Star. — London, England, 1828-07-17 00:00:00

-r that expedition—the prevention of the invasion of rorugal by the Spanish forces. I have now, as far u im able, given an answer as to the whole of the to i);c% tr which I have hid occasion to advert, in come. quence of what has fallen from the Nohle Lord. I en treat your Lordships to refrain from pressing for these pa pers at the preseot moment, pleJging myself, that when the proper time arrives, them will be no ob jection on the part of Government to give all the infor mation that can be desired. The Earl of DIIDLEY—I have only a few words to say on this motion, but I am anxious that your Lord. ships should not misunderstand a part of my official conduct to which allusion has been made. In the first place, I owe it in juAice to my Noble Friend (the Duke of Wellington) to say, that I am perfectly satisfied with the grounds on which he resists the production of the papers, which it is the object of this motion to have laid before the House. Some of them must relate to trensactions still pending, and their production, I have no hesitation in saying, as far as I am acquainted with' their contents, would be highly improper at the present moment. There is one point in the speech of the Noble Lord (Holland) as to which I wish to say a singled word. The Noble Lord seems to be not altogether sa tisfied with what has been done by this country towards t he preservation of the Constitution given to Portugal by D , n Pedro. I beg to state, that, whenever the time comes for the production of these papers, which will show what has been done, lour Lordships, I have no doubt, will be fully satisfied that every measure was adopted, and every thing done that could be effected by the moral influence of his country towards the main tenance of that Constitution. It was very much uncles the influence and advice of this country that Don. Miguel was induced to enter into engagements, in honourable reliance on which there was then a hope, now altogether vain, that he might have acted.— The influence of this country was employed to induce him to enter into those engagements under which he went to Portugal. It was never considered chat we were authorised to embark in the contest ourselves, even in support of free institutions. I cannot conceive that any good could result from an attempt by this coun try to give a Constitution to Portugal, more especially a free Constitution.l can well understand that theft iends of despotism might reasonably enough proceed to establish force by force; but it would surely not be a very fair or consistent mode of setting up a free Constitution in ano ther country, against the will or in contempt of the choice of the people. It was only such political influence as we possessed that could be exercised in support of the Constitution, and that influence, I will say, was com pletely and entirely employed by this country, and if it did not prevail, it was not our fault. I have thought it right to sae thus much in my own defence. The documents, whenever they are produced, will prove what I have stated. They are not yet before your Lordships, and cannot be, perhaps, for some time, but I pledge myself, that whenever the transactions that took place while I was in office shall be fully disclosed, it will be seen that nothing was left undone that was in the power of this country, tither when its advice was employed directly on Portugal itself, or indirectly on those Allies who had an influence in her affairs to ac complish that object. The Marquis of LANSDOWN—After the able and comprehensive speech of my Noble Friend, and after the explanations given by the Noble Duke opposite, I should certainly feel that it was quite unnecessary to! trouble your Lordships with more than a few words; but I deem it important, in the first place, to offer my thanks to my Noble Friend for giving us the opportunity of making that manifest to the country and to the world, which it is essential to the honour of this House to show, namely, that with regard to the events that are now passing, and which, both in the opinion of my Noble Friend, and according to the explanations of the Noble Duke, must, in more or less degree, affect the future repose of this country and the world. Parliament has felt no indifference to the great considerations involved in these events, and which are admitted to be such, that if it was consistent with the advantage and policy of the country, it would be the duty of the King's Minis ters to give those precise explanations which I must do them the justice to say, I believe it is their desire to give, if they could with propriety. We shall at least show tne wish of Parliament to receive these explanations, respecting which, at some future period, it will be the duty of Parliament to obtain entire and complete saris. faction. To this eitent and no further does the motion of my Noble Friend go: But when I heard my Noble Friend, if be will allow me to call him so, the Secretary of State forForeignAffairs, defending himself as if be had been attacked, I looked, bet I looked in vain, for any specific charge made against the King's Government by my Noble Ft lend, in bringing forward the motion. I understood my Noble Friend distinctly to disclaim any intention of making such charges. On the contrary, I understood my Noble Friend to state, that what he com plained of was, that he had not received either any verbal or documentary evidence, to enable him to ascertain whether, in the occurrence of these events, which are admitted to be unfortunate, any such ground of charge does lie .or not. It is clear that there is very little difference of feeling as to this point, atter what has been said on both sides of the Howe ; because, if, on the one hand, we are perfectly ready to admit that, notwithstanding the unfortunate colour these events have taken, it does not appear on the face of them that a case of crimination can be made out; yet we ccntend, on the other hand, that a complete and satis factory development of those transactions should be laid before us, in order that Parliament may rest satisfied, and that the King's Ministers themselves may claim that approbation which can only be given them, after a full explanation and investigation of their conduct. For what is the result ? We do not say that we blame all individual ; but we say simply, that there is an un fortunate result exhibited in colours too striking to be mistaken; and that in these transactions, the honour and interests of this country and, I may add, the interests of Europe—are deeply concerned ; for they are seldom disconnected from the interests of this country. In Greece, where it has been ad mitted that it is most desirable for the general interests cf Europe that a pacification should be effected. a? to this moment no such event has taken place.— All those dangers continue to exist which not only distntb the commerce, but threaten to affect the ge- , anal interests of all the European Powers. That is M e first point to which the attention of every Govern am has been drawn, but no final settlement has yet taken place. The next point was one as to which all persons were agreed. Certainly it etas one to which tbe whole attention cf the late Government was directed. E 'er, thing depended on that negotiation, for the in• teifetence of the Allied Powers, which was commenced b y the Noble Duke, under the instructions on which he acted when be signed the protocol at fit. Petersburgh. '_( *es highly impo r t a nt that there should be secureu a simultaneou , , concurrent, and united action of the three great YOwtfli 0 Europe. In that object also we Il^ve t a il e d ; t h ous h we h ave not l os t the security we sire from the "I r eaty awl ft om the assurances of our Allies, and from what is of still more importance, ' namely, the hopes we build on the magnanimity of the Emperor of Russia. There will now be a double course of action pursued by that Power, which has now a sepa rate object. I say, then, that not only has the paci fication of Greece been frustrated, but we have not now the advantage which we expected to derive from the united course of action of the three great Powers. Let us turn again to the other end of Europe, which has been almost alone the subject of this debate. All men concerned in the permanent interest and prosperity of Portugal looked to us to effect the separation between the kingdom of Portugal andthe empire of the Brazils. This separation should have been founded on circum stances that would have secured peace and happiness to the people of Portugal, and at the same time it should have secured to this country that permanent ascendancy in the affaits of Portugal which for so many years we had maintained in strict friendship, and with so much advantage to that country. There also we had failed. The separation has, indeed, taken place; but under circumstances which no maa will venture to say are likely to promote the peace and happiness, not of the whole population, but of any portion of it ; and it appears likely that, fur some time at least, the change that has taken place there will materially affect the credit and power of this country in the affairs of Portugal, which, beneficially for both countries, has so long subsisted. I impute blame to no man, for we have no evidence before us. But these are the grounds to which my Noble Friend justly claims the attention of Parliament. I agree with my Noble Friend on the bench above me, that the principle on which the army was sent to Portugal was not that of interference in the internal concerns of that count. y. It was not by military force that our influence was to be manifested; but it was not in any respect inconsistent with the principles maintained by the Noble Secretary of State, in which I certainly concur—those of non-interference with Vie affairs of other countries--that in this case, considering the friendship, protection, and assist ance, we had at different times afforded to Portugal, and relying on past recollections and future hopes, we should have exercised whatever influence we possessed for the benefit of the people of that country. Certainly. after the speeches of the Noble Earl (Dudley), and of the Noble Secretary of State, I will not deny that this influence has nit been so exercised ; but I must lament that it has been attended with so little effect. These are the subjects which it is important to present to the minds of your Lordships and the public; and after what has passed to-night, I have no doubt they ill make a deeper impression on your Lordships, and draw your attention more fully to these sublects at a future stage of the inquiry. For one, lam not desirr•us to go further at present. I think my Noble Friend has fully gained his object in bringing forwaro this motion. The Noble Duke has admitted the for bearance which, up to this moment, has been observed' with regard to these most important: and threa•ening foreign transactions. I trust this forbearance may con tinue to the end of the present Session. But our da *gels are not all abroad. Thete are not less alarntin, dangers nearer borne. I do earnestly hope, that if we continue to observe silence during the remainder of this Se.ston on those subjects within the walls of Parliament, or at least within the walk of this House, that that silence will not be interpreted into any feeling of indifference to l i those tran , actions, which, I must say, are to' import • ant to be incidentally discussed, and which, I much apprehend, will increase to an enormous degree. The responsibility is cast on Government and Parliament to exempt, or endeavour to exempt, the nation tenm evil s which, great as are those expected to arise from the foreign transactions to which my Noble Friend has alluded, and yet so much greater that I shou.d con sider they actually threatened, not only the prosperity of the country, but the very existence of the constitution —if they were not fortunately evils which 1 believe to be within the competence and scope of the authority, as they also fall under the duty of Government and Par liament, to remedy. I do hope, theretore, that any silence that may have been maintained, as to the e sub jects, will not be misconstrued. It has not been the result of accident, but of a deep conviction that, wider , all circumstances, this was at this moment the best and safest course. Lord STRANGFORD rose to oppose the motion, and complained f having been misunderstood and misrepresented by the Noble Baron on a former occa sion. The Noble Lord had done so agiiin that night, and it was not, perhaps, surprising that he (L mid S should have been misunderstood. It would have been much more surprising if what tell from an individual so humble as himself, should have been accurately re tained in his Lordship's memory. But he trusted that he should be allowed to say that he never did assert that we were bound by treaties and engxgemelits,as f ir as allianc, went, toTurkey; but what he said was, and hr begged to assure the Noble Lord that he maJe the assertion on the means of knowledge his situation afforded him, that promises nude 300 years ago by the Turkish G,i vernment were now as faithfully fulfilled as the nio t binding obl gations of any Treaty possibly could be Perhaps it might be wished that other Governments had been equally slow to contract written engagements as those caiumn wed Turks had been, against whom a Nobie Lord bad poured out the violence of his wrath and coot mpt. A Noble Lord had rtferred to an anecdote which was aid to be circumating in the diffe . ent Courts of Europe relative to M. Minziac'sy and the Reis bff-ndi. He (Lord Stranglord) could assure tne Noble Loud that he had heard this anecdote for t me fir t tale that uight. Wh mt had passed betwe n M. M.nziacky and the Reis Effendi he was not bound to know, but the transactions which had taken placr between himselt and that Turkish officer were pl iced on record. They would be found in two protocol , , in which was contained what he had proposed to Turkey, and that which the Turkish Government undertook to perform. Upon an inspection of those documents it would be seen whether Turkey had or had not shown every disposition to do that which she was in honour bound to do. It was impossible for him. without a violation of public duty, to enter into a further expla nation of these matters, but as far as he himself was personally concerned, he should not sexist the produc tion of the papers connected with tit:: Turkish mission, for there was nothing of which he was ashamed in all that he had said or done at Constantinople. Lord HOLLAND replied. He should not, ex hausted as be was, and in the present exhausted state of the House, reply at any length to the observations which Ire had heard in the course of the debate. The Nobl Duke said, that his Majesty's Ministers did not deem ti prudent or politic to lay those documents now before Parliament, and he, called on the House to confide hi them some time longer, and th a t at the proper period the necessary explanations would be given. As the Noble' Duke thought it his duty to resist this motion, he (Lot d Holland) tell it unnecessary to persist in it, At he :bought it would have a bad appearance with the public and the world if this House seemed to differ on the sub ject of the great events which were now passing in the theatre of Europe, and the tomtits of which were looked to with co much anxiety and attention. The Noble Lord oplawite, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, had quite misunderstood him .(Lord Holland) in sup posing that he intended by this motion to prefer charge against his Majesty's Government. He could assure the Noble Lord that he (Lord Holland) hall no such intention in bringing forward this motion. It was said :hat he (Lord Holland) was animated with such a romantic love of libetty, that he would involve this country in a war for the mere purpose of destroying the Turkish empire. He had no such object in view. While as an Englishman and a Christian he would rejoice in the downfal (.f that Power which had for so many centuries possession of some of the fairest regions of tie world, and which never did any one thing to advance the good of mankind—while he wished for the destruction of that great, enormous, and detestable empire, as Burke and all our Statesmen up to 1780 described it—and while he was convinced that it: downfal would be advantageous to all civilized na tions, he should be the first to oppose the spending of a halfpenny of English money, or the spilling a drop of English blood to accomplish such a purpose. This was the sound policy which it became a wise Government to adopt. The Noble Lord (Strangford) had charged him with a perfect indifference to the downfal of Tut keys He denied he had avowed that indifference; nevertheless he was free to say, that better would it be for the peace of Europe, better likewise for the inn ' provernent of the civilized world, that that crumbling column in the structure of its dynasties should be per mitted to fall to pieces in its progress to decay, than chat these constant attempts should he mate to prop and bolster up its dilapidated condition, and hold out a prospect throu4ll the vista of treaties, of its standin still longer upon its sunken and ruined base. This, too, was the opinion of all the great statesmen of Europe op to the year 1778, and it were well that such an opinion had never been departed from. He denies' that in any thing he had said he had endeavoured to precipitate any interference in the internal concerns of foteign countries, for he knew well that such principle was subject to many and serious exceptions. The only interference which he had sought was one, not to see how far the legitimate rights of D in Pedro or Don Mi guel were affected by divisions of the people subject to their rule, but to see how far these factions were upheld by foreign agency, and governed by extlrnal intrigue. When the Prince of Orange was called upon to inter fete in B. his's affairs, the call bad emanated from Bri ti h subjects and though made to a foreigner, was made for the preservation of the constitution of England against the machinations of a danerous isteign State, so that the call tar the aid of the ''rinse of Orange was a perfectly legitimate appeal. He repeated this desire to ascertain how far Don Miguol was acting under Portuguese or foreign influence, for on that would mainly depend the view to be taken by another foreign Power of any rigl,t of interference in bis affairs. His (Lord Holland's) view of this principle was in some degree like that of Demosthenes upon the interference of Athens with the Khodian democracy. He could not venture to quote the Greek words, though he knew his Noble Friend the Earl of Aberdeen, and his Noble Friend near him (Earl Dudley) could give them off hand—(A laugh); nor would he venture to trust his memory with a literal quotation; he should, 'therefore, be content with a paraphrase, which was, 441 am for maintaining and restoring the Rhodian democracy, because it is within the spirit and letter of our Treaty ; but if it were not, I should still be for it, because, while I saw all the neighbours of the Rhodians keeping themselves strictly apart from interference, I should held it infamous for the Athenian people to in terpose. When, however, I see the contrary, that they are always running into interferences, I say then, it is fitting in us to counteract the efforts of our enemies." He knew that consi lerations of this kind required much ieflection; he hoped the Noble Duke would come to a firm de. ision, and that such a decision would be a wise one; but seeing anything but decision in what his Ma jesty's Government had recently done, and that as far as they had acted, their influence had not been fortu. nate, he could no longer place full confidence in their views, and should theref ire persist in his motion. The Duke of WELLINGTON, in explanation, beg ged to say, that whether the Noble Lord was right or wrong in his quotation from amosthenes, he was clearly wrong in his quotation from the protocol. The preamble of it did not st tte his Majesty's expressions upon the affairs of the Greeks ; but the application of the 1-tier for the interposition of his good offices. The, words therefore were those used by the Greeks, and not by his Majesty's Government. Lord HOLLAND thought this explanation partook of sophistry, for the Noble Duke could not mean that all the words in the P otocol were not conclusive upon those who had signed it, no matter on which side the particular observations had arisen. If this were not the case—if the terms of the Protocol were not binding upon all—there would arise perpetual quarrels in the adjustnsent of Treaties; and wars, instead of peace, wosild be the too frequent result. The Noble Doke, however, was certainly responsible for all the parts of the Protocol, unless he had protested in his Majesty's name (whose honour was involved in the issue) against those which were inconsistent with his instructions. The Earl of ABERDEEN said that the Noble Lord was certainly uninformed upon the teal meaning of a P rotocol— ( Lord HOLLAND -" No, I know it very well") —for it was merely an authentication of the respective statements of the different parties, by which they were not thereby understood to Adopt each other's senti ments, or pledge themselves to unanimity, but merely to record what had occurred. Lord HOLLAND repeated that he knew what a protocol really meant, although he admitted he had often asked, in the words of the learned Cujacions " Quid ea protocol?"—{A laugh). He knew that strictly it meant nothing more than the minutes of a conversation, and took its name from the turning over of t'ie corner of a piece of paper, which was pasted on the side to refer to or explain the memorandum. It had heel), however, probably by the abuse or misuse of terms which had to) often crept into modern phrase°. lisgy, represented as signifying the preliminary basis or agreement upon which a Treaty was afterwards to be founded. The motion was then put and negatived, and the House adjourned at a Omani" !AST Nitig O'CLOCK. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Lord F. L GOWER took the oaths and his seat on his re-elec tion for Sutherland. Mr. COURTENAY brought up the Foreign Sugar Duties Bill. Read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time to-morrow. CLA Lit ILECTIuN. Mr. W. O'BRIEN said, he had ;ietition to present from a number of respectable Freeholders of the County of Clare, com plaining of the return of a Member who was not duly elected for the •aid county; but he felt at a loss to know whether it was per festly consistent with the forms of the house, that he should pre sent it; but he hoped the Speaker would instruct him? The SP HA MIR took the Petition and read from it, that Da niel O'Connell was returned by the Sheriff as duly elected, having a majority of votes; but that the said majority was but a colour. able majority, as it was notorious that the said Daniel O'Connell was a Roman Catholic, and could not sit and vote in rarlianuot ; they, therefore, prayed that the BUght Hon. Vevey litegerald weight be declared duly elected. The SPEAKER having read thus much said, it was very evi dent that the Petition was an Election Petition. and could only be decided on by an Election Committee. 'the Honourable Gentle man would, therefute, exercise his own discretion, whether he would present it, unless prepared to move for the appointment of 'uch Committee ; perhaps he would think It expedient to consult the persons from whom he had received it. Mr. O'BRIEN said, he hared be should not have time to con sult the treeholdera from whom he bad received it. The SPEAKER said, the presentation of the Petition, as an Election Petition, would be in good time within a fortnight after the return of the writ ; the Honourable Gentleman had, therefore, had 111 t morrow se'nsight to present the Petition. Mr. O'BRIEN said, tie should not present the Petition at present. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved the third reading of th Customs Duties' Bill. Mr. P. THOMSON, said, he was sorptised the third reading should b. moved at such an early hour, and before the Right Ho nourable the Vice-President of the Board of Trade was present, who had promised him the question should be brought on at half ' past four o'clock, which it was not yet. He was determined to bring the question of the increase of Duty on Silk trom India is again befire the House. It was clearly understood that the duty should not exceed thirty per cent. and if the scale of duty in the Bill should be persisted in, he should take the sense of the House on it. The Honourable Gentleman moved, that the duty on the importation of 'ilk from India be thirty per cent. Mr. COURTENAY, who entered the House while the Hon. Gentleman was speaking, said he had mentioned half-past four o'clock, zapposZng it would be the earliest hour at which the third reading could be moved. The Bill only continued the present duties far one year, after which the present scale of duty might be altered ; but a precise was given the manufacturers, that it should not be changed in the present Session. Mr. HUME supported the amendment, and said the Govern ment was pledged to the support of the principle, that the highest duty on the importation should be thirty per cent. Mr. HOBHOUSE add, the duty new attempted to be im posed was, in fact, going back in legislation. All the intelligent part of the community were agreed in the principie of free trade, which had been so ably supported by Mr. Canning and Mr. Hue kisson. Mr. M A BERLY said, if the amendnient was rejected, the Public would lose all confidence in the intentions of Government in support of the principle of free trade. Mr. FERGUSON said, this was the first time a measure was persevered in that was admitted by all to be unju,t. it was agreed by all that the duty on silk should be equal to thirty per cent. bet it was foetid by experience, that the duty was in reality much more, amounting in many cases to sixty per cent. The amendment only went to fulfil the pledge given by Parliament. It would be discreditable to the Government if the pledge given by the former Government,and concurred In by the prevent, should be disregarded. Mr. W. WYNN said he had not heard any argument against the amendment, and hoped the House would persevere in the principle to which it was pledged, and which was called for alike by justice and policy—(Hear). The House divided— Ayes Noes - 48 Majority against the Amendment - The Bill was then read a third time and passed. Mr. HERRIES brought up the report of the Butter Trade (Ireland) Bill. Mr. S. RICE wished to know from the Vice-President of the Board of Trade, whether it was the intention of the Government to give Ireland a real Bill for the relief of the Butter Trade? The present was a most delusive measure, and would not effect any good purpose. The Right Hon. Gentleman had abandoned his own efficient measure, and brought in ibis most fallacious measure. Mr. COURTENA I said he had positively stated that he could not persevere in the measure he was about to introduce and did introduce, unless the Government could satisfactorily arrange the interests of persons whose emoluments were to be affected. He could state that it was his intention as early as possible next Session to bring in a Bill of a more efficient nature. Mr. S. RICE said, after that declaration he should not give any opposition to the present Bill; but he hoped Parliament would remember that a great public measure was postponed for the pur pose of making compensation to persons who claimed to have rate interests. The Report was agreed to, and the Bill ordered to be read a third time to-morrow. Sir A. GRANT brought up the Report on the Benefices Role nation Bill. The Report was agreed to, and the Bill ordered to be read a third time to-morrow. The Deserted Children in Ireland Bill was read a third time and passed. The Welland Canal Bill passed through a Committee.—Report to.morrow. - 31 The House resolved itself into a Committee on the Consolidated Fuod Bill. The several clauses were agreed to. 'I he House resumed. Report to-morrow. The Exchequer Bills Bill passed through a Committee.—Report to-morrow. Mr. °TWAY CAVE presented a Petition from the rate-payers of Leicester, complaining of the conduct of the Corporation, and praying redress. The Honourable Gentleman gave notice that to morrow he should move that the Petition be referred to a Select Committee. Mr. HUME presented a Petition from a Mr. James Bilsat, merchant, of Montrose, praying for compensation for vessels seize by Spain.—The House adjourned. THE EVENING STAK. LON DON. THURSDAY, JULY 17, 1828. STOCK RXCHANGK, TWF.I.VE O'CLOCK. Consols opened this morning at 881 fur the Account ; but at present the market is not so good, and Consols may be quoted at 118§ 4, with little doing. CITY, HALF-PAST ONE O'CLOCK, Consols hate been fluctuating, during the morning, between 881 and ssi for the Account, and at present may be quoted at 881 I. Forty thousand money stock came to market, which caused a de cline. It is reported that the great City Capitalist has already pro. 'tided one million and a half to take Stock at the Account day. The Metalliquee at Frankfort, on the 10th initant, was at 93i, and at Vienna on the sth, 92f. Letters have been received from Vera Cruz of the 224 May, via Bourdeaux. They do not bring any poaitive accounts of money I going to be forwarded to pay the dividends. The Mexican Minister of Finance was there. The Valorous hai not arrived, but the Sheidrake packet from Jamaica, with English Mail, had arrived. PRICE OF STOCKS AT TWO O'CLOCK. Bank Stock 2111 101 India Bonds 105 3 per Cent. Red. 87; 8 7; Old Annuities 3 per Ct. Cons. 87; 171 ex div. New Ditto 34 per Cent. 951 £lOOO Exckeq. BUR 72 3 31 per Cent. Red. 951 ; £5OO Ditto 72 3 4 per Ct. New,loll aex div. £lOO and £2OO Ditto 72 3 4 per Cent. 1226, 104; 1 Advertised Long Ann. 19 13-16 4 Bank Inc Acet. India Stock Consols for Acct.BBl I i I FOREIGN FUNDS, TWO tECIAR:K. 1 Brazillanßds. 5 p Ct. 621 Mex.8d5,1825,6p Ct. 411 DoAcct 621 1 1 1 1 Do. Acc. 411 1 Bums+ Ayrts Ms. 6p C. 44 Portwg.Bds.spC.s6l 1 51 Do. Acct. 451 Do Acct. 561 1 51 Chili= Bonds, 6 per Ct. 27 Pruss. Bonds, 1822, S p Ct. 102 'olonibiati Bond., 6 per Ct. 21 Russ. 841.61822, 5 per CL 1141 i I Do. 80ad5,18k4,241 I Spanish Bds 5 p Ct. 101 11 Do Acct, 244 Fr. Rentes, .5 p C. 1050 Owlish lids. 3 pCt. 621 &change, 251359 BRITISH AND FOREIGN SHARKS, TWO O'CLOCK. SHARI. PAID. Brazilian 35 20 76 77 Ditto National 25 5 64 General Mining Asso. 50 5 14 Hibernian 50 $ 5 Marine Alliance 100 5 51 Omni: Gas 50 53 53i ex div Lord HOLLAND made last night his promised motion for the production of Pipers tending to throw light on the state of affairs in Greece and Portugal. There will be little difference of sentiment on the concluding part of his Lordship's address—that however important it might be to preserve public credit—to keep faith with the fundholder—and to maintain the landed interest un mpairecl—yet when these came into collision with the 0