Star. — London, England, 1825-05-18 00:00:00

W , 11 It i IT . 1 * led to political ?osier. *hammer could be done satisfy them within those limits aught to be "done. The) bad the free exercise of their religjon, but if they wished for additional -protection for it, Parliament should be, —.Judy to grant it. They enjoyed all the rights and ad - vantages of property ; but if they required minor regu . lotions to make that property more secure, those regu lations shcioid beinade. As to the Army and the Navy they buttOng since been thrown open to them. Be:' Tond this it would not be prudent to go. But the pre sent Bill gt anted everything leading to political power, with no other exceptions than the Chancellorship of England and the Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland, without Rising the smallest security in return. The Noble Lord then examined some of the publications of Dr. Doyle, and pointed out their general hostility to the Church of England. - He quoted the oath taken by Catholic Priests and Prelates, to shew that they bound themselves to disclose. the Pope's counsel to no man. He argued from the sentiments of the most enlightened modern authorities of the Catholic Church, even of Bossuet him self, that its spirit of exclusion and domination was Dot changed. He objected to establishing a perpetually endowed Catholic Church in this Kingdom, and to the mode of election and appointment of • the Bishops. The Catholics denied to the King of . England toe privileges which every Catholic Monarch in Europe possessed, and which they themselves bid no objection of confiding to him as King of Han over! The Noble Lord then alluded to the formation of establish ments In various pane of the country by a Society which had been banished from the dominions of most Catholic Princes, and which was gaining large possessions without law, if not against the law. In other countries the despotism of the throne counteracted the dons of such a Sodety; but hers the equality of rights which presaged, left it free to act. As to securities, the best was to pre vent panicipation in political power, and the surest way of emsocipating Ireland would be to remove the extreme subdivision and underletting of land In that country. The Noble Lord. after tailing upon the House not to discontent a large proportion of Pro-' testants by passing the present measure, concluded by moving that the Bill be read this day six months. The Marquis of ANG LESEA had hoped that every toneession made to the Catholics would have excited in them a corresponding feeling of conciliation towards their Protestant brethren. He bored they would have shewn a - patient and meek spirit ; but owned that he had been disappointed. Every concession had only produced gteater demands, and a higher tone, and judging from the language of the late Association, Emancipation was not meant as a mere release from disabilities, but as a mean to obtain the ascendancy in the country. Here he would take his stand. If thee must he a trial of strength, be would wish to fight it in the best position- which he could find, arid none was so good as that in which the country now stood. Yet he *as a sincere friend to the Catholics, and would wish to place them on a f oting with their fellowonthjects, but it must not be at the expense of Protestants. With out proper guarantees, he could not consent t i e grant Emancipation, and the present Bill did not appear to him to offer such guarantees. If he understood it tightly, he did not object- to the prierciple, *either should he object to the reulation of the Elective Fran chise, nor to a provision f or the Catholic Clergy. Wire Mote tart Kng and Government, however, to pay the Catholic Clergy,wtthout having any right to interfere in the appoint 'atilt of Bishops? The sacrifice thciuld not be all on one side, and concessil-ns shosaid be mutuaL Hassid to address their. Lordships, he bad only wished to explain the graunds on which he should give his eote.and his cooviction of the necessitywhich now existed,to support Ow Protestant Establishment and the Constitution of the country. The Margais of CAMDEN entered into a detailed itistro y of I.is former views and feelings with respect to Catholic Emancipation, in order to slew that, although he had opposed it a hen lie had consideted the period untimely for pandit.? it, -)'et be had never been hostile to the principle. He tecollected with satisfactiin that he was the person who had established the College of Mayrooth. The Noble Marquis then read several letters, some written to him in 1795, and one by him to Mr. Pitt, (Wed the Ist - Of June, 1797. In the latter, it was stated that the Disseotets of Ireland were at that period imbued with RepUblican princiees, and the Catholics discontented, and under those circumstances ao concessions might to be made as long as things re. gained so. In other communications afterwards be had had, in his cbpacity of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, to give his testimony to the spirit of loyalty displayed b all classes of . Remo Catholics, when Ireland was. threatened with French invasion. It was impossible that it should have been greater. He was one of those who had thought it their duty, in 1801, to retire. There had bun an intention, undoubtedly, at the time of the Union, to place the Catholics on a footing of equality with the Protestants. But unfortunately, the great Monster who had conceived that plan, found it imps sit* to carry it into effect, and consequently tendered bis resignation. As a strong degree of expectation had been excised amongst the Catholics at the time; was it wonderful, tOet efot e, that there should have been ebulli dims of feeling in a country where such disappo nt meet had been experienced ? The Noble Marquis thed examined the late declarations of the Catholics, since she 'Association bad been put down: their renunciation of the temporal power of the Pope, the hopes which they bad been eo., eltledeo cherish/rani the manner in which the Commons bad taken up their cause. lie was as sincere a friend to. the Established C%ureti as any man noddle. ind if he saw are desire to injure it, ire should be the first to step forward in its defence. But he saw Ito proof of such a desire, and from the affection which he felt for Ise tas& although he had known her in convulsion and tempest, he lisped that the measure would be carried, and thought that there was we Mew time for pawing it than the present. • • Earl DARNLEY orgueed,with Iris Noble 'Friend that this was the time for 'passing the measure, and there wen many reasons aby it should not be delay ed. He regretted that his Noble and gallant Friend (the Mar t:lona A oglesea) should have suffered the inteml erance tit language of the Catholic Association to alter his sentiments on this great qnrstiou. Of all men his Noble and gallant Friend a ught to be the one least impressed nith An apprehension of danger. 'He might eifir find that the position which he had taken .was an INltenalt one, notwithstanding _ all his military gal- . The effect of *an this am= . 1•1 314 1 l ingo Psalmist siireeel very worthy sod taloned dories,. find whaittbe _ts would din be for th4t Had Mr. Creonn4 bilk brought up in that pure ,rao, formed religion in which their Lordships were reared; he should say that a man of his learning and theological acquirements would not have disgraced the opposite Bench upon which the R;ght Reverend Prelates of the Established Church sat. But he knese-net wherefore it should be said that the call for Enianeirration was a mere pretence? In the Minute ! of Evidence be fore. their Lordships' Committee would be i 'fognd the testimony of Mr. Blake, who told them thai he considered the Protestant Church of Ireland as the great link which chained England and Ireland to gether; that if he thought Catholic Ematitipation would disturb the Protestant settlement, he 'would not recommend their Lordships to grant it. He (Lord. Darnley) therefore gave a flat denial to the astettion that it was meant to be used.as a stepping stone to something higher. So long as property was in this cr untry the basis of representation, there must be an inlet ior ity of numbers on the side of the Catholics. The natural weight and influence of property would always prevent their outnumbering the Protestants in Parlia ment. He was to convinced of this, that if double the probable numbers were to be the consequence of the measure, he should still supporili. A Noble Lord had adverted to the Coronation Oath as a bar to the passing of this measure. Now he must confess he was sur prised that that Noble Lord, or any one, should have entertained the idea for one moment; that the Corona tion Oath obstructed the granting of civil power to the Catholics, or to any portion of his Majesty's subjects.— The Coronation Oath, if he tightly understood it, was directed solely to the maintenance of the Protestant Establishment, and he did not see how that could inter fere with the removal of civil disabilities. Either this Bill must be passed or a new Pentrl Law. If they passed the Bill, Ireland would beeofne a tower of strength to the Empire—a tower raised upon the affections of the people. If, on the contrary, they kept up this perpetual blister upon that country, a new army Would be neces sary. A triple garrison would be iequisitei they post poned the remedy till a period of difficulty and danger arrived.— They should take advantage of the present time of peace—the op portunity might not come again. It should not. be forgotten that the measure cane'for the second time recommended to them by the - kept esentatives of the People of this country ; and implored their Lord-hips to lose no time in acceding to their wisherin this respect: • ,The Earl of LONGFORD s.id, th -t in Living his decided oppositi: n to the /treasure he begged to dis claim hostility to the Catholics. He 'had no objection to giving them civil rights, but he could not consent to entrusting Catholics with political power in a free Pro testant country—(Henr, hear).—His reasons were not founded on the religious tenets of the r-ct, he did not wish to touch their speculative opinions, and he was de termined they should not touch his ; but he abjured the political consequences inseparable from the possession of power by that religion. How was it possible for them to draw. the line of d marcation as to where the vititoal—whese the political influence began? If not, the only way was to oppose concessions to the Catho lics generally. The Catholic Priesthood were always jealously and eagerly employed- in quest of political power, and the power they exercised over the pi ode was unlienLed. With all this influence the Catholics ye. fused to submit to that controul which our pill estab lishment yielded ; and o hat view were they to takt of the 'refusal, when they coupled with , it tlia• tact ha' they admitted of such a controul itsesiliele?—(//eoe, hear). —lle objected to the preamble of this Bill. It told the vett); but not the whole truth. It said that the B• 11 was fiir the removal of certain disabilities, it sh 'uld have ' added, 46 and for the investment of ci nun Dignitaries of the Roman Catholic Church with power, capacities. privileges, and immuniies."—(llear, hear).—He knew that there oere amongst the Catholic Laity many dis tinguished exceptions to 'the subjection in which some were held by the Catholic Priests. Bat they were not there to pronounce ettlogitrms or compliments, but le gislate for all parties as far as that could be done. None should be excluded from power, excepting those in whose possesaiOn of power there would be danger. No other Dissenters from the Established Ittiigion were of the same character as the Catholicsl in this respect; They regarded the Piotestants as re bels to their faith, and despoilers of their property. Other Dissenters •were voluntary sceders from our faith, but this was not the case with the Catholics. They had heard much of the just rights of the Cathe.. l lies; but he denied that they had any title upon th ground, for justice could never require that they shots's,' concede the inteiests of the many to the few. There, had been a kind of threat used upon the score of neces sity ; which, if intended as a threat, would, he was sure, array a great many against the cause—(Hear). The count' y, tinder her existing institutions, had ao. ranted to a pitch of prospa it, and glory which had never been eqUalled ; and the Irish were participating in that prosterity. -Under these circumstances, they ought to have adequate proof of the advantages of this innovation, being somewhat commensurate with the ,risk ohich it was proposed they should incur. It was said they ought to support this Bill because it came from the other House. There were many cases in which that would be a great recommendation ; but they were now, he thought, called upon to exercise one of the most use'ul privileges of ttiat House,, in arresting a pernicious measure in its passage through tbe Legislature. The Bill was not the work of that House. but ofa teal. ng, hesitating maim ity, not-amount ing to one-twentieth of their numbers. Ought. they then to pass a Dill which would be irrevocable, nut 'backed by the sense of 'the country, and barely by the sense of the House of Commons? There would soon be a Constitutional mod: of taking the sense of l ibe country upon this measure; and he doubted not their Lordships would then see that they were justified in . fr Roman Catholics to the pie AA* require would be iajurious to the ed Cfrarc.h, his answer was, worldly advatelagsf,,. had al-cbatens .for him, he had continued die lid half la century, and stras ton eid to change. The, Rik= optalon, *as an act plaice terstaree portion el his hrejesty's ishighs and thirmihin entitled to hi, support. Lord CARBRRY opposed.the all. If the Roman Cathdlies were sincere they could not give the securities the Bill required. The Bishop of CHESTER said, in whatever point of view he looked at the Bill, the impression on his mind was, that it was full of danger to the Church Establish thent. He bad always been the advocate of civil and religions liberty ; but when he became acquainted with the doctrines of the Church of Rome, and reflected on the numberless evils inflicted by Popery on the Protest ants, he was convinced that the ecclesiastical thunder was ready to strike when opportunity offered. It might be said he came to the discussion of that night not an impartial jade. He came, in the opinion of some Noble Lords, interested, and that his interest lay in op. posing the Bill. What right had any one to impute to the Protestant Bishops of England a base and sordid intention? Was it interest which induced the seven , Bishops to oppose the arbitrary proceedings of a Popish King, and prefer imprisonment to a violation of duty ?. No! It was honest ambition to defend the cause of religion and the public welfare ; and he hoped that the same spirit would animate the successors of those great men, and that they might stand forward ambitious to prove themselves• sentinels and champions of the Esta blished Church. If disposed to retort, he might say some Noble Lords supported the measure from tempo ral causes attached to themselves, but he should pass over such insinuations because they did no good. They had heard a great deal of the injustice of depriving six millions of fellow-subjects of their rights. What were thole indisputable rights ? If they had any claim to the rights contended fcr, those who withheld them might be justified if they did it for the public good.— The question was, whether it was wise to exclude a por tion of their fellow subjects from political power ? He could see no political injustice in v ithholding that power. Civil rights, in that case, were foreclosed by public e*- pediency. But the most extraordinary fact was, that the advocates of the Bill who tailed so loudly for civil rights, had robbed the Catholics of one of the dearest rights, namely, that of the Elective Franchise. The Catholics themselves also consented to he expelled from the office of Lord Hier Chancellor. With respett to religious opinions, the Roman Catholics were on that ground disqualified from holding high political offices in a Protestant Government. Another question was, whether the danger which pressed upon them was such as ought to induce the House to venture on a great vio lation of constitutional principles? He might also ask whether the proposed Bill, would be the means of paci fying the Irish people? The last of these questions was most important. That unhappy country was suf fering under calamity. The extreme distress of the peasantry and the bad state of society was the cause of all her misery. The chief proprietors left the soil, and took from it annually four millions of money. Tenant was put over tenant, which squeezed from the occupier of the soil more than the value of the soil ; the state of society in Leland was not to be cured by the Bill on their table. It was to he cured' by equitable arrangements, a better system of Revenue Laws, and, last of all, a return of the natural proprietors of the soil. That was the Emancipation Ireland wanted ; it would rescue her sons from idleness, make industry prosperous, and the people happy. When these remedies were applied, and the people improved by education, they might come to -Parliament, and ask For admission to the privileges which at present they were not qualified to possess. Some years since the Roman Catholics began to talk of Emancipation, which at the present day was under stood to mean nothing le.s than the restoration of the Roman Catholic Church, and the recovery of forfeited lands. Those who took upon them to direct the Irish peasantry had concealed from them knowledge which would have prevented misrepresentation. The object of those l arties was to establish the Roman Ca tholic Church 'en the ruins of Protestantism.—lt was the policy of men who considered the admission of lay members of their Church into the Legislature as va luable, because it facilitated the recovery of the power which it had lest, and who deemed anything short of that admission as utterly worthless and contemptible. Acturn," inquit, si nihri eit ni Paso shire portal, Franpimes, et media resilient poise Suborn." —lt was in strict accordance with the spirit' of the Ro man Catholic religion, as it was described in the cele brated remonstrance against Popery presented by the House Commons to James the Firsts—" It bath," said they, I , a restless spirit, and will strive by these gradations; if it once get but a connivance, it will press for a tolerations if that skould be obtained, they must have an equality; from thence they will aspire to superiority, and will never test till they get a subversirn of the true religion."— Their Lordships all knew what dangerous notions were abroad about Church property. They all knew what the Irish House of Commons did on that subject, and he might ark what might not be done with thirty or forty Roman Catholic Members of Parliament moving in a compact body, like the portentous comer, whose horrid glare brought pestilence and death? Had they no ground to fear for the Church property ? No one could say it would not be in danger. If their Lord. slsips.were desirous of knowing the sentiments which animated the Catholic population, they should attend to their • meetings, and hear their leaders execrate the Protestant Church. To shew the inflammatory nature of the speeches made at the Public Meetings, he quoted a passage from a remarkable speech of Dr. Dromgoole, which was received with loud acclamations, and which bad since been published in a book that had been car *lid to the Papal thro: e, and had been declared to be so able and so Catholic, as to be worth a casket of cedar and gold. In that speech, Dr. Drourgaskii speaking of the Protestant Church, had said, " Sbt shall fall, and nothing but the memory of the taischie( she has created shall survive her. Her time is nearly run; and when the day of her dissolution, which is at , baud, shall arrive, shall Catholics be bound by the oath the has imposed—an oath which, in their con sciences, they believe to be improper ?" Again, in soother passage, the learned, Doctor said, " The Church of England is the eldest of those heretical Sisters I I view with !senor these sickly sprouts, and their deges aerate branches; the time will come, when they shall ' be gathered up, and cast into the fire; and they shall burn I . Tied' humble la Ma 41 Qua stauces sedum, qd tae mature female He believed that these sentiments were not confuted te Dr. Drotagoole, but pervaded the whole body' if die Roman Catholic Clergy. The Right Reverend tires late adverted to a Petition from that Body, presented on the last day of May; 1824, which expresied * de. sire to abolish all tithes. The writings of J. It. L. said to be Doctor Doyle, were also cited, and corn' pared with the evidence of that witness. It hat was to be said of a man who cast firebrands into the Pro testant Church, and when be came before their Lord ships as a witness softened down all he had said ? J. K. L. was said to be Dr. Doyle, who certainly cashd not be the Dr. Doyle examined before the Committee: That writer said, " The Roman Catholics, avßomart Catholics, entertain no designs hostile to the Protestant Church ; but as individuals engaged in agricultural pur-; suits, they are interested in taking away tithes from the Establishment." This appeared to him to be much the same as if a disappointed suitor in theCotitt of Chancery—s as for instance, Mr. Gourlay, should go up to the frofi:f Lord on the Woolsack, and should say, " May it pleasd your Lordship, I, as Mr. Gourlay, bear no ill-will to yod as Earl of Eldon; but as a disappointed suitor in the Court of Chancery; I hit you, as Lord Chancellor, si knock on the head"—(Hear, and a laugh). The same writer, J. K. L., declared that the Protestant Church must be detested—that the efforts of Legislators to amend Ireland had been regularly marred in conse quence of ber exertions, and that] all the murder' which bad stained the Irish annals, had b:en carried on under, or had been occasioned by, her edicts. Yet this was the same Church which had produced a Ptiest hood, to whose zeal, activity, and forbearance, every witness who had been examined before the Cornmitt, e had borne concurrent testimony—a priesthooi which, in the moral desolation of Ireland, remained the Oases of the desert, and gave to the eye some points on which it could rest with a small degree of pleasure. He passed from Doctor Doyle to the Pope's supremacy. Tina Pope had the appointment to all the Bishopricks in Ireland, and the Bishops so appointed administeted to 2,500 Priests. It might be s.iid the nominees might maintain their allegiance to their Sovereign, but they mi lzc also be released from that allegiance to the Mo narch by a Bull; as Pope Pius released 411 the Fiench from their allegiance to the Fiench Ruler. In 1639, Charles the First was deposed by the Pope. In 175 u, Pope Boniface deposed George the Second by an Irish Bull. This might be called an anti-display, but it proved that the power of the Pope to dep"se Kings was still in existence, although Dr. Doyle s 'id it was obsolete. In 1809, the Pope declared he had power to depose heretical Princes, though he did not ute it.-.. Those tenets of the Church of Rome disqualified ;he Roman Catholics from holding any office in a Pro testant Government. The violation of an oath was allowed in the Roman Catholic tenets. They were cold that an unjust oath was not to be kept. hits doctrine was preached in the College of Maynooth, and promulgated in a Catechism published under its au thority. It was there stated that a man could be ab solved from an unjust oath. The Catechism, after laying don n that position, asked " What is an unjust oath r and the reply was, " An oath that is injurious to GOD, wy neighbou-, and myself." That was a doctrine very different from that of the book which said, " The just man who swearsth to his neighbour, disappoint eth him not, though it be to his own injury"—(Hear). Believing, then, that the subversion of the Protestant Church was the object of the Catholics, could the House blame him, a Minister of that Church, for doing that which would take away some of the facilities for can y ing their designs into execution ? Noble Lords were not unaware of the novel and dangerous innovations which had gone abroad respecting the property of theChutch , —they did not forget the readiness with which the Irish House of Commons agreed to the iniquitous resolution respecting agistment by the House. It was said that the Catholics were concerned for the predominancy of the Protestant Church, but be doubted much the gene ral existence of such an impression. The Rev. Prelate eondodcd, by declaring be should vote against **tin. Lnrd LIMERICK said, he had not expected to hear a speech from the Right Rev. Prelate whch recom mended intolerance and oppression. He admitted that the evil of non-resident landlords existed too much; but how came it that the Right Rev. Prelate forgot the nott-residence of the Clergy ?—( Hear, heu.) The Right Rev. Prelate's speech went to irritate evesy class or the Irish people—Landlords, Tenants, Protes tants, and Catholics. How different frees the speech of the Right Rev. Prelate near him (the Bishop of Nor wich). Let their Lordships " look on this picture, and on that." His Lordship cologieed the conduct of tiler Rombh Priests. He begged their Lordships' paics, bst, as a matter of instils, be could sot sit by mad bear the inspotatiam which had been throws me against the Catholic Priesthood. The Bishop of CHESTER explained. There were then some cries of Adjourn." The Earl of HARROWBY mows that the lionse do adjoirn. There was much commoslen,'end eulawmllms of No, no." The Marquis of LANSDOWN, after the speech of the Right Reverend Prelate, thought it his duty to state the groUnd on which he should give hies sup port to the measure. • The Right Reverend Prelate had spoken of expediency. Was it expedient to ex clude six millions of people from the rights of the Constitution ? Certainly no expediency could • justify their exclusion; it was but an act of justice to admit than. The Right Reverend Prelate had not taken the view of a Statesman in his arguments ' • had net examined the causes of misery in Ireland. It bad been said from Sir John Sinclair's book, that alms; tees were an injury to Ireland. One or two small fea tures in the distress of Ireland had been noticed, but the great anomaly of the Irish population stipporting a Church not their own had been overlooked. This ques rtion was not one of theology, but of allegiance. It was whether the allegiance of the Catholics was such as to call on Parliament to make one-third of his Mx ' jesty's subjects incapable of exercising the duty of subjects, or whether they should be admitted to an equality of rights with the MR of their countrymen ? The evidence on the table threw great light upon this part of the question. It appeared from the testis ' mony of a'distinguisbed Prelate, that the present period was peculiarly favourable so PmtestantisM. Why then persist in the same system of exclusion which was adopted when Protestantism had much to fear ? The Right Reverend Prelate who spoke test had dwelt in generals, and avoided facu. One only did he condescend to notice, and that was the Bulls which were seat over to . Ireland and England to depose George 11. - He admitted, however, that the Itomee Catholics had not deposed that Monarch={Hear), and this proved the proposition of Dr. Doyle, that there was a distinct line between the spiritual and the temporal power of the Popes. k was not fair to select a single tenet front the Catholic faith, construe that tenet in a par ticular way, and then drafty a partial inference from it. But in 'adulating the' character of the Catholics, ap- free Constitv dot He knew no tee* : no tef• i;o1. I, Bend Bo and is, a . Cad )nblic Ake] any . the !hats, sti the and E vit otli .s prop Conititution our t the Church than by free scope to I admitted there v The lower classe however, were 'others) on this remoicd, and facts. Many Union with, be the representati, tended that of England. Tt Kirk to skew t 1 But what was teen Pieu had . Rev. Bench-4 times were qui these dais. Sc in Ireland.. Ev to the Church above it. Yet had not ificreal intended to rep tens. Anther was prop4:ised, ink them to Reverend Div nadas would France, and lot On the contra! Canada remain moved by any Catholics, for I; main satisfied a - would continue tions were rem Lordships was, system of coerc ciliation they h ready been pra into the %% oundi land ought to ahew more conl trines. He wilt of our Constitt Salisbury, Lord shire, who said to a more unh incapable of sei but some crime rim to such a any opinion on du beanie be gave id panacea, but as a s in every attempt t The Earl c Mouse to corm of the Noble 1 troubling their principle of tb their considers Noble Marquis , to meet him o C and in looking upon two co* • likely to accru land ? and sei experience, shy was then bef only, was Mt decide; and it in the manner Catholics of I to this part of .few observati was placed b the series that . (Mar, Isear,J that took plan liament for tl diem by kiis tbe,purpose a sociation, an likewise, botl quiry relativ consulted, hi it would be • result of tha might legisl . j'set—Pfeer had been ad The object Catholic dis for the prebe of an antbig question, in tnight be pi got at ? it really did And while louse of C to send up t 4 certainly ne suet with si disgraceful ships were they should a ein4le me the Dill wa , . ►bc latter p 1 limey. Concessions so the Catholics bad in quently rejecting it. g- The . country would be roused from their ;il li l *VI! a refused upon the same arguments which had been nupinenep. and not allow their dearest. interests to slip so I i - . upon the present occasion. In the summer •of through their fingers. Without a decided Protestant cc when the country was in an embarrassed state, otsottaancy ia this country, them was no staidly for Protestant - Da was satisfied dm the sight foe the prweeed ebange ~ sr olio went.told that they could expect no con- La tere : t ti • y did net exase k., expediently da met donna " . . esogisei VS .W made to them. The butestents o f ire- it, medilades would no follow. the public wakes would met be sh lad tad then that their claims mold not berated ; issersassd, oar wield peace be promasted—(Her, bear). ft 1 yetis 'is mouths frogs that time st recommendation in 1 flak" 01 4 1 ANDAPY woke *Phut the MIL Oak Wow was made from the Throes.. If ever these The Bishop of NORWICH called upon the House 0; • eleinat were granted, it certainly should be in time of to pause ere they decided upon persevennkin that sys- i c 119101ji and not postponed till a period of *danger and tem of gruel cad unprovoked insults and injuries which am 1 * ,t otillioility arrived. The inquiry into which *Committee year after year they had so long continued to visit upon of or their Lordships bad e ntered, be bad fretioendy res. six mallow of their fellow-countrymen. If • the king- v i # ceded to thorn, and be thought they could see ao don were not in favour of this measure, where 'be a( :tolreritt of - their having at length followei his asked, were the County Petitions against it ?—li the i m I - . 4 ; 1 1 01 (th a ses'lt different view of the result of Constitution could not b e s upp orted wi th ou t a violation IN 4 ~.. hum the bloble Lord who bad alluded to of the priociples'of Christian feeling, it required ahem- . • a t "I P ja g ° Catholic Passaaaipatiaa. betold 'bon, tion. He felt that the great dictate, 4, Love thy neigh- , ,ItZ: se ritonco to obtain something. else ; but bout as thyself,' never be forgottn. He might 11 r .., . celltat"lll4 to back such an opinion ?. be told . that the consequence of the admissioo di. the U . . . pg - . . • • . . . . . . 't illi ,l!. lll *.• .• - . ... . .. . . ~ . . . . . _ .•.•.. re: • • peals 1314 lacing world, Science were times, but I • •ciety and Vol Reverend Bei elects of the 1 •13 ellaimine at world as it is, refer to the C litter Repubi vat it: Conti thin that of a iequence of d Vbe,Cathotlis, litelb look to klanorer, ant ere tolerant to overturn Lords, it is pi the Conidtuti rnenti su n J t ik i e o n t a i national char .