Star. — London, England, 1824-04-13 00:00:00

which admitted of ao compromise, and wherein the Ministers, from whatever motives, were „aiding and abetting by their conduct the avowed object of France and tine Hi ly Alliance, the Han. Member once more ventured io aadress the House upon the subject. And first he Inns return his sincere thanks to his Right lion. Friend below him for his answer to the speech of the Itight H n. Gentleman, for it was the weight of his judg ment and opinion of the state of Europe, the conduct of the Allied Yo.sels, and their designs against the liberties of England, which had encouraged him again to stand up in their defence, and would, he trusted, justify every sentiment he might utter before he resumed his seat. —But the question of foreign policy was so involved in the system of the Gov ernment at home, he must neces s.trily refer to both in support of his argument ;mad would (-begin by answering an observation of the Noble Lord, ho, in the late debate upon a partial question of Re form, had so pointedly alluded to the case of the City which he (the Honourable Member) represented, and to Whom he must declare, that for the same reason which had influenced his vote in the case of the City of Edin burgh, he would have voted for the destruction of every close and totters Borough represented in that House; for he Lonsidered all half-measures, whether of foreign or domestic policy, not only to be useless, but danger ous and deceitful; and so far agreed with the Right lion. Gentleman, who, as the determined enemy to all change of the existing system, had openly declared he would consent to no compromise whatever between the present state of the Representation of the people and a complete and radical Reform. Upon this issue the Honourable Member would enter the lists with the Right Honour able Gentleman, whenever that question might be re• :sewed; and in the meantime he hoped that his Honour able Friends would make up their minds to a measure which, if their own picture of the danger of the coun try was true, was the only remedy for the evil.— For what could that eloquence avail, unless they would act as well as speak? Why moot these Spanish ques tithes, and complain of loss of honour or danger to their liberties, unless they could redeem the one and save the other? likhy talk of their recognizance to keep the peace, unless they could suggest the means to pay it off? Why vent themselves in impotent abuse, insulting and provoking those who could not call them to account, but might their country ; or who turn Job's comforter, and remind the nation of her danger instead of setting their shoulders to the wheel to help her out of it? For what prevented them ? What infatuation, what lethargy had seized them ? What ghost stood in their way ?, What night-mare sat upon their breasts, and, in spite of all their efforts, pinned them down? For himself, he saw nothing but the danger of his country, and could look to nothing but the means to save her—(Hear). In her cause there was no sacrifice but he would make, no hazard but he would encounter, and all the reward he sought was the glory of her service. In her cause, he would say with Hotspur— . " By Heaven, methinks it were an easy leap To pluck bright honour from the pale-fac'd moon; Or dive into the bottom of the deep, Where fathom-line could never touch the ground, And pluck up drowned honour by the locks; But out upon this half-fac,'d fellowship !" For, unless his Honourable Friends would go all lengths and make all sacrifices of private interest for the public good, there was no salvation for their country. Virtus solo Nobhitae was the motto of his heart, and he hoped too deeply written down to be erased by any tempta tion which the vanity of this world could offer it ; and it was there alone, and not to the mottoes on their shields, that true Nobility and a high-minded Aristocracy would refer those who once looked up to them, and who did so still, wherever their conduct or example de served it. The Honourable Member was convinced that he appealed to those who were influenced by the same feelings with himself, and, as individuals, would make those sacrifices which they deprecated or despaired of as a body. He was convinced, for instance, that the Noble Patron whom his Hon. and Learned Friend re presented, and not the people, in his late motion for re form, would teadils sacrifice his private interest for the public good; n a did the lien. Member say it from his personal ;:steeni of the individual,but because the whole tenour of his public and private life gave the assurance. So, too, would a host of others, the flower of the aristo cracy of the nation, and who, in thus coming forward, would cat ry the whole country with them. Not that he claimed the monopoly of his feelings,nor any merit but that of treading in the steps of those who had set the example; and above all that individual who upon the question of Reform, and all others involving the honour and in teres's of his country, had ever stood forward, whether in or out of that House, the firmest, warmest, and most consistent friend both to the Crown and people. But to return to his Noble Friend and others, who could not agree with them upon the subject of Reform : what was the difference of their feelings, unless that they were conscious of their own worth, but had a bad opi nion of the world ; whilst the Hon. Member and his friends thought better of mankind, and that others might be as honest as themselves : for they believed that Goo had implanted the same feelings in every liu • man breast, and that education only made the dif. • ference : not the education of Colleges or Schools, nor • even writing or reading, but simply the education of example and good government. They contended that the Government of a nation was like that of any smaller body; nor could a better parallel be formed than in his own profession. Suppose then a nation and a regiment, — the moral character and conduct of each to be equally good and unexceptionable—only put a fool at the head of either, and it must fall to pieces. Let the system of each be perfection itself—" of one entire and perfect chrysolite;" again he would say, put a fool at the head of either—its honour, pride, feeling, name— " Yea, all that it inherit, shall dissolve ; And, like the baseless fabric of a vision, Leave nut a wreck behind." A knave in such a case was infinitely preferable; for, without a heart, if he had judgment, he would learn that honesty was the better policy, and might at last discover that honour, chivalry, and a straight course was the best read to his ambition. But a fool had neither heart nor head; be neither saw nor felt beyond the circle of his ewn contracted mind ; and with the vanity of the knave, without his sense, give him only the power, lie never failed to abuse it. The Hon. Member hoped that in that House he had been no egotist; and that the silent votes which during lf,i years he had given in almost every in stance upon public questions, might protect him from the charge; if, in support of his argument upon this sub ject, he referred to his own experience for the fact. The cost he would quote was, that of the Regiment to which he once belonged : and which, from the worst possible state of drunkenness and neglect of duty, was, in the coarse of a few weeks, brought. to the highest degree of discyliaie and goosi order. And how wet) this elected? Simply by justice, ll►tnness, l►timinity, aitd conigatiti sense. Governed by these principles, this Regiment (as, stated in evidence before a Court) was considered as a pattern to the service; and so continued as long as such system lasted. But the system being again changed, the same Corps, which had been the admiration of the Army, became its reproach, and the object of the se verest censure of its leader. And so it had been with tins country ; for she was once, in every sense of the expression, the greatest nation in the world ; but, alas how changed ! She tow stood degraded, insulted, de spised; a bAnkrupt in character and in fortune; and what was worse, lost even to the sense of her own dis honour. Nor was it his own opinion that he urged, but that of. Europe and the world, and especially that Go vernment v. hose strength and resources were the main aping of those combined powers, which, without a change of system, must work the rui►t of the country., Let the House look to the policy and intentions of thel ench Government, and their opinions and criticisms on the speeches of Ministers upon the Spanish and South American questions, and it would find, whatever the case between the Governments themselves, vie. France, Spain, and the Holy Alliance on ane hand, and England on the nther, that England, neither in justice, honour, nor consistency; had an inch of ground to stand on. But to return to the present system. It was supposed to be the law of nature, that all nations which rise and flout ish must in their turn decay. But the Honourable Member contended, that nations, might always flourish, but for the moral causes of their ruin ; for Governments were'moral strtictures t easily damaged or destroyed, but might always be repaired or rebuilt as long as the ma terial existed. See Spain, for instance! Was ever a noble edifice in such a state of ruin? For look at what she was, and what she is ! But still the mate? ials existed ; for it was the same country and the same people— ( Hear). Nay, a better; for it had been the education and improvement of the people, struggling not only against the ignorance and barbarity of their ruler, but the open hostility of the combined Powers, and the basest treachery on the part of England, which had produced the present chaos of horror and confusion in that devoted country ; for it was base to in sult even an enemy when fallen; and how much more base, not only to betray a friend, but to blacken his character to excuse your own conduct: not only to tear him from his country, friends, children, wife, and all that is dear to his affections, but even to deprive him of the only consolation in his misfortune. " Who steals my purse, steals trash; 'tis something, nothing ; 'Twas mine, i ds his, and has been slave to thousands ; But he who filches from me my good name, Robs me of that which not enriches him, Mat makes me poor indeed." So the poor Spaniard, after bravely fighting in his coun try's cause, will' his last hope forsook him, was now called by those who prayed for his success a- coward and a fool. Nay worse, an idiot For who but idiots, in spite of all they had seen, and was still before their eyes, could prefer absolute Monarchy and King Ferdi nand to the blessing of Constitutional Liberty. But was ever assertion so utterly false and unfounded, so revolt ing against reason and common sense, or so foul a libel upon the wisdom and justice of the ALMIGHTY; for if true, it at once reduced human nature below the level of the brute creation. And who was the author of this libel? Where had he formed his opinion ? Where had he imbibed his knowledge of mankind and of the Spa nish character ? In the Senate, Conventicle, or Public Feast ?—the Bible Society, or Caledonian Meeting? But wherever it might have been, or whoever he might be, he (Colonel Palmer) would repeat it to be false, and state the evidence to prove it. Look at General Mina ; was not he a Spaniard ? Look at his brave army ; were not they all Spaniards ? And had not General Mina frequently declared, that, had the Foreign Enlist ment Bill been repealed, the Constitutional Flag would have still floated over the fortresses of Spain. Of all dupes, he believed John Bull to be the greatest, and could find no better parallel to his character, conduct, and present situation, looking to the state of Europe, than that which he should conclude with. The Minis iters, as all knew, had an unlimitei po%.er over the pulse of the people, but not their liberty r.f s?eech ; as to the first, to do them justice, no Gentlemen of their vocation could be more active, nor understand their bu siness better ; and if in picking John Bull's pocket they could only stop his mouth, all might go on smoothly. But here lay the rub, for John resembled a certain ani mal in the act of being killed, whose only defence was to set up a cry, which disturbed the whole neighbour hood, whilst all he got for his pains was the hearty wish of those within reach of his voice, that means had been. found to stop it. And thus it was with Mr. Bull ; for whilst the Ministers were bleeding him to death, be too set up a cry which was heard throughout Europe, and naturally alarmed the Combined Powers, who said to the English Government, " Use him as you please, for that is your affair ; but stop his mouth, as that is ours, and unless you can do this, by the Holy GOD we must do it for you." Mr. DENMAN said, that the arguments which had been raised against the Bill had fortified his mind in the belief of its impolicy and injustice. He was happy to find that the power of dealing with Aliens had not been claimed as part of the inherent prerogative of the Crown. His Honourable and Learned Friend (the So licitor-General) had fully proved, two years ago, that there was not a single precedent—not a single dictum of the law for giving such a power to the Crown. The regulation of Aliens, therefore, must be left to the House of Parliament. He did not know what the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Canning) thought of the Parliaments of ancient times ; but he instanced the Parliament of Henry VIII. as the rye plus ultra of degradation, when Proclamations were supreme over the law. But he (Mr. Denman) would prove from an Act of Parliament which passed in that reign, that there was a distinction between the dii ect prerogative of the Crown and that which pro ceeded under the sanction of the three branches. In the 10th year of the King's reign an Act was passed for the punishment of gipsies who should introduce them selves into the realm without permission, and who were accused of practising palmistry and committing felony. The Act gave the power ot Proclamation to the Crown,, by which they could immediately exile them from the country ; but then this power was of brief duration. It he had rightly understood the Right Hon. Gentleman,' he seemed to have discovered that the Sovereign had ll power to deal with Aliens at discretion ; and so the same might be said with regard to every Member of that House, or of the other House, and of every native sub ject of the kingdom. But the question was, not whether that authority existed, but as to the proper exercise of that authority, which might place every individnal out of the protection of all laws at the Mercy of the three Secretaries of State....(//ear. ACV, bittir),...Whe , might connect themselves with Foreign P.ry et's.— The omission of one dame in the Bill had been a cause of rejoicing. ft was proposes' some years ago to ex tend its provisions to all those who had not resided ten years in this country ; but now every alien who bee seven years' residence was exempted from its operations He did not think that this mitigation altered in the slightest degree the objections which had been urged against the principle of tlie Act. On this side of the House we advocate the hospitable system for the unfor tunate victims of revolution ; for the Spaniards, who had fled from the tyranny and despotism of the Govern ment; for the Neapolitans, who had been driven from their native land by the aggression of barbarians ; for the Sardheians, nay, for every individual who had re cently been compelled to flee their country. They were now to be left to the vengeance and persecution of the 'Government of England, acting in concert with the Go vernments whence they had been driven. He was un willing to place such powers as the Bill gave in the hands of the Secretary for the Colonial Department. He should be sorry to see that Noble Secretary invested with sixth powers over the subjects of foreign Stags, when he looked back to the history, of the last five sears of 'Napoleon's life—after having seen the application of those powers in the cases of Generals Montholon and Gourgaud, and of M. de Las Cases. In his opinion,there was a great abuse ails' great excess of power committed under the sanction of those laws. Who were those who had been made unjustly the ob jects of those lalV ? The firm individuals who had re mained faithful to Nspoleon, yet were driven out of this country, and thrown on the bayonets of their enemies. When he sa a Mini.ter come down to the House of Commons, e eh a sort of levity, to demand the right to dispose of his fellow-creatures, it brad always oppeared to him (Mr. Denman) as a reason why those powers should not be placed in such hands. He recollected having made a similar remark on a similar occasion last ye tr,..nd he had had no reason since for altering his opinieii. With respect to the other Secretary of State, who .a. al; • an advocate for the measure, he would say, ,h,a eh all possible respect for those liberal opi nitres v.such that Right Honourable Gentleman hair lately expressed, and which gave such general satisfac tion—with every wish to see him remain in power, at least so long as the present Administration should exile, with every feeling of respect for those talents which were universally admired, he saw no reason, even in the political conduct of that Right Hon. Gentleman, which could in duce him to transfer even to him such arbitrary power. The Right Honourable Gentleman's conduct, as far as related to Mr. Bowring. did him infinite credit. He had on that occasion put a question to the first lawyers in France, to know whether a French subject would be obliged to submit to the serge treatment which Mr. Bowring had experienced? They replied that Mr. Bowring had been only treated as a French subject would h ave been under similar circumstances. But suppose the contrary had been the case, in what situa tion would the Right Honourable Gentleman have stood if the French Government should have said—" We also have an Alien Bill, which enables us to treat Mr. Bow ring as a foreigner, and we claim the right to deal with him as you would do with one of our subjects?" With reference to the case of his Hon. and gallant Friend, the Member for Southwark, who was not then in his place, he would tell the Right Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Canning), that of all the means he had used to gain popularity, none had been so successful, none redounded 'so much to the credit of his head, or the honour of his heart, as the manner in which he had spoken of his Honourable Friend Sir Robert Wilson—(Hear, hear). He trusted the members of the Holy Alliance had at tended to the language of the Right Honourable Gen- Verney, and taken a lesson from it; and that the acts by which they had stripped his gallant friend of those honours which he had so nobly earned, would not strip him of one particle of the respect of his countrymen. He thanked the Right Honourable Gentleman, because his language respecting his honourable and gallant friend had been used at a moment when he (Sir Robert Wil son) was supposed to be prostrate. He had heard with astonishment, however, that the Right Honourable Gen tleman had stated, that when Sir Robert Wilson bad gone to Spain, he (Mr. Canning) had informed the French Government of that step of his gallant friend. He (Mr. liennian) thought it -would have been as well ' if the Right Honourable Gentleman had waited until called upon by the French Government for some ex planation of that circumstance, and had then owned that there was some sort of pleading in mitigation ; for that there was something laid down in Grotius and Vette' which treated of the right of neutrals to enter into the service of either of the two belligerent Powers; but what had the French to do with the laws of nations? If they had, they would never have sent their troops into Spain on the must infamous pretext that had ever been set up. He found that the Bill was to expire in two years; but he should like to know what there was in the charac ters of the individuals at the head of Administration, which qualified them for the powers conferred by the Bill? One of them* had defended the invasion of Naples by the Austrians; another thought that act indefensible: so that their c. induct would place the country in the situation of the man with the two wives—one of whom was for removing the black, and the other for extir pating his grey hairs. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman then referred to the period at which the Bill had been introduced by Mr. Pitt, and quoted the opi nion of Mr. Serjeant Hill against that measure. Mr. Serjeant Hill was no mean authority, for his opinion had been taken on the Regency question, on which occasion he asked—" Is Mr. Pitt sure of a majority in the House of Lords ?"—el believe so," was the reply. " Is he also sure of a majority in the House of Commons ?"—e He is."—" Why then (asked the Serjeant) of what consee quence is it to you to know what the law is?"—(Hear, hear). The prerogative of the Crown having bees cur-' rendered on this question, where was the necessity for de parting from that line of policy which had existed from the time of James the First to the commencement of the French war? It might be said, as in the instances ofl the Usury Laws and of the Game Laws, that while they existed the country had become prosperous and 11,:ppy. The same argument might be used with reference to the Poor Laws, for the same thing had been said in de fence of that infamous traffic in human blond—the Slave Trade. Such had also been the argument of Lord Stafford, who had been Governor of Ireland, and who lied been one of the greatest traitors to liberty ilea ever appeared. In the hour of his distress lie called upon his Judges to recollect " We my Lords, have lived hap pily at borne and gloriously Ahro.l(l. Let us ilot be more wise than our encomia ; let us be content with that which has undo! their hands been successful." Such ware the arguments that had ,been urged in favour of the Bill then 'refute the 'louse, by which we were called ern to place every foreigner at the mercy of the three Secretaries ef State lot seven years after his airis al in this country. lie would suppose a case in which 'but Government should be informed by a foreign Mildate that an individual lodging in St. Martin *44w was 'engaged in a plot against the Russian Government, and that our Government should be called upon to take measures to defeat that plot. If they were to demand upon what authority such foreign Minister made that demand, he might refuse to mention it, and would require of us to take his word for Then we might, in case of our refusal, have the media. tion of the French Government, which might call upon us to give way, saying it was only an individual, and might say, " Give him up—give up the point—let him go to Russia—don't go to war for such a paltry cause —remember yoer 800 millions of debt_.. you know, in fact, that you cannot go to war." If such were the language (and it would be similar to that which we ad. dressed to Spain), there would be no alternative but baseness or resistance.—The Honourable and Learned Gentleman nest referred to the plot which the Right Honourable Secretary for Foreign Affairs had allud• - 11 to, and questioned, in some measure, its reality, on ground of its having been discovered so opportunely aid of the Bill, the renewal of which, even a fortnight since, it was not the determination of Ministers to seek. It might have been a fabrication of the French Police, and being investigated by the Right Honourable the Secretaries of State for the Home and Foreign Depart ments, reminded him of the two Kings of Brentford smelling at one nosegay. lie did not accuse the Right llonourable Gentleman of participation in the plot, no more than he did Lord Sidmouth of being an accom plice of Oliver ; but he thought, like that Noble Lord, the Right Honourable Gentleman might have been made the dupe of the real conspirators. For these rea. sons he should vote for the amendment ~ f his Noble Friend. That Noble Lord (Althorp) had been called upon by the Rig - ht llonowable Gentleman to try his hand on the 13‘11 1 ; hut ►t was for the Govei n :,ent to try their hands vu the rneasoi e, and for Parliament to de -1 tide upon its adoeti.4l or rejection. • Lord J. RUSSELL said it was somewhat consoling to think that the Alien Act would not be much long& continued, and that a better and safer mea,ure was to be introduced with respect to the residence of aliens in this country. No man could .‘i,ll to see this country endangered by their residence here; but it was wor - than idle to talk of a c nspiracy taking place bele against a foreign Government. He did not wish to this country involved in wal ; but at the same time, Lc must always object to our lending any aid or assistailct: to arbitrary governments. A division then took place-- For the third reading - 95 Against k 40 Majority in favour of Ministers - 53 Another division took place upon the motion of DENIIAX, that the term of two years be sttuck out, and one year inserted in its place.—For the motion, 47 ; Against it, II I ; Majority, 64. BANKRUPT LAWS. On the motion of Mr. COORTEKAT, the House went into a Committee on the Bankrupt Amendment Bill.—The Bill was read clause by clause, and the Report was brought up, and ordered to be taken into farther consideration on the 3.1 of May. NEW CHMICHtS. Os the Order being moved for bringing up the Report, Mr. HUME objected to the Report being received. He con ceived the vote to be to increase the patronage of the Church; which he must deprecate, on account of the uses to which it was applied. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving. that the Re port be brought up that day six months Mr. WARRE at first had objections to the grant; but upon more mature consideration, felt convinced of its propriety. Much would depend upon the nomination of the Incumbents who were to fill the Churches. He was bound to look at the number of ap plications that had been made tor new Churches. With every sen timent of good-will to the Dissenters, be certainly had a greater predilection for that Church of which be was a Member. M. EVANS said it would be better if bodies of men could be in duced to build Churches, than to make a grant of the public money. Mr. W. SMITH stated, that there were thirty-three places of 1 1 worship belonging to the Dissenters in the place that he repr-sensed. They were well filled, while the Churches, though the incumbents were men of talents, were, comparatively. but ill attended. lie wished to inquire, if the money could not be raised from hinds at the command of the Church, without burthening the People ? Sir R. Fanoossos and Mr. Bitten opposed the vote. Sir I. COFFI N supported the vote.—He thought we should be undermined if we did Out keep a sharp look out, a.. 0 keep the Me thodists out of our houses as well as our Churches—(A laugh).— They were such a set of routed fellow» that they would make their way through the cellars—( A laugh).—Their .nfluence led to prosti tution and dishonesty . and to counteract that influence he, as an honest Churchman, would support the vote—( Laughter and cheers). Mr. BU TTER Y GUTH said, he did nut t ise ,or the purpose of answering the speech of the Honourable Gent 1..ma.1 who spoke last. lie would support the Motion, and rake that a, portunity of making one or two observations on what had fallen trout an Honourable and Learned Gentleman (Dr. I.ushiogton) the ether night. He was very sorry to hear so respectable a society as the Home Mission So ciety spoken of as they had been upon that occasion by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman. He had an opportunity of knowing something of the proceedings of that society, and he believed they were highly praiseworthy. They sent persons, with a view to reli gious instruction, into places where there was no Minister and no Church, and where, from the want of such opportunities, the peo ple were in a state of mental darkness. They had done much good. He could not but regret that the Learned Gentleman attempted to throw ridicule on those who dissented from the Church of Ragland. They professed to regulate their conduct by the Bible, and they were therefore no object for ridicule. It must be productive of mach mischief to hear such language proceed from both sides of the House as had been used in the course of the debate on this question. He supported this Motion because the population bad greatly increased, and of course wanted further accommodation ; but care should be taken to select Clergymen every way competent to the discharge of such important duties. He knew an instance in which an individual subscribed 1,0002. towards building a Church, and could not attend Divine Service at die • same Church after, because the character of the Clergyman was not such as he approved. If the parishioners were allowed to have some share in the election, members would be ready to come forward with their subscriptions. The Hon. Member for Midhurst (Mr. Smith) said, he should prefer voting the 500,0001. for the bitildirg of Schools. That he would admit was a subject of grave consi deration ; hut the increase of Churches would naturally lead- the wny to the increase of Schools. Persons who were in the regular habit of attending Church were always quite disposed to educate poor children. Ile thought the vote would do much good, but he was sorry that Honourable Gentlemen could not suppiwt the arm rests of the Establis!icd Church n ithout throwing out reflections on those who dissented from it. However they might differ from the Methodist Society, it was not right to make them sore by such reflections. Mr. THOMAS WILSON spoke in favour of the Motion, on account of the dispropori.-:n in number between the F.:stabil:bed and the Sectari to pLices of worship, though he wished not to convey any reflection on D:aseaters. He particularly regretted aft the system sin which our Churches were built was one which ap. prarcci to have in view the personal comforts of the rich, and to neg lect those of the pour. lie trusted it would be altered on the build ing of tile new Churches.—The House then divided, when theta appeared— For the Motion . A pinst it Majority 144 30 --114 On the 2.lotion of th; C II A NCEI.Lon. of the EXCHEQUER, the House resolvad itself ii:io a Committee on the Customs Duties 13i11.—Iti•port on the zit May. The I ls.use then went into a Committee on the Game Laws. On the Clause relating to the punishment of Night Poachers, and by which a third offence was made liable to be transported, Mr. MUMMY propose) as an Amendment, that the prisoner charged with a third offence tliould have the option of removing :b" Inquiry from the Petty Session to the General quarter Sessioa, or for trial before the Judge of AssiZe. Mr. S. \WORTLEY said, he would no t oppose this amendme nt. After a few words (MU . Sr Jotui SuguAi l the antetidni‘ut was adopted. on the eh to stPP°:n e V Colotlel V o f g r a MelteeP O 0 WOW lIIt Heed alms ' gl ib might more than 1 game k e peers was not a u game k e eper a g ood farm After som Colonel D* On the el; what circum Colonel I into this cla; a less distan Sir J. SH Sir J. SE thought eve; preserve, oe his property Mr. PEE Colonel I Mr. SY IS After son and the clan Mr. S. NN poachers, ft might ban,' the person propose a cl with viol( n, Court thou! 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