Star. — London, England, 1824-04-03 00:00:00

t h. Crown. Rut the Right Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Wynn) had admitted, that for a period of 100 veks the King of England bad never exercised such a power ; namely, from the Revolution till 1792. He (Mr. Hume) was desirous to know what there was in our foreign relations now that called for a departure from the course to which the country had adhered for e ps—that of rendering its soil the asylum of thc op pressed, whom*violence and tyranny had driven from their homes? He could account for the renewal of the Dill only by the existence of a secret understanding be tween the British Cabinet and the Holy Aili ance.— foreigners were always received under the protection 01 tire English laws; the strongest proof of which was,' tiort they were allowed a Jury compo.ed of half foreigners,—(llear). Li times of open rebellion in this century, in 1715:and 1745, no Alien.l3lll was pas: ed or asked for—why should it be now required? Were we to imitate the degraded 'example of Switzerland, by complying with. the odious system of thelloly Alliance, and banishing virtuous and unfortunate foreigners who sought an asylum in our country ?—(Hear, hear). Eng land should detach herself from Are system of tyranny pursued by the Continental despots, and place herself at the head of all free Governments, and then, so rapid was the progress of knowledge, he would look for a speedy doWnfel to the present tyranny, which threatened destruction to the liberties of Europe. The flonourable Gentleman concluded by moving a Resolution— 'L That from the Revolution in 1688, to the year 179:5, a period dsanic which this country had been disturbed and endangered by a lireterider to the Throne, it was riot thought necessary to invest Mitisters with the arbitrary powers an Alien Bill confers—that it appears to:this House that such powers are hostile to the free principk : s of the British Constitution, and the best interests of this cot intry, , and in accordance only with the tyrannical acts of the Criestitursasst despots." Mr. N. CA LVElLTcoulil not support the amendment, and dis swayed of the language that had been applied to Foreign Powers. The SPEAKER. read the Amendment. (On coming to the sentale• which 31r. Hume hid Lead, " fliontinental Despots," he read dram Constitutional Despots." This occasioned much laugh ter;. The Right Honourable Gentleman read the Amendment 27ai11, and repeated the words, which were actually so written in the paper handed to him , amidst bursts of laughter. Mr. 111„1 31E had no objection to the word standing; hut it was known that the word Constitutional was not the expression in tended to be used. The Honourable Gentleman then handed up a second paper, which contained the word " Continental" where "Constitutional" had appeared. The Amendment was negatived without a division. Oa the ori,;Mal motion for going to the Osier of the Day, the Ili,use divided, when the numbers were— For the Maori - Against it - Majority - - - -- 53 On the re-admission of strangers, Sir R. WILSON was addressing the House.—lt was our duty, he said, to ;hew the People of England the detestation we felt to the tyrannical principles cif foreign Sovereigns. He Loped that the Bill would be presented to the House Elder more mitigated cif cumstances than before. Our ;:rcestors never had reccurse to such a measure, but preferred suffering light inconveniences to the creation rt such a power. His objection was to the principle of the Bill; and no modifications would reconcile him to it. With respect to the broad assertion of the Right Han. Sectetai yof State, that the powers of thii Bill had never been abused, he could never subscribe to such an assertion whilst he recollected the case of General Georg:and. It was plain that the powers of the Bill might be abused, because they had been abused. He consiernned this as a Bill to forward the purposes of the Holy Alliance He trusted the rime was come when the Sill of the majority which Ministers had on the question would shew to those Sovereigns that neither the House nor the country would longer tolerate the reasure lie should now conclude by moving, as an amen i cent. that in•read of now, the Bill be read a se cond time this day six months. Mr. Serjeant ONSLOW contended, that the power given by this Act to Government was necessary for pre serving the peace of the country. Mr. Secretary CANNING rose, and said—l rise, Sir, rather in fulfilment of the plee into which I was seduced a few nights ago by the Honourable Member for Aberdeen, than in any admission that there is any thing in the state of the question which requires an ela borate argument to support it, or that my own vote de mands any particular justification. The Honout able (ientleman (Mr. Hume), in a speech half complimen tary towards me, half.culpatory, contended that there is something in this measure inconsistent with st hat he it pleased to consider the genius of my general conchict, sornethiog contradictory to other measures, Which he gives me the credit of pursuing. Sir, if there be, which I deny, anything apparently different in my measures, anything apparently contradictory in my conduct, I will snable him to thread ihosi differences, to reconcile those contradictions, by furnishing him with one single word, by furnishing him with the Shebboleth of my policy, And that is "England"—(l-lear, hear, hear!) I Wish n this, and on every question,to have my con duct judged by a reference to its effects on the interests et' my country —(year, hear, hear); and to disclaim at the outset the slightest reference to the wishes of any other Sovereig n , to the feelings of any other Govern ment, or to the interests of any other people, except in so far a. those wishes, those feelings, those interests, may consist or concur with the just interests of Eng land—(Hear, hear, hear). Of all the questions that !lave been recently discussed in this House. the present Bill has been the most subjected to the influence of the reigning. 'iced debating in the present days, the vice °Enitggoratiott:—(Hear); for I do think if, without re ference to time and place, we heard it asserted that it eras a monstrous and unheard-of preposition that a Povereign State should arrogate to itself the power of determining sshat foreigners shculd be admitted into its territories, and on what conditions they should reside there, the assertion would appear so extravagant that re one would venture seriously to repeat it ; and that all time strength with which it has been clothed by the opponents ot , the Bill is, by clothing a proposition so simple and so absurd with facts with which rt has nc conne .. xiGio.and with suppos i t i ons w hi c h h av e no : loon eadon in fact. 1 mu st f or f e i t , I f ear , some o f the goad - 1 etnion of the Honourable Member when I say, that discriminating, in the arguments on this Bill, be !siren those which maintain its principle and those -vhich are conversant in its details, I . am much more elsioris for those which maintain the principle; and ~:hen it is said that the principle of this Bill woul slippor t a..measore for the regulation of Aliens at all toes, I admii that, it would, and on that ground I am the reore anxious to support it—(lkar.) There is a right, sent there titightto be a power in the Executive Govern new tos;ercise some Controul, at all times, over Aliens 7miueiss Malik country—(Hear). I do not say that the ssv should be the same at all times ; I do not say that pt e.ta Bill should exist for ever; but I do say, that the Crown, has been found, unexpectedly (for when the discovery was made it was unexpected), to have no ilmer over Aliens more summary than that possessed 120 67 r._e ,., over native subjects, this is a state of things .which is any country cannot be suffered to continue; and when this tempotaiy Bill shall expire, as I trust it will, with out another renewal—(Loud cries of hear, hear, hear),- I say, that the Government which shall witness that event, whoever may be the men who compose it, will not do its duty if it suffer it to lapse into annihilation, and do' provide a permanent measure as a substitute for its provisions—(Hear). I shall certainly not be taunted with throwing out a lure fur popularity, by stating that this is the principle on which I consider the measure, and that I am the less anxious about details which may and must cease, than for the principle of the power which the Crown ought to possess, and ever must have possessed. When I say that the Crown must have posh sessed it, let me not be misunderstood. _There has been much coutt oversy as to the degree in which the power over Aliens was possessed or exercised by the Crown in former times, and it is equally proveable to the satisfac tion of both pal ties to the controversy, that the power was .exercised almost arbitrarily; sometimes without, . - but sometimes with, the c , qisent of Parliament. But surely it is unnecessary for me to say that the consent of Parliament in the times which are referred to, and the consent of Parliament now, are very different things. The consent of that Parliament of Henry the Eighth, which' voted the Proclamation of the King to have the force of law, was surely something different from the concurrence of a Parliament of the present day; and it to add any sanction to a strung measure against Aliens, I the Monarch clothed it in the name of such a Parliament, it is not a proof that it was subject to any real con• troul. Tue Monarch, in fact, discussed his measures in Parliament as in a large Council, where his in iidence was as complete as in his own Privy Council. W.lt 1 do not want to say whether the Ciuwn had the power by law, or whether it had the power by prac tice, under the continual sanction of Parliament; but this I assert, that, whether as an innate prerogative of the Crown, whether as a power delegated by Parliaraent,or whether as a prerogative defined, limited, and modified 'by Parliament I care not, .there must be in the Crown a right to deal with Aliens, if the country think fit, more summarily than with its other subjects. We, Sir,' are asked by the opponents of this Bill, whether we alone among •nations wish to erect this odious power against strangers? The question may be with more propriety reversed, and it may be asked whether .we alone among, nations should divest ourselves cirsiich a power? for in all nations, under all Govermitehissfiom the highest degree of despotism ,to she lowest,. or most extended democraCy, I defy them to quote another in stance except this country, from the -period when the prerogative lapsed to that when it was I eeivei, where a power of this sort has not existed—(Hear). Why, then, is the British Government to throw out of its hands a right which all other Governments have thought neces sary to their safety? With as little justice.has it been contended that there is something in this measure pecu iiarly hostile to freedom. Sir, the calms: of all history contradicts the assertion. All Goverrithents have exer cised powers over aliens, but of all Governments, free States have specially, peculiarly, and severally exercised this power. Let us look back to - the Republics of the ancient world, for they, I suppose, will be admitted to be the models of freedom—(No I) What! -are our classics forgotten ? In the Republic of Sparta, the stranger was considered as little better than the Helot. In the rival Republic of Athens, the stranger, who re sided in the city, could carry on no buiness. He was obliged. to choose a patron, under pain of confiscation of his goods, and for these privileges he paid an Alien Tax, for the non-payment of wlsich he was committed to prison. la Rome, the conditia of tyre •,ti.tn r ;er. Was not more favourable. They were also obliged to choose patrons, to whom their property was confiscated for any offence; they could make no bequests ; and they were liable to be driven out of the city, not singly, but in droves, at the caprice of the Tribunes, or the. Consul. When, too, the Honourable Members who oppose this Bill, refer to the ancient practice of this country, and to the general permission or invitation given to mer chant-strangers, who Were then the only travellers, to resort to the country, do they not recognise a difference, not between despotic and free Statesilbot between new States and old F—(fierri.) Do they not perceive a dit ference between the practice of the tunes; e th e Ho ratii and Curatii fought to decide'whetlier• Alba should be Rome or Kurile Alba; and of those when the strangers were driven front the flourishing Republic, by ttle'Cori suls or the Tribunes, between the desire of adsiription in . the origin and the jealousy of 4dinission in the sequel ? A new country. is ever anxious to get citizens; at old one is ever jealous of admitting strangers. It would. be no more rational to say that the rape of the Saltines should be repealed every taste/ins, as a regular measure of ad ministration, as that the desire of a new country to swell its resources should be transferred to an old one. It might be rational, when it w as an object for England to collect capital and industry, to open her ports indiscri ' minately to those strangers who alone would resort to them, the merchants; but when the paths of industry are fully occupied, when the people are fully employed, and the country overflowing with capital, it maybe na tural to look to the introduction of strangers with other eyes, and to see less of the advantages than of the perils of the influx. Let us look at the two kindred British States, happily joined in amity, though divided by in stitutions, which now occupy, perhaps, a greater space than any others in the eyes of the world. No Honour able Gentleman will contend that, whatever may be the liberties of America, forwhich I ever honour her, there is not here as substantial a liberty as exists there—(llear, hear)—and that the Monarchy of England fosters ra ther than oppresses its freedom—(Hear, hear). But is there anything more different than the policy of the United States from that of England with respect to strangers, from the facility of naturalization in the one case to the jealousy' of admission in the other?— The contrast between Great Britain and Atherica is this, that we endeavour , to retain our old subjects, she tries to acquire new ones; the difference lies between the policy of an old and of a new State ; and it is this dis criminating principle which is asserted by the Honour able Gentleman on the other side to be a flagrant incon sistency, and a glaring proof of the degeneracy of the Britisis name and character. But lst me. ask in what part of the world air Englishman can travel without re• straint of a severer kind? My Honourable'Friend be hind nee (Mr. Serjeant Onslow) has referred to the in convenience arising ahroaLi from paisjsUrti. Though that may be the whole, it is much more than all that fo reigners are subjected to in this country. On the Con tinent an Enoishinan is tethered as it were to one spot; he may travel, indeed, bst not Without a perpetual su per vi,ion, so that he can but lesigthen less chain inde finitely, and cannot move without permissione superio ram. This fact at once puts an end to the argument of invidiousness, and that we are committing an outrage upon foreigners, to. which we ourselves are not abroad exposed; that this is the only despotic country in the world—that Turkey is not despotic—Russia; not despo tic—Austria, not despotic—France, not despotic, in comparison with the d es p ot i sm o f G reat Britain. But let me ask, in additio n , w h et he r t h e p o li ce i s no t a sonrcel ofinconvenience to Englishmen abroad ?—(Hear, hear.) l Did my Honourable Friend ever trot over the Bridge Of Geneva? I should like to know what consolation a young Englishman experiences from the visitations of the police, if lie happen to trot over the Bridge of Ge neva ? The despotisn(to which he is there exposed, is not inflicted by " a malignant and a turioan'd but by such men as my Literary Friend (Mr. Sismond.), and my Arithmetical Friend (Sir Francis (Hear, hear). I am not p repare d now to !av w h at would satisfy me as a permanent measure ; Futhap , :, some system of regist.ati on ; I)e:haps, a giving additional powers of inquiry ; but as to details, I ss not pledge myself, though I desire t0•p1e.1.2 . to this—that when the Alien 'Bill expires, sonie poivet of the kind mnst remain —(hear, hear, hear). I now come to the present measure as applicable to the present times; for having cleared the general principle, it re mains for me to consider, not whether this 13i11 is good' from beginning to end, but whether it is a molitication of an admitted principle, suited to particular end exist ing dangers ? Now what are the existing dangers?- With regard to internal perils, I am perfectly ready to admit that I see none to the Institutions of this country from the exertions of any foreigner, however disposed to assail them. I firmly believe, that in the very, worst of times there is a feeling in the English constitution, or, I should rather say, in the con,titution of the English mind, which would' repel the aid of feicign trea i too, and would not inoculate itself with any nt fection that was not at least of native origin. There fore is it that my Right Honourable Friend has in troduced into thi. Bill a modification of the former law, striking out f. om its operation all those I,x:ignets who have been for a certain length of time domiciled among us, and with whose character and connections we have had the means of becoming acquainted. But the particular danger of the time is that %Inch was stated by the Honourable Gentkman who List sroke, and which has been frequently referred to iii the course of the present Session, viz. that there is a snuggle now pending in the woad between extreme principles, and tlfat.this country is naturally. and necessarily (and long may she continue m be so) the asylum for the beaten iu that warfare. As that asylum, we have a right to in scribe over our gate, not, indeed, with Dante— " Leisciate ogni speranza, 0 voi chi entrate," • " Abandon hope all ye drat enter here ;" but rather, " Abandon . plots all ye that enter here." " You must leave behind your party-feuds and your po litical squabbles, for you come bete to seek an asylum for repose, not a workshop, where, without danger, you may forge new treasons"—(Hear, hear, hear). Those who court a shelter have no right to question the terms on which it is granted. If, then, you do not make these terms, what must be the necessary consequence? That which you call an asylum, will be felt and called by Europe and the world as a refuge, a hiding place, for all who retire but to meditate fresh disturbances-4 Wear, hear). lam anxious that the nations of the Continent should not be disturbed, because the contact .of inde pendent Qovernmenis is often so .close and tiice; that the difturbance of a part may lead to the di,turbance of the whole, and we ourselves may not be free from the contagion. I am anxious, therefore, for English purposes and English principles; that this Bill should pass, as well as on account of the countries whose safety may he more immediately placed in hazard. Ally gal lam Friend (Sir R. Wilson), as well, indeed, as the Ho- I I mutable Gentleman (Mr.'Hume), .have both spoken out plainly and fairly, and from them both I certainly differ tato cork : there is no point of resemblance or accoi d ance upon this subject between us. Tney are of opinion that in this struggle of extreme piinciples, England ought to side with those who espouse the extreme prin eiples of liberty—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition);— that she ought to unfurl her banners at the head of that discomfited party—(Hear, hear); that she ought to array tinder her standard all those who are disposed to league together to overthrow the establishments of the world, (No, no, Hear, hear). The Honourable Gentlemen did am perhaps use those words; but in argument they went that length ; and the shades of distinction they can draw must be nice indeed. What they contend for is :—that- while our unvarying principle is neutrality -neutrality recommended from the throne, advocated by the Government, supported by Parliament, and echoed -throughout the country ; while we would•adopt mea tures the best calculated to preserve that, neutrality, they would at once overthrow it. No doubt their object is laudable : they wish to accomplish most magnificent urposes, but in direct opposition to the wishes of the Sovereign, the Parliament, and the people. They surely aught to try Parliament on the question—whether it is willing to adopt and pursue this new line of policy—a line of policy, the object of which is not to keep down and soften animosities, to reconcile differences, and pro mote harmony and good will, but exasperate into action these modern principles of extravagant liberty—( Hear, hear); to march at the head of the exiles of every country against their legitimate thrones and ancient institutions —(Hear, hear, hear). If Parliament can be brought to adopt this new and exploded course, then 'freely ad mit, not only that this paltry Alien Bill, but with the Honourable Gentleman opposite -a wise in his genera. tion," that the Foreign Enlistment Bill must be at once repealed, and we must begin a new era of practice and legislation —(Hear, hear, hear.) But give me leave to say, that when the Honourable Gentleman and his friends have attained this most desirable object —when they have converted Parliament, •convinced the Sovereign, and induced his Ministers tore:race their steps, they may still find themselves considerably dis appointed. I should not be surprised if, after all their vehement denunciations, they were at last to come to Parliament for something like the enactment of an illicit Bill. But let me call the attention of those Honourable Gentlemen to one cicumttance. There are two pat ties engaged in this struggle of extravagant principles. The one party may, indeed, carry with it the sympathies of mankind. They have all the common places of libetty on their side; but, uafortunately, their achievements have been few indeed. They have talked largely, and done little ; and tote strength, at present at least, is all the other way. Let me then pu t a case: M y Honour able Friend opposite (Sir J. Mackintosh) gave notice a short time since of a motion for the recognition of the Independence of South America ;_but he withdrew it, because he . understood that the king's Ministers were prepared to consider any armament, fitting out in Spain, while the French retained a preponderating influ ence there, a French armament—[Sir J. MACKINTOSH (361045 the ta . )le): I said, any considerable armament. 2 . ' AI ~l' Mr. CANNING: Well, any considerable armament ; and let me see if the Honourable Gentleinais tries other Powers fairly by this rule. What we have a right to say of France, France and other countries may have a fair right to say of us. They may declare that they will consider any armament sailing from the ports ®f Eng& land for South America as a British armament ; and my Honourable F. iend will admit that this kingdom is at least as responsible for what is dune upim ha own soil, as France is responsible for what is done in Spain. Neev I .ay that the Forelegs Enlistment Bill alone pre vents the fitting out of armaments in British pons, and that the Mien Btll alone keeps loreign,rs under con trout, and prevents their treasonable machinations. If you strip the Cr'wn of the powers thus given, there is no physical impediment to any nit tither i f fre - eigrers, v. - heilierheaten or triumphant, ceming to Plymototh or Tortsnanuth, fitting out an armament there, and sailing with it for the conquest of South America, whether for Ferdinand or his enemies. It France were to place her self in such a situation, %%e assert that it would afford a ground for going to war ; and it is ridiculous to deny that it we pursued the same line of conduct, we might justly be called on to answer for it in the penalty of hostilities. Then, I maintain, that if it is for the gain,the interest, and the peace of England, and not merely for that of foreign nations, that we should retain, and, when needful, en force these measures, Gun knows when we shall see the end of the prevailing agitations—when the struggle of opinion and principle will terminate. No man can wish for it more than I do; but I claim these Bills in order that we be not fooled, gulled, bullied, cheated; deceived into hostilities in which it was never our in tention to engage—(l!ear, hear). I claim them for the preset vation of peace—for the preservation of the character, reputation, and good sense of this country— to prevent it horn b r ing the latOling stock and the , dupe, instead of the dread and support of Europe—. (Hear, hear)—and that our island may not be made by toreignei s the starting-place of their animosities-- (Hear).—l say, that so long as these extreme parties are in presence ()leach other, no measure but this Alien Bill can save us limn danger ; and that the moment we part- with it, we voluntarily incur the hazard. Let us not deceive ourselves by supposing that the champions of freedom would make use of our means and our pot ts. We well know, that at this moment there is scarcely a Power in Europe that is not collecting from the capitalists of Great Britain the sinews of war— there is scarcely a single Power that does not look for iesoutees to the Exchequer of our Exchange—(Hear). I do nor mean to justify the moral characters of such Loans, but we are all aware that t ur monied men lend inJisctiminately to till patties; and if, in former times, English Captains have led adverse fleets into action, so those, who are now the Captains' Captains, "the true Lords of Europe"—l mean the Bankers of this Metto polis—( Hear, hear)—ate furnishing arms to those who are contending against each other— Hear, hear).- 'Therefore, let me nut be told, that if I 1 throw away the Foreign Enlistment Bill, and the Alien Bill, I may look . 'for security in the morality of our money lenders— (Hear, and laughter). No, no—let Ferdinand himself, to-morrow, shew signs of strength, and a determination to fit out an armament, and the troops and fleets of Spain, raised by British capital, will sail from your ports, to strangle infant liberty in South Atterica-;-' (Hear, hear)-1 defy you to prevent it, and I defy you to shew anything in the morality of late pecuniary transactions to insure you against such an event. What I want is, to preserve our shores from the foraging of hostility, as well as from the actual presence and traces of it. I would maintain a strict . neutrality, not only in act ar.d deed, but I would reject e eny of those little flirtations that might tend to the violation of it— (Hear.)—l hope never to see Great Britain in a situation where she is called upon to lead the armies of extreme freedom against the Despots of the Continent. And here I am aware that I must, as I have often done before, guard myself against the contrary supposition. - -To those who think, or say that they think, that the measure upon the table has been produced attire dicta tion of any foreign Government, or any set of Govern ments, I reply that I deny it, and I claim that my de nial shall be as good as their imputation—(Much cheer ing). 1 say it in the hearing of the Commons of Eag. land; I say it, thank GOD, in the hearing of the whole country, and; what is more to my purpose, I say it in •s the hearing of all those against e horn tine imputation is made.--I reject it as unfounded—l deny it (not in any • offensive sense) r as utterly false—(llcer, hear). Dearly as I value all the tics by which European nations are held together, there is not a crinnectUat that I would not severat once rather than allow atiy meaaure brought forward in this House to originate in a foreign source —(C'heering from all. sides). The question therefore ie whether for the purpose I have mentioned the provi sions of the law are adequate or too powerful—whe ther they trench more upon individual liberty than is necessary for our dothestic policy ? I take the liberty of assuming tbat the purpose is the purpose of the House, because the measure is consonant with its re corded votes, and the honour it has pledged to the country—(Hear, hear). What then does the Bill do? . Does it enable Government to punish or imprison, to seize and to confiscate? No; it only empowers them to remove from tire kingdom the foreigner who, there is reason to suspect, is violating the asylum that has been afforded him. Lest, too, there should be any temptation to turn the power to any ' b other account, there is an appeal to the Privy Council. I do not mention it.as an effective process of law, but that it ensures no toriety. Who does not know that, in this free country, wbere a Minister is compelled to act in the open face of day, nine times out of ten he dares not act otherwise [lran in the honest discharge of hi; duty ? (Hear, hear) 'llls Bill, then, eatables you to remove the foreigner ; and a still mote valuable and a more available conse quence of that power is, that you are enabled to permit him to remain—(lrfear). One example in point is as good or better than a thousand arguments, though they may be in point also. It was my fortune to receive in-* :telligence, of the authenticity of which I could not doubt, of a plot in aeittition among certain emigrants 'against the peace of their native country. The plot was sell got tip, plausible in its object, and not detieient in means. 'nil inforrna'.ion, as t.. 4 troy dmF, I commi- Peel). His inquiries led precisely !o the sa me con "nicated to my Right Honout able hien.] Ob. SeCretary elusion. %%that was done ? Did we elate cc the pro visions of the Alien Act ? . pele teed ehe parties Was bi • ought . honie accused, and to whrin the pl ot with Moral' certainti - , out of Great Britain, to be ex. . posed v v e desired o th e t venge o see t. e t of irritated ividuaipt Royalty incipaity No.— implicated: were-tre of the design, and in fmo!ermtoeld him d o ta f h ti t ie ewe na mes of his associates. He did not migh t b l e ve er b p a ec a t e ed i , li l l i n e did o deny participation.ycciltnsfeesxsisltieisncoevv,,tnhougi)tts It' ' .:' ', -