Star. — London, England, 1825-02-11 00:00:00

&Yeti Halt or hrlii befit Wire • to 'refittitlre' • required from them, and not give redress for the wrongs of the peaceable part of the community, or to confine the evil within certain limits—could they expect that those who were opposed to this body would not, upon the principle of self-defence, enroll themselves into a body possessing the same power, exercising the same authority, and Interfering in like manner in the adminis tration of the laws? (Cheers fun* the Ministerial beaches.) And could that House be insensible to the evils of a double,hrliament so established—wherein a contest would be carried on, not by individuals, but by two conflicting rival bodies, engrossing the whole power 2nd consideration of the kingdom, and dividing it into opposing parties ? Would they wish such a state of ;things to exist, wherein, when a cause was to be tried, 4hey would have the Counsel of the Catholic Associa 4lon marshalling all the evidence on one side, and the enOstile faction doing the same on the other ? Could they desire to see rival Proclamations and recri- Vninations issuing from the Protestants and, Catho lics? He called upon the Gentlemen from Ire-' land to say, whether they would live in a country subject to such a species of double domination?— Whatever objections there might be to the details, there could not be, he was convinced, any objection to the principle of a measure which-should be directed to the removal of such an evil. Before he came to state the nature of the measure itself, he would make a few obse, vations with reference to other obnoxious Societies in Ireland. Two years ago, with the unanimous con currence of the House, he had brought in a Bill to sup press Secret Societies in Ireland. In some parts of that country this Bill had achieved its object ; but in other I ,atts , the Societies which it had been desired to put down had new-modelled themselves, so as to evade the penalties of the Bill, and still continued to meet. Some had substituted f.r the illegal oaths the oaths of alle giance and supremacy, which the men.bers were obliged to take before a Magistrate, and to present a certificate to that effect, to entitle them to admission. He proposed to extend the provisions of that Act. The Bill would render unlawful all societ les assuming to act for redress of grievances, which were to have a permanent duration, or appointed Commutes to nicet fur alsove a certain time, and that levied or collected money. It would al.o tender illegal all societies affiliated which corresponded with other societies, which excluded persons of any religious faith, and which took oaths otherwise than as directed by law. There would be exemptions of certain societies, which met for purposes connected merely with trade, agriculture. charity, and others of a harmless nature. The party charged with being a member would be prosecuted by indictment alone ; so that in cases of vexatious pro s curinas, the Attorney. General might have an opportunity of inter ference. He hoped sincerely that these measures would restore peace to Ireland. These hopes, he trusted, would be received with pleasure by all parties. He believed they would, because he con \ c tired there were no other means by which that House could skew its due regard for those rights to which it was indisputably entitled— by which alone it could prove its disapprobation of measures—be would say of an offetice..-that tended at once to overthrow the prerogatives of the Crown, and to destroy the true privileges of the people. (Hear.) He firmly hoped that the House would, by its i manly, consistent, and honourable conduct, shew to the world that i it would listen to no threat—that it would despise anything like dictation. (Hear.) On former occasions, attempts had been made against the power of Parliament; but he was one of those who thought, that when properly exerted, the great body of the people would still be brought to love and revere the legitimate power of Parliament. (Hear.) The result of the measure he proposed would be to restore tranquillity and peace to Ireland : such was his firm impression. (Hear.) It would, he trusted, remove from Ireland the scenes which he had described, and restbre that much disturbed country tra.peace and happiness. (Hear.) In this hope, be rose to move, "'That leave be given to bring in a Rill to amend certain Acts far the suppression of unlawful societies in Ireland." (Loud and continued cheers.)—The question having been pet, Mr. J. SMITH thought that it was rather extraordi nary that a measure of this sort should be brought for ward on the mere authority of a Secretary for Ireland; and he would desire to know why, upon this occasion, they had departed from the usual course of 'hewing, by some evidence, the necessity of the measure. When a Right Hon. gentleman talked of the administration of justice, he could not forget the Orange Societies, aid • some protee.iings in the North of Ireland. He coold not prove that the enormities to which he alluded were atnibutable t ,, that body of men. It fell to his lot to present a petition to the House from a man oho had had his house broken open by a number of armed men, by whom he was most cruelly maltreated, and the par.,' ties were taken up and tried for it, but the Jury acquitted \ them ; but he would not assert that the Jury were Orangemen, though, if he were inclined to enter upon the subject, he could shew, that from some cause of other, the laws were not well administered in the North of Ireland. He could refer the House for proof of this to the unquestionable authority of Lord Redesdale, late Lord Chancellor of that country. In 1822 be stated, that in Ireland there was one law for the rich and an other for the poor, and that both were equally ill-admi nistered. He agreed with the Right Hon. Gentleman that no sentime nts cou ld h e more inconsistent that: those which pretended to unite the love of Gets with haled' to man; but that phrase at least proved that there was in the minds of the Catholics of Ireland, a deep and profound sense of injustice. The Right Hon. Gentleman anti c ip a t e d peace an d prosperity &Com his measure; but had he not the same anticipations from the Insurrection Acts? He (Mr. Smith) did in his conscience believe, that those Acts were pernicious. He knew from the authority of some Gentlemen in official stations at New South Wales. that the Irish who were sent from their own country for infractions of its peace, were the most respectable of the convicts. There was, in his humble opinion, but one mode which would tran quillize Ireland, and that was, by granting to the Irish Roman Catholics the same rights which were enjoyed by their Protestant countrymen. He referred to Hano ver, and Maryland, in North America, as examples of thegood effects arising from toleration; and he would challenge the Right Hen. Secretary for the Home De partment to name a single instance where the most ex tensive toleration had produced any mischief. He sin cerely regretted that the Right Hon. Secreta ryfor Foreign Affairs should support - the measure now before the House. Feeling the utmost gratitude to that Right lion. Gentleman for the wise and statesman-like man ner in which he had conducted the negotiation for the recognition of the new States of South America, he was the more sorry that he should lend his aid to a measure, of a character so entirely different, and thus blasting the hopes which the Catholics naturally entertained from his con d uct on f ormer occas i ons . — He knew no objects more legitimate for a greet and enlightened ambition than to heal the wooed* of Ireland: and that Right Hon. Gentleman was, perhaps, th e o u ly man i n the conatry who could el k° It, and be (11r. &with) could imagine, that at the end of his political life no sensation could be more *rim don that which he *void feel at the recollection of mei minduct ; and he could not persuade himself bet k would yet be the fate of the Right Hon. Gentleman to do justice to Ireland- If the 11.11/188re) when brought, in, 'bawd treod, at alien As rights of individuals,' he would most assuredly oppose it. Mr. A BERCROM BY said, he came to this question with the greatest possible sorrow, breams* be was per• waded, and inde e d b e was comfn:wed io that persuasion by the candid ail' thou of the Right Honourable Gen- deep and profound sense of injustice. The Rig Gentleman anticipated peace sad prosperity 1 measure; but had he not the same anticipatio the Insurrection Acts? He (Mr. Smith) did conscience believe, that those Acts were pernici knew from the authority of some Gentlemen i stations at New South Wales. that the Irish lc sent from their own country for infractions of i were the most respectable of the convicts. The' his humble opinion, but one mode which WOI quillize Ireland, and that was, by granting to Roman Catholics the same rights which were by their Protestant countrymen. He referred t ler, and Maryland, in North America, as tea 1 thegood effects arising flora toleration; and I challenge the Right Hen. Secretary for the H partment to name a single instance where the tensive toleration had produced any mischief. cerely regretted that the Right Hon. Seen Foreign Affairs should support - the measure nc the House. Feeling the utmost gratitude to tl Hon. Gentleman for the wise and statesman-I ner in which he had conducted the negociatio recognition of the new States of South he was the more sorry that he should lend I a measure, of a character so entirely diffe thus blastilg the hopes which the Catholics \ entertained from his conduct on former Oa • He knew no 11 °hints more legitimate fora peat and , J ambition than to heal rho wounds of helm!: and Hon. Gentleman was perhaps, the only man ia the e could effect it, an d ta e (air. litakh) cold imagism, tha 1 of his political life no- seasotion could be more glories which be would feel at the reeollection of each aim& could not permit& himself but it would yet las the Right Hon. Gentleman to do jusdee to Inlaid. If I • I when brought in, should t • he would most assur rends at all on the rights of ' edly oppose it. 111 e. A BERCROM BY said, he came to thi with the greatest possible sorrow, because bs t• sp a d e d , and indeed be was confi rmed in that 4 by the candid admission of the Right Hamm . tiellialt WNW. chit they were air - abaft to enter %On' a oaten which tended to sap the prosperity and destroy the peace of the emery. With such feelings he was bond to state, that hie could give no assent to the mea• sure, as he was hostile to this Bill and its principle; he made no scruple of thus early stating his opinion upon it. As to the Catholic Association, he could easily conceive that it was galling to some persons, becAuse it tended to bring daily and hourly the grievances of the Catholics before the public eye. If it were not for those grievances that Association would not exist, and its ex istence was the most undeniable proof of the malversa tions of Government. The finger of scorn was raised against us, and our bitterest enemies were able to taunt us with our conduct to that people. If the measure of, the Right Honourable Gentleman were passed, the Ca tholic Association might be pat down and that particular effect would no longer appear; but would the slightest approach have been made to the destruction of the cause ?—(Near, hear) Emancipation was the only weapon which would reach the cause. This Bill might destroy the effect in this form, but it would aggravate the cause from which that effect springs; he would say at once, emancipate them—take them to your bosom— give them equal rights, and you will really unite the Empire. On this general view of the case he should be disposed to resist the propositio t of the Right Ho nourable Gentleman ; but as he had indulged in much vituperation against the Catholic Association, he (Mr. Abercromby,) though not standing there as their pro fessed advocate, yet he should consider it unmanly if he joined in all that had been said against them. It had been urged as an argument against the Catholic Ques tion, that it wai unimportant to the greater part of that community ; that it was considered as merely a ques tion, whether Mr. O'Connell should sit in that house, or that Lord Glengall be one of the 28 Representa tive Peers. Could the Iri)h Catholics be blamed then for giving a practical answer to that argument ? Be sides, were there no Societies bound against them ? Was not the Church of England closely united against the Catholics of Ireland? Ever since Laid Sidmouth de- awed that he held office on the tenour of Catholic exclusion, the Clergy had been so bound together. He deprecated, as much as the Right Hon. Gentleman, the mixture of politics with religion, but why should that be wrong in the Catholic Bishop which was right and proper in the Protestant Bishop ? He thought the Ae.l sociation had given the people generally a confident* in the law, and made the rich sensible that they were , amenable to it. He thought the cases produced by thew Right Honourable Gentleman, being cases in which jiss tice had not failed, were really against him. He than examined several paragraphs of the Address of the Ca tholic Association, and contented, that although there might be some objectionable expressions, it would be too much, for such a cause, to proceed immediately to legislate against them. The Catholic looking to his tory, bad observed, that the only relief obtained was in the first case obtained under duress, and the other was an appeal to the feelings of the Irish people, after which the Government disappointed their hopes. The ex ample of the Convention, guided by the genius of Grattan and the good sense of Lord Charlemont, was respected whilst it was carried on upon its original principles; but departing from these, they were scat tered like chaff. If it were true that the Rent was col lected by something very like compulsion, as was stated, it required very little sagacity to see that it was very near its end: and on that circumstance he founded his strongest argument, that the Association should be let alone. It was founded on enthusiasm which could not be supported. He did not mean to say that the Catholic spirit would not endure, • that he knew would increase, and this Bill would have the tendency to in crease their energy, and cement their union, coming as it *ould at the precise time when the Association was at the height of its popularity. He thought the year 1825, a period the most auspicious possible for granting the Catholics that which they had been disappointed of at the Union. Indeed he should not be surprised if some Orange Gentlemen was to rise in his place and anticipate his Honourable Friend the Member fist West minster, by making a motion to that effect; and that might be done in perfect consistency with the principles of the Orangemen, who, finding the Catholics were now really powerful from their numbers and knowledge, were of course willing to negotiate with them. With respect to Marquis Wellesley he must say, though he had done some things for which he (Mr. A bercromby) thought he was entitled to praise ; generally he would say, that the Government of Lord Wellesley had failed; and the greater his ability, moderation, and impartiality, the mere inevitable became the conclusion, that no man could succeed there but by giving Catholic Emancipation to the people. The Hon. Gen• Hennas concluded by declaring his intention to resist the measure. Sir H. PARNELL said, that the argument held by the Right Hon. Secretary for Foreign Affairs, that the Catholic Association was not identified with the great body.of the Catholics, had been completely overthrown by the statements of the Right Hon. Secretary for Ire land. The Right Hon. Gentleman had said, that the Irish Nobility had been intimidated by the Association. The objects of the Association were neither secret nor discreditable. They consisted in the petitioning of Parliament for redress—the better administration of justice by protecting the poor and oppressed—the este ' blishment of an independent Catholic press—wand the circulating good and cheap books among the Ca tholic schools. Surely no one could quarrel with any of these objects. The Right Honourable Secretary, in stating his law cases, bad acted rather unfairly, inas much as be had given but two out of a great number. The Honourable Baronet proceeded to describe at some length, and in a low tone of voice, the facts of the trials at Enniskillen, New Ross, and Cavan. He eulogised the temperate and able conduct of the barristers sent down by the Catholic Association, and contended that the interference of the Association had been of the greatest service in securing a purer administration of justice. He denied that the Catholic Rent was not ap plied to purposes that were defined and known, as had been stated by the Right Hon. Secretary. Everything stewed that the money was used for public and known objects. Its chief application was directed to the attain ment of Catholic Emancipation. But it was said that the Association excited alarm, and disturbed the order of so ciety. Up to August and September, no alarm bad been created; and the Association was at that time scarcely a subject of general conversation. The alarm which subsequently arose he attributed to the conduct of the London Hibernian School:Society, in sending over dele gates to convert the Catholics, and carry on a system of proselytism. It was to the discussions which they excited, and not to the Catholic Association, that the alarm of the country was owing. He denied that ,the Convention Act could be taken for such a precedent was the Right Hon. Gentleman wished to make it.— The Convention in 1793 w•• foimei with different 't44ait and under difierentCircatnitintes. The orange men of that day were as violent against the Catholic Convention as those of the prevent time were now against the Catholic Associations. Yet if their acts we:e looked to it, would be found that in consequence of the representations of their delegates, Lo . rd Westmoreland assembled the Parliament and recommended that the condition of bis Majesty's Catholic subjects should be forthwith taken into consideration. He agreed with the Right Honourable Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, that if the course of Lord Wellesley's Govern ment had not been interfered with, it would have conferred prospective benefit upon the country. But he drew a distinction between Lord Wellesley and Lord Wellesley's administration, and contended that Lord Wellesley had hai no opportunity of acting upon his own views. They were thwarted by a divided Ca binet..ln that Cabinet, out of the siz which composed it, including Lord Wellesley, four were opposed to him.— He would venture to say that no such thing as a Ca tholic Association would have existed in the counti y if Lord Wellesley had not been tied up by this state of things. He believed that no measu'e of the House could reach the Association, without repealing all the laws which gave liberty and protection to the subject. He would say, therefore, let the Associa• tion alone; let the Orange Societies really be discoun tenanced ; and let the Bible Society put a stop to their attempts at proselytism, and Mr. O'Connell and the leaders of the Associa:ion would then be unable to excite disturbance or alArm. [resent measured ought not, in common sense, in common prudence, or in common honesty, to be passed; but if passed, it might do infinite mischief, while it would never work the effect intended. He trusted that this Bill would not pass, for it would be considered as an act of the English people against the Irish. It was time that they should open their eyes, and look to the results of what they were doing; and he ihould not consider that he had done his duty, if he did not warn the House against what he conceived must be the inevitable result of such a course—(( hem from the Opposition). What would an Hon. Member, whom he saw opposite, from the North of Ire land, say upon this subject ? " Put down thellitholle Association," he knew he would say ; but was there nothing elle? He had been accustomed to hear It coupledlin Ireland With nothing more nor less than doubling the Army. This shewed the feeling and the expec tation of all parties, and he implored the Huuse to pause in this first step of a career which must be ruinous and fatal to the empire. Mr. LESLIE FOSTER described the Cathoiic As sociation as a body exercising all the functions of a Parliament, identifying itself with the mass of the Ca tholic population, and being the common focus of dis content and irritation. It was true that the debates and acts of the Assembly were open to the public to a cer tain extent ; but for the management and application of its monies a Committee constantly sat, whose pro ceedings were not reported, and who, as he had been well informed, were in daily correspondence with a large body of men in all parts of Ireland. The nature of the Parliamentary functions assumed by this Assem bly had been to fully described by his Right Hon. Fiend, that it would be unnecessary for him again to enumerate them to the House. The chief of these he undoubtedly considered to be the levying of what was called the rent. The manner in which this was done appeared to him to be not less objectionable than the Measure itself—he meant through the medium of the, priests. Was it proper, he would a• k b that the chapels, dedicated to religious purposes alui.e, should become the theatres of a scene where all the feelings of every political animosity and party hatred were aroused ? Putting out of view the purposes to which such funds might be applied, the moment the rent had been paid by the Catholic an undue confidence was raised in his mind as to something which was to be done in his be half, and an equally undue apprehension was excited 'in the mind of the Protestant; thus cleating a severance of whatever union existed between them. The moment i the Catholic Rent was collected in a district, adieu to all harmony between the two sects, and, consequently, to the peace and tranquillity inseparable from a state l of mutual confidence. This was one of the features of the case which he thought imperiously called upon the House to put the Association down. It was scarcely necessary for him to repeat the allusion which had been made to the invocation upon the hatred borne to Orangemen ; be would only do so for the purpose of sheaving its application and effect. It must be remem bered, that this was chiefly addressed to the Catholics of the West and South of Ireland. He was one who regretted that Orange Associations existed at all; and in those parts of the kingdom they were certainly un known. The Catholic population there were in the ha bit of hearing denunciations of Orange Magistrates and Orange Police, and Considered such parties only to be Orangemen. But after the circulation of this ad dress, every one who did not subscribe to the Rent would be considered as Orangemen by these ignorant and deluded people; and consequently they were taught by the Catholic Association to bear hatred against the entire Protestant community. Let the House look to the consequence of this, and say whether the Catholic Association should be suffered to continue unmolested in its career? Would not this inevitably lead to similar feelings, and similar combinizion on the other side? Hon. Members might argue upon speculative opinions, in that House, but he was acquainted with the fact that such feelings bad already been engendered in many parts of Ireland. In one instance, the alarm created in the minds of the Protestant inhabitants drove them to the act of taking up arms in the expectation of being attacked. The alarm he believed was unfounded.— (Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) He believed it to have been unfounded, but it was a natural consequence growing oat of the conduct of the Association. (Cheers.) The inhabitants of the town to which he alluded, sat up the whole of a particular night, in constant fear of their lives.' Was this a state of things to be tolerated? (Cheers) Let them suppose that any accidental cir cumstances had occurred on that night, such as the firing of a gun by a poacher, or the casual burning of a cottage. The next morning would have seen the two 'sects arranged against each other in deadly mile. Was it right, then, to leave in existence a body whose avowed object was to sow disunion and hostility through• out the country—to implant hatred on both sides—(on one, they said—but he believed on both)—and thereby ,to impede and counteract whatever was proposed to be done for the anielioration of the country ? Was .t right to leave them Incouraging the hopes of the Catholic peasantry by visions which could never be realized— which could certainly never be realized by the measure contended for by Honourable Gentlemen opposite? Their ardour was not so great in pursuit of political rights ; it was their belief in the spiritual superiority of their faith, which was most readily acted upon.- r They never would have subscribed to the lent if at had been demanded forothat object, for they would have no confidence in the money being so applied. The Catho. lie AsioCiatkitl, %Astir iiisifiteti UAW , course, and by a union with the Priests, worked Spot the religious feelings of the people. The (Stile& Clergy, who were supported by the peasantry at an expense of 200,0001. per annum, levied this further sul at the same time, and by the tame means. There wits another powerful objection to the sets of tile AssOciii• tion, which had. not been noticed by the tlouse. It v e ts generally the pi actice of the most violent politiciaal to respect private character, and not to enter the hounds of domestic society. Rut this body asserted and elev . ! . cised the power of invading the privacy of life, and of becoming the judges of a man's private conduct. Whe ther as a landlord to his tenant, as a father to hii AM . !, as a host to his guest, or in whatever relative situation he could he placed, his private conduct was to be laid before the Association ' and they denounce hilt to the country. The practical consequence of such a denun ciation, in such a state of society as existed in Ireland, schen a man was held up as a traitor or a tyrant, might easily be conceived. Another influence of which he complained was the unconstitutional power such a body must r)%sess in the return of Members; an influence which he conceived to be contrary to the freedom of election. With regard to the claim of the Association fur the merit of the existing tranquillity in Ireland, he was ready to admit it in some degree. He allowed that they had enjoined peace to all those under their subjection ; but it was only conditionally, and until" their claims had been laid before Parliament. The calm they had produced was, therefore, only a state of breathless expectation which excited a heat in the minds of the people net to be allayed, he was sure, even by the granting of emancipation. But he had the satis faction of Inoking to other causes, from which he hoped and expected permanent prosperity and happi ness for Ireland. He believed that country never to have been so well employed as at the present moment; and that was the true cane of her tranquillity. Bri• tish capital was already finding its way into Ireland, and, in spite of Captain Rock, it would bring peace and prosperity in its train. The system of exclusion which had repressed the trade of Ireland had not been long removed; but since that object was effected by the. Right Hon. Member for Liverpool, a most rapid increase had taken place. In the cotton trade such an advance had been made, that it bid fair, in a few years, • to exceed in extent the whole linen trade of Ireland. The Hon. Member then stated the annual increase, as it appeared upon the- returns of the imports and ex pmts. He also congratulated the House upon the im provement which bad followed upon the relaxation of the Distillery Laws. There had been an increase of prosperity in Ireland. Capital had been flowing into the proper channel with a rapidity beyond the expecta tion of the most sanguine economist. Provisions were never more abundant. The measures of Government had promised peace and security. The Tithe Commu tation system had been found advantageous. He was not unwilling to extend tranquillity to the Catholic Association ; but it appeared to him that body occa sioned the interruption of tranquillity. He, for one, could never concede the power claimed ; the firmness et Government alone could meet the evil. When the Convention 4ss held at Duncannon and Athlone, the measures of Parliament judiciously applied proved a remedy for disorder. It was his Inn belie that the present Catholic Association was adverse to good order. The elements of peace and prosperity had been springing up in Ireland, and Parliament were sow called upon to protect, by their wisdom and energy, all that was dear Ia that country. Mr. JOHN WILLIAMS was convinced it was ne cessary to oppose a measure of such importance as that now proposqd, at the outset, as it might lead to a dew,- lopement. He could scarcely believe it possible it was intended to carry it into execution, having heard of no object of advantage it would be to Ireland, nor the slightest intimation given of any benefits to be be stowed on that country ; be therefore felt it imperative on him to make a decisive stand at the very first step. On what grounds is it introduced into the House ? What is the tendency of the observations he bad heard ? He would repeat the question, and ask on what grounds the House were called on to legislate? Whence do they arise ? from whence are they derived ? is there no reason ? are the Roman Catholics never to be attended to? are they ever to be kept in expectation? and is it on the least expression of their disappointment these friends are to turn round on them with an equivocal appeal to the policy of the country, which feeling is got up for the express purpose ? Is it right to take ad vantage of it? In the year 1800 there was an alleged" misconduct on the part of the Catholics, on a similar threat eninti appearance in that country. The Ho. aourable tirentleman delivers most unfair opinions is imputing certain sentiments to the Roman Catholics. He hoped tfie evil of these opinions would be coun teracted. An Honourable and Learned Gentleman at one time said, that the Roman Catholics would be justified, and must act through the medium of po pular assemblies, and that applause always attends the man who takes his position in the extreme of opinions. The state of the public mind, he (Mr. Williams), con tended, was to be imputed to the conduct of the Go. vernment, who continued to hold out hopes which were not to be realised, and to the agitation of a questites vitally affecting the interests of the country, without carrying it to its conclusion ; and when any ha,ty ex pi ession of their feeling takes place, the effect of hope procrastinated, the reply given is, you have thrown the impediments in the way yourselves. Suck a system is calculated to tantalize and exasperate persons entitled to consideration, and this feeling of exasperation can be justified by the opinions of great men gone before, as well as by the Right Hon. the Attorney-General for Ireland. The Roman Calbolic people were not fairly dealt with. It was the bounden duty of the Go vernment to make up their mind to act with consist ency ; expectation will draw down resentment and out rage : all means of conciliation should be adopted.— Who, with justice, can complain of the madness of a fever of his own creation ? There is no subject of com promise; the claim rests on too sacred principles to be tampered with : the Government remain neuter, or at least tantamount to it ; some holding out ambignons s p p r a o i m r_ ises w o h f eer h s e ) l . p it a is nd not ot e tr u s g en h they have the aspect of unanimity. Tbut this dif ference of opinion accounts for the exasperatio n . which d th iess at o p n ros ot . p h e e . c r t s s uljee de js is said to exist. Will bringing in this Bill ex tinguish the animosity? Let Government not deceive itself; it never will put it down. Is it pretended that by suffo cating it now, it will not flame out again? Will the Angry mind be prevented displaying itself ? No : while the cause of irritation prevails it will shew itself. A radical cure mast be applied, if not, as it increases, the army will be required to put it down. Then, as an Act of PM liament has not been able to succeed, force must be resorted to; and, if any one can contemplate the contest, I do not envy him the morbid strength of his nerves, or the weakness of his head. In the year 1777, aounvenuou nct touitt mum for sucn a preceusut am/ IMGVG/ Win,11 , 61 Ilavw •••••••• ---- - - _ h. , - r - be Right Hon. Gentleman wi,hed to make it,— been demanded foredigt object, for they woul d l h ave no contest, do not envy tat the morbid strength of his e Convention in 1793 was formed with a different confidence in the money being so applied. The Catho- nerves, or the weakneu of his head. In the year 1777, - _