Star. — London, England, 1825-03-02 00:00:00

Mr. PT.UNKETT presented a Petition from 700 Protestants ofl toe City of Dublin. It was signed by twelve of the principal No b:4'y of Ireland--by most of the Bankers, most of the respectable 'Merchants and Traders admit City, eight or nine of whose names r.-presented one minion of property. The Petition was in favour of the Catholic claims; it was ogdered to b.: printed. Lord N U 0 RNT said, that a Petition from the British Catholics, signed by 21;000 persons, had been pet into his hands, but he, would not occupy the time of the House by presenting it at prewar. as they must he anxious to hear the motion of the Hots. Bart. (Sa F. Burdett)—(Hear). fiome llentbets thess row to present Petitions. - Mr. UROUG HAM said, that after his Noble Friend had con sented to postpone a Petition Mined by twenty-one thousand persons, and relatins to the Catholic Claims, it was quite unfair fur Hon. Members to proceed with Petitions on other irrelevant matters—( Hear). -------- never forget the benefits THE CATHOLIC PETITION. Sir FRANCIS Meow/ being new loudly called on from different p arts of the Hamar, rose to present a Petition from the Catholics of l i Ireland, signed by 100,000 persons, the largest number of persons, which had ever signed a Petition to that !louse. The Petitiou, l forming an immense mass, was then laid upon the table. Sir F. BURDETT sai l :, that filled as his mind ever was with anxiety and apprehension when he addressed the House, yet never had he felt that anxiety and ap prehension so strong as at present, when he was called upon to discharge a duty to •which he was so inadequate. That duty he woold have utterly declined, if be could have done so, without a dereliction on his part of that warmth and zeal which be felt for the Catholic Cause. When he called to Mind, the great talents, the high character, and the splendid effotts which had been exerted in this cause by the late Mr.l Grattan;—when the figure of that venerated pa triot passed before his eyes in the glass of recollection ; n hen lie called to mind the fact that some of the greatest men this country ever produced, had laboured in the same cause, and that the most distinguished living talents would probably be exerted in the course of the present discussion, he could not bet feel the most extreme alarm and apprehension. It was. however. great consolation that his deficiencies would be supplied by the abilities of those aiound him ; and that his weak ness would be supported by the strength of his cause. It was also a great consolation that the great talents on the other side of the House, which were generally opposed to him, would, on the present occasion, afford their aid to carry this important question. The Petition which he had just presented to the House, large as it was in size, and numerous as it was in signatures, was boa ever but a trifle light as air;" and represented hut an atom of the great Catholic body, whose Petitions, if they bad been thought necessary, would have filled the whole space of that House, up to its lofty roof. It would be unjust to regard it. as a Petition affecting merely the Catholics. It would be unjust to regard it as an Irish question only. It involved the interests of the people of England, and the fate of the whole em pire. The grounds on which the Petition razed were so strong and irresistible that he could not conjecture how it could be overthrown. On the claim of justice, sound policy, right, good faith, and public honour, the Petition was immoveably founded on a rock. In con sidering the subject before the House, he would not weary their patience by adverting to the questions v. hich they had so recently discussed, nor would he touch upon any points that were calculated to excite in the mind . of any Man the. sliglitest angry feel ing—(Hear,' hear). He should, on the contrary, en deavour to advance the claims of the Petitioners, by conciliating the feelings of all parties, and by endeavouring to merge them into one strong senti ment of regard for the public interest. He would avoid, thei elm e, taking any retrospective view of the history of Catholic and Protestant conflicts; be would avoid touching with unhallowed hand upcn the newly-closed wounds of Ireland ; and he would en deavour to ieconcile the Catholics and their opponents, and shew how necessary it was to the advantage of both to put an end to the struggles and agitations which now existed is Ireland. In spite of the apparent tranquil lity of that country, it was absurd to suppose that such tranquillity would be permanent, unless some new mea sures were adopted. True, the Government of Ireland, by a wiser course of proceeding, and by a liberalization of the old policy of Ireland, had induced a temporary calm ; still it was ratiopal to believe that the calm would be of short duration if justice %sere not done to the Catholics, and if effect were not given to the syssem recently begun. Effect and permanency never could be imparted to it by anything else than full and imme diate justice to the Catholics. With respect to their claims on the score of justice be would say that in times of real danger—in the times of the Revolution, when a new Government was established and the old King ex pelled fri an the country on account of his arbitrary con duct, that even in such times no objection was made to the Catholic religion on any other than political ' grounds, that is, on account' f its tendency to promote arbitrary power. There were then two classes of Ca tholics--the religious Catholics, who remained quiet and undisturbed; and the State Catholics, who com municated w ith Rome and interfered in the Araks of Dover nment. In those times, when William was re ' ceived by one party with open arms, and James, being expelled, fled to Ireland, the kingdoms were not united, and J ones still remained the legitimate Monarch of Ireland.. In defending James, therefore, the Irish only did Their duty. They were not rebels, for they conti nued faithful to their King; we were the rebels, who deposed burn. The freedom of the country was at stake, and we were justified. in. what we did, but the Lash were not wrong in vindicating the cause of James, it they were satisfied with his conduct. After, how eser, James had stiewn peat pussillanimity ; after the Irish had bravely ft.Ught many battles in his .behalf, and been often defeated ; alter James had entirely aban doned them, and William had made glen advances in their gaud opinion, and the country was divided into two the Wil fm sent over instructions to tranquillize Ireland. and on the condition lie free exercise of their ocher privileges, they tea '-y of William. thi.ugh iding in the mouth of the •aty of Limerick, yielded for th to be regarded as ore tranquil, and King of the empire to resist evolution, and consolidate bsequeot infractions cf the 'ver meant as securities was no need of secu rind sufety. In such times better of sound policy, :s provisions, and a code ~ s t and se. vest that ever In better times, and lie ter e laws had been g reatly .atholics of lieland would . . 'eceived recollect , for 'those archer re lazation If the. Catholics of their comer it cause ; during , . ;es with prudence and discretion, they must ultimately triumph in that House. So long as Ireland remained tranquil ( the mind of England would continue to be enlightened on the subject of their claims. He did not lack u pcn' himself as the advocate of the Catholics of Ireland, nor of the people of Ireland, and still less of the Roman Catholic religion. But if he was not the advocate of the Catholic religion, he was not its adversary, nor of any other religion. He was of opinion that all religious sects ought to enjoy an equality of rights, if they wets sound in their morality, and if they eneout aged the virtue of their followers. The Catholic religion was as faithful in these respects as any other. Fur himself, he was brought up in the Church cf England, and would, if left to his free choice, prefer it to all others. No doubt it might be modified to advantage in some re spectc„ With respect to the Clergy of the Church of England, a more enlightened and a more liberal body of men aid not exist--(Hear). He said this without reference to the Ecclesiastical Corporations; for all Corporations, whether lay or ecclesiastical, were of an intolerant and monopolizing spirit. The ilocttines of the Church of England taught him " to do to others as be would be done unto, and the Constitution of England taught him that all who bole equal burthens were entitled to equal rights. So far, therefore, from its being a Catholic question, the Catholics themselves stand on Protestant ground ; and in maintaining their Petition, lie did it on Protestant principles—(Hear). It was a singular change in things, when the Catholics were now demanding their rights on the very grounds on which the Protestants formerly sought to recover theirs from the Catholics. The grbat objection now to granting the Catholic claims was the power of the Pope. Re specting this danger a heap of imaginary fears had been conjured up, which had no connexion in the world with reality—(Hear).—These prejudices were learned in early life out of miserable books, by men whose minds made no advance, and because their own minds stood till, they argued that the Catholics they read of were the same as those who existed now, whilst they in reality were no more like each other than this world and the next—(Hear). —lt was a great *disadvantage to have to deal with men whose education had been perverted. It had been said, that " where ignorance is bliss itis folly to be wiser and ignorance was indeed bliss com peted with the folly of those whose prejudiced minds were incapable of conceiving and acting upon those truths which led to human happiness. But it was extraor dinary to hear the fear of the Pope urged as an argu ment against the Catholic claims by that portion of the Ministry which had been most eager to restore the Pope to his former power by a great expenditure of money and men. They had rescued him from thralcloen, rein stated him in authority, and then called upon the coun try tl tremble before the very-phantom which they had created. If, indeed, the power of the Pope was so fright ful, then the Ministers deserved to be impeached who had cleated that power,by expending treasure and con ti ibuting soldiers. It was, however, the moOmbecile of all conceivable things to make this an argument for depriving six millions of men of their rights. Those six millions were irritated, dissatisfied,and discontented, and it would be recollected, that at the present moment, when the balance of power of Europe was destroyed— when two or three great. Monarchs had usurped the controul of Europe—and when those Powers were look ing with jealousy and alarm towards England—that it was the height of folly to expose six millions of discon tented subjects to the danger of being invaded at every moment by these arbitrary, jealous, and grasping Poaers.lreland might, if we would only do,her justice, be made an impassable barrier against all inviders ; bat if jastice were refused to her, then she would give the invader every assistance, and stab the empire in its most vital parts. It Great Britain 'was destined to be swal lowed up,. Ireland was the sea in which we must be swamped. Ireland was worth our alliance. She was dreamt in - the heart of the Empire, which exposed - us to destruction on the first moment of attack. No man could forget the narrow escapes of the last war. If the Fiench fleet in Bantry Bay had not been sepa rated, and if the Commanders had been on good terms, and had not mistaken their duty, there was no doubt but that the interests of England would have suffered greatly. Nothing but the grossest ignorance on the part of the enemy could account for the attempt not baying been repeated. But we ought not to expect any more such escapes, since foreign Poo ens had, since the war, become too well acquainted with the state of the wintry. The foreign journals continually reproach us with our severe and illiberal conduct towards Ire land. We ought to profit by this manifestation of fo reign feeling, and endeavour by every conciliatory mett sure to consolidate the strength of the Empire. If the claims of the people of Ireland, resting, as they did, upon the good faith of treaties, resting, as he said they did, upon every principle sacred between n:en, they could be refused on no good ground of danger, justice, or policy. Even if there were danger in fulfilling Mali- I gations so sacredly imposed, still no doubt could be entertained of the policy of fulfilling our own covenants. But when they were bound by treaty and the faith of covenants, and commanded. by true policy as well as all their best interests, it did seem to him to be the height of folly, and utterly irrational, that they should not complete the work they had begun, but stop with that particular exception which was sufficient to do away the benefit of all that had been done before. If these claims were granted; what *ould the Petitioners obtain ? A few Catholic Gentlemen would, perhaps, find their way into that House, and sae of the first Noblemen in this country would certainly take their seats in the House of Lords. The Kings prerogative, which had hitherto been restrained by these laws , seoUld be extended so far, that the King would have the power of calling Catholic Gentlemen to high. Aces to the State. What was the danger irrthis? Did they appre hend the existence of a Popish King . upon the throne? He should really be glad to know whar,wai the danger apprehended ? and until he did know it, be found it impossible to oppose it in argument. He thought the present time was peculiarly auspicious. far granting the. question. The People of Englantwele nolonger alarmed Upon die subject, and the Protestants of Ireland, he meant the better half of them in every sense, were anxious, for the. sake of their own peace and safety, that it should be granted. What,' then, was the truth? .Why, that these Restrictions were kept up to maintain a small faction in their pant pored and. domain ering infh.eace. Butte wished to do ..I.► justice to the-, to do it from he them as well as and be had four lesidnaes ,benev, fagots* air: countrl EXpept)og the low, Apyin,tire system, _ flout ieveas bis and enlightened body of men did not exist than the Orangemen of Ireland. He said this with the excep tion of that principle of domination over their Catholic brethren, - which was unfortunately imbibed in their education, and naturally arose out of the existing sys tem. Excepting this principle, they wete as praise worthy in their conduct, Wort more so, than the land lords of this country. There was only this measure of . conciliation wanting to remove the cause of that defect in their character, and to induce them, instead of living in a continual state of irritation and alarm, to shake hands with their Catholic countrymen. and to secure that peace and tranquillity which they never could look Tor else. He called upon the people of England to support this question, not, only upon the ground of foreign dance, which he believed to be imminent, but for the saving of the expenditure which Ireland now cost this country. The Right Hon. Chancellor of the Eschequer, had last night stated some small reduc tions to be made, and the greatest advantages of which were, that_they would relieve the parties from the grievance of 'collectors ; but here was a field for a much wider saving ; here was an opportunity for a much larger economy. Let the. people of England relieve themselves from the millions Which they paid to supper t the present system in Ireland —(Hear, hear, hear). He said, then, that the people of this coun try would do better to load that table with Peti tions in favour of Catholic Emancipation than to talk about the reduction of those taxes, which they seemed to think of more importance than a ques tion of this magnitude. Returning again to the treaty of Limerick—for he would never abandon that position —he could observe that there was another treaty or compact, which, though understood, was never signed or producible, he meant that which was called the Union. But it had only proved an Union of parchments, when it was obtained by promising the people and making them believe that they should partake the be nefits of liberal, equal, and just government. They were told that all those advantages were to follow, and that capital was to flow into the country, and render it as peaceful and happy as'England herself. These ex pectations and promises had all been falsified, because this country had refused the measure upon which alone they all depended. Why, thee, should they not now proceed to make the Union real, and not aominal,, by fulfilling the promises under which it was obtained from Ireland? When the Marquis Wellesley was ap pointed to the Irish Government, he gave that Noble Lord credit for his intentions, knowing that his feelings were true, warm, honest, Irish feelings, such as were likely to lead the Government to a change of policy, which, instead of making distinctions between the two nations, would consider them as one united people. He wished that the discussion of an Irish question, in that House, should be entered into in the same feelings with which they took uplusinesi relating to Yorkshire, or - any other portion of the Empire. He gave credit, to Lord Wellesley for what hid been done, and if, as had been said by the Right Hon. Attorney-General for Ire land) he hail got her off the breakers, and set her upon the tide of prosperity, lie hoped the vessel would conti nue to ride safe, and, above all, that she would coati-1 nue to be wellananned. lie also bore testimony to the merits of the Right Hon. Gentleman himself. For whatever personal inconveniences he might have ex posed himself to by taking office under the present Go vernment, he unquestionably exercised great talents in his office, and with great public advantage. He hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman would succeed in converting the only one of his colleagues who now remained hostile to die. Catholics. He was happy to reed in the faces of four out of five of his Majesty's Ministers, on the op posite bench, sentiments favourable to them and to their cause. To the Catholics themselves be recommended union and moderation, and he hoped they would leave their cause to be advocated in that House,where alone it could be advocated with advantage, and where, aided as it was by the principles of truth and reason, it must ultimately prevail, if not impeded in its course by indiscretions of their own. He was told to look at the prosperity of Ireland, as the result of what bad been already done by Lord Wellesley's Government. If diet were true, what a harvest might they not expect, if they went on labouring in such a fruitful soil? He had fortunately spent some time in Iteland,—not, jerked, admiring the beauties of nature in which that 1 country was so rich. nor in enjoying those charms of hospitality and society, which be believed were carried further than in any other country—but in making himself acquainted with the condition and wants of die people. The Honourable Baronet then *proceeded to describe the inhabitants of a wild dis trict where be staid some time, .as being the most iorsocent and hind people be bad ever seen, fully con firming what Sir J. Davis had said of them, that they were willing to obey the law-if the law would protect them, and that there were no greater lovers of justice in egistencs- With such st people, then, with.; fertile soil, well watered with noble rivers,surrounded with the finest harbou,rsaitio was oothiag wanting but good govern ment toreador !Ireland a happy and a wealthy country. He wished not to connect this question with any other, but to snake it thefirst step, the sine qua eon upon which ail others were to proceed. He wished it to stand un mixed t ifith "baser matter." He hoped the vote of that sight would give Ireland present cheerful hope and :lasting future benefit. He was confident the House diiould nit be long before it put this last stroke to the new system of policy, which would then unite the two coun tries in:the strong bonds of the British Constitution.-:-- He would not trouble the House with any of the dis quisitions upon religion which it was thought formerly , necessary' to introduce ; because he did not presume ' that there was any man in that House, at the present day, who reqUited it to lse;proved that a man's reli gious opinions ought dot to spbject him to political dis abilities.. But it was said that some contingent danger was antieipated from the course he recommended to the HoOse; limit he was told what that danger-was, mill act oppose *Arguments founded open it. lie should therefore now ale dowib and watt for the props" erfereltoitY meetiug them. The Hon. Simonet then moved the asaalsessistras„ That the House should resolve itself into a Corme*ltia sider the state of the laws relating main Roman Cseksiaes,wita Sr view to their amelioration." Mr. CIIOKEIL seconded dut motion ;, and observed that krefeired end' ely the civil state of the Catholics, whereas, in his oktinionot ought toembrace the condition of the Catholic Church, as well as of the L city. He was s s eboenfofirdeenthteytlcteotueidtrhuostp e h t e o * see * nice it ny of these tl permanent to Ireland. He therefore t ook that o pp ortunity of _ irrdveatlia;e4 stating, that if no one more competent than himself should undertate it, he pledged himself to bring under the condo aeration of the House the question of whether a provision should not be made for the Catholic Cergy? Mr. LESLIE FOSTER was .•tence of the Orange' happy to have the op portunitymotion of lamenting the ext of the Honourable Barone t as one p r eg nan t party in Ireland; hut yet he could not hel p viewin g with the greatest dangers to the country. He had seen' a paper, which, until he was otherwise informed, he' must consider as a manifesto of the Catholics; and us which they declare that you can do nothing fur Ow pacification o! the Catholics of Ireland until you do away - • with the Established Chutch of that country. If atl teligions were admitted to places in the Govetrfnient e he could not conceive in what the Established' Chtifehi of Ireland consisted. fie thought thefe wit an etabh 4 - rate attempt at putting down the Pietestatit ment of Ireland, but the measure from which thsO Church of Ireland or England would reap most benefit"- would be an enactment, to which he would gladly give' his support, having for ifs object to compel the Clergy ,of the Established Church to the rigid performance of their duties. Sir W. Petty, in his Estimate of the Popu lation of Ireland, had stated that the Protestants amounted to 200,000, and the Catholics to 8(X),000. — Here there were data upon which to c ilcelne the pro portion of Protestants to Catholics. Lend Chat lenient, _ in 1682, had said, " Never tell me that one million of Protestants can keep two millions of Catholics in bond age.' Lqrd Charlemont was however mistaken, for the population exceeded four milliens at that time,. The last census taken was in the year 1821, when the population amounted to 6,800,000; and it was assumed that the loci ease had been all Catholics, the Protestants having ceased (as yeas alleged) to multiply. Since 1821, it was said that another million had been added-to tbe population, but this he believed to be a mistake, fur a panic had seized the landlords, who did everythitig to discourage the increase of population; be, therefor*, believed that there was no actual increase in the papa,. lation of the country. He had to labouf against re peated assertions as to the population of the country, from Gentlemen on the other side, which had never been contradicted front his side of the House, perhaps from want of documents. He had, however, lately seen some Papers which he had glanced over, and from which he had come to a conclusion that the Protestant population of Ireland amounted to 1,860,000; the Catholic population to 4,900,000, being nearly the same ratio as stated by Sir W. Pea/ in his census. He believed the Ptesbyrerians amounted to 62,000, and the other Protestant Dissenters to 45,000. From this it would appear that the statement of an Honour able Gentleman opposite, that the note:tints -in Ireland bore the same proportion to the Catholics l as the Unitarians is England bore to the members of the Established Church, was erroneous. He thought the present a dangerous time for entertaining such a motion, when the chair of St. Peter was filled by a worthy descendant of the Innocents and Gtegories, and when France was labouring, not to texture the estates of the emigrants, not (or the propagation of the principles of legitimacy, but for the extension of 112 c Catholic religion and Catholic influence ,to every spit where they possessed the slightest power. This was not the time to hazard any innovation on the alliance between Church and State, and to substitute a new and untried principle in its place. He admitted, there•was but a choice of difficulties ; but be bad at least experience front the Revolution in his favour. Mr. Secretary' CANNING then rote, and, in a tone of voice which evinced considerable feebleness and in. disposition, spoke to the following effect:—Sir, my **- son for thing at thi- early stage of the debate, is my fear, that were I longer to delay addressing you, the state of my health would preclude me from doing soot ail; and I am anxious not to give a silent vote on the present occasion. Under these circumstances, I imitate the moderation of the Honourable Barouervplkar has brought the subject under the consideratioa of the Rouse. I will not enter into any controversiarpoims, or Into any topics which might lead into an initittiag discussion, at the close of which I may be unable to be present; but I will confine myself to the expres-ion of the opinion which I have repeatedly expressed, and which I will again express, under whatever circumstances this subject may be submitted to the conideratioo of Parliament, or from whatever quarter the prop• sition for taking it into consideration may proceed.— I beg the Honourable . Baronet will not rnisunderstaosi my last observation, or suppose _that I entertain towards him the slightest disrespect. 1 have often had the Dour of his co-operation, although certainly in the ma jority of questions we have differed. Undoubtedly, Sir, if my opinion and advice had been asked on this sub ject (and I by no means complain that they were war so), I might not (rave thought the present the most fa-. vourable opportunity for the agitation of the snbject.-r Having said so much, I will not pursue that topic for... titer, lest I should be supposed to urge it as a kinder doubt of the propriety of the motion. The ssuestiew is before us ; and being before us, it is for me to consider in what way to deal with it. Sir, 1 hster no hesitation in saying, that lam ready to deal wish it u halrf always dealt with it—l am ready cosies my most cor dial and conscientious support to the Honourable Ba ronet's proposition.Althougb,as J have already observed, there are circumstances which make roe coniidor she present as rather an unfavourable moment for the dis cussion of this question ; yet, personally, I am far horn being sorry that it has been brought forwar4,-- Having so recently stood up in this House to Icnti My aid in suppressing the irregular attempts which have been mare to carry into effect, what I nevertheless con sider a most desirable object, I am , not sorry .tlnfr,an early opportunity is thus afforded me of sheworig Otat it . was only to that which was superinduced on this im portant question, that I objected ; and that the'feeling which I ever entertained on the main subject, is alto gether unaltered and unalterable—(Ficar, hear, hear).- The principle on which, as it appears to me, the pre sent proposition is worthy of the consideration of the House, is so plain and simple, that I can hardly gine on what grounds it is possible to oppose it. Leans easily understar.d, that any pet sons who are called upon" to decide in favour of the Catholic Question, may na turally enough require certain qualifications; look for the removal of certain inconveniences ; expect seeurityc against certain dangers (many of them, in my opinion, imaginal y, some oithern, perhaps, real). But I cannot understand how the simple proposition, to inquire why human beings, all subjects of the same Sovereign, all inhabitants of the same soil, all living together an thw • same community, all mingling in the various kindly Offices of life, all professing the common creed of Chris.- tianity, should be minded from the enjoyment of equal hts sod pri -lama bet on I contend that t peers to me ti deecribeJ by '(for whom Lai be declared th At least that w -Sir, what is a c +century old, tl but a restorati, present, beyon et e, is to alter we were. Dy position to mi Into my service 'unlest they can 'necessary (and 1 414 s become so (original nedess 'cannot go bad 'which it is our %too weak to foil inercone Of to beer. My Ht• ' die to the peac asd politics. Best half of my conclude? By State--( Hear, it never occurs sinus on which at more convi himself if Chu tical alliance?. my Honourabl with him. I d and polit ics a meet; and a d oeaionable. illustration Friend's own' a us, and tells u the world in a so paramount cially among t accuracy of tha my inference f 'aided into two thane betw•ee and the line be as efface the li Protestant Mit let as streagtl British and hear).—These, hare always are . the priaci to advocate to say anythil those Honoura subject'of thei establishment. thi. House to would go as lishment. Tb Nay, more: I were convince by proceeding, is so interwove at the hasard contend again But it is beau trary, that th ceives gay ino this count'' , gri ithose Niiho not sits Governmen • port to the n pledged to ti founded on it sacrifice to tha I may believe Protestant Co tleman SAS re speech ; shut' rentlY overeat The SOPIC sistency of,opi House, be has there was atty partial opinim fore, state brie tire to the were chiefly fi Honourable E time was iacs thought it wl House adopte row, it wool, It would be si after suppres Emancipation dependent Mt 'notion. An of the House claied, that, the House in meats, openly men, whether not be consid (ion ? He sh< would not ag He was told I would be sari biie~prirliege stelppingssteo Trionouratbki I had %rime chin was pol the principle difficulty: be was to stop, (mato* tha the objects , eats in the lieuch, wer lieges were tin its claim Ile Cobol .spectinkli Member fa Vbe wordi tath the C UM he ttil Vieittroi. Ahnts, the the .1 parties, then it was that William in put an end to the war, and t Tile Irish entered into a treAty, that thej should be allowed the religion, together with Won orh , dily submitted to the sitthorit; there was then a French fleet lid They signed the treat .‘ '.p their arms, and were thencell i iti:h subjects. Ireland becan , 1s ailiam united all the force 01 Louis XLV. establish the ltevoli his ovin power. The subsequi Treaty of Limerick were new against the Catholics, fur these ti les during dines of triumph an the feelings of triumph got the I the Treaty w..s invaded is all it' of laws was enacted, the hetvie• pressed upon a nation's neck. sized it with pleasure, thosnsevez ielaaesi. He wished the Cath Drget that within a few yearktbey had re efits of such a relaxation. It was bitter they :t the benefits conferred than the injuries in ise bentfits afforded a hope of a•, furtt of the disabilities whick still remained. cs of Ireland would forget ,tress oppowlnts,•tieellect tlxasselfattoerd thei the la,t reign, and conduct themselve Irangenven of Ireland, and he was able tying had the goodionane to bi-1 0 °.eg the_Catholics fors coniddetable-pme, and ayotoggst both, patties the-utmost rolence, Od good Alonduct.tto t 1 it kn- ltry gentlemekndllande4 propiletoSs. ow, patpUg Oast Whith itiittron n, and kept up I its violence and fat- .his opinion that a mote hon.mrab le • . .. • • unite the two coun- was only to that which was superinduced on this kn- the principle ish Constitution.— portant question, that I objected ; and that thefeeling difficulty; lx rith any of the dis- which I ever entertained on the main subject, is alto- was to stop, 1 s thought formerly gether unaltered and unalterable—(Hear, hear, hear).. I twining that 1 le did not presume The principle on which, as it appears to me, the pre - the objects el :use, at the present sent proposition is worthy of the consideration of the- feats to that ' that a man's reli- • House, is so plain and simple, that I can hardly in•st -- Ileuch, were him to political dis- gine on what grounds it is possible to oppose it. Leans lieges were gi e contingent danger easily understand, that any pet sons who are called upon, tin its claim, 1 le teconimended to to decide in favour of the Catholic Question, may na- , ..!'he Catholic it that danger was, turally enough require certain qualifications; look for 'spatting 'Titl d upon lt. He should the removal of certain inconveniences ; expect secnrititc -Member for Prorr °P.P° llll nitY 4 against certain dangers (many of them, in my opinion, Via uordi of red the usual rsolutihn, o a c omm i ttee to am . imaginal y, some of these perhaps, real). But f cannor itikeh . the Ch on= Qtholics, with a understand how the simple proposition, to inquire why hid he tikes human beings, all subjects of the same Sovereign, all qt or thi tion ;, and observed inhabitants of the same boil, all living together an tlw . ~ *Do; the out ,ateof the Catholics. same community, all mingling in the various kindly Airs the prc nbrace the condition offices of life, all professing the common creed of ChritiP l ailisArkioal f the L my. He was tianity, should be minded frets the enjoyment of equal . , . ; - . •• . . . . . _ . _ ____ IF V