Star. — London, England, 1818-05-16 00:00:00

MINI . . of dm culatio Lon • Fisher ' Vila The Sir • ceedim till Am time ft Mr. 1 bet int next S d , y tin 1 , i MS i L l s • Papet awas4 i 4 • which ,• dnd h 1 i • had 1 vast t of thi Paper 1 1 ' sion t had li tion 0 Lord that t went i ll juriou years Park gular I . from meces this I- I 788, he wc . . made , V and f were sessio for tor r * i{ . and ii 1 sires, neigh recs, same after plunk and r i appei i cone( ,' 1 yet tl have most riot c Gove over; . from rectic arms. ;• . sonah i . , thtov shoul 0 Advi lative 2. Fa liajal . cause Copic Powe not a, 1 Mr ters 0 which doc ur they 1 with motio he th( k those I I . til i our tc third i 1 i with i a war 1 ' • in thi; • Undo 1 • great were 1 coma; V ! lation I Cover tirpat of all • I ,) 1 fourth . riod s 1 i, he ha. That cesiti by th. I respei India, 1 tlema ing p • 1 : to be arisin power 1 1 and tl an ex i . . borne .1 • i • free f 1, ' I wouh I i Berm. i 1i 1 ) Mr &cm . with mad( t. 4 . Lo ! . Day R ! Mess i ll ' gent. Lc 4 tion i ' •• graci trout LI . the ti recen so fu to a . last c he w that ; High !. il that ) , 1 Nl\ ~, , , 1 • 0 % ,t the Beak of Rtigiandlan4;4.e( 7, ad Me, now in cir culation, as far u the same can be made out.—Agreed to. Lord G. fIObiRRART presented the Report on the Salmon Fi s h filigturMch twat ordered to be read a third time en tip ~, \ s% ' l The second reading of the Cutlery Bill was postponed. Sir G. CLERKE expressed his wish that the farther pro. ceedings on the Scotch Saving Banks' Bill should be postponed Another Session, on account of there not being sufficient ae for its consideration. Mr. DOUGLAS consented that the Bill should be postponed; intimated the intention of the parties to bring it forward t Session. The second reading was then postponed till this three months. WARS IN INDIA. HOWORTH said he rose to move for certain Papers relative to the hostilities in India. He was aware of the indifference, not to say apathy, with which the affairs of India were viewed in that House, he should have abstained from interfering if he not felt that the state of our affairs in those . territories materially affected the true interests this country. His object was to move for such 'apers as might enable the House on a future occa - to . investigate the causes of those wars which lately taken place. It might be in the recollec of some Members of the House, that the late Lord Melville, in .1785, moved certain resolutions, to pursue schemes of conquest and aggrandize ment in India was repugnant to the feelings and in jurious to the policy of this nation. After a few years these resolutions were embodied into an Act of Parliament. It did, however, appear extremely sin gular, that the British Governments of India have from that time to this found themselves under the necessity of violating this Act. If any Member of -, House would look at our positions in India, in 'B3, and compare them as they were now extended, would be surprized to see the progress we had ide in the acquisition of territory. At the decline ' fall of the Mohammedan Empire in India, there , re a great number of Chieftains who gained pos ion of considerable tracks of territory, and set up themselves. They carried on a preckatory system, if they could not get enough to satisfy their de sires, they encroached on the possessions of their • :hbours ; and they were therefore called Pindar which means robbers. Their system was the same now as at the commencement. They collect er the rainy season, and commit every species of Inder. As soon as they are attacked they disperse, meet again when the danger is over. It - must ?pear singular that it should be necessary for us to :ollect a large army to attack these Pindarrees; and • these were the only enemies that we seem not to .ave fallen in with. We had fought with Holkar, a mast warlike Chief, and conquered, and yet we could . conquer the Pindarrees. It appeared that the , overnor-in-Chief was now in the field, presiding . a body of nearly 100,060 man, and 1,000 miles im his capital ; that troops were moving in all di 'ions, and that the whole Mahratta power was in is. Under these circumstances, it was not unrea able that he should move for Papers that might ow some light on the cause of the hostilities. lie mid therefore move-1. For Copies or Extracts of ices received from the Government of India, re re to the origin of hostilities with the Peishwa; 'r similar Papers relating to the dispute with the IA of Berar ; 3. For Accounts respecting the tses of the war with the Pindarrees ; and 4. For ies of all Treaties concluded with the Native Powers of India, since the year 1804, which have • already been laid before Parliament. Ir. CANNING declared the readiness of Minis to give the fullest information on these subjects :h it was in their power to a ff ord, f r o m al l the iments that were yet in their possession. But had received no accounts respecting the affair the Rajah of Berar. With respect to the first motion, relating to the hostilities with the Peishwa, ne thought it would be in his power to show, that those hostilities had arisen from no other fault than - too confident reliance on his faith. As to the motion, respecting the Pindarrees, he bel eyed the Honourable Gentleman, that the notion of it with those freebooters wis much more believed this country than it was understood or cared about. loubtedly, that enemy was not one waning in a grea and substantive state ; but when the House aware that that Power had sufficient means to emit the most horrible atrocities and widest deso rn over a large track of country under the British ternment, they would agree that we ought to es rate a pest that threatened the peace and security 11 the Powers in India. With respect to the rth motion, relating to the Treaties, since the pc when the last Treaty was laid before the llouse, rad not the smallest objection to produce them. with the Power of Berar would explain the ne ity of the present proceedings, when illustrated the documents that were soon expected. With •pest to the policy of the British Government in dia, nobody concurred with the Honourable Gen !man more than he did, that a pacific and forbear ' policy was the best. But, with every disposition bear and forbear, there \% ere causes continually ing that no human prudence could avert. Our , er had certainly arrived at the grandest height ; this circumstance alone could induce no wish .. , xtension of it ; but he hoped it would always he borne iii mind that the position we held could not be from difficulties. If the Honourable Gentleman could withdraw his motion respecting the Itajah of Berar, there could be no objection to the others. Ir. HOWORTH consented, and hoped that if the •uments arrived shortly, they would be included h the others.—The remaining Motions were then made and agreed to. ROYAL MESSAGE. Lord CASTLEREAGH moved the Order of the for a Committee to take into consideration the tessar , e from his Royal Highness the Prince Re mt. The House having re.olved itself accordingly, Lord CASTLEREACTII slid, on calling the atten of the Committee to his Royal Highness's most :ions message, he did not feel it necessary to ible them with observations at any length, as all _ topics connected with this subject had been so recently discussed, and the general principles of it fully examined. The present question had been, certain degree, in the view of the House on the . discussion of a similar proposition ; for though was not enabled to make the communication at t time, yet the treaty for the tnarriage of his Royal ;hness the Duke of Kent was then so far advanced, he thought he should not hare acted with \ • 1110\ ib. . fairness to the House, if he had not intimated its pro bability. He thought the 13eneral feeling that had been manifested was, that the Howe was disposed to consider, that wken one of the branches of the Royal Family had entered into a contract of mar riage, it was agreeable and proper to make him some additional allowance, as it could not be expected that he could support the dignity of his situation on the same income as before his marriage. He thought it also appeared that there was no disposition to take into consideration any of those casual additions to the income of the Royal Personages as might arise from military appointments, exercised for the benefit of the country abroad, or bestowed at home as a reward for services. On these principles he thought the House acted, when they voted 6000/. additional income to his Royal Highness the Duke of Cam bridge. On the present occasion he proposed strictly to follow that precedent, and to move precisely the same increase and the same sum, as a provision for a dower. He did not mean to propose any sum for outfit, as his Royal Highnes's had not thought it ne cessary. He had therefore only one or two observa tions to make, with respect to this marriage. These could be but one feeling in the Committee, that it was highly suitable in all points of view, as the illus trious individual was a connexion not new to this . country, but of whom they had had experience— (hear, hear.) He thought it but just towards the il lustrious Person about to espouse his ftoyal High ness, that although when this marriage was in nego elation, she made it a point not to be deprived of the personal guardianship of her children by a former husband, she by no means wished to extend this to any pecuniary view. She would sustain a loss in her income by this marriage of about 30001. a year, and from that derived from her children, about 20001. more ; so that her loss was nearly as much as the Grant about to be proposed ; and the House would see they were doing little more than placing her in her former situation. As to his Royal Highness it was not unknown to the House that he had for a long period of his life been subjected to a limited in come, and that unavoidably incurred incumbrances, he had met them by assigning a very large portion of his present income to their discharge. It might perhaps be expected by the House, that by means of the proposed grant, his Royal llighness.would im mediately resume a situation of splendour in society, consistent with his rank and dignity—but he did not intend so to act—for he felt that until he had completely liberated himself from those incumbrances he could not reconcile it to himself to live to the full extent of his Parliamentary income. Ile believed it was not till the age of 32, that his Royal Highness had succeeded to that income, which the other Male Branches of the Royal Family came to at the age of 21; and till then he had only about 9000/. a year. He therefore thought that what he had stated would liberate his Royal Highness from any insinuation that might be made for his not living in that style, immediately on his marriage, which circumstances might seem to warrant He should now merely move,—" That the sum of 6000/. per annum he granted out oldie Consolidated Fund, as a suitable provision for his Royal Highness the Duke of Kent, on his marriage." Mr. CURWEN, however painful it was to his feel ings, felt himself bound consistently with his duty, to oppose the motion oldie Noble Lord. Ile did not know that he had conceded any principle by any for • mer vote he had given, which pledged him to vote for a further allowance to any other branch of the Royal Family. When he saw that the Duke of Kent was in possession of £26,000 a year, it was impossible not to say that this was sufficient, and lie could not consent that 6000/. a year should be added. There might be circumstances that more particularly re commended his Royal Highness to the notice of the House, from having incurred incumbrances which really might have been unavoidable; but were there not other sources from which he_could be supplied, without taking money from the people ?—(hear,hear.) Had not her Majesty been long in possession of the Privy Purse—(hear, hear, hear)—and about which, although the House had not made any inquiry, they ought to have done it ? Why then had not the Royal Personage made a provision out of that sum, to relieve him frornhis difficulties ?--(hear, hear.) He washappy however to find, that Parliament were at last awake to their duty, and had told the Royal Family that if they did incur debts they were not to come to the House to have them paid out of the pockets of the people—(hear, hear.) He owed it to his constituents to oppose this Grant, notwithstanding the high opi mon he entertained of the noble and benevolent cha racter of that illustrious Personage--(hear, hear.) _ • Mr. BROUGHAM rose, and observed, that if the personal qualities and the private condition of the I)uke of Kent were alone to be considered by the Committee, the question would be easily decided. In the practice of those virtues that adorn private life, none was more exemplary. He readily gave the support of his great influence to every institution of charity and benevolence. But these were points en tirely distinct from the proper views to be taken on the subject. It had been said that this matrimonial engagement had been entered into for the purpose of, securing a succession to the throne ; that the match claimed from its own merits the approbation of Par liament ; and that the state of the finances of the royal personage demanded a liberal allowance from the Committee. It was right to take measures for the succession of the Brunswick line; but, he would ask,. was Parliamentary assistance necessary to give effect to the marriage of the Duke of Kent ? If it was re plied in the affirmative, he would give his support to the motion. Though it was pleasing to the Commit tee to indulge on the private merits of his Royal Highness, yet, in other respects, he was equally en titled to their connderation. The delay of the in come which every member of the Royal Family re ceived at a regular age, caused a multitude of em barrassments to his Royal Highness. He served in the West Indies, at Gibraltar, at Nova Scotia, and Canada. His emoluments, during these services, we r e quite disproportionate to his ranki nay, he (Mr. B.) had understood that the Royal Duke had suffered losses, for which he received no compensation. He had already assigned, for the payment of debts forced on him by the narrowness of his means, the annual sum of 17,0001. out of his 25,000/. Mr. Brougham concluded by voting for the grant. Mr. METHUEN said, that having given his vote most conscientiously against the .proposed grant for the Duke of Clarence, he could not conscientiously vote for this. Lord ALTHORPE observed, that in proposing the former matrimonial grants, Ministers declared that if Parliament refused them, the marriages of the Royal Personages could not take place. Parliament, however, had seen that the Duke of Clarence was de. termined to persevere in his engagement, without the allowance which, it was said, he could not dispense with. Supposing even that the security of the suc cession to the present family was offered as a reason to demand a provision from Parliament, how far, he would ack, was that object likely to be attained in the person of one of the oldest of the Royal branches? (Hear, !war, hear!) He agreed with his honourable and Learned Friend (Mr. Brougham) in commending the prudence of the Noble Mover, who abstained from then telling the Committee that the interference of Parliament was necessary to give effect to the mar riage, as he had done in the instance of the Duke of Clarence; whereas that Royal Personage had contra dicted by his acts the statement of the Noble Lord. Mr. BROUGHAM rose to explain his meaning on the point to which the Noble Lord, who just sat down, had alluded. The Noble Lord opposite bad declared, that unless 10,000/. were to be bestowed as a matrimonial provision to the Duke of Clarence, the marriage could not take place. If, after the Noble Lord's assertion of its utter impossibility, his Royal Highness did persevere in his engagement with the illustrious Lady, independent of such pecuniary al lowance, how imprudent must it have been to ven ture upon such a declaration! Lord CASTLEREAGH replied, that in the asser tion alluded to, he spoke the sense of his Majesty's Government. He was not answerable for the acts to which the private feelings of honour might induce his Royal Highness. The conditims upon which 10,0001. was to have been bestowed upon the Duke of Clarence, were such as the interests and honour ut the country demanded. Mr. PROTIIEROE said, he should support this motion, although he had deemed it his duty to op pose that in behalf of the Duke of Clarence. Mr. J. SMITH bore ample testimony to the ami able virtues of his Royal Highness, in private life, snd to his great merits in foreign service. In addi tion to the 17,0001. a year, assigned by his Royal Highness for his debts, Mr. Brougham should have mentioned the sum of 10001. a year for the support of officers widows and other deserving objects. He supported the motion. _ _ .fir C. MONCK rose to make a few observations in support of the grant, but the cries of .4 Question" rendered him almost inaudible. The gallery was then cleared, during which a division took place :—For the Motion WS—Against it 51..—Majority for the Motion 1544 On our return to the gallery, Lord CASTLEILAGII was moving the resolution for granting a dowry of 6000/. to the Duchess, which was agreed to. ALIA BILL. Lord CASTLEREAGH moved the second read ing of the Alien Bill. - Mr. LAMBTON confessed, that it was with no ‘mall degree of sarprize he had witnessed the intro duction of this Bill, in a time of profound peace. Ile considered it an insult to the House, and founded on that subserviency and pliability of the Members, which had been so strongly shewn on the preceding night—(ll, , ar, hrar).--liefore the Act of 1793, it had been the policy of this country to afford protec tion to foreigners who were driven from their homes by the tyranny of their own Governments, and every eac&uragement given to them to settle among us;l from which numberless advantages had resulted to the trade and prosperity of this country. It was in deed to be ascribed, in no small degree, to this libe ral policy, that England had risen superior to every other nation, in commerce, wealth, and general im portance among the States of Europe. The Alien Bill of 1793, however, gave a check to this liberal policy ; and certainly there was much more reason for the introduction of the measure at that time, than existed at present. It was then adopted as a precau tionary measure against the introduction of revolu tionary principles ; but England had nothing of that kind to fear at present ; for not only had those doc trines been exploded, but the great enemy of the peace of Europe had been hurled from his elevated situation, and was now reduced to hopeless and ham less captivity. It was not, then, from an apprehen sion that the public tranquillity might be disturbed, but as part of the Continental System, that this Bill WAS introduced, to annihilate the only sanctuary from despotism, which this country had hitherto afforded. Once it had been the pride of all parties, however different in political feeling, that when the slave touched the soil of England, he became free; but this sacred spot—the peculiar habitation of liberty, as it had been called by a British poet, even at the time of the rebellion in 1745, was to be degraded to the level of other nations, where the rights and property of the subject were ar the disposal of the Government ! But it was said, that the Bill was intended to effect Bri tish objects alone, and he should therefore call on Ministets to declare, that it was not directed against those unfortunate men who had been proscribed by the King of France, after he had been a second time seated on the throne of that country by the Allied Armies—(h ear, hear). The I lonourable Member then went into a recital of the several acts of the French Government, with respect to the 38 individuals who were ordered to quit France, shortly after the resto ration ; and condemned, in strong terms, the severity with which they had been treated, not one of them having been brought to trial, and all the Continental States being prejudiced against them, and ready to aid the persecution they were suffering by arrests and imprisonment. He believed it was to assist this sys tem, that the Bill before them was brought in, be cause it was ridiculous to argue, that the peace of this country could be disturbed by those 38 indivi duals, even were they to conspire for the purpose. If the family of the Bourbons was detested throughout the whole of France, as ss as implied in the arguments l on the other side, it became this country to consider, I whether, in Addition to live hundred millions of money, it should sacrifice its character, its honour, and its Constitution, to the maintenance of that family upon the throne?---(hear, hear.) The Honourable Gentleman concluded by moving as an amendment, that instead of ;ow, the Bill be read a second time this day six months. 1 Mr. PROTHEROE having shortly supported the Bill, a cry of le Question ! Qitestion!" arose f rom i r i t t i t d le e d li i p sc o i ! t i s t s h io:r p -- at ( : /: , e lacer several parts of th e House. Mr. W. 1- L1"171.:TON expre sse d his turpris, that a questio n o f t hi s i mportance should be suffered h to ear g l. o H to e t , hevote, however, with so must intrude of the House for a short time, havin g to state a ca se which would serve to spew the oprression who!: Ir 4 sometimes exercised under this measu re . It va s t h e case of Mr. Befort, which he had no a former occa. sion mentioned to the House. T.: , (' rent.eman was sent out of the country in 1514, wch lens than os hours' notice. It was well known, that sens e y eti ago Mr. BetOrt occupied premises in St.JaMeis. street, for the sale of the French medicine Eau Medicinale. Now, unless the Noble b e d mu make not that the sale of this gout water was dons I gerous to the peace ar.d tranquillity c f th e empir4 'he must think it an arbitrary exercise of l e granted under the Alien Act. lie proce e d e ,i To state, from papers which he held in his hand, th .„ Mr. Beton filst came into this century in 1810, and that several pr sons of the higl.est resport a hili ty bore testimony, at the time, to hi.. rod c. aracter.— In August, 1813, he eceived an order to quit the !country, and he immediately pri ceed,l to p once mouth, in company with another man, Honourable Member would not then inet.tion, t would give op his name to any Gentleman r. 4 should think right to ask for it. W'r,e, th e y 5.,1 to Portsmouth, they underwent a rrict search, pianoforte was detained for furthcr the care of Captain Woodriffe ; ;rid a portP•ti also left in the hands of his tra-elling comp/ Nothing, however, of a suspicious nature is the musical instrument ; but in some pa:* baggage left behind, there was disc , werecl, 7 ported to be a correspondence between f. ~ e I. t tholics and the Kuher of the Order of Ia 1: (Near, hear, and a latsg4.)—This was :i.''su enough ; hut Mr. Befort was charged win the medium of a treasonable cerrespc;ndence these parties, and from that arose the scene t r e4 . sores of which he had been the victim. New, be would ask, were not foreigners amenable to th e : as - s , if they committed any treason chit act aging tke Government of this country ; and if so, why act twin 'them to triat, instead of sending them out of the country, without an opportunity of being heard is their defence ? In this case, Mr. Itefizt had lre property to the amount of 5004 which was is his port folio, and he had suffered the moat seriouslin by the sudden annihilation of his trade, which r. tended his banishment from this country. tie oft cial Report of the number of Aliens sent unit of is country did not contain any for 1814; net Mr. Ile. fort stated that he returned to England durinit the peace of that year, and was shortly after seized al sent back again —( Hear, Aenr.)—Why, tl•tr, the Report was good for nothing, and many pen. , ns :my have been sent away clandestinely, of wh:ch the House was to know nothing. He conl4 not hot t!. k that it was very important, when Engli , liora acre distributed all over Europe, that they should be able to lift up their heads wherever they might be. and say, that Europe owed much to the protecting rare: and policy of their country, but it erred still more to her strong love of liberty—(Herr, hear.) Mr. H. CLIVE said, the return of the number rf Aliens sent out of the country, he believed rrai e"r rectly made out ; but, with regard to Mr. &for:, it might have beea thought that as he had been ordered out of the country in 1813, it was unnecessary tote. cord the second order to quit in 1811, everially as that individual was here but a few drys in the hats instance. But as this transaction took place is the time of his predecessor, he should take erre to in. quire more particularly into it. With regard to the general question, he must observe, that the state c 'France was not yet settled ; and there were not want. ing individuals who would be ready to take adrra• tage of any opportunity for disturbing the general tranquillity. That the powers of this mea.ure were not abused, he thought appeared in the fact, that during the last two years, only three persons had been sent out of the country. The qmestion, question, was loudly called for, and strangers were ordered to withdraw, when Lord FOLKESTONE rose, to protest against this mode of proceeding, and call upon Mirusters, and the Law Officers of the Crown, to shew on what grounds this measure, in direct hostility to all the principles of liberty, was supported—(boar, Aeer). Ile should take shame to himself if he did not openly oppose the Bill, as he was descended from a family who had taken refuge in this country from a religi• ous persecution, to which they might have fallen a sacrifice, had a measure of this kind existed—Wear, Hear.}—lt had always been the policy of our ances tors to foster foreigners who came to this minim - for protection, which had given us an influence with all those who were attached to civil and religious liberty in every part of the globe. But it seemed the bal• wark of open trial was to be taken away with Trim to foreigners, and a door was to be opened to the machinations of spies and informers against these unfortunate men. The case mentioned by his Ho nourable Friend (Mr. Lyttleton), sheaved, :}:4 his apprehensions were not groundless; and it v•is not shewn that some person, who was anxious to share the profits of Mr. Befort's trade, had not planrvd the scheme for getting him o•tt of ti c country The Honourable Gentleman opposite said, t) Inn , . were but three cases of per 7 sUns being wat away within the last two years: but thew, for all tl.e 'louse knew, might be cases of great injustice; itml far ail that the Report stated, there might bare ben a great deal of coercion used against many other individuals, who had in consequence been obliged to leave the country. The Noble Lord had declared, that this Bill was purely for British objects; but if it was ras. cessary to pass an Alien 13111 m time of peace, to be consistent, he should move it not for two years but to make it perpetual. True it was, that it I r a: much better to prevent than to punish crime: and th" could best be done by taking away temputim was argued upon the question of forged Net( night: bat though. this was a good rule in ithic , , was not to be acted upon by free Governments. an d would only be adopted by those which were desr . !.(• He should oppose the Bill then, because he the . :' it tended to degrade the government of this cc.. 1••••;/ intero a despotism. . C. GRANT defended his side of the }1 from the charge of inatteneom w this subj,:•:' es. 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