Star. — London, England, 1825-02-04 00:00:00

It peradventure, because the interests ef that trade found powerful and efficient patrons in the Government of the country ? Wete we never to talk of just and liberal po licy, of doing right and justice where Ireland was con cerned—(l oudeheers.)—where one half of the em pire was in hazard and in suffering? True, that on this question much difference of opinion existed, and that it was never convenient to come to any conclu sive agreement. On all other matters Ministers would make up their minds to concur ; but• on this the most important of all, it appeared a subject of despair to expect any concurrence among them.—(Hear). — Was it because Ireland was the theme that discussion was to be deprecated ? Was it because the danger which stared theni in the face was greater ? Was it because the eri,is was now more important, and the danger more imminent and overwhelming, that they were to be left out of all consideration? He was no longer to be told that certain scruples intervened to prevent the prospect of redress. He always deemed suck language to be unconstitutional; to be of such a character as would have disgraced the worst times of Charles the Second, and which, prior to that period, would have led the ut terer to the scaffold—(Cheers, and a cry of Hear, hear, from Mr. Grattan). He should like to hear his Hon. Friend who had given utterance to that cheer, challenge him to the proof. Would that his early friend and patron could have lived to have heard these cheers ut tered, as he (Mr. Brougham) took it as a reproach, be- Cave the name of the King ought never to have been mentioned. His Majesty's Speech was the speech of his Ministers, and the country could not know what portion of it contained the real sentiments of his Majesty. There was, however, a country, he alluded to Hanover, where his Majesty acted on his own responsibility, and where his opioians could be brought to the test from the Proclamation which he had issued. A copy of one of these Proclamations he had procured, as their worthy Speaker had done of the King's Speech, for the sake of greater accuracy—(/‘ laugh). He sincerely hoped they would take the hint from the leaf, in the measures they would pursue towards Ireland. It they did not, they should hereafter take blame to themselves, if any con vulsion should take place in that country. One portion of the Proclamation was to the effect that the Mem bers of all Christian persuasions should be equal, and that there should be no predominant religion.— It was in his opinion, inconsistent to go to the Throne with that passage of the Address which alluded to the Catholics cif Ireland. He would for a moment put the Association out of the question, and if, on the part of the Catholics generally, there was a harshness in • their language, if they became vehement in their man ner, it violent and extravagant in their demands, if alarming in their demeanour, blame not those who have sent Petitions of such a nature, but those who have made them violent and extravagant by their mal-administration—those who have by that same line of conduct given birth to the Asso- , ciation, and made it what it then was. There was no truth so certain, as that the way to make People unreasonable was to refute to concede to them their reasonable requests. This had been done with respect to Ireland, until their dutiful requests had been changed to insolent demands, and now Ministers were counselling the King to pursue measures which were formerly opposed by some persons in the same way as • was Catholic Emancipation then. He (Mr. B ) wished to know where the great alarm was to be apprehended in conceding emancipation?—Were Ministers afraid of the resignation of some members of their body? Were they alarmed at the Great Seal being quitted? Of all sublunary things, such an idea never even crossed him (Mr. Brougham) in his dreams—(Loud laughter). 'That personage had the most exemplary courage in bearing his burthens with the most patient assiduity, and bore contradiction with as much fortitude as suitors in his own, Court were compelled to call to their aid. It was a freehold estate to him for life, and so far from having any idea of re,igaing, be was only anxious as to the appointment of a successor. One thing he begged the House to be on its guard , against. The Speech spoke of Associations--it was in • the plural number. This was one of the slyest insinu ations that Belial himself ever made use of—He has, • added that s. He doubtless said, You must have that s, because it will intimate that you do not.altoge ther allude to the Catholic Association;" but let not any one suppose that it was meant with an even hand to put down Associations, Orange as well as Catholic. The Noble Lord regretted that the Catholic Associa tion should exist; but he (Mr. B.) regretted still more, that they should have such food for exasperation. He would take it upon himself to say, that there was not one word which justified the charge contained in his Speech against the Association. Their moderation was most exemplary ; their language had been sneered at, and their eloquence made the subject almost of a jeer ; yet he was happy to hear the Noble Lord admit, that he was not dispose) to treat the Association with contempt; and doubtless the Association would be gratified on learning that the Noble Lord did not mean to treat six millions of people with contempt. It had been asked, if any Catholics beyond those who had enrolled themselves in the Association, went heart and hand in its measures with it? He (Mr. Brougham) was led into a benighted en or, if the Association was not a virtual and fair representation of the whole Ca tholic body ; and an attack on the Association, by Act of Parliament, would be nothing less than making war on the Catholic people of Iceland, and to legislate under such circumstances was a moral impossibility. He was aware that he would have to contend against the mock alarms of some, and the groundless fears of others ; but on the first moving for leave to bring in a Bill for putting down the Association, he would take his stand, and oppose so cumulous a mischief in every stage of its progress—a mischief bottomed in injustice, and pregnant with the greatest dangers. It would have the effect of alienating the People of Ireland from looking to Parliament for relief. Ireland never was so tranquil as at this moment—never had the law such ascendancy —never did it possess such irresistible force—the People laboured under abuses, but recently they felt them not, so rejoiced were they at experiencing the benefit of well-executed laws. Let Ministers gloss it over as they might; let them disguise it as they would, still was this the doing of the Catholic Association. The people of Irehaid did look to Parliament with con fidence; but when they found that their friends had de serted them for places, their confidence abated, and they no longer trusted to Parliament, when their supporters became Ministers ; when that House became deaf to their complaints, which it did, as soon as . the fears of . French invasion had subsided—then it was that the Catholics of Ireland transferred their confidence from th ..l Legislature to the Association ; and why should complain? because the Association haunted 'them, complaining of their injustice, for bad they been timely just, the Association had never seen the light. While Miniiters speak of rebellion, they turn a deaf ear to its causes, and when language is adopted approaching towards rebellion, they get warm, and put it down by Act of Parliament.— The Associations might be put down in eight-and-forty hours. It was their own fault that they were there. Let it once be seen that the Government and the Parliament were sincere in their de. sign of yielding emancipation—let the conviction once take effect that justice would be secured by the enforcement of equal and effectuaklaws, and there would be an immediate end to Associations. That they might be wise enough to yield in time to the reasonable petition of six millions of their oppressed subjects, was rather his eatnest prayer and ardent wish than his belief. He knew for cer tain that many Gentlemen who could not attend on account of their various affairs, would, had they been present, have supported the protest which he had judged it advisable to make, by their votes. It was with a view to secure due weight and consideration for their votes and opinions, and to prevent the Catholics from errone ously supposing that their cause was more feebly supported than agreed with the fact—it was by these circumstances only that be was prevented from taking the sense of the House upon the subject. He requested pardon of the House for detaining them so long. His conscience prompted hint to call upon them to adopt this as 'the fittest time for conciliation and redress, While, as to the policy hitherto pursued, and for aught he knew yet to be continued, he was determined to relieve his own mind from the guilty responsi bility of acquiescence—(Loud cheers.) Lord F. L. GOWER explained. He was most anxious not to be understoed, in regard to a remark upon Irish orators, as attempt ing to throw any sarcasm upon the Irish people in general. Mr. BROUGH A M rejoiced at having given the Noble Lord-an opportunity for disavowing anything like a national reflection ; as, without that explanation from hii Lordship, those remarks might have met with an interpretation which the kindness of his Lord ship's mind would have regretted. The Hon. W. LAMB said, he participated in the prospect of the general prosperity of the country, but he had never despaired of the country's prosperity. His opinion on the subject of Catholic emancipation was unchanged ; but he would vote for the Address, as he expected it would be shewn that the Catholic Association was injurious to the peace of Ireland. Undoubtedly other Asso ciations in this 'country collected money, but not for political pur poses; and the Catholic Association, under pretence of obtaining redress of their own grievances, discussed the general affairs of the country, which, he thought, made it a fit subject for legislative in terference. Mr. Secretary CANNING then rose :—Sir, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who preceded the last speaker, in traversing the several passages of his Majesty's speech, did myself and my friends the credit of approving cer tain parts, though with no very gracious approbation, while he condemned others with unsparing censute; he has dwelt upon one topic at great length, namely, that which alluded to the Catholic Association; and has, in no very gracious way, drawn observations trom an other part which chiefly concerned himself. With re spect to the first part, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman has stated some opinions which I have always held, and am ever prepared to support when they are brought forward; but in my view, so far is the Association from identifying itself with the Catholics of Ireland, that I consider it as a scheme, a device, and an invention, for sowing hatred in the minds of the Irish. I believe, that the veriest enemy to peace, if he had sat down and raised in Ireland a scheme for exasperating the spirit of the people, could not have hit on means mote certain of accomplishing this object than the 'in vention and conduct of the Catholic Association — (Hear, hear). The first atgoment of the Honourable and Learned Gentleman, which he has thought proper to pursue at great length is, that if no step had been taken by the Government with respect to the Associa tion, the mischief might have died away. ..Now„this, was the line of conduct which Ministers took during l the last Session" of Parliament. Has the Honourable Gentleman forgotten how they were goaded to put it down, and when so goaded, had he forgotten the pro. bability then felt in the majority of the House, that the Association would die away of itself ; and has he for gotten, too, that in this view of the •affair, no call was to be made to Parliament until the result of the expe riment was known? But if tlii, were the object of the Honourable Gentleman, he has handled his argument singularly enough. It was his business then to diminish the power of the Association, to shew that it wan. a harmless meeting of individuals, who did not represent the sentiments of the Catholics of Ireland ; but in his speech of to-night he has exaggerated almost beyond exaggeration, and even beyond his own invention — (Hear, hear). He tells us now, that the Catholic Asso. ciation is the source of the peace and tranquillity which the country now enjoyed—( Hear, hear, hear) —and in his zeal to obtain credit for his predictions and recom mendations in former times, he has forgotten the ex istence of Lord Wellesley's Administration ; he has forgotten the talents and the merits which belonged to that eminent man ; and would have us to believe that the Administration does not distribute even-handed justice between Catholic and Protestant; and that the favotir of the Government, and the sunshine of the fa vour of the Crown have been derived from the Catholic Association. Wo,ild to GOD, Sir, that the current of administration hadbeen allowed to with nit being intermingled with the waters of bitterness, by which it had been inundated by the Catholic Association. " Doris amara suam non intermisceat undam." If the measures of that Government had been allowed to go On uninterruptedly, it would have had the effect of restoring.- in a very great degree, both peace and concord to the country; but according to the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, the Catholic Association inter fered, and performed that which, it would appear, the Government were unable to effect. Huw was it that this was accomplished ? They said to the general body of Roman Catholics—We command you to be peace ful by the hate which you bear to your Orange bre thren. Good GOD ! is it not enough to stamp for ever the character of the Association, who were capable of writing such words, and who, when called upon, were found ready to reiterate them? Is this the religious principle on which Catholics act? I hope not. lam sure it is not Christianity, and I trust rt is not the creed of the Catholic body ; or, if it be, I have been in a fatal error in advocating their cause—(Cheers). In the name of this Catholic Body, then, I must take leave to protest against the statement of the Honourable and Learned Gentleman. I must protest also against his assertion, that it would be wrong to impose a legal restraint upon the actions of the Catholic Association, or that an evil would be produced by such a restraint. Does the Honourable and Learned Gentleman know so little of this country, as to suppose that it is to be intimidated by any threat which may be held otit agairst it? I have already advocated, and shall continue to Advocate, the cause of that people, but, in interfering eith this Association, I feel, that so far from doles them an evil, I should be of e.sential benefit in ridding them . of that incubus by which they have been so long oppressed, and which renders them unsightly to the view, and was likely to turn against them the face of every man who did not wish to be. tired and brow-beaten into any set of opinions. Honourable and Learned Gentleman has made allusions to me, in the coarse of his speech, in a man— ner so personal as not to be misunderstood. He has asked, in so efttny wbrds, Why it was that a nis try, whom be was pleased to descri:,e as possessing great power, did not at once carry certain measures They might, he said, do so, or else give rip their office. Before I go further, I must• deny the Honourable and Learned Gentleman's premises; hut admitting them, for argument sake, I would ask if he saw no difficulty, fur instance, in acknow ledging South American Independence? lie has said that a Minister, with the benches behind him, and backed b y the People of Englatid, could have nothing to fear. Now, I will ask, what would be the case of a Minister who was supported by the benches behind bin], and by nothing else Hear, and a laugh.) My answer to the Honourable and Learned Gentleman is this : That supposing all his data to be true, how could I be expected to propose any question, upon the carrying of which I put my office pr my life upon the recommendation of those who had a collateral interest in one of the events—(Bear! and a laugh)? I beg to as sure the Honourable and Learned Gentleman, that upon the sub ject of South American independence, as upon many others, he is melt mistaken, and I will further assure him, that though his Males ty's Ministers may be divided upon the atholic question — a question upon which habit, connections, and honourable feelings may create a difference of opinion—yet that they bring to the discussion of every question in which the public interests and welfare are concerned, the purest and most impartial judgments. If I followed my Honourable and Learned Friend's advice, and re tire from the Cabinet, to give an opportunity for the formation of such an Administration, he will have the satisfaction of ousting me ; but be would not h ave the satisfaction of carrying the Catholic Question—(Hear, hear). All I desire is, dila Honourable Mem bers will consider to what extent the sentence in the proposed Ad dress pledges the House. The King informs us, that there exist Associations in Ireland which have adopted proceedings We i concileable with the spirit of the Constitution ; that they tend to create alarm and to excite discontent is a matter of fact; that they thereby impede the course of natural improvement is also a matter of fact as little capable of being disputed. His Majesty, therefore, recommends that the House will consider the means of applying a remedy, and the House answers by this Address that it will consider those means. What pledge i 3 given by this reply, unless the House be prepared to say that the Catholic Association, according to the character given of it by the Honour able and Learned Gentleman, possessing an authority in Ireland, which supersedes all government, engrosses all allegiance, and exercises all power, ought to exist—ought to sit beside the consti tuted authorities—nay, to tower above them, and dictate impe riously what measures ought or ought not to be pursued. At present we see that it levies revenues, and holds the whole population at its back; and this House is called upon, not to say that it will adopt whatever means may be suggested by the King's Government, but that it will itself consider the best means of putting an end to this acknowledged and enormous evil.— To other parts of the King's Speech, I can refer with more plea sere, and I apprehend that the I louse will feel on reluctance in ac cording in that part of the Address which echoes the announcement from the Throne of the success of liberal commercial principles, and of the recognition of the independence of the Independent States of South America. The Honourable and Learned Member, as the House is well aware, is by no means an unfrequent speaker in this House, and when he does favour them, he is son generally remarkable for being concise, and having, in common parlance, in the course of his Parliamentary life, proposed and supported almost every species and degree of innovation which can be practised to wards settled government, it is not very easy for Ministers to do anything in the affair of South America, without borrowing, or seeming to borrow, something from the Honourable and Learned Gentleman. Their views might be shut up—by circumstances which they must consult though he need not—as among ice in a northern winter. In time the thawing proceeds, so that they were able to come out. But break away in what direction they would, whether they took to the left or right, it was all alike. " Oho !" said the lion. and Learned Gentleman, " I was there before you—you could nut have thought of that, now, if I had not given you a hint." In the reign of Qiieen Anne there was a sage and grave critic of the name of Dennis. who got it into his head that he wrote all the good pins that were acted at that time. At last a tragedy came forth with a most imposing storm of had and thunder. At the first peal, " That's my thunder," said Den nis. (Loud laughter.) So, with the Hun. Gentleman, there was no noise or stir for the good of mankind in any p art of the globe but he instantly claimed it for his thunder. One thing he had, how ever;•kindly thrown overboard, which was to he divided between Government and his Hon. and Learned Friend the Member for Knaresborougb, and that was the subject of South America. Now I wish to hear from the Member for Knaresborough to what de gree he claims South America for his thunder. (Loud laughter). Tbis step the Honourable and Learned Gentleman ( Mr. Brougham) cannot, however, approve emit ely ; though it was right in itself, he seems to apprehend that it would make Ministers insufferably vain, if he applauded it; therefore Ile contends that it was particularly injudicious in point of time. There we differ completely and ad visedly, for if I take pride to myself for anything upon this subject, it is for the time chosen in acknowledging the independence. That at some period or other, States that have completely separated themselves from the mother country, must be admitted to the rank of distinct Nations, there can be no doubt, and the whole question is one of time and mode. There are two methods of arriving at one end: by a reckless, heedless course, which may attain the object sooner, but at the same time stir up consequences better avoided ; or by a course more strictly guarded, in point of principle, during which care is taken to give no just cause of offence to any other Power (hear, hear!). The three States alluded to in the Speech, are Buenos Ayres, Colombia, and Mexico, and I flatter myself, I can satisfy the house, not only that there was no earlier period at which the measures now in progress could have been fitly , adopted, but that adopting them at any other periods, and carrying them into execution by any other mode,would have been liable to the most import - no objections. First, I will take it as a question of time, and refer only to the internal condition of the States them selves. It is true, with regard to the State of Buenos Ayres, that many years have elapsed since there was a Spanish soldier on the soil. The first necessary condition of acknowledgment, that the contest with the parent state should have ended, had, therefore, long been fulfilled. fly Hon. and Learned Friend probably knows quite as well as I do, that in common pathince,Buenos Ayres is supposed, geographically, to include a vast extent of territory, but that it is in fact, a very small State, of thirteen or fourteen - separate provinces, nor yet connected by any federal union or government. Now, I ask the Hon.and Learned Gentleman himself, whether it was not necessary, in the first instance, to know whether that consolidation had taken place? That, let me observe, is the single condition an nexed to the treaty with Buenos Ayres, and I have no doubt that that consolidation will be found to exist; and if it does, the treaty will be signed. Next, as to Columbia, the House is aware that it was only in the year 1822, that the last Spanish force was sent out of that country. The garrison of that important place, Puerto Cabello, held out for Old Spain until two years ago ; therefore, for two years only has Colombia been ripe for admission into the list of independent Nations. But soon after the expulsion of the Spaniards (I speak it not for the purpose of imputing blame), Co!ombia thought right to risk her separate existence by sending the greater part of her armed force and her chief executive officer out of her territory, to engage in a distant war against the Spanish cause in Peru. The question now is, whether the successes in Peru, of which we have complete information, have been such as to remove that danger. I think they have been, and upon that opinion the British Government has acted.— The case of Mexico is still clearer. Not nine months since, an ad venturer, who once wielded the sceptre of Mexico, went from this country to repossess himself of his abdicated throne. Was that a moment at which this country ought to have interfered to decide, by recognition, the Government for Mexico (Hear, bear!)? The failure of the attempt of that adventurer afforded the opportunity for recognition, and the instant the failure was known, the decision of the Cabinet was taken. e Therefore I say, that so far from the time being ill chosen, so far from the measure being tardily adopted, it was not physically or morally possible to adopt it at any other period (Hear). I also justify the mode in which this measure had been car ded into effect. My Noble Friend wh" opened this debates. much to his credit, and who has given such proofs of his power in self vindication, as to induce us all to wish that he would do justice to his talents in debate hereafter, has already touched very ably, though lightly, upon this point. It is unnecessary, however, to explain the course taken by Ministers in this respect also. There are those who maintain that there is something mean and paltry in negociating a treaty as the means of recogtddou ; but as far as I am Informed, it has been the course in such transactions, in the most approved cases, in the best times. The Ministers of the United States (et: go back to what ii an example for this purpose, though not for imitation In other Instances) were not admitted to the Court of France until after the signature of the treaty, which was the mode of recognition; the signature of that treaty was announced by France he this country, as the act of recognition. But there was this great difference. in the two cases: France not only recognized „glre United Statis before the mother country had done done so, but without giving her the choice of doing it first. With the treaty of amity and commerce on that occasion, was mixed up a treaty of &Mute, by which France made herself the enemy of Great Britain. (Hear, hear.) Is it to be contended that this measure is imperfect, because it has been unaccompanted by a war with Spain. —(Hear.) What I endeavoured to accomplish was, to arrive •• s . . without exciting - , at least withillat g ivin g an y j ust g round for 104 it an Objeet "Aids I bait, - to be Use WWI 'Of the ttl, * )r e City. (Hear, bear, hear.) I ask then, with conlidence,.4Uritit respect is this measure unsatisfa ctor y ? Is it Unsatisfactory be: cause from the beginning to the end no step was taken by the British Government, which was not accurately announced, to every party interested, whether by immediate relation, sympa thy. or honour—(Hear!) Is it unsatisfactory, because in the . archives of any office there does not exist a single document which Spain has not seen, and of which the Allies have not had cognisance—(Hear!) Is it unsatisfactory. because Spain tai been told for gears that if she would take the precedence is this act of grace, Great Britain would be content to follow at a bumble distance, giving her all the advantage of priority id the markets of her colonies?—(Hear, hear !) She has refused our offer, and though we go alone in this recognition, we scorn to take any separate advantage (hear I). In every treaty we have ne gotiated with the independent States, en far from seUing ou7 recognition for a price, we demanded only to be placed where those who chose to follow us )could stand upon equal tut ins at our side (hear, hear !). The Honourable and Learned Gen. tlernan tells us that he approves of the measure, hut di "- proves of the time and mode of its execution. I tell him, in return, that for aught I care, the measure may be his, or his Honourable and Learned Friends, or the country's, or the measure of common sense - but what I claim to myself, as a merit, if merit there be, is precisely that to which he affixes Mame, and applies censure, viz. the dote and mode of the recognition. By this plain and straight-forward course—by this temperate and prudent policy, if you will—l trust that we have avoided all the dangers that might otherwise have,encompassed such a proceeding. Do I pre tend to conceal, that by this step. we have hurt many feelings—that we have run counter to many interests—that we have shocked many prej'tdices—that we have caused many regrets—that we have excited much anger and indignation? It is true that we have done so—l cannot deny it ; but still I entertain the most sanguine hope, that all these feelings will explode themselves in words, and we shall remain with our object gained,and at peace with the World. There is one topic in the Speech from the Throne, on which I think it my duty to offer some explanation. Iu the beginning of the last Session, a proposal was received from the United States to join by treaty toput an end to the illicit Slave Trade, by conced ing to each force an immaterial and limited right of search. The treaty for this purpose was drawn up by the Ministers of the United States, and in the course of negotiation, it received at our hands some alterations of minor importance. By the Constution of the United States, the power of ratification does not lie in the executive Minister, but in the executive Minister and the Senate in conjunction : of the inconvenience of such a regulation, this case affords a proof ; but such being the fact, we have no reason to complain, that though the ratification had been given by his Ma jesty, it was refused by the United States, except in the condition of alteration. What is singular is, that one of- the changes pro posed. and that the most material, was in the original draft of the treaty. I-need only say of it, that it was an alteration which withdrew all the reciprocity on which that treaty was founded. The stipulation had been, that search should be permitted to American ships in the West Indies, and to British ships on the coast of America. The Government of the United States with draws the last, so that the mutual right of search would be con dceed in our possessions in the West Indies, but denied on the coast of the United States. As a matter of justice to the West Indies, it was impossible to acquiesce in this proposal, since it would admit, by int. plica tion,that the Slave laws were evaded by our colonists,whiclrl de ny, and were not evaded by the Americans on their own coast. The course we took was this :—The United States had made an altera tion which we could not admit, and we proposed to cancel the first treaty, and sent out full powers to negoclate another treaty verbatim like the former, with the single exception of the word America. The refusal to ratify such a new treaty on the part of the United Scetes, I really think could not stand the test of public discussion. By raising the offence of slave trading into piracy, we gave a test of our sincerity which admits of no contradiction. It seems to me, therefore, that after a little cool reflection, the American will feel that they have no choice het to adopt the course we have recommended. I have much satisfaction in add ing, that the whole discussion was carried nu with the utmost amity, and I have myself not the slightest doubt that the personal feeling of the executive Government of the United States is en tirely with this country. (Hear!) Mr. HUME said a very few words, but the noise made by Members leaving the House, rendered them inaudible in the gallery. The SPEA KElt then put the question, which was carried una nimously, and a Committee was appointed to prepare the Address to his Majesty.—The Hesse, at a QUA RUA woes Nuts, adjourned. 'rail b.:V.OIINC} STAR.- LONDON. FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 4, IN& Tim FUNDS. STOCK EXCHANGIC, TWELVR O'CLOCK. Consols opened this morning at Oil 4 for the Account, with little doing, since which they are sellers at 93i. FOREIGN I.UNDS. All South American Securiee, have improved this morning, owing to the able and satisfactory speech of Mr. Secretary CUMIN% in the House of Commons, last night The intentions of the Loan CHANCELLOR, concerning the Joint Stock Companies, has not had any effect on the Mining Sham. Current Prices: New Spanish 15, Old 29}, Russian 971, Mexican 911 1, Colombian New 91, French Scrip 14315 pre. Aus trian 97, Portuguese 89/ 90, Brazilian Scrip 161 pre. Gold Coast 21 3 pre. Chili= 981, Gas 11 3, New Brazilian 41 3. PRICE OF STOCKS AT ONE O'CLOCK. Bank Stock 234 1 234 3 per Cent. Red. 94 1 / 4 3 / 8 S per Cent. Cons. 93%8 % Si per Cent. 101 1 / 2 Y 4 Si per Cent. Red. 101 1 / 8 % 4 per Cent. New 106 1057/8 . 106 1 / 8 106 Ling Ann. 23%—Itidia Bond, 98 £l,OOO ELclieq. Bills (2d.) 64; (1 V 2 d.) 63 5 1:500 ditto (2d.) 65 ; (1%d.) 63 5 £lOO and £2OO ditto (2J.) 65 ; (1%d.) 63 5 Bank for Acct. 234% lions. for Acct. 93 ye :54 In the STAR of yesterday, we gave an account of the opening of the present Session of Parliament, and a copy of his Maastrv's Speech. It is a most cheering document; and will, together with the debate to which it gave rise, be perused with universal satisfaction. It will be seen, that we wele right in stating on Wed nesday, that the meeting of Parliament would dis sipate all fears as to the stability of our amicable relations with foreign Powers: We have the assurance that his 1143eur continues a to receive from his Allies, and generally from all Princes and States, auurances of their unabated desire to maintain and cultivate the relations of Peace with his 114:airy, and with each other." Everything at home indicates the most flourishing candid= end every unprejudiced person must acknowledge 1 ! There never was a period is the history of this country, when all the great in terests of the nation were at the same time in so thriving a condition, or when a feeling of content and satisfaction was more widely dif fused throughout all classes of the British people." It is matter of no small gratification to find, that while our army is to be augmented, we are promised a reduction of taxes ; which, we doubt not, our increasing commerce will enable Minks."' to do. Thi now official announcement of the recognition of the independence of the three States of Buenos Ayres, Mexico, sod Colombia, will set at rest all the speculations of the French pi deism', and give great joy to the commercial -world. For the odor points of the Speech, we refer to the document itself, and to the interesting debates of last night. LIRTU.—On Thursday morning, at Co mess Mount Charles, of a son. ------- house in Pall-null, the SW= LONDON : Printed and Plibliehed by J. F. KzAir, at the SUS offsi, Aro. 1, Pickett-Race, Temple-Ba►.