Star. — London, England, 1828-06-11 00:00:00

Ireland, as he felt particularly called upon cons id ere d her situation most alarming, and ulated to encourage us to make important con -- thus nature. Before we made such an erne. et us have some security to look to, which nwever imperfectly, serve as a guard to oto mein from anything like innovation on the part holics. In the very outset of the discussiom been acquainted by a Noble Friend of his rnsent would be given to the principle of se. that, in fact, in the present posture of affairs, e Catholic people nor •their Clergy were dit )urchase concession at the price of securities. y abundant documents had fallen into his 1, Many of which were printed, to shnw the Clergy and the Laity sought for and no less (and that nothing else would , absolute, unqualified, and unconditional tion, as it was singularly enough termed.— ) was their aim and object was clear from lications, the manifestoes of the Catholic body, . . the Petitions which had bean 'Aid on their s' table. Such, too, was the tone and spirit irked all the recent resolutions of Catholic e and other Meetings, as well in those where presided, as in those where the priesthood took n their proceedings. Such being the character resolutions, supposed to be drawn up with ion, it would be unnecessary for him to allude o the inflammatory language and tone of intl• which pervaded the speeches of their favourite m occasions when such resolutions were pa•sed number of those published docoments, it was to refer to one within the recollection of most wherein the writer, alluding distinctly to an ed, unconditional conces►ion as the only one of their acceptance, adds—" hi our humbler and in days happily now gone by, wel i the point of yielding in despair to the of securities, and it was the opinion of se of our best friends in and out of Parlia• at we ought to yield it ; but a total alteration, then taken place in the posture of our affairs. was this to be attributed? Was it to the tone, ration we bad preserved in our debates and 1 appeals ? or rather was not this alteration in den owing to the threat which was held out,, strong language which was used of late, and feel jestified in saying has at length placed us image round?" Can they, resumed the Noble tore distinctly tell us, they feel themselves, by a effort and conduct, placed in a situation to ons the Legislature with a high hand, and by atimidation and threats, that which has so long hheld.? It was true the sword was not drawn but were their Lordships disposed, in the face rer of this alarming and anomalous nature, to lie Catholic body, dins marshalled and or- , within the intimate pale of the privileges astitation? Every Peer was an adviser of the and was, by virtue of that hereditary rank, ) give his Sovereign such advice as might, in ' meat, be best calculated to uphold and main- Protestant Government. In the same manner ivy Councillor was officially bound to give his nsel to his Majesty on affairs of State. This ria ant their Lordships were bound in such eases ise, and they should not forget that in the Ines alined to Ratlimelsat in 1815, when it was at to except Privy Councillors, the proposition was considerablimajwity. They should not hat on the present occasion they bad to contend great power, and with great talent, perhaps as I in its array as ever was exhibited within those In addition to this array within, those who bad d him had set op on their side of the question the :y of Mr. Put, of Mr. Fox, and of Mr. Canning. alents and eloquence had shed a lustre on, not levy alone, but on the human race. Giving great Statesmen and oratory all that tribute of ion which even these persons themselves could I, he begged to say that names were all on his 'ehr arguments were perfectly in concordance s own. They were all on the side of security ; isfactory security for the conduct of the Catho admitted to all the privileges of ibe constitution. :cold be satisfied thee was no season to fear ogee would _result to the &ate from this con ,he might, perhaps be content to adopt the ,tion of the Noble Marquis ; but when these tes say, we will give you no security, we will rtdestend to treat with you even on the basis of Ws, this' their Lordships must agree with him, sty were in a new and altered position alto -(Cheers). It had been frequently said in the , that Mr. Pitt was a decided friend to Ca emancipation, but he would remind them that he spoke or even wrote, he only advocated the of concession to the Catholics, provided it were panied with such guards and securities as would. it our danger to our Protestant Constitution aris tof the concession. In a letter published on the t of the Catholic claims, and which seemed pub principally in order to give publicity to the quo he was now about to make, it was stated " that ttholics would allow Ireland to be tranquillized, must be on their own terms ;* in other words. we :o be at their mercy. The letter added, " the y of that Church might be supported by our Goa lent, and derive from it other pecuniary means, ley must be placed under no restriction in cunse • er that is, the Catholic Clergy would consent to e its income from Government, but must remain endent of the Government, which is to exercise no 5111 over it. He would not consent to a proposition RS this, for though he would by no means advo hey should be subject to a contrail which would I a pretext for denominating it a slavish controul, 'old be extremely desirous they should be placed s instance, and under such altered circumstances, th a wholesome and salutary controul. As Mr. lever was the advocate of unqualified concession. Cher was his s friend, the late Mr. Canning, of whom and judgment he could never speak without ad. ion. Almost from the first period of being sc. turd with that distinguished and enlightened states , - he had been honoured with his intimacy ; and he tad abundant opportunities of observing bow de ity strength of character and candid manly cow imukt4 the noble mind of- his deceased mend. alth-ingh warm in advocacy as in friendship, Mr. ing had neither, In the agitation of this question in in 184 in in MI, even stated that be would t what the Catholics solicited without full anti e securities, Mr. Grattan also, in speaking pods, if IMO, admitted that these securities were access His Noble Friend too, on the eross•bench, iighte might not have been called on v. express '9 O O his opinion of i this part of the subject, had ledly icquiesced in the proposition that securities Id be °Sven. Ha most.be hllowed to add to the t Duty of the deceased ornaments of the Senate tr• n be had alluded,.the authority also of the living. Apt* near - h i ' had..,cpytisesd !himself is ct maw pa. the neetesisF. of tamer 'it& best pus B ible. securities afforded for the of the Protestant Religion in Church ■nd State. AnOther Noble Lord, the relative of the.late Kr, Fox, came to nearly the same conclusion, He fortified by these name. the opinions he had this evening advocated, because he was afraid he should be borne down by the great weight of talent which he anticipated would be directed against that opinion, which it would thus appear was also supported by great names. He must be allowed to address himself to another topic, on which their best feelings were so sensitive. A contrast had been drawn between the condition of the Catholics in this country of freedom and the Catholics 'under other more arbitrary Governments, namely, Russia, Prussia, and the Netherlands. There was no possible similitude in the condition or situation of the Catholics in those countries and in Ireland. There the Monarch was com- paratively or altogether arbitrary, and it was only ne cessary he should utter a single word, and all was ac quiescence to his will. N., person, even. in Russia, was elevated to any Church dignity without being previously submitted to the approbation of the Sovereign. Whilst in Ireland, it was said that the enforcement of such a regu lation would produce the most implacable and unap- peaseabledisatection ; and were a Bill for that purpose to pass the Legislature, it would ensure the breaking out of a dangerous and bloody insurrection. The Prussian Monarch also had the power to restrict the nomination and appointment of the Clergy ; and none, in fact, were appointed without the intervention and unction of the Royal authority. With respect to the restrictions im posed on the Catholics of Canada, in these respects they were. as lawyers would term, astringent as they could possibly be, although there was such a disproportion in the numbers of the two religious persuasions, that there was the less reason to apprehend - any danger as likely to arise in that part of our dominioqs. The allusions made to the condition of the Catholics in these countries had been introduced into the discussion to give a colour ing favourable to the case of the Catholics of Ireland. He should be sorry to let any thing illiberal escape his lips while on this important subject, yet he thought none there would deny that the Catholic body would gladly take every opportunity that presented itself to increase and disseminate the ii.fluence of their own religion. it was said the Catholic religion had undergone a great change. Were we sure of it, before we adopted that liberal sen timent as a practical axiom ? Look to the experience of the last ten years. Observe the language they now held, and compare it with that of previous periods.— Compare it with that language and spirit which dis played itself in the reign of James 11. when the Legis lature itself was perverted to the worst purposes. Never was there a tyranny more arbitrary, a proscription more dangerous or unfounded. Without trial and on mere rumour-8,000 persons were condemned, and their pro perty and estates confiscatetf.Whente recollected those times, and those acts of the Catholic ascendancy of James's reign, and compared them with the violence and intemperate spirit manifested in the present ,day, he felt more than commonly anxious their Lordships should look at the proposition with cir cumspection and caution, nor suffer themselves to be abated by their too easy credulity. With reference to some transactions which involved the character of the Catholic religion, as.exemplified in some persecutions, that took place some twelve years ago on the Continent, it was singular enough to remark that those who were the most eager advocates here for the Catholics, were those who looked on them in those transactions with the greatest dissatisfaction and suspicion. With ,out security, then, be could only anticipate the possibility of similar results to those which had occurred before. Yet. at some of the public meet ings in Ireland, these orators, and indeed some, not of the most intemperate, had stated that the proposition of securities was only to be met with scorn. These were amongst the strongest reasons, therefore, that he felt be could not accede to the proposition of ' the Noble Marquis, because be thought it unlikely to terminate in any beneficial result. Their Lordships would now see that in what be had stated he had en deavoured to fulfil the pledge with which he had set out in the commencement of his speech. He had stated at length the grounds on which he then felt he could not concede. He confessed he saw the difficulties of the question, although he could not say he as cleirlj saw his way out of them. The proposition now made was. to admit the Catholics without restriction into the Legislature—into all and every office and into a full participation of civil and military power. Did they believe, when they had conceded all these points,' they should be able to stop short there ? Little must he know of the disposition of the Church of Rome to' aggrandise itself, and obtain a supremacy in all things, and in all States,. who could induce himself to think so. He felt it necessary to say, he was not encou raged to hope even thit tranquillity would ensue as a consequence of all these important concessions. In two years after there sere new, demands; the elective franchise being granted, then was claimed a right to sit in Parliament; and from that period down to the present time new demands had been urged. If it were said that the Catholics would be satisfied with what they now asked, he would answer—look to the past; arguing from the nature of human passions, and in particular from the character of the Roman Catholic religion, he would say that it was quite impossible they could be satisfied—it was quite impossible they, would stop. But did they say themselves they would be satisfied ? No such thing : they avowed that. they regarded these conce,sions as merely prelimi nary to something more—(Hear). A Right . Rev. Pro late had referred so the declarations of the titular Bishop of Kildare. If he (the Lord Chancellor) could consider Dr. Doyle as an insulated individual, speaking merely his own mind. he should entertain little apprehension upon the subject. But when he found him supported by political societies and associations in I•eiand—when he found that be was looked up to as their guide and director. he must consider that the sentiments he uttered were the sentiments of the Catholic body. Dr. Doyle said, in clear and distinct trims, that though Catholic emancipation might do much, it only led to ulterior measures which were required by Ireland. There las not merely a Catholic associatioe, but various Meetings of it e same completion in every part of Ireland. That they entertained a bitter enmity against the Protestant Loth, no man could doubt; and that , they looked to the accomplishment of something more than thie measure promised must he obvious. —The manner in which they spoke of the Pro testant Church and its Prelate, was indicative of their feelings. It was e the Protestant Bishop" of such a place. With these opinions, could he (the Lord Chan cellor) be justified in supporting the motion. Let the Catholics be emancipated—make them the concessions they Asked--.-grant them this boon for the sake of tran quillity.; but let it aot.be. expected that that will stop .theta. It .was because he.entertained a different opinion upoa.this.point that be came to the conchision, that * was 4 wise measure of policy to. expose the Pro-. CeSi4lli Lasablishment to the utmost danger—unless he las preprinti to grace a Catholic supremacy in Roland, .tc !coeliac* .COM(Ot to Cabo* Exmoeipecies.. We, should tboreby be giving the C'etholics power to ctipport their further claims—those claims would be urged, and we must grant them ; and the.' adieu to the Protestant Church of Ireland. if any Noble Lord could bring his mind to this conclusion—that the C itholic religion should be predominant in Ireland—then he (the Lord Chancellor) could understand his argument. and that Noble Lord would act a consistent part. But it was because he (the bind Chancellor) loved the Protestant Church of Ireland, and considered it as a bulwark of that of England, that he could not consent to the demo lition of the Protestant ascendancy in Ireland. He could not, therefore, grant this intermediate step, which could have no other tendency than to accomplish an object which he deprecated. H e h o p e d t h e H ouse wou ld ex cuse his having occupied its attention so long—(Hear); he could not see his way oast of the difficulty : would to GOD he did! and he must therefore vote against the motion of the Noble Marquis—(Cheers, and cries of 44 Question"). Lord PLUNKETT addressed their Lordships in sup port of the resolution. He felt satisfied that unless the' present question were dispose.] of in some satisfactory manner, there could be no hope of the tranquillity, or the prosperity, or even of the safety of the country.— He had listened with the utmost attention to the debate as far as it had gone, and he could not help saying, that he felt great disappointment and regret at the speech of the Noble and Learned Lord by whom he had been preceded. He regretted that he should have taken it so absolutely for granted, that no securities would be given, for if time were given to consider of them, he had no doubt but that an arrangement might be come to. Not a single word, however. had tallest from the Noble and Learned Lord intimating that he would agree to the Emancipation of the Catholics it securities were offered. He was anxious to state to their Lordships the reasons which induced Lim to thiNk chat danger must ensue if this welt question were to be left longer in its present uosettlea state. ll* was well as sured that their Lordships must feel a sense of shame when they reflected upon the manner in which they had acted towards Ireland. They would feel that some' atonement was necessary to that unhappy people. They had acted cruelly towards that country, for she was in possession of a pure religion—a pure Christianity un defiled by the errors of Popery. England forced her own religion upon them—her own Catholic faith with all its errors, and without consulting their consciences made them vassals of the Pope. From the time of Elizabeth down to that of William and Mary, the Irish Catholics enjoyed the privilege of sitting in Parliament, though on doing so many of them took the Oath of Supremacy. The Act •of William and Mary was the mutt of stern necessity acting at the time, and not calculated to be exercised beyond the emergency which caused that enactment. For a period of seventy years they pursued a policy which drove the Irish Catholics to the last extremity of poverty and ignorance; but there is a point where op pression must end, and the reformation in the condition of that portion of the empire was the result of a feeling of shame and of dilatory justice, operating, at last, upon the minds of the oppressors. By the Act of 1793, all disabilities as to the enjoyment of property, or filling of offices, were done away, except that of sitting in Parlia-1 meat. They gave to the Catholic' peasantry the right' of electing Members of Parliament, while• they denied the Catholic Aristocracy the right of sitting in Parlia ment—(Cheers).—Still the system of policy was benefi cent, and under this beneficent system the improvement of Ireland was actually miraculous. The Noble and Learned Lord next adverted to the Union, and said that it was impossible to deny that at that period hopes had been held out to the Catholics to induce them to consent to that measure, which hopes had never since been ful filled. The Irish Catholics, by making those claims, showed their sense of gratitude for what had already been granted to them. It was the necessary consequence of the station to which they had been raised. What would their Lordships think of a Catholic who would say, " I am thankful for what I have got, and am con tent; I know I cannot get into PArl , ament, because I am not trustworthy, but I am content?" Such a person, be should say, was a most base hypocrite, an unworthy wretch, who proved himself by this very speech un worthy of that which had already been given to him— (Cheers). Why, he would ask, should they be content to lie under such an imputation as that they were un worthy to be admitted to place or power? Hi. Lordship nest alluded to the exclusion of Catholic Peers from that House, and said, that it was shameful that the de scendants of those who had obtained the great charter of their freedom, should be so far degraded as to be kept from his hereditary privileges on the ground of his religion. He had always done his utmost to moderate the feelings of the Catholics, but he had never advised them to refrain from struggling for their rights. His advice to them was—for their own sakes as well as for that of the country—" never cease." The whole Ca tholic population of Ireland were embarked in a com mon cause, and were liable in a moment to be excited by a few persons who. held the command of Ireland. Where was the fault ? The fault was with their Lordships—for those persons had no other com mand than what they exercised by their talent and their zeal upon a people suffering under in juries' inflicted upon them by this country. What, then, was to be done? go back or go on?—Go back ! Excellent remedy, if it could only be adopted. Make war upon their own resources, and at the end of such a hazardous enterptise find themselves, after suc. ceeding,exactly where they began,with just the self-same monstrous evil staring them in the fa' ce.They must aban don such an idea--to recede was imposvible.-to stand still was equally impracticable, and they must go forward. It was a must extraordinary thing that the name of a statesman who always advocated this measure, and who had quitted his late Majesty's Councils because he could l oot succeed in carrying it to a successlul issue, should be made the watchword of those who were opposed to the measure, and celebrated in their orgies, as it he were the patron of the opinions they acted upon—(Cheers.) The Noble and Learned Lord next alluded to the let ters which passed between the late King and the late Lord Kenyon, and said that the personal representatives of that Noble and Learned Lord were not justified in publishing those letters. Lord Kammon here rose. and attesnpted to explain, but he was interrupted by loud cries of Order. Lord PLUNKETT proceeded, and commented at great length upon the construction of the Coronation Oath, arid on the opinion upon that subject conveyed in those letters, contending that that construction was erroneous, the Coronation Oath not binding his Majesty t o oppose any alteration in the existing law as regarded the Homan Catholics. He Was of qpinion that it was dangerous that theCitholics should have communication with a foreign power while their Clergy were wholly un controlled by any power in this country. This was an existing danger, and not tine groving out of the pre. sent measure; and he fur one should be most happy should * the Noble and. Learned Lord (Lyndhurst) hereafter set about fortnin'g a* plan of securities, to give tDix,utatost assistance towards alining so dangerous a state of things, and checking this ietereourss with a foreign power—(Cheers). He had 'now tdXpotegrie to their Lordships for having trespassed so long upon their attention at so late an hour; but he trusted the impor tance of the question would be a sufficient 'excuse for his doing so. There was, however, one topic upon which he should say a word before he sat doe n. The Noble • and Learned Lord by whom he had been prectJed - had said, that he should oppose the motion, because the Ca tholics had offered no securities, and were unwillidg to give any. Now he (Lord Plunkett) had not a doubt but that the Catholics would give any reasonable securities which might be required of them. They must not regard the sentiments promulgated at the Association, as being those of the great body of the Catholics, and at all events they should remember that they were not legislating fur the purpose of pleasing particular individuals, but with a view of promoting the general welfare and prosperity of the country. (The Noble Lord then sat down Amidst loud cheers. ) The Earl of ELDON rose to offer a few observations which he considered necessary. The lateness of the hour would not allow him to detain their Lordships long. He had abstained from addressing the Hose at an earlier period, in spider to afford other Noble Lords the opportunity of expressing their sentiments. Having in the course of a long professional life obtained abun dant proofs that the Roman Catholics could not be ad mitted to the privileges of the Constitution, he still maintained his opinion on the subject, and must vote against the Noble Lord's motion. He had been laid down in the first part of a Noble Lord's speech as an enemy to Catholic Emancipation ; but, notwithstanding the taunts of those who differed from him, be should do his duty, and say— .. Be just and fear not." The Noble and Learned Lord begged in the first instance to be allowed to advert to an accusation against him of having treated the late Mr. Pitt with disrespect. " I should feel much" (said Lord Ridon) "if I could really be supposed capable of speaking ill of that great man. I knew that great man—be was my friend, and I plead guilty to the charge of having annually met with his friends to commemorate his memory. I deny for one that it was ever the intention of myself, or those who assisted at the commemo. ration, to make tile of the name of Mr. Pitt in opposition to the Roman Catholics. I knew that Mr. Pitt had the most intense desire to relieve tie Roman Catholics of England and Ireland, ifbe could do it consistently with duty and respect for the civil and religious establishments of this country. Having bad the opportunity again and again of knowing him, and being anxious to ttgulate my conduct in order to act in conformity with him, I endeavoured to learn from him what securities he expected from the Roman Catholics. I was assured that all relief would be given that could be given with regard to the safety of the civil and religions establishments of the country." Having said this, he begged their Lordships to consider what was the motion before them. It was presented to la eat in a way the most extraordinary with respect to the Manner is which it bad beeln treated that he ever remembered.-- The proposition was this:—The House had to determine that it t was expedient to consider the state of the law affecting his Ma- Joey's Roman Catholic subjects in Great Britain and Ireland, with a view to the final adjustment of differences, and the safety of the Protestant religion. This they were called upon to decide, whether it was expedient to enter into this large and general question ? The .Noble and Learned Lord asked what had been the proceeditigs in . the House for the last 25 years? By slight retrospection, it would appear that they enjoyed a Constitution which bad excluded Roman Catholic► from seats in Parliament and high offices for nearly a century and a half, and when a proposition was made some years . since to repeal the laws which kept out Roman Catholics, it was met by a negative. The House thought twenty-five years asp, that those who proposed to relieve the Roman Catholics shouldproposo a specific measure, in order that they might know what was to be done. The House had front time to time seen a series of Baia, all . of which had been rejected. The House had been hooestly.dlsposse to consider all. the projects submitted, to them ; but in tie preseng-,. instance they were called upon to adopt at once a complicated pro.' position which some years ago they had thought proper ta . reject...... According to all Parliamentary proceedings, the course then Adopted . was irregular; but he should not confine himself to the queition in • lisat point of view. He should again advert to history to prOve bow dangerous it would be to entertain the proposition. The !table iod Learned Lord observed that be had been described as an alma nick maker when he referred to history ; but he could not object to dot designation, when he recollected that the great Lord Sitees bad said on one occasion, that he should be taken for an almanack maker in consequence of his frequent albasions to historical facts. ' Their Lordships should remember that this great point, so hopes tent to the Protestants of England, rested on Acts of Parliatoenr passed to afford them safety and protection against the Acts paierst in the reign of Queen Mary. When Elisabeth came to the throne twenty-one of Mary's Acts were repealed, and a new Oath of Su. prernacy was sanctioned. Roman Catholics refusing to tate it were guilty of a premunire. The history of the Act of Supremacy and Allegiance was related by Lord Hale. It was found that persona belonging to the Roman Catholic Church owed an allegiance to another Power out of the Realm, and therefore the Oath of Supre macy and Allegiance was passed. It had been said that it was net necessary at the present day, but experience proved the contrary. Dr. Doyle was asked, whether if a person in confession was to state to him that he was about to commit treason, he should consider himself bound not to discover that treason? The Doctor said,every person knew the Roman Catholic Clergy were not to communinte what was told them in confession. If such persons were to be admitted to the privileges of the State, what security would there be for the Protestant religion ? L ord Hale said the Pope of Rome bad nude great distinction between things of a tem poral and spiritual nature. Things which were temporal had been made spiritual, and therefore it was necessary to have an oath of allegiance, and the d ec l arat i on against transubstantiation.— It was not until the 50th of Charles the Seemed that Peers were excluded from seats in that House unless they took the Oath of Supremacy, and made the Declaration against Transubarantiatiol. He asked their Lordships to consider whether the di.tinctions recommended by the Noble and Leaned Lord would not bring into that House Roman Catholic Peers, and into the Commons Roman Catholic Members, and destroy all the protection which the law had given Protestants against Roman Catholics ? The Noble I.ord bad appealed to the House, by saying, what must be the feelings of the Duke of Norfolk when obliged to walk out of the House. He (Lord Eldon) could only say in answer to that appeal, that if the King bad come to their Bar before he went to Westminster to be crowned, it would have been the duty of the House to tell his Majesty that unless be took the declaration and oaths prescribed by the Constitution he could de nothing there. It had been said that nothing was to be found in the Coronation Oath which could force the King to refuse his Assent to the repeal of certain Acts. Lord ,Kenyon had said it was the duty of his Majesty to consider whether he could .00nseientiousiy give his consent to any Act brought to him by Parliament. If the Act should be one that toueited his Majesty, conscience be could not give the Royal Assent consistent with his Coronattoti oa . th, The King certainly was under a strong obligation to refute his assent to such a measure. The Bill of Rights required his Majesty to be in communication with the Church of 'England, and would not admit of his marriage with a Roman Catholic. It was eatab. lished by law, that they must have on the Throne a King who was in communion with he Church of England, and that the Coostitu tion must be Protestant. In addition to the law which established those things at the Revolution, they had the Act of Union with Scotland, in which it.,eas expressly enacted that no Roman Catho lic could be elected to Parliament, or become au elector. All the enacunents to which he had drawn the attention of the House re quired consideration before they attempted to make the proposed • alteration. The want of a specific object justified the Noble and Learned Lord in withholding his assent to the motion. He thought the proposition could not be adopted consistent with what they owed to the Protestant Church and the Throne. The House could not with due regard to their own interest, and that of the public; . eater into such au inquiry as the Resolution called fur.—(The Noble and Learned Lord sat down amidst loud cheering). At this period of the debate a Peer was taken ill, and some con- • fusion was the consequence ; but the Noble Lord soon recovered. • The Marquis of WELLESLEY said the Resolution had his entire and most cordial assent. The Noble Marquii rounded that assent on a solemn conviction, resting on the state of Ireland. The laws which it was proposed to repeal, instead of seenriog , tier' peace of Ireland, endangered the welfare of that put of We t It had been hi. nut to watch for years over that unhapyy • pper:: he bad no hesitation in saying that the observations he bid I t em-giv a made iu thkt House had been confirmed by all he had see!, #s - ,tipo discharge of his duty. All he could do, with the greatest co-ogeradma -• for the benefit of Ireland,had been frUst4ted over and overatain.lisjo the baneful influence of this questionoperating.es it did In every part. of the country. He called upon their Lesidships not to agree to any.. distinct proposition, but to agyit to a hoolutiem which pledged them to consider by what means tdey could best produce the prosperity and concord of Ireland, best strengthen the etOtestant Establish. mein, and most 'effectually. promote , the welfare and harmony of all chases of his Majesty's subjects. The fact was , and ft was a. fact admitted by the Noble Lord u pon the Woolsack, that -grnat, .... . . I ' 1 A i . 1 " 1 1 I I 1 • . I f- - ; • 1 1 i ' 1 l'. 1 # ••• , 1 • ~ 1 t ,.. • . 1 til , ~ i l ' ,• . f• . 1 . . t . i . 1 ! . ; 4 .1 . i.. 1 ;. •• 'l l . , . , . . 4 .. 1 I .*, ' • . .. " ti . .• 1 ‘ • • . , . , f . I. V . pr 1 ge ..: . . 2- . • ,-... , ..,. ..: , 111 L. P I ‘ 1 . . 1 1 f 'S 1 i ' ' '