Star. — London, England, 1828-01-30 00:00:00

tO '9, C• •,. sidefed it as one imbd i lpg type interests and s eal feelings of the con ry. If it did not contain the name s of all thole to whom . ...cititiv . eirpool was dearly atta ched, a ecoirTiiiied — tlie nime ora man to whim he was 1 ng ttach-d, whom he had been the first to intro duce to this H use and the management of public a ff ai rs, an.l Nho lostg enjoyed his undivided confidence. Nee d h e (Mr. Jenkinson) say that he meant the late Member fife Oxford (Mr. Peel), who now again filled the same situation in hi. Majesty's Councils at when first introduced there by Lord Liverpool ? Mr. Peel was then, as be is now., Secretary of State for the Home Departm.-nt, and never were there two men between whom m ore unbounded confidence and unanimity ex• isted upon every politic .1 subject, than Lord Liverpool and'*'. Peel--( Hear). With the knowledge of that fact, b e (Mr. Jenkinson) presumed he was not wrong in sup• pos ing—what, indeed, he had every reason for snp. posing—that Lmd Liverpool approved of the great body of the existing Administration—(Hear, hear).— Upon this particular and important point , be (Mr. Jen kinsun) could speak with confidence--(Hear). He now b e gged leave to inform the House, and he made the sotement upon the authority ot his Lordship, that the present Administration had Lord Liverpool's entire approval —his perfect approbation—(Hear, hear). — [Here the Hon. Member paused for a moment to give veht to his feelings.] He then proceeded. He wished it to be distinctly understood, that in obtruding himself upoa their notice cm this occasion, he did so upon his cwn individual responsibility. The moving of the Ad chess was committed to his hands at his own proposal, and from his own wish. If fault there be in it, it was his fault ; and if anything unpleasant or grating to the feelings of any Hon. Members had fallen from him in the course of his observations, it must have escaped from him unconsciously. He repeated, that he wished it 'o be distinctly understood, that the circumstance of ii;s coming forward on this occasion entirely origi slated with himself. He should now. briefly advert to some of the topics touched upon in the Address. He would advert for a moment to the subject of Greece and Turkey. It was manifest. that open violations of neutrality could not be suffered to con tinue without an attempt being made to put an end to them. But this was not the period to discuss that matter, and he should therefore abstain from entering upon it on this occasion: that subject would conic wore legitimately under-discussion when they had those papers on their table which his Majesty had signified his intention of laying before them. As to the Address, it pledged them to nothing—it merely gave expression to their grateful feelings towards his Ma jesty for the production of those papers. With respect to the affair at Navaiin, of which mention was made in the Speech, the discussion upon it would follow in course, when the Ministers of the Crown were in their places, and when the House had those papers before them which were not at present on their table. He «Quid only say for himself, that he entertained the strongest personal regard towards the gallant officer svficne name was connected most prominently and im mediately with that affair. He (Mr. Jenkinson) in his early life ha i belonged to the same noble profession, and be could say, that there was no one who felt more completely . impressed with , the value of the services rendered bithat gallant Offic i ee, however they might be qualified with ether' ithumitanies—(Hear). Neither slid Ito expect that a discussion would arise now re specting the affairs of Portugal. Upon the sending of the troops there, a discussion, it would be remembered, took place—a discussion which was distinguished by the great eloquence of an illustrious person to whom he had already alluded; and who was now no more. The subject was then sufficiently canvassed, and it was now merely pioposed to recal the troops that had been then sent out to that country. He did not imagine that any disctission Would wise as to the treaties with Brasil and' Mexico; they would be' received as pregnant with the prospects of future and great adsan tages. It was with that view that they had been entered into.by the Government, and no Government should enjoy the confidence of the nation that was not attentive to the advancement of its commercial greatness and prosperity. He begged leave to say a few words respect ing the revenue. While considering such a momentous subject in the trifling and imperfect manner in which such' an humble individual was alone enabled to con sider it, ,he trusted the kind indulgence of the House would be extended to him. He *as convinced that the country possessed resources sufficient ,-- nay, more than sufficient to extricate it from its present great difficulties, and to restore it to is flourishing • and prosperous con dition. Such was his firm persuasion, his confident expectation. Let them but revert for a moment to the page of history—foe example, to the period of the wars of the succession : they would there find abundant prools df the recuperative powers which were possessed by this countrj,and which enabled her to recover, under circum stances of extreme depression. The greatest glory which could mark thecareer of any ministry would be,toaccom plists such a restoration of national prosperity and strength. That glory belonged, in peculiar degree, to Sir Robert Walpole, who restored the finances of the country to a state of great prosperity, after the most depressing effects of she wars of King William and of the Sateesoldn. The debts which were then local red sindstalstedly could **lst compared with the' debt incurred at a more recent period ; but in a cert.rie degree .they were comparable, and the can cunsstenct fully warranted the conclusion that this country, through the elasticity of its resoercel, would again rise to a mere prosperous and happy condition. Such an , ichievement, he would repeat, would con fer the greatest glory upon any Ministry. He was not the man who would underrate the glories which encir clad the name of Pitt; be would not be the person to undervalue the result of that illustrious Statesman's eserthms in preserving these countries from the effects Of the revolutionary mania which then threatened deso. lation to Europe, bat he conceived that the hi -lightest glory which crowned the fame of that great-mall was the circumstance of his having restored the finances of this country after the great depression produced in them by the American war, to a a state of the high est prosperity perhapa ever witnessed. Our ofthe chief causes of the present depression in the finan ces he was convinced was to be found in the im mense and universal changes' in the value of pro. prey. When the depression is atuibuted to the effectaof the late war, it is remarked that fifteen years have elapsed since its termination. In the variations in the value of property, they must seek the cause of the depression, and until these variations are adjudicated, it is vain to look for prosperity in . the financial coo• dition of the country. He knew well that in some time' that happy result would be obtained,and that the growing , resources of the country would not alone extricate it from its present difficulties; but, looking at those re sources, he would confidently predict that still greater prosperity was in store for them. His sincere wish was, that regard should be . had to:the various interests of the country. He bad himself, for a long period of his life, belonged to the agricultural interest, and be would now declare his opinion, that unless complete equality mg or- were established between the agricultural, the cemtner cial, and the manufacturing interests, it would be idle ever to hope for real prosperity in this lAnd. Impressed with this feeling, he would entreat the house, as the or• gan of all the interests of the count! y. to resort to con ciliatory measures. He would rapes , them to proceed to the adoption of measuresof that description;as such mea sures would be alnne calculated to alleviate the distress which now generally prevailed. It was with that view that he (Mr. Jenklnson), unused as he was to address them, had trespassed on their attention with these observations. Perhapsit might so happen that his conduct upon this occasion might incur for him from some quarters ridi mile and contempt. He cared not for that.a—tie had acted as his feelings and his judgment prompted. In coming forward thus, he conceived he was only lending his voice to that of the country, convinced as he was that that voice would be erelong expressed in favour of an administration which , he was certain would be found worthy of the confidence and support of this House, and of the entire empire. The Hon. Member concluded by moving the Address. Mr. R. GRANT, in rising to secoetd.the Address, said he.clid not feel it necessary to enter into an elabo rate discussion of all the topics suggested by the speech. There were some of them, however, to which, from ex pediency, he should deem it necessary to advert. There were others, the discussion of which was precluded by the absence of Ministers. The absence Of Ministers did not seem to him to take from the House of Commons the right of entering upon all these topics, or to abridge in the slightest degree the right of tree discussion— (Hear, hear). But he was sure at the same time that the House would feel with him that the present moment was, to say the least, an unsatisfactory period to enter upon the discussion of topics and of measures which were disputed in many point., when those whose office imposed upon them the duty of explanation on .these heads were not in etteadance—(Hear. heat).—For this reason he did not mean to enter at large upon some of the points brought before the notice of the House. He was perfectly ready to acquiesce in the doctrine that no British Ministry ought to presume on the confidence of the Crown or on that of the people, who were not pre pared in their places to enter fully into the discussion of every topic. For that reason he conceived that the present period was not a time for discussion. The .Hon. Mover to this address had certainly a right to state the grounds on which he thought fit to entertain thit'ortrat opinion and were it possible for criticism to attacjc aey speech, be was sure such criticism would be disarmed by the diffidence with which that speech had been delivered, and by those effusions of fraternal love and at ctimi . which it displayed—(Hear). The speech adverts to the. tranquil state of Europe, and at the same time it points out two exceptions to that state of general peace. One of these was now become the cause of grateful recolleatiotis: the other exception had been the cause, too, of profound and anxious interest. He alluded, they wquld at once perceive, to the instances of Portugal andfGreece. With respect to the state of Portugal, an expedition had been 'directed there to the preservation of national independence, and having proved so successful, could not but raise the happiest reflections. There had, in deed, been many objections raised to sending out this expedition, and many tears had been expressed that it would lead to results deeply to be deplored ; those fears were now banished, and whatever the result might have been, the object of that expedition must still have been the same. It had been, feared that that expedi tion would have kindled a war of opinion in Europe, the mischiefs of which no man could foresee, and no Government avert. Those fears, he need scarcely say, were now at an end; and they had this day received the gratifying intelligence from the throne, that the British troops dispatched upon that expedis tion were about to rettsen to this country—(Hear)."tini every view which he could - take of the topics involved in this Address, he thOught they were enzitled to ge• neral approbation. Not oneesyllable%had been intro-' duced which could commit the oPittion of any Hon. Member ; not one act had been alluded to upon which a real difference of opinion could be aroused in the breasts of Englishmen. The soil of Portugal had been preserved ' pure from an invader.—the treasure of-the country had remained in a great degree untoueheil--:the sword still slumbered in the scabbard, and its bare demopstratioa had preserved Feace. It was a glorious thing during movements of that nature, to hope to see established a Constitutional Government like that of England, where freedom had been previously less known in the same degree. It was a just topic of congratulation to find that the foreign interference of this country had been called forth in favour of the independence of the foreign state itself. It was impossible to touch upon the cir cumstances of the Portugaeseexpedition without having the mind forcibly recalled to the . memory .of the dis tinguished individual by whom that movement bad been planned and .executed, of whose policy it might be truly called the dying effort—(Cheers)—and res . specting whom, *haver difference might have pre vailed upon particular events, there would, he was sore, remain but one feeling of affectionate regret and regard for the memory of a Statesman, who had been for so 'many years the pticlo, delight, and ornament of that assembly—(Cheers).—Pnovioestce had fortu nately preserved him for that last achievement; it had reserved it for one who had the wisdom to project and the power to execute it. And though now removed from the controul of human events, history would inse parably associate his name with the renown of such a measure, and inscribe it upon the column erected to attest national glory—(Dear).—From the topic of Por tugal, he begged , permission to revert to thltt which was connected with thf contest between the Ottoman empire and Greece, and which he was equally persuaded would ' receive the unqualified approbation of the country. There was no question he knew more difficult, and at the same time better defined, than this right of one nation to interfere with the national concerns of ,another. — Upon this point the Address was extremely forbearing : it did not pledge the House to the expression of any parfienlar opinion, until• they had the whole of the requisite 'information before them. Most proper it was that they should await the perusal of the infor mation which hall been promised to them, although there Were many who thought the question to be at prelent ripe for consideritinn. if he were asked how far 4 was competent for a foreign nation to interfere between a lawful Government and its re. wilted colonies? he must pause before he replied, until he had before him all the facts and circumstances of the case. Su:h questions were always complicated, and their solution difficult. It was an important prin. ciple of international law, that one power had no right to interfere in the domestic concerns of another; but to this rule There were several exceptions laid down its all ages. by writerssof the greatest authority. These special ezceptions were, however, often liable to be misread. It had been always contended by writers oa the law of nations, that where oppression reigned, resistance be came a moral right. In the application of this prioci- Ple which involved a question of erniediency likewise , one of the parties at issue was often put in the situation of a belligerent, and might in that position, of course, be taken . up by a foreign state.. It was one of the ' brightest periods of British history when England re covered her expiring liberties by the aid of a foreign arm—(Hear, heat). She was therefore peculiarly hound to extend her aid to suffering free.lom when the appeal was made to her honour_ and• greatness—(Heer, hear). He trusted that - the. House would forgive him for makiNg .these few passing remarks, and if he desisted for. obvious reasons from following them up on the present occasion, it was not be , cause of any doubt in his mind of the justice and propriety of that • kind . of foreign interference to which he had already alluded. When the proper time arrived, and when the full information was before them, tenhe which shouldbethreeay dody un tod uly i b sc t u ed ssthese topics with the attention required. There was an additional reason why.they should oat hurry into discussion the topics - ofich• the speech from' his Majesty embraced.. Upon orie, and not the least important of them,—that of Gueete,—they were. in formed, that after all which had happened, his Ma jesty hoped, -that the negociations which were still, pending *bald proceed to an amicable adjustment. If he were indulged with a little more of the pa- tience of the House, there was another topic to which he should like to call their att ention—he meant that part of the . Speech which alluded to the internal situa lion of this country, and the measures which were con ' templated for its amelioration. He did not mean to enter into the deep and mornentous_consideration of the causes of our commercial depression, among the _classes where trade had become depressed, nor into the discussion of any measures likely to he proposed for their relief. There was nothing easier than to indulge in florid descriptions of. pleashig anticipations and sanguine hopes; but the Royal Speech wise)) , and temperately abstained from any extravagance of that nature: it fairly and plainly said, that seam improvement had taken place, but that much yet remained to be done, and it eallectupon Parliament to take the matter into its fullest consideration, and thereby to discharge a very necessary,. though mote laborious, duty. It was possible—indeed probable-: that many apprehensions prevailed as to . the cause of, commercial distress, and perhaps with reference to the' power and means of its removal. That the industry of many classes of the people was seriously affected by a combination of potent circumstances, it would be idle to deny ; and that the existence of such a fact imposed upon them the indispensable duty of investigation, was, , he thought, equally obvious. The House could have no objection to the pledge of inquiry recommended to them from the Throne. and he had no doubt they would honestly, faithfully, and vigilantly enter upon so serious' an inquiry. How far any new experiment could be made to mitigate the effect of subsisting evils, remained to be seen; but he confessed most candidly at the outset, that he feared there were many difficulties • in the way 'of remedy, which were insuperable ; and many evils to• be caddied, for their removal was hopeless. He repeated his fears, that a state of depression must exist in certain classes,which was far beyond thereach of human remedy ' At the same time, he hoped that in others would be found the means of a gradual and.progressive amend. ment.. A doubt of the ultimate remedy, even where it .was (elf, so far from furnishing an excuse to impede the prosseution of this inquiry, made the strongest motive for its adoption; and if, after all, less were done titan some expected, the country would at least see and feel that the Legislature was seriously alive to its condition and true interests, and, prepared honestly and firmly to discharge its duty, where any benefit could be prac tically devised. He believed that the good sense and candaur of Englishmen, when they found Parliament kltus using its best effirts, would do justice to their in• Sections ; anal though the people were at tirites misled, and unacquainted with the real situation in which mat ters were placed, yet they would always be found satis fied when they were fairly and properly Advised, and ready to do justice to the exertions of those who were embarked in the arrangement of. public affairs. By pursuing the course pointed out in the Speech, the (3 , own will have done its duty, Parliament will have done theirs, and the public will be ultimately satisfied. The Speech assures them—and he cordially-believed that assurance—that in the promotion of the happiness and prosperity of the People that House would at the same time be promoting the dearest object of his Ma jesty's paternal wishes—( Hear, hear). The &MAKER then read the Address from the Chair. On the question upon the Address being put from the Chair, Mr. BROUGHAM then rose, and said he agree] en tirely in one of the observations which had fallen from his Hon. and Learned friend who had just sat down, and while at the same time he claimed for himself and the Elouse the full right of entering upon every-question em hi aced in the King's Speech, he also admitted and felt that that was not an occasion which could be either very fairly ur very conveniently chosen for such a proceed ing. He undoubtedly possessed the right of then dis csiasing every question quite as much as he should do' were every one of his Majesty's Ministers present, but still even had he been inclined to exercise that right, a feeling of courtesy, of propriety, would have restrained him. But he did wish that those Honourable 'Gentlemen who bad proposed and seconded the Ad dress could have been induced, either by their own judgment, or by the advice or persuasion of others, to have followed the coarse which they themselves had taken so much pains to recommend to others—(Laugh ter). It was one thing to say,_ the men are not pre sent whose measures are before you, and therefore if you discuss them you. 'will do so without giving their supporters or planners • an opportunity of do ina themselves justice—it was one thing to say so and sot° act yourself, and it w:aeanother and a very dif ferent thing, no sooner than- you had given that very proper advice, to proceed to enter very largely upon those very questions on which you deprecated all dis cussion, and tcr proceed to eater largely upon all those points, the discussion of which it was most expedient to postpone--(Hear I). .The Hon. Mover not only gives his plenary approbation to the existing Administration, but he does so at the expense of the one which has been broken up, and that too without assigning any reason. But he even goes further. Not content with giving his own support, he actually brings down a kind of message from a Noble Llrd, whose health he (Mr. Brougham), judging of course merely from public report, had concluded, with regret, was in such a state as to preclude him from giving any attention to public affairs. He was happy, however, to learn that he was mistaken. He rejoiced.to hear so favourable an ac• count of the Noble Lord's health from so good an authority; but while it was gratifying to his feelings, it took from himself all feelings of delicacy as to the propriety of entering upon the subject. He had wished to be silent, but he was compelled to speak, and it became his imperative duty to protest against that Noble Lord, or any other Noble Lord, Sending' a message down to that 'House. Was it because the Noble Lord was a Member of every Government but the last within 20 ye ft past? Was it because the, Noble Lord was suspected by his friends, and was cop.. sidered an inoffensive man by his enemies...was:it be cause he was peculiarly fair und eandid , :sowards• his political opponent .th#t he sboutd fitite-191*rhiniself . to aend down a message to chit Relative to the effect that he (11htdPfiliverponi) was fully pttsuaded that there never sPai. slitter Adrnini. oration thaoithat'that bad been-jest irgirtbed ? Doubt. lesi• the 'NObte Lord approved of the omission.' those •otnisSiusts which had • astounded the IPublic-m.' the Ministry met , with his • complete approval, and' therefore he approved Of the Omission of his' ancienc and Noble Colleague,'- whose name'-had been so long associated with his own, that thiy had become as it were like Castor and Pollux in 'this . nether woad— (Laughter, and hear)—the one was never heard without' the other. He (Mr.-Brougham). never heard of vett measure, nor any political movement within the last 20 years,to which both those Noble Lords were not parties.: He was etre& With' surprise therefore, he confessed, hilt • with still more satisfactiou than surprise, when he heard of Lord Liverpool's approval of this onaission—(Laughe ter.) Notwithstanding all that had fallen from the Hon. Mover and Seconder, he (Mr. B.) would not. be dra wn away into an unnecessary discussion, notwithstanding all the temptations that had been thrown out. It would be' inexpedient and unfair •to enter into any general disal cussion ; but there were some topics touched on by the Htnt. Mover and Seconder, in some of the terms of the King's Speech and the Address, which he could net re-' • Frain from remarking on. He must enter his protest* against it being supposed that he assented to any one of the arguments .they had heard, or -even of the expressions of the Speech., He wished that those who penned the Speech had considered to whom -it was addressed, and by whom it waa—if not • to be discussed—at least to be considered, .and that they. bad avoided some - expressions calculated mote than those contained in elny speech he had ever heard, •to commit and irritate those who from -delicacy and expe diency were desirous not to vote against it. • One para graph of the Speech he must dissent from and protest against, in the foil and firm conviction, that his dissent end protest would in due time be re-echoed by that House, and throughout the country. He alluded to the ' manner in which the lateetlorious, brilliant and im mot tat achievement was alluded to. •In his Majesty's Speech. that glorious event wasiefetted to, and talked of in the language of lamentation.- It was the first time in the coorse of his (Mr. Brougham's) eriperience, that he had I ever heard of a Ministry taking an early, unheard of,• uncalled for, improper, unfair opportunity of complain ing of a glorious victory. It was reserved for some men • of the present time to conquer and repine; to fight the battles of freemen and to tremble like slaves; to ect• gloriously, but for so doing to repent bitterly. Some who when they promoted the cause of freedron,•by winning battles in the West, thought it expedient to extend the reign of slavery in the East, and thus pluck", ing from their brow the laurel, planted cypress in its place. He hailed it as an evil omen that the Speech• referred to the late battle in terms which it did. •He feared he should not be able to give his confidence to those who designated the bat:le of NavArin 4 4 an unto ward event." He did not say the present Ministry was unworthy of public confidence; .what he come plained . of was, that the Honourable Mover and Se conder should say you must not discuss certain matters • in the absence of Mr. Huskisson and Mr. Grant, and - yet the advisers of the Crown put in the -mouth of theiti Sovereign an attack upon Mr. Hiiskisson and Mr. Grant,- and Mr. Grant's brother came down to srcond an Ade dress lauding this Speech, containing the attack en- Nr. , . Grant and Mr. Huskisson. But perhaps he. wotid.be • told, this was not an attack ou Huskisson and Met; - Grant. On whom then was it an attack? On those men who fought and bled for us.in the battle, in that battle of which we are now ashamed. " And now, my Lord, Field Marshal Duke of Wellington, there is no getting you out of this dilemma. Not all your battle!, n'o all your nimble- . ness, not all your manieuyres categeeyou out of it." The Speech itself was either an quack. on Mr. Huskisson and Mr. Grant, or it was art attack upon the brave men who fought and conquered at-Navarin. Whicha ever way it was taken, the Noble Duke could not be extricated from his difficulty. He either censured the planners of the policy, and cast disappr.'bation on those men whose gallant Commander bad received the approbation of his Sovereign, and had been covered with honours for that very action which was nos; to be oondemned. He felt deeply impressed with-the . danger to be apprehended of a war spreading when it had once broken out ; but, feeling .as he did, he viewed the paragraph with great. distrust, especially when it proceeded from a military Prime Minister, who was at once the Finance Minister of the Governor of the Horse Guards and of the House of Lords, as his Noble Friend the Secretary for War was then the Go vernor of the House of Commons. He humbly hoped. that that most objectionable paragraph was not to be taken as an earnest of a return to that erstem whioh had happily of late given way to the more humane, the mole liberal, the more enlightened course of policy which had been adopted by a Gentleman whose name lie could. hardly venture to mention after the splendid and ap propriate eulogy which had been so justly bestowed on . his exalted talents._ One who, by the influznce of vile abuse, had been harried to a premature grave. lie hoped that his generous policy, and the splendid suc cess which had attended it, would not give way to that system which in an evil moment had been adopted. He trusted that England would once more be restored—or rather that she would continue as she should be, the re fuge and solace of freemen in affliction, and not their curse, and the assistant of their tyrants -who would persecute them. He hoped that every systeni of tyranny would no longer be encourages) to. -look for support in Great Britain; but he confesses} that from the manner in which the • battle of Navaria was treated, he had some misgivings. He would not enter into a long discussion. He cared._not who were the individuals composing the Government.- -He • would look to measures and not to mereand while the late system of policy, foreign and domestic, wal acted upon by theMinisters,whoe,ver they mightbe, they should have his support. But he. could not sit down. without once the , y l:r . i a nt od e expressing his doubts as to propriety, constitutionally .spieisnaseikssitsneighr,;tohtfheiaenayr and Commander en t individual, re confidence n bung Chief a o l f of his sovereign. No man entertained a higher opinion of the illustrious military services of the Duke of Wellington than he disk but those very services almost of necessity•unfitted•him for his new,post. He was , ..told that his Grate, was vigorous in Council, and he might be so, *..bet that, strengthened instead - of weakening his `nbjectims.:.... There was one objo.etinis which had• lama swedes° the Noble Duke's appointment, to which he could netoilt sofa any weight. Heallusled to the declaration of his. toes incompetence: *eked birasell heard. that Spaeth, toad he could not have eal*eited any •thing trootea to the occasion. • His . ream 7-fwe !elrpetio.. ao the appointment was Ocebe"found tjuu ebiellPssienl4 Wei onga. . ton's military eberactet -rhis Mali at y geo/b,, tor he could not emeleat to. see altnest the *hole pi/Gouge of thirgreat volintyfolt the diatiotal'of a man whose