposed on the last occasion by his Hon. and Learned Friend the Member for .Knaresborough, had been rejected.— The excuse for the Bill in 1802 wits, that Bonaparte was not fully established in power ; in... 181.4., it was that the Bourbons were not settled on the throne of France.; in 1816, they were told by the Right Hon. 'President of the Board of Controul, that the revolutionary devil was not yet laid ; and in 1818, a different excuse frotn all the others was found. In 1820, the hue .Marquis of Londonderry told them the Bill was necessary to guard against the enemies of our own country. But the Weft. Mon. Gentleman (Mr. Secretary Peel) made none of these reasons the grounds for their agreeing.to this Bill.' Hg, told them arat without it foreigners might pint in, this country against their own Governments abroadae- Maatwas his (Mr. Hobhouse's) reasou for objecting to , for he thought that this country had been too icog:the accomplice of the holy Alliance. A friend of his. was dtscarded from the Milan States because he desired an Offices in the Theatre 'to take off his hat.— 'virlien he remonstrated upon this act of oppression he Wasaold that the same thing was done under the Alien Bill of this country. Something of the same kind had happened to a Gentleman travelling with a passport. from Mr. Secretary Canning in his pocket. He was . stopped at Rome, and told that his was one of the names which was not allowed to pass through any State in which the Austrian troops were or had been. He was in short suspected of liberal principles, and he adduced this as a proof that there was an attempt to establish one system of police throughout Europe, of which it was endeavoured to make the Right Honourable Gentleman opposite one cf the police runners—(Hear, hear, hear.) —Re gave the Right Honourable Secretary for Foreign Affairs credit for thinking that the power now to be dreaded in Europe was not tire power of liberty, but the monarchical power—he believed, he thought, that England had gorse too far. If, indeed, England were to go on in this Way, it would not be her Allies but her self that %atria suffer ; for no State ever began by com promising its honour without ending by sacrificing its interests. The opportunity was now arrived for ab stracting our neck from the yoke, and why .should it be neglected? %Vhilst the language of liberty was yet sulsen in that !loose, where he hoped it would -often se heard from more powerful lips thanlis own, could , the Right Honourable Gentleman be afraid that the .Allies vet old upbraid him fur giving up the Alien Bill ? lad he think they eoula dare to remonstrate.? This Brent Government ought, as had been said of Cassar's ails, to be above suspicion. But this 'Bill tainted both !in. domestic and foreign policy—the first as being "tile to those ancient principles of the Constitution aant no man should be subject to the arbitrary will of Minister assuming responsibility, and the second , t'setting the policy of 'the Allies,' that dice should no rtsttbjt-Pkacie Tor the- !All ort fit nteriess(fillek) The Right Honourable filentleenan nslrdel skald they' allow - foreigners ttiplot' in this Canary, rallt own Government? He answered to this, eel To be, alarmed at plots against the Tyrants of Europe, was to be afraid of the sheep *Nen therOught to dread the wolf. All that he' (Mr. Hobfionse) . was afraid of was the plots in favour of the - Sovereign Tyrants of Europe. In asking the termination of this Bill he asked nothing new—he only aeltedlor a return to ,the old world in which our ancestors lived, when liberty_ and the hatred of teiartS &wished in this ctutetay: He _should move a Resolution, which, according to an example lately set by a Right Honourable Gentleman opposite, was taking the bull by the horns. He meant by it - to put on record his opinion. The Honourable- Gentleman moved an amendment es follows:- I "Thu it is the opinion of this 'House, that the Allen Bill is a dis grace to the Statute Book, and that to renew it for any period what ever, however limited, would be injurious to the character of Eng 'Amen itbritad, and destructiSe of the principles of their Constitu tion at home. Moreover that it is a badge of servility, connecting the Government of this country with an association impiously mis called the Holy Alliance; •and that hating always looked with horror and alarm at anything appearing to threaten the liberties of the world, they can never sanction a measure in which they would appear to make common cause with the abettors'of tyrannyi and the persccu tori of liberty." Mr. WYNN, in supporting the present Bill, was prin cipally induced to do so from the circumstance of many of its enactments having been mitigated from that shap e which -it assumed whet the Bill was ori g in al ly duced. Several of its severer enactments were now conceded, which gave it altogether a different corn. plexion and character. During the whole war he had agreed in the propriety of enforcing this Bill, for the manifest reasons of its contimiance, in which this House and the country at that time concurred. From the Restoration to the year 1793 this Bill had not been called into action. In 1793. it was enacted, and whilst the demon of the French Revolution carried on hosti lity against the peace and tranquillity of every nation in Europe, it was necessary that its enactment should not cease; not that there was anything very formi dable in the numbers of foreigners; but aided and sups ported by French influence and French - money, the power thereby afforded them of creating discontent was to be.appiehended. To prevent, tberttfore, the political maceitrations of Francs, this Sill was introduced and Continued during the war. The Ronoerable Gentle man slid him the honour to- allude to his conduct in 1816, when 'this Bill was under discussion in a Com mittee. The Honourable Gentleman had said, that he (Mr. Wynn) then declared his intention - of opposing it by physical force and bodily - resistance. Now the fact really was, that hiS opposition then ;mite to a particular clause, which was now conceded; and when this clause was retained in 1816, and when the aiscussion of it was. protracted until three o'clock in the morning, he (Mr. Wynn) said that he would resist that clause by all the means and forrns of the House that he could resort. to. This was the language he then osed ; he appealed lo his Honourable Friend (Sit J. Mackintosh); hut the language imputed to him by- the Honourable Gentle. man- "as such as he had never expressed in regard to any Bill that had ever been introduced into the Hpuse —(Hear, hear). It had been contended, that, aim ex tended no greater hospitality to other countries than the-Emperor of Morocco; and the Honourable Gentle man had adroitly elip.oedfinto his argument; that orders to the effect of refusing admittance to foreigners had been sent out to our colonies. The word colony was adroitly slipped into the argument; now it meant the fortress of Gibraltar, where the order; sent out were, that every mark of hospitality should be evinced, but that the stay of foreigners should not he continued longer than was consistent and required by the duties of hospitality. He supported the Bill now for the same reason that he supported the F reign Enlistment Bill; for bethought that this country should neither be suffered to be the scene for harbouting designs against Govern ments with which we stood on amicable terms, neither should the subjects of this country be permitted to en- gage in acts of hostility. against friendly nations. The clause by which persons wlio were domiciled here, and had established themselves in England, were affected by this was now removed. lliisan a great measure reconciled him to it, .and the feW instances in which it was called into operation also weighed with him in 'the support which he now gave it. Sir J. MACKINTOSH always had denied the exist. ence of prerogative to render this Bill superflueus,—a principle which the Right Honourable Secretary for the Home Department now contended for. In 1816, the pretext for an Alien Bill was very different from any that could •be offered ; for that was the first year of a peace, after a revolutionary war which had cony ulsidahe whole world, whereas this was the ninth year of4NtaCe. The Right Honourable Gentleman, however, had intro duced his proposition in a very dexterous speech. He had never heard more liberality of sentimetit in any speech 'than he had heard horn the Right Honourable Gentle- . inan upon this occasion.. It M its indeed tedious for him: and his 'friends to maintain a ten years opposition to this, measure, but he should be consoled ter all his public 11 ! hours, by having at length succeeded in withdraWing 10,000 men, out of 26,000,0nt of the reach of ahsaluteaU-, thority. If this measure ;sere good at the laesent period , the Right kion.Gentleman ought to have shewn its use;. if bad, he ought to have 'shewn the hard necessey for its enactment. For four hundred years there had been , but five Acts of power over aliens. Bet did the Right Hon. Gentleman know how many precedents there were for General Warrants? They commenced ahem the end of the reign of Charles the Second, and continued in use indeed to the tune of Lord Camden, who, to his immortal honour as a Peer of Parliament, condemned what he had unwittingly made use of a s a Secretary of State. Lord Chatham had also used them, and also,ern donned then: in the same manner; but they were never noticed in Courts of Law. For shio•mones there was an abundance of precedents and analogies. The Judges of that day took upon themselves to decide that ques tion upon those slender grounds which afterwards brought the very Government whom the) wished to serve to the abyss of ruin. He had the opinion which was taken in the year 1792 upon the question as to %1 Nether the King had any prerogative to send away friendly aliens? This opinion was from one of the soundest lawyers, and the most impartial man on this question that could be named—lie meant Serjeaut Hill. lie was no incendiary—no theorist...lsot even a Whig.— His opinion was " that there is no gene: al, poseet in the Crown to exclude or expel alien friends; for all prero gative is founded on Common Law, and all Common. LW is founded on usage; and so far trom usage sif forditig any, precedent tot such a thing, it has , roamed many to the contrary--=as, in cap. 5. Merry V. is a Sta tute to enable the King to banish from his kingdom all The subjects of a foreign neighbouring sovereignty." This was not when that King was desti:arte of power or coaseipenee, far it was after the battle of Agincourt, when he Was (hashed with suctesc and in the height of his power, and' when even the Emperor paid him a visit as tbe most fel:owned and victorious Monarch of his. age. Whatever obsolete. superannuated prerogative there might have been discovered in the mouldering an nals qf time gone by, for which, as in the case of ship money, some lawyers were sure to be found ready, to obtain the pleasure of their employers, to find . prece-. dents for, it was clear that it had slumbered for 200 years; itncl would have slumbered for ever, but for the intro duction of an Alien Bill. They were told that for nine years there had been no abuse of the power griioted by an Alien Bill. It was admitted tbitt it was an odious power, and the tendency of such an argument there fore was, to lead a British House of Commons to endure, the existence of arbitrary power, provided that it ha! ex fisted for some time withour being atm sed—(lleor, heat). The object of such an argument WAS to ',love tn:At the Habeas Corpus was not so valuable a ble,sing as had hitherto been supposed. Something had been said of .their - friend the Emperor of AThrocco, and an opinion of his that this Bill drew a line of resemblance between Middlesex and Morocco, had been treated with extraor dinary severity. But he was not disposed to retract that opinion. If by some extriordinar y accident there 'should happen to be a mild man For seven yeas on the throne of Morocco, the siitiatirin of a fugitive in that country would be exactly the same as one here ; for in that ca..e it would not depend on the law, but on the mild qualities of those who exercised this powei how he was treated. If Marcus Aurelins were on the throne of MO rocco instead of the barbarian with whose uncouth name he was unacquainted, he would still quarrel with the power he exercised, althciugli. not iverlia,)s with the way in which he exercised it. If the Wito.e were to bring themsolves long to contemplate the mete mild exercise of power , so as in any wHy to diminish their objection to it, it would have the effect of weaterinz in their minds those pi inciples on which 'depended the - seetrrity, the efficacy, and the existence of afreetonstinatian—Vieer). No nation ever yet tolerated absolute power because it was not ill used, without having their mistake corrected by the severe exercise of it, as .Domitian succeeded Trajan, Ind despotic Princes al Ways folioa ed mild-ones. lire Emperor of Russia had , said to a friend of his, a man of genius, who was rather fond of paying compli ments, upon his friend telling him that his character was a constitution to his subjects, " I am then at best a happy accident." Hek(Sir J. Mackintosh) differed from his Majesty, for he thought be was an unhappy acci dent, it his good-government - prevented the Muscovir es from-putting more secure guards on their liberties(Hear). Mr. WILLIAM LAMB supported the Bill, and in answer to the arguments used against the union-of this Government with the other States of Europe, he begged to obserf , e, that it had formerly been held good policy in this country: to unite with the Protestants of all Lb ! rope as their best' security. The Hon. Member for West Minster had taken a large view of this case, and made many observations worthy of notice. Re begged to say to him, that if we were not prepared for war, we were not prepared to abuse, as he had done, the Holy Alliance. He objecel to the great latitude assumed by the Hon. Member for Westminster in his language, when he spoke upon these subjects. He could see no advantage, for instance, to be gained -from the use of the word " tyrants r" that word served no purpose that he knew of in that House—there was no courage in it.- (Hear, hear, hear).—Fle would ask ihe Hon. Member whether, fir using that epithet, hemeant to charge the species of Government which the Sovereigns of Europe exercised, or whether he meant to charge them for the manneisin which they used their power ? If the word tyranny was meant to be applied to Monarchies, then he would tell the Hon. Member that Republics had been guilty of as great enormities as ever 'were prac tised under any other form of Government. • But 'the effect of such language was to produce personal irri tation in the minds of those who possessed great power; and he thought the Honourable Gentleman would do Well, before he created such excitements, to 'consider what assistance he could offer. -He would- do well to. consider whether he could not give mare than a dinner or two, a violent speech, and a subscription of five or sis thousand pounds--.(Hear,.hear):—.With respect to v the Bill, he repeated what he had on a former occasion said, viz. That in matters of foreign policy it was neces sary to give a certain degree of credit and confidence to the Government, who professed superior mean; of, knowledge. with reference to the foreign relations of the country. It was impossible to deny that there was: 'a disposition in individuals of this country to intermix in the affairs of foreign States. It proceeded, he be lieved, from the noblest feelings; perhaps they were, natural, and perhaps praiseworthy, but not the less ! ,dangerous, wir the less embarrassidg to Government. • Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose to express his entire dis sent from the general tone and sentiments of bis HOU. Friend's speech, than which he had never heard any speech more totally hostile to the spirit of the British 'Constitution, or more subversive of the privilege of ',speech, which they had been accustomed to enjoy in 'that House on all subjects of foreign policy—(Cheers). : His ill-rnourable Friend had said they were nct to speak of the Holy -Alliance but in measured terms --y(Cheers) ; that there were certain ,phrases and epithets which they were not to use—(Cheers)—and that it was not wise to offend the Sovereigns of Europe by,personal remarks,. (('heers). But his Honourable Friend had felt no corm . punctions in blaming the unfortunate Spaniards, who were now in a state of misery and distress, and could do harm to nobody. But his -Honourable Friend had represented a few dinners and speeches as the means of exciting those unfortunate persons to insurrection against their Government. This was a perversion of the fact•--(Cheers). Wbat were those dinners and subscrip tions to which his Hon.'F:iend had alluded? They were intended to give some comfort to the Spaniards while struggling, and some relief when in exile and distress,— He had said thus much in vindication of his coudyct with regard to Spain and the Spaniards; he would add a tew tvor ds'as to the Bill. The Noble Lord then ack verted to the inconsistency of the 'President of the Board of Coutroul. In 1198, it might have been fairly said that our own Constitution was threatened. . In 1816, it was stated by the late Lord Londonderry that the revo lutionary waves were still in potion.. The Bill was i . e.' newed only for two years at a time, and it was, there. tore, confessedly, only a Bill fora ternpoertry exigency. It was like what the French call a law Of exceptions,, and not part of the permanent law of the country. But ~what emergency could exist now.? The getantry. never was in a state of more prof. and peace. 'The.Povecn?' Aleut of France, a hick it was our .object to butpport, in 18IG, was no.v firmly established; yet the Bight -Honourable - Gentleman (idr. Wynn) 'slim oppbsed the . Bid in .181 . 6; saw reasons to support it. in 1.824,-. die would not allow this country-so, be made the Focus , of revolutionary conspiracies - .against the Sevoteigos . . 91 the Continent. Lot the Right Hon. SectstaffASOkte. did not pretend to employ spies to deteatheff. : llcis?spi. racies : if lie did, it would establish a hanli arid ansitp. portable tyranny. There were no si•ies here as in Prance, to watch whet e a Gentleman% car riage. went every even ing, and what. were his language, society, and conver sation, The Bill gave the British Government tl.e ap pearance of being obliged to render an a, count to fo reign Sovereigns of thc proceedings within its own ter ritories. If one of them learned that a terrain conver- It. sation had taken place in a particular coffec-house, it would form a ground of rem.alstrance, and con eq trendy of war. The Bill, therefore, instead of seeming tl e - country against the chances of war, o?ened flesh sources of disagreement. The spit it of the people had prevented this law from being corrupted and ahused : hut he was afraid of its infecting the other free institutions of the country. Mr. C. HUTCHINSON had not believed that any Member, particularly the Member of an independent County, would have .had the hardihood to have read such a lec ure to the House as had been done by the Member for Hertfordshire—( !Hear). He wanted words to express his abhorrence of the acts of the Holj• Alliance. Was there nothing in the conduct of France last year that was calculated to call down upon it the execrations of all the friends of independence ? Mr. LAMB here observed, that he bad not used the language imputed to him. Mr. HUTCHINSON resumed, and said he had la mented he had not had an opportunity, in' the field of battle, to testify his abhorrence of the war in •Spain. He (Mr. Hutchinson) had used as strong language as any man respecting the Holy Allies, and he now desired . to be considered as repeating all he had ever said— (Cheers). As to the present Bill, it should have his de.; cided negative in Al its stages.. Ile must de,iy the as serti,n that the powers under the Bill had not been r abuse], when he recollected the cases .4 - General Ginn- gaud, Madame Montholim, and the Italian Physician, who had attended the Emperor of Fiances Mr. WARIIE stated, that his objections to the Bill had not been removed, except so far as the clause went that would exempt some thousand aliens from its ope. radon. Had the popular party been treated as their merits deserved, Europe would not have been in its present state. • tOrd ALTIIORP was of opinion, -that the reasons alleged did not at all justify the .renewal of the 'Act, which was wholly contrary to the spirit of a free ebn- - stitution. He could have wished, that the Member' for Westminster had not proposed the Resolution he had 'done, by way of amendment, though he should_oppose the Bill. Mr. Secretary PEEL said, they were called upon to decide between a proposition which he had made. for the renewal of the pro Visions of t!,e Alien Act, and a Resolution which had been propounded by the Honour ble -Member for Westminster, He hardly supposed the 4lonourable Gentleman really meant to urge his motion on the House. Surely he could not expect that the House would join him in denouncing the Alien Act now in existence as a disgrace to the Statute Book— . that very House by whose approval alone it was in the Statute Book at all. Could he venture to ask the House to agree with him in saying, " that-the% viewed with horror and alarm the policy of the Holy Al liance?" &c.—words which, if sanctioned by the Rousts, would amount to an -open declai ation of .war. It. was not surely necessary, that he should entreat the House not to agree to such a Resolution as this. _ But the Ho nourable Gentleman had referred, for the purpose of censuring them, to some expressions used by him two years ago, and which he (Mr.Peel)certainly did not now mean to defend. The Honourable Gelithunan. in fact, accused him of using the words' permanent emergency' in reference to this Bill.. But the Honou: wide Gentleman had added the qualifying circumAance, that a six years' residenie in Ireland had furnished hiali(Mr.Peel)Atith a very fair excuse for. any contusion of trains 4hag might happen to fall into. But what would the Hcinollt? able Gentleman say, if he (Mr. Pea).dourd charge him - with an expression that very nighty just is.oveis to the same ridicule, -whilst the Honoutahle Gentletriait had not the good finttnne to be. able to offer the same excuse? He would appeal to all who. heard the Honourable Gentleman, if in the course of his speech he did net charge him (Mr. Peel) "with falling headlong unto the very same pit, which was already quite lull of his predecessors'- (Hear, and laughier)— lit allik.ion to the words of Lord Coke, nisi puolice prw.6iii. This was certainly (to use the words of the Honourable Gen tleman) taking the bull by the horns---(4 langk). W reference to the arguments that bad been used ly some Gentlemen against this measure, le -could.state,that the Bill originated primarily out of a cousideratipii for British interests. When we were uphol.ting relations of amity with foreign Powers, and desirous of sincerely cultivating those relations, was it too much for them to expect that we should lake measures. to prevent foreigners from coming to this country, acrd making this metropolis.the scene of their machinations against their respective Governments? It ',vas not proper. that the very town where they' lived should be made the theatre of those plans, and its public places, its coffee houses inlested by hands of e'isaifected persons leaguing together, and maturing their dangerous schemes in safeti—(llenr, hear!) The House then divided F.or the Amendment . . . 70 Against it . . . . . . 131 Majority —6l Another division took place on the motion for leave to bring in the Bill. -Ayes • Noes . . . . . Majority in favour of the Bill . . —57 On the readmission of strangers to the - Gallery, Mr. FLUME was addressing the House on the reading 'of the Bill. He believed the Bill to be introduced in ac cordance to the wishes of the Holy Allies, and he re gtetted that any Englishman shouldhave made use of stich language as the Member. for Hertfordshire—(Cries of Question).—He was sorry to detain the House, and -they who did not like the subject were. at liberty to leave it—((:keering and laughteo.—lie had expected that the iiifluenas of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs would have pre-rented the introJection of such a mea sure; of . .which he (Mr. Hume) beiieved that Gentleman highly disapproved. •He should like to hear the send- meats of the Bight Hon. Centlerintn on the subject, and the House had a sign to hcarlia opinion. .IThe Huusc here manifested much impatience). As .many Gentlemen seemed, From 'their ccusgNag , to hive bad colds, he Would recommend stlieas **erne isti _go 16, bed-t-(Laughter).- 7 :The,.P . Lchident..A . thelkowit,of ContrOul had said the times were chained fist , rbi t n• they. had been when he had oppciver4:llte. eatfoi ilf case seemed to 6e, thet .. the Right liodtiletsfthia , changed . from one side"' of .. ltT.lNss wohe!--. 130 . • 73 • •,1b • e - .., ~ • • I . ~-+