Star. — London, England, 1825-02-16 00:00:00

R ri. - !W . ' - . it'rer parts of the measure—his approbation of , s•P••• 1111• C 'depend on their peculiar characteristics. i• • xertty-three years which he had been in Parliament he bad • o 1.. r the cause of the Irish and English Catholics ' and so keg had a seat be should vete in the sante manner. Nothing lent ..•,. thing less ought - to satisfy the Catholics—(llear, hea:)..— N • •I•ly sought their rights, and in and out of the / louse he should - • them with all bli power. Let the Housilook at the relative I n .11 ax millions of Catholic., and one million of Protest. .le trusted the chokes would never submit. He (Mr. 111 was int o rho eveuing'of lit% but if be was on death, his last prayer should be, that if the Catholics ,• detects to resist, their resistance might be successful—(Cry of :*I4ERTSON said, if the Catholic Association • r.e . .ival andtonititutional, it ought to be upheld; Ltri nut it ought to be put down. The Right Hon. • is.. Al....racy-General for Ireland had told the House, h r ci tilfei of the Catholics were founded in right sr v. ice, and defied any one to produce a rational .1 ...rient against them. Vas it not consistent, then, • v ire spitit of the Constitution, that they should ob i me claims? The suppression of the Catholic As . st• s o had been argued on the same grounds as that Ater Associations; hat each should stand on its own 1.0 t 1.4. The Right Honourable Secretary for 1re .... s•ated,• that the Lauded Gentlemen wete adverse . e Catholic Rent. That in his (Mr. Robettson's) 1.. n, was the origin of the present Bill. The ries,- isi ••• ut the country were owing to the conduct of the • i . • d Gentlemen. If the peasantry of Leland had rotected from the Tithe Proctor, and other op t• .: • oats, by the Landed Gentlemen, the House should wew be called upon to put down the Catholic Asso • • ion' The Protestant Cletgy of that part of the •. ted Kingdom were not to blame for the sufferiegs s• peasantry. The evidence then on the table of the I r, skewed that, in most ca.es, they had from time r•—ssiie relinquished one-third of the tithe as a conces •,.. • tip the wants of the people. But, notwithstanding • concessionsahr Irish peasant tetnained oppressed t 1.1 the lowest state of degradation. These evils arose -.:u the landed interest; and because the Catholic Rent e „, applied to redress them, the Catholic Association .• .0 be put down. The Honourable Nlembeis fbr Ross and Plympton Erle (Mr Dugherty and Mr. 0 I.) eulogised the admini.tration of justice in 1re ...;. and he supposed it merited the panegyr. But • it benefit did the unfottunate thus derive who were ,!iie to pay the expenses of obtaining justice? The supplied the deficiency—afforded the protection . ten the Country Gentlemen ought to have given to I I.e .ple. These Gentlemen put the tithe, which the • .• •2, y remitted, into their pockets. The Right Ho •ioalile the President of the Board of Controul said • rasp:akin only would establish peace and prosperity but it would require much more to produce • !..t effect, for nothing could or ought to satisfy the t•iolics but being made not inferior in any point of • e.. to the rest of the community. Lord Clare had 41 1 1.. in discussing the Union, that if not an Irish •iiber were returned to the British Parliament. he id confide die welfare of the nation to the English • siation. Re (Mr. Robertson) believed if there was r.... a single Member from Ireland in thit House, it would be I.: Oct governed than at present. The Right Honourable and rimed Attorney-General maintained chat the separation of the countries was chimerical; but was not Portugal once, an in. ,r.. 1 part Of Spain ? and if justice be net dote the Isiah. will • ..4.• en opportunity to exact it. The Irish Atte:my-General said, t the longer Emancipation was delayed, the more difficulty in ccittg it. Was it to be Withheld then for ever? Whatever mis . • might attend the collection of the Catholic rent, the Asso .. :on ought to be put down by concessions—by repealing not by 't. ling laws—(Hear). Sir JOHN NEWrowr said, he was more confirmed t -I. ever that, by refusing concession and enacting pe r i. laws, we were producing a crisis fearful to con i.• is,Aate. The priacipre,,on which the Bill was de ;Tiled Wit of a most extraordinary' nature. No evi .. Ate was produced, but it was said we were to legis- Von notoriety. But the cast, as stated by the At .l ney-Generalfor Ireland, the Under Secretary of State, the Chief Secretary for Leland, were all contra y—(Hear, hear). The Attorney-General for Ire said, the Catholic Priests were the conservators of public peace. The Under Secietary, the Member t Londonderry, declared that the Priests were the of all the evils of Ireland—(Hcar, /sear).—The .tholic Association was established when the Orange N .1. icties had boasted that they had dotibled their num bet s, and when the Member for Londonderry sated in si House, that as the oath of the Orange Society was i ken away. hd would himself become an Orangeman. ( lear, heal: The Honourable Baronet read a letter . I;:issu the Eatl of Fingal, in which he lamented that be is prevatitid by illness from taking a part in the pro ; dings dtf tee AiLaitiOn at this alarming crisis. He would Ask lotierntani, if they passed this BM, bow far they meant torpor .Owe they proposed to stop? There was the most positive proof the relative numbers of the Catholics over the Protestants in Ireland Were . eapidly increasing ; this fact proved, that it would be t..:posslble long to refuse justice to the people of Ireland; and why titiuttl we tan the erroneous risk that attended any longer delay?— far). The people of England knew that the Catholics bad deep ▪ bitter causes of resentment. He should, however, conclude in ?tie words of an inimitable writer, which he thought were peculiarly :gplicable to the situation s.f the Catholics --" A Morn, Where waning clouds contend with growing light." lie believed the passing of the Bill would be mewled with most iai,thievotte coutequence!. Mr. VESEY FITZGERALD said, it was with regret :old :wow he felt Waited compelled to °give a vote which might appear to bear oa his Catholic country. Imn. Though he would support the Bill, there was no Lfifficulty to the country which he would not rather vi.counter than support it, .on the grounds which had kern stated by some Members who had spoken on the tide. It was a measure which nothing but ;gong necessity could justify. He could make great ,ii.,wance fin the language of the members of 'the Ca itinlic Association; hut he was of opinion that their in irrierence with the course of justice must be prejudi. cirri. Everything which was recommended to Paths. el lent for the puri fi cation of the course of jus tice in Ire old had been adopted. The manner in which Sheriffs Nlagistrates were appointed in Ireland had long a just subject of complaint, but both kid been a great degree refo: med. He wanld not deny that iixte might he some abuses in the administration of the but he looked for their correction—not from the Cathodic Association, but from the remedies the Con stitution had provided. He did not join in a general condemnation of the proceedings of the Association ; there was much excuse for what they had said, and 'pro bable justification for a great part of what they had dine ; but they had excited an alarm in the minds of many timid Protestants, the natural effect of which ood be counter-associations, which would render an ynpaitial administration of the laws impossible. He rots satisfied that iltrtranquillity of Ireland might be, 1% some degtee,Atributed to the Catholic Association, and still more to the unceasing efforts of the Catholic hear). Nothing disewas calaphifled of in the administration of justice. or the ...siltation sad canduet of ;le Magistracy of Irelbst couldo mitt beneficially doggsek• zeitrups=turbo Ha tinth by die Or, , e provident of were not wilily ipplicablei i rstge Ausociationili to • he me ad 0 4, think It e to his support . }Ramis% ' *pioorpttos all Awed miens. jaati Ids vete for the 1111,14 lint conviction thin the'soper*Porrof theilLssociation woolkhecelente the progress 'of 1 the Catholic cause. Lord ALTHORP said, that having wished before the close of the debate to deliver his opinion upon the Bill, he would take the opportunity of following the Right Honourable Gentleman who had just sat down, thinking gist the usual agreement of_opinion between that Gen tleman and himself upon the general principles of this su6ect, would save him from the necessity 'of detaini the House for any great length - 'of time. He age with him in thinking that the fact Uleaquiring into the grievances of Ireland, by a Committee of that Haupt!) would-be productive of good in that country. But he had listened with the greatest attention to that Right Honourable Gentleman's speech, and could not find ‘n it one argumtnt in favour of the measure before the House—(Hear). lie had declared his objection to the Catholic Association, but had not gone so far as to say that it should be put down by a Bill of Pains aad Penalties. The question was not, however, confined as to the putting down this Association. Neither was it, whether the mode proposed by this measute was the best mode ? But as this measure was an infringement upon the liberties of the people, the real question was, s hether this WAS the only mode ?—(Cheers.) The Right - I lonourable Gentleman agreed with him that there was at least one other mode of attaining this end, and that was by granting the Catholic Claims—(Hear, hear). — At present they were merely attacking the symptoms, leaving the root of the disease untouched. As long as the present union among the Catholics remained, which he WAS hippy to see, there would alWays be some means found by which six millions of discontented subjects might make themselves heard—(Hear). It was is vain to introduce a Bill of Pains and Penalties to prevent the expressions of complaint. Hitherto they had only ar gued half the question, for it was not as to the policy or necessity of putting down this Association by force. It was generally admitted that the Catholic Association was a great inconvenience; but was it not a necessary one, in the existing state of the laws? If so, the only quiet mode of getting rid of it was by changing those laws. It had been argued in the course of the debate, that one effect of the Catholic Association was to put off, to an indefinite period, the attainment of the Catholic claims. In this opinion he could not agree. Many Gentlemen might feel a prejudice against it, but no man could say that the present state of Ireland could exist for ever. He thought, howesCr, that the proceedings of the Catholic Association had in reality forwarded the question. Much had been saidabout their interference with the course of justice. He was aware as to theob jections of any Association in the character of a prose cutor. But the case in this instance was a good deal ,modified. The Catholic Association had merely sup plied funds to those whose poverty would not allow them to sustain a prosecution, antsurely this tended very _much to lessen the objection. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had said, that if the Catholic Claims were granted, the Catholic Association would still con- Ainue. He did twit believe this. The Volunteers of '1762 were a similar case; so long as they had any grievance to complain of they were supported by the people, and Parliament could not put them down. As soon as this ceased, and they had no longer injustice on their side, a single Resolution of Parliament bad power to put them down. Thus it was with the Catholic As sociation; let Parliament hot grant the claims of the Catholics, and that body would no longer possess the power *of inguencing the minds of the people--(Hear, hear). Mr. Hvsnssow, Mr. Wcrnzartu., and Mr. W. Lana rose at the same time. After a brief contention as to which of the =di• dates should ha lie the preference, the two focuser Gentlemen gave way, and The HonourableW. LAMB said, an Association like the Catholic, taking into their consideration, cad making all the concerns of the State subjects di their discussion, was in the highest degree obiectionablo, sad calculated to injure the Catholic cause in this country. The person at the head of the Association was a man a great ability and matt** years, and in daily practice as an Advocate, and what fell from him could not be eat cused as it might be from an tinpractila speaker. Wa it to be borne that a selfeconstituted general asaeMbly Should give itself permanence, and discuss all public grievances ?—(Hear, heal). These public bodies had been called the safetr valves of the State, that carried °if the steam that might otherwise explode and spread rain around ; bat Might they sot be compared to the firtitscebelow that raised the steam sad addled all the danger t—i(Hear, beer). : — Whip the House of Commons dimmed a promentios, was k not the papaw opinion that the man was seat to trial prejadloed, by the opinion of the Howse of Osmium being declared against him 7 (Hoer, bear). The Asesseiadoit was sullen at the head ofa people dirtiest in a state of rebellion from the grievances they were surer. ing—(Hear, hear). Sir FRANCIS BURDETT said, the words of Mr. O'Connell, in the Address to the Catholic People, had been severely commented on. It was unfair, and un just towards Mr. O'Connell, in his absence, to put the worst possible construetionon his words. No book that ever was written but might be in that way distorted. Englishmen would recollect what Sydney• said an hit trial, when an attempt was Oracle by * witked Clown Lawyer to distort his meaning, that the Bible Itself, by taking a separate passage. might be made to-assert that there was no Gon—(Hear hear). Everything that ought most to be kept in mind—the intention, was disre garded. Mr. O'Connell first appealed to them by every 1 good motive, and then even by a bid motive; to do 'what—to hate the Orangemen—no, but to preserve peaces—.(Heal, hear). It was indeed a new thing to be told that oppression should not beget hatred—(Heerr). What! would - the Hon. Gentleman have had Mr. O'Connell says " by the love, reverence, and respect you owe to Orangemen?'—(Hear).—Presently the Hon. Gentleman would pass sentence upon the beauti ful line of the patriotic Poet Burns— .. By oppression's woes and pains." The Poet appealed to the natural sentiment, the hatred generated by oppression, to induce his countrymen to vindicate themselves from slavery by the sword; but the Catholic Association used the appeal as an incite ments° obedience and good order, and to the attain ment of constitutional rights by constitutional means. It was by no means new to make an appeal to bad mo tives the incentive to good conduct. llhakspeate makes Hamlet address the spit it of his father— " Art thou a Ppirit of health or goblin dunned T . Bring'st with tire airs from heaven or blasts from hell, Be thy intents wicked .r 'charitable —." 'Bat be would not longer dwell in Justification of an expression that escaped from a heart but sting with its wrongs—(flear). The lion. Gentleman had asked, Wll4 not the Catholic 'Association the foliate, instead of the safety-valve? Ile would say no—he saw the furnace under the Association in the Penal Laws—( !leer ).—/ Th4Vadlillt ,Association contakied -a Mt -of nilbes whidb, if NO' in that House, mist cobintand the ret orget 61411 its MembEri. At the' bead of the English Wants the venerable Earl FitzWillians, who united evtfy Ideate, and at the head of the Irish part, his equal in excellence, which n 6 man could exceed, Earl Fingal. It had been asked, how those who opposed the Bridge street Association could support the Catholic Associa tion ? That argument did not apply to him, for he preferred the Bridge-street Association to ex•officio information. He thought it the less evil of the two. — The Catholic Association only enabled the poor of their own persuasion to obtain the protection of the law,which was otherwise inaccessible—(Hear, hear). He supposed it would be shewn that the Catholic Rent wasemployed to pervert the course of justice, to bribe witnesses, or intimidate'Jniles ; but no such thing was even alleged by the Secretary for Ireland, who had made such a par tial statement as to put himself out of Court as a witness. The question was one of vital importance, not only to Ireland, but to England. He could not at first take pon him to say what might be the consequence of six millions of people havinobeirjust complaintsanswered by a Bill of Pains and Penaltiett but he now came to the House armed with the declaration of the Catholics, that they would pay - submission to the law, when en acted, whatever it might be, and would only appeal to the justice of the Hoare to be heard at the Bar against its enactment—(Hear, hear). The Members of the Ca binet we, e so unequally yoked, that thegreatest Arils of the country stood still because they could not agree. The Right Hon. Secretary for Foreign Affairs said, the Cabinet were divided by a serpentine line—that line bad been called the line of beauty, but was never described by any moralist as Oak line of integrity—(Hear, hear). Such a Cabinet was best described by Milton, in his description of Chao., - Ilimm•••=•••••• " where eldest Night " Aid (lass, ancestors of Nature, hold 44 Eternal anarchy amidst the noise 44 Of endless wars, and by confusion stead. 0 For but, cold, moist, and city, four champions Sem, " Strive here for mastery, and to battle bring " Their embryo atoms ; dray around the Sag " Of each his faction, In diskfaction, several clans • • • • • • , " Swarm populous. • • • • • m T. whoa thew most adhere " He rules a moment ; Chase amply *sr " And by decidea mere asthma the fray . Chance he reigns ; Den him, high arbiter, " governs all." (Loud cheering.) Either the - present Cabinet had sat for its picture to the poet, or this was the prescription according to which it; was prepared—(Hear, hear). England and - Ireland were said to be in a state of prosperity—the first time, he believed, that Ireland was ever prosperous. Was it not strange, that while the King, in his Speech, was etUlt-I ing in the prosperity of Ireland, he should at the same time recommend a Bill of Pains and Penalties against ,that country? It was said the Catholic Association had' not been defended in that House ; but was ever any case' so shattered as that stated by the Secretary for Ireland was by his Honourable Friend below him (Mr. Aber momby)? The Catholics had been se long oppressed, that it was natural for the Association to give credit to any complaint of oppression that was made to them ; but how did they proceed when they believed the com plaint ?—they sent the case for investigation to a Court of Justice-4liter, hear). They were not to be con demned for complaints addressed to them ? What would the Orangemen say if they were held answerable for all that Sir Harcourt Lees had written and addressed to them? It appeared by the statement of the Attorney-Ge neral for Ireland, that it was the Voluntary confidence of the people of Ireland in the Catholic Association that had roused the jealousy of the Government, even though they bad a standing army, and laws that were a &strata gas the country, for their support.— The Association was protected by the law—the Attorney 'General of Ireland had appealed to a Grand Jury, and they laimidecided against him. That Right Honourable Gentleman had said he would not Ott any restraint upon the liberty of the Irish people ; it was childish to gay they were not restrained when they were prohibited .from doing what they could do before. It was said the measure would be temporary ; but unless the Catholics of Inland were wiser than the Cabinet of England, it must continue, or be succeeded by worse. The loss of Ireland would be an evil far beyond the loss of Animism; evil as was the dreadful convict in `Which Wit unnecessarily engaged with France, it would ,be as dust in the balance compared with the resistance of the united people of Ireland --(Hear, hear, hirer). ...When a conquered pmple_ resisted the Romans, :tad their chiefs were brassg t before the Senate, and asked what punishment did their leader deserve? the answer was, such a punishment as a lover of liberty deserves..-- The Ronaaa Senate had magnanimity enough to grant their freedom to men who proved themselves worthy of 'it. Wonld to Goa the British Parliament would imi tate dte example—(Hear, hear). When the Catholic Petition should be brought to him, be should be greatly deep poiated if he could empwsuade then to place it in the hands of the Attorney-General of Ireland, to whom the great Grattan had be queathed she cause of his country, and be should be, too, liwy to assist to due utmost of Ids humble power. The Honourable &met. sat down amidst the londest cheering. , Mr; Secretary CANNING—Sir, after so unusual i length as that to which this debate has been protracted, it was natant' to expect that considerable confusion would arise, in consequence of thlidifferent topics intro. dated by the different speakers. Bat with the view that I take of die subject, it is my business., to (WIWI tangle it of this confusion, and reduce the various pAtts l to their several and respective bearings. The question before the House refers urthe mode in Which we shall deal with certain Associations in Ireland, alluded to in the King's Speech, at the opening of the Session, and noticed by ourselves in an Address, by which we stand pledged, not as to what we should do, but to topsider as to what should be donee To this question has been added, what I cannot deny to be akin to it, the whnle of which is commonly called the Catholic Question. To this again was added the question respecting the general. conduct of the Administration, and the part which I have acted in particular has beekintroduced with many com ments, epecially by theHou.BAtt.who has just sat down. Though it is with rest unwillingness that t shall speak of myself, the course which the discussion has taken , leaves me no alternative. It will be necessary for me to touch upon this subject also. I shall therefore divide the question into four parts—first, the imnu diate ques tion of the Association ; secondly, the Catholic Qiies dors in its comprehensive sense; thirdly, the conduct of the Government; and, fourthly, that part which relates et, myself alone. With respect to the existence in Ire. pad of an Association dangerous to the peace of the 'country, and hostile to the spirit of the Consitutioa, this is a fact which I have not beard any man venture to deny during the debate. The question, therefore, comes to this—whether, having received from the Throne 'a description of the evils attending the existence of such au Association in Ireland, and replied to that communication by an Address in which we bound our: selves to apply some remedy, we shall now take into our consideration the means to be proposed for that purpo,e, or whether we shall turn round on the Throne, and say,' r We have, on deliberation, determined that the Crown is deceived ; that the description given in the Royal Speech of the existing Associations, it, in all its parts,- untrue ; that, true it is that those Associations do exist, but that it is untrue they are irreconcileable with the spirit of the Constitution ; that, true it is that that As: sociations have extensive infibenceibut that it is untrue they kindle, create, or exasperate animosities ; thac ttee it is that these Associations are in active operation, but that it is untrue that they contribute in any degree to retard the course of national improvement : the Crown, therefow, has been .misled by false advice, when it gave them this character, and it is our duty to leave that part of the Speech without any consequence, and by our refusal to interfere by our authority, to confirm, sanctiodand establish these Associations?'—(Cheers) — that is the practical question which we ate now called upon to decide. Is it possible that any man, looking to the nature of that body, the acts it has performed, and the functions it has exercised, can think of giving permanence and stability to its existence? Self-elected —self-appointed—self-assembled—self-ailourned—ac knowledging no superior—levying money on the F.eo ple—(Cries of no, no !) —ioterfering with the adminis tration of justice; the judging individuals before trial, and rejudgiug and denouncing afterwards those whom the law had set free.; such are the acts by which this Association is known, and is that an Association which yrs will agree to establish by declaring it to be con sweet with the Constitution ? In the next place, are you prepared to say that it has no tendency to excite animosities? The intemperate expression contained in .their Address to the Catholics of Ireland, has been . often alluded to during the debate, but an Honourable and Learned Gentleman (Sir J. Mackintosh), undertaking to explain it away, has said that it would be unfair to fir coon any particular expression, as an indication of the gineral spirit in which the whole was conceived. Granted, if the expression was made use of in the heat elf debate, or struck out in the collision of argument — if at was hastily avowed, and there wasayason to believe that upon reflection it would be willfrigly recalled ; but this was a deliberate expression, introduced into a writ ten document, and if it should appear that the objec tion was pointed out to those 'who had used it, and was afterwards deliberately retained, it is enough to show the animus of the person wlab ..- used it, and to prove that no forced interpretation of words so plain is necessary to ensure their condemnation. The Honourable Gentlemen opposite have felt this, and they have endeavoured, but, I think, in vain, to ex tricate the Association from the difficulty ; never did I know them take so much pains to put a forced construction on words as plain in their meaning as pen can write or eye can read—(Cheers). We have been told by a Right HonourableGentlmnan (Sir H. Parnell), the Member for oqe of thr counties of Ireland, that this expression had not the same for ce iodic Irish lan• gunge as in the English—( A laugh). Of that I can not profess to judge, and the assertion man be received by the House quantum valeta. I observe, that almost every Gentloman.who has spoken on the other side, has endeavoured• to give some specific explanation of this phrase, but the palm was left to my Hon. and , Learned Friend (Sir J. Mackintosh), who spared no. labour in his efforts to accomplish the task, in which his pre decessors had all so evidently failed. The extensive research he bestowed on this expression, and the Ira- , limas and *tried shapes in which he brought it out of the crucible of his philosophical imagination, will continue to excite wonder and delight, as long as• the most masterly ingenuity, unalloyed by sophary,. is held as it deserves to be, entitled to perfect adv miration—(Hear, hear). He had saisfiedi himself, and he seeand to fancy he could convince the House, that, after all, the expression was no such very bad thing in itself. " Why," said he,• w for example, I am no very dangerous man, and yet I bate a Tory vio lently"—tad lasigh—Some men bate cats, some dogs— sow have one antipathy, and mime another. I infer, therefore, that this expression, however strangely it may attest sound in our ears here, may have an excellent ef. feet in preserving tranquillity and generating kindness elsewhere—(A bang4.—bWe know not what vast bene fits may be produced by applying these antipathies in aid of friendly feelings—lA 14644—Indeed, all was made out so comfortably, that nothing then of the lion and the lamb—the leopard and the kid, lying down together, could be anticipated. sThis reminds me of' what I and that Hon. Member have read in a comedy that we both equally admire. Mrs. Malaprop, when giving her daughter some advice as to the mode in which she should - conduct herself towards a suitor, says, " It is always best to begin with a little eva sion. I bated your poor dear father like any black *amoor, yet /ou see what a good wife I make him."-- Rut, not satisfied with this defence,my Hon.and Learned Friend has ventured an opinion not new, I believe, to philosophy, and wanting nothing to rec ommend i t but the addition of a little truth. My Hon. and_ I.earned Friend has described it as a judicious suggestion of mot al philosophy, to lead men to virtue by the opposition of their vices. This might do very well for those who had many vices, but how was the poor man to fare who happened to have one vice only ?—(A laugh).. Accord ing to ,this theory, in the ordinary course (if life, if I dis charge a servant, the worst character I could give him w irri on en ld d be , if th d a is t p h o e se h d ad to o a n c ly t o would send me another servant with two vices. He would consistently nianitii4l H o n " h his arca:need, say, if I send you a man who, I confess, is a thief, but he is a drunkard also. If you can make his drunken ness act owhis thievishness, you will cure hi m of both his vices"—(Cheers and laughter). But my .Honour able and Learned Friend quoted himself as an I'lstabee; desirous to be, according to Pope, like anot her Longinus, " Himself the great sublime be draws." (Continued blighter). Such was the new philosophy of vices. My Honourable Friend, the Member for Knaresbor °ugh (Sir J.Mackintosh), referred to the semi meats of Dr. Johnson respecting hearty hatred, and I . :told us that the Doctor would have tw o reasons fog hating him—first, because he was a Whig, and next, because he was a Scotsman. But, no—Dr. Johnson would tell him he was not a fit object for hatred . i n either ...... : s i t c , h y a o r u a c a t r e e r, toom because uch Whig—(Cheers), and too much of a Wh i g to be a t b h f e a Doctor Scotsman good. Scotsman r- (Loud cheering , and laugitter).-.• wou to ld be te a tell g h im