Star. — London, England, 1828-02-12 00:00:00

our commerce was mond, aod the uncertainty of the peace of Europe, l n • BERitikthe absence of facts to s h ew the Mr. MA o r N ce nnpfkined that a vote for 30,000 men shouldbe voted. ` , .a. *l4 str-Vcr.-RIDLEY was of opinion, that the maripe force of the empire Was not more than was necessary. •Mr. WOOD (of Preston) after making a few remarks respecting the Sinking Fond, proceeded to Inquire if the House voted 39,000 seamen, how they were to be paid ? Mr. HUME insisted upon the right of the Committee 'tis look into the expense of the army, navy, &c. before a yore was •• passed. By so doing a saving might be effected ; but if the Com mittee were debarred from it he supposed the only savings the country might expect would be candle ends and cheese pairings. Mr. II USK ISSON captained. Mr. MABERLY complained that the Staff of the Militia cost an amount equal to the force of eleven effective regi ments, consisting of 9,000 men.—The Savings Banks, too, was another subject worthy of Inquiry. He hoped when the Finance Committee was appointed, that it would inquire into the several establi.hments of the country. The question was then pit, awl strangers were ordered to with draw, but on our return to the gallery we found 51r. 11051 E, complaining of the system of voting away the public money. • Mr. HUSKISSON was surprised the Hon. Member for Montrose was not aware that without a specific vote, not one farthing could be voted for a supply of seamen, wages, or victuals. Sir GEORGE COCKBURN pointed out the usual way -of proceeding in votes of this kind. Mr. HU ME was desirous of voting the number of seamen alone, but not the money to pay them. Mr. HUSKISSON said it would be strange indeed to vote a given number of seamen, and not to vote their wages, their vic tuals. and the necessary outgo for wear and tear. Mr. CROKER stated that the ptesent proceeding was the course usually adopted by Parliament. Mr. Alderman 'WOOD was aware that great part of the country looked up to the Right Hon. Gentlemen (Mr. Husklsson), hut it would not be satisfied without the strictest - economy being adopted.: He defended the finance knowledge of his Hon. Friend (the Member for Montrose). Mr.' Hume and Mr. Pan nautrally explained. Mr. HUME complained of the increase of the expenses in. the present Estimate. What in 1823 had been charged at the rate of 7s. was now raised to £2 9s. fli a charge fur provisions, what had been St 11s. or .C 1 12a. for several years, was now £1 ISn Prices of provisions were now lower, and yet these charges were Increat-ed. Sir GEORGE COCKBURN explained that everything was done for the best of tits• service, and if any reduction could be made its the following fie months, it would be done of course. Mr. M ABER LY was still dissatisfied. He wanted the details before he gave any vote. He understood that there had lately been a sale of 50,900 seamen's jackets, at a loss of from thirty to thirty-five per cent. The Honourable Member instanced this to stew the necessity of items. Sir GEORGE COCKBURN replied, that the jackets in ques tion were unquestionably unfit for the seamen. Since the Lord High Admiral bad assumed the command of the Navy, better articles bad been substituted, and articles too which gave greater satisfaction to the seamen. Mr. MA BERLY said, he should give early notice of a motion on this subject. He desired to have the fullest information on the question. Sir BIR AM MARTIN defended the Victualling Board. Mr. HUME hoped his Hon. Friend (Mr. Moberly) would persist in instituting an inquiry. Mr. CROKEIL explained. By the system lately adopted, seamen were net only much cheaper, but much better supplied than formerly. Sailors were now supplied at 245. for that which they had been in the habit of paying £2 tos. Mr. MAI3ERLY did not believe that the N..ivy Board concurred in the site of the jackets. The Hon. Member . . matiOn respecting the instructions given by the Allied rowers to their officers, or all that was necessary to show whether or not those ofseerstad properly executed them. On that subject, one which every Englishman had at heart, it would not be denied thist one of the bravest officers of out Navy should have an opportunity of repelling the insinuations (if any there were) against his character, and of clearing up any doubts that might have occurred—any surmises that might have been en tertained, that the conduct of himself and his brother officers had not been satisfactory to the Government — (Hear, hear). With respect to both those objects, he was sure every Noble Lord must agree with him, that before any fair decision respecting them could be ar rived at, further information than had yet been given was necessary. The first portion of that information would consist of copies of the instructions sent by the combined Powers to their several officers by, and signed with the names of, the respective Ambassadors of each. Having obtained that, in order to see how the officers had executed the duties so pointed out to them, it was his intention to move for any papers, dispatches, or other information, that might have been received from Sir E. Codrington, or any other officer of his squadron, written subsequent to the battle of Navarin. To the pro duction of tilos* papers he could anticipate no objection,' for should it be refused, their Lordships would be left in a most awkward, embarrassing, and painful situation, respecting circumstances of the greatest importance con fleeted with the subject. The only pointsof the polio of our Government on wh;.ch it was possible to forma judgment, from the papers, was in the first instance the right, ana in the next the policy, of our interfering at all. On those points their Lordships had sufficient iniormetioni in the Treaty between the Allied Powers, and the.pos• sible and contingent use of force suggested by it. He knew that there were Some persons who contended that no case, no circumstances, could justify interference in the internal affairs of a toteign country. On the prin-1 ciple of non-interference, he felt, perhaps, much less strongly than other Noble Lot ds. The history of all nations, however, and'our own amongst others, teemed' with examples of departures from that principle; and were their Lordships to look into history they would find no instance more strong—none more imperatively de-, minding interference—than the civil war which had for seven years bern carried on in Greece. In the present case there were but two grounds on which it was necessary to decide—expediency or inexpediency. —On the first, the slightest ground was, the question of suffering humanity. On that general ground, per. haps, interference would not be expedient; but seeing those horrors to continue which were disgraceful to our nature—seeing them perpetrated in a portion of Europe, amid motions which had the power of interrupting and of teiffirnating them, unless the principle of non-inter ference were to be held sacred under any circumstances whatever, interposition ought to take place. If we were to look to the effects which must naturally arise out of the revolting scenes enacted for such a length of time in Greece, the least of which was that of familiar izing mankind with horrors—when, in the course of a long period of years of coal ct and of carnage, no hope of a cessation of those horrors, without in terference, presented itself, should it be denied that the interposition of a stronger hand then becamee duty Such a state of things formed, he would contend, a ease l for interposition. Hr would go farther. He would maintain that even a single case made out on behalf of sniffling humanity—of insulted and persecuted Chris. tianity—would be sufficient to warrant interference— (Hear). He admitted that the danger of suffering such, cases to have weight was, lest it should induce parties te l create and use them as pretexts for carrying into effect schemes of aggrandizement. The Government found that those powers which would have had the means of availing themselves, for such views of ambition, of the distracted state of the belligerent count' y, were willing to wave all such views, and to unite cordially, fairly, and sincerely, in a league with the Government-to interpose to the extent of restoring tranquillity, and with a complete forbearance from a!1 pursuits of am bition—(Hear, hear). The next, and the greatest question for their Lordships consideration, was one of self-interest. When it should be found that our own interests were likely, directly or indirectly, to suffer, and that el +tiger to ourselves arose out of the distracted state of things in Greece, he thought the ezeediency, the policy of our interference, could no longer be ques boned—(hear). Looking back to (no inglorious period of our annals) the reign of Elizabeth, there would be found many instances of our interference between foreign powers and their subjects—where we had of forded supplies of money and arms—and had even invaded the ter r icor its of our Allies, la ided troops in aid of their revolted subjects at a period when we were at profound peace with them—their Ambassadors being actually still in London, and ours at their respective Courts—(Hear). He should not detain their Lot &hips by a lengthened introduction of the cases on which he had already laid his hand, but should proceed at once to enumerate them. The first occurred during the ,minority of Charles IX. (of France) three years after peace had been concluded between England and that country, by the Treaty of Cambray ; in which it was sti pulated, not only that it would not be lawful for any of the contracting parties to give protection to the revolted subjects of each other, but that they would mutually assist in putting down any such revolt. Here then, was a case, in which the parties were severally and specifi. cally bound to refrain from assisting the revolted sub ects of each other ; and yet in the year 1862 (that was in only three yeari afterwards), the Prince of Conde, being at the head of the revolted subjects of Mit 'ally, the King of France, Queen Elizabeth engaged, bitiegy, to supply the Huguenots with 100,000 croms, *cf. 16,000 infantry soldiers, who were „in conspswelee ac tually landed in France, and remained there for ieveraf. campaigns, during the whole of which time we were actually at peace with Franc e—(Hear). Another instance occurred in 1595, when Queen Elizabeth again assisted the Huguenots, sending them five hundred thousand crowns in money—(Hear). Many other instances could be adduced, in which Queen Elizabeth sent supplies of money, arms, and soldiers, to the re volted subjects of France—a Power with which this country was all the while at peace. Another case of interference occurred with respect to the Prote.tant Low Countries, where, as now in Greece, the revolt had its origin in religion, the Protestants revolting front the dominion of their legitimate Prince; but no question of legitimacy was comprehended in it, the people only fighting for religious freedom, as the Greeks now did. Of our interference in that quarrel he should cite one larticular instance. In the year 1568 a Spanish ship, Ireighted with a considerable sum of money, was pur sued by a French privateer, and took refuge in an Eng lish port. Queen Elizabeth, hearing that that money was intended for the Doke of Alva, to enable him to carry an the war against the revolted subjects of Spain, took possession of it—(Hear I) In 1589 she sent troops to the assistance of the revolted (of the Low Countries), and in 1685 she entered into a treaty with them. (Hess the Noble Earl referred to a manifesto published a; that time, in which it was declared that the 'alliance o designated the transaction as a job. Sir GEORGE COCK BURN denied that it was a job: Mr. 24 ABERLY would, notwithstanding the denial of the gallant Admiral, take an early opportunity of bringing the matter before the House. Mr. HUME expressed his surprise at the midden light which fell upon the Officers who managed that department—that a jacket At to be worn on the 31st of December should be unfit on the Ist of January. Sir GEORGE COCK BURN explained. Mr. bla , Mr. Alderman Wows, and Mr. Woon of Pres. ton. who said that the contractor for the jackets ought to be prose cuted, and Sir Geoetia Cowmen, severally addressed a few words to the House by way of explanation, when the question was put from the Chair, that 30,090 seamen be granted for the use of his Majesty's Navy, at the rate of £2 9s. pee man per month. The vote vs.,s then carried. It moved that £288,000 be granted for victuals for his ajesty's seemea, being at the rate of £1 12s. per man per month. This vote was also carried. The Horse then resumed, and the Report of the Committee was ordered to be received to-morrow. The Committee of Ways and Means was postponed to Wednes day neat. Adjourned at HAL/ Tan NW, &ruse& HOUSE OF LORDS Fes. It. PRIVILEGIt, William Camp, an officer of the Sheriff of Sussex, in custody for s breach of their Lordship" privileges, was ordered to be dis charged on paying his fees. Mr. Timmer, from the Tee Office, presented an Acceubt of all cases decided by the Judges relating to Assessed Taxes during the last year.—Ordered to lie upon the table. IRELAND. ------- Earl DARNLEY would beg permission, before their Lordships proceeded to the order of the day, to put a question to the Noble Duke at the bead of his Majesty's Government. From Is bat had takes plate before in that House, they had learned that . it was not the intention of Government to propose any measure to satisfy all the claims of his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, or even which report had given them the credit of intending, to pro pose any partial measure to mitigate the injustice under which they laboured. This determination of his Majesty's Government the 'country had learned with regret. Yet be could not persuade him. self but that it must be the intention of Ministers to bring forward some proposition for the advantage of Ireland. And, although he must despair of anything being very ssective unless accompanied by the great measure to which he ha - particularly alluded, yet considering the calamitous situation to which that unfortunate country was reduced, he deemed it incumbent upon Government to attempt something. His object was to ascertain what were the intentions of Govecomet with respect to Ireland ; and If he found that no measure was is their contemplation he should feel it his4tity to bring forward a motion upon the subject. He had not fully Made up his mind either as to the that or the precise form of that motion. He should probably fix an early day alter the holidays for this purpose, and if, upon consulting with Noble Lords particularly connected with that country, no better course should be suggested to him, his motion would probably be for a Committee to inquire into the present state of the population of that country. The Duke of WELLINGTON had to assure the Noble Earl that he felt equally with himself the deepest anxiety for ibe interest of Ireland, and this sentiment he shared in common with every other Member of his Majesty's Government. He had now only to state in reply to the question of the Noble Earl, that it was not his intention to propose any legislative measure respecting that country, of the nature to which the Noble Sari had referred. ArtAIRS flatlet AND TURICIT. DATTLZ OrNAVA RI Ar. The Earl of CARNARVON said that his Noble ' friend (Lore Holland), although approaching to con valescence, was still very far from being in a state of health that would warrant his bringing forward this night the motion of which he had given notice, and had in consequence requested him (Ea 1 Cimarron) to un dertake that task. That motion was for the produc- tion of four papers, all of them more or less connected with the subject of the measures taken by this country in conjunction with her Allies respecting the affairs of Greece. It was his (Lord Carnarvoreb) intention, however, to MDTe for the production of only two of those papers, which, he thought, would be quite sus cient to enable their Lordships to comprehend and to Make a fair estimate of the policy of this country,which it would be impossible to do relying only on the very 'gamy informationvontained in the papers already on their Lordships table. Another reason which bad in fluenced his Noble friend to move for those papers was, that we might be able to pay the debt of gratitude due to oar gallant Office's, in order to arrive at which it WAS necessary that the whole matter should come fairly before their Lordships. On reading the Papers before their Lordships, relating to the battle of Navacin, it would be manifest to Noble Lords that they were tar k.. having before them all the requisite infor- this country with Foreign Princes was tut so mu. h laid before ith, it Lot dships, that we had adopted th e with them .as with their subjects). Having issued that broad principle to which he had referred, they now r t . 'pair/go—she promised'suppoit to, the revoked sub, quired the production of other documents to ascertain coots of the King of Spain; and did vend it, notwith- whether or not the Government of this country bad shading that she was bound by treaties to that Mo. followed it up by sending out such instructions to th e nateh—(Hear). These were.cases (which must, how. Mediterranean as were calculated to give it effect? • - ever, be already known to their Lordships) showing the was with this view that he meant to move for copies, policy pursued by this country in different parts of those instructions. He trusted it would be found fivos Europe, in which we supported the revolted subjects them that the most cordial measures had been adopt e d of Foreign Princes with which we were at peace. We to promote the object of thisolliance. which would rote had gone farther, for, by the treaty to which he had the best substitute for that of the Holy Alliance, *Kie l just referred, we had actually bound ourselves to assist had been reedited. for the far different purpose of &11. the revolted subjects of our ally. Since the above, ing the people Of Europe into submission to their several instances had occurred of similar interference, Feeling, therefore, that the voice of the people of Eng. of which we. ourselves had been the victims—others, gland was With him, he asked for that information which in which we were the accomplices, in the applica- he conceived it was the duty and the interests of the Go. titan Of this principle from motives of policy, to the re- vernmeht to grant. It was a natural circumstance that yoked subjects of our own allies. It was in Mr. Pitt's the Government should be peculiarly sensitive on thit administration that it had been particularly exemplified. subject,seeing that there wasaucVa strange contradiction He (Lord Common) alluded to the revolt which toe); between the instructions given to Sir EdwardCodringtoi Place in Holland in the year 1787, which was put an and the passage contained in his Majesty's Speech—thi end to by the irruption of the Duke of IL unswick and dull phraseology of the Speech front the Throw. Tti his army into Amsterdam, at our instance; the question Home had,itt&ed, been told by the Noble Field Marshil being, whether the country should remain under the who was now at the head of hisMajesty'sAdminiitration; Stadtholder, or under France? Be the cause, how- that it was the intention of the Government to act up , ever, what it might, he looked upon it as one of the the treaties that had been entered into; but surely the most successful and one of the wisest specimens of inter- people of England knew the difference between acting ference to be found in the history of Eutope.....a lesson f coldly up to the letter, and acting with tipirit and energy, interference in putting down revolt in which thie country To this Country, toFrance,andto Russia,we were to look bad taken 'Ss part. Whatever,•therefore, might - be our for its ratification ; but if Russia merely gave to it a calf feelings respecting the pOliCy of our interference is the ratification, this country might soon have to roe ," Greek question, the facts of precedents and of usage were manner in which it had acted. A change, hoe ever, established ; and upon a question between right and had now taken place in the Administration. The fiiead .usage, how could we hope by. our black letter law to of Mr. Canning was now the colleague of his'bitter biing the question to a decision ? It might be contended rersories ; and he could not, or would not, detail the , that the pi inciple of noninterference ought not . to be cumstances that had taken place. There was one Noble departed from, and their Lordships might concur in it ; Member, who was a Member of the late as well as of but if we did that, we would do still better by getting presentAdministration,andin whom hehoped the present rid of all alliances, shutting ourselves up within our would find as cordial and disinterested a support as on n circle, and letting all other countries go to ruin. the fast, who had lately assumed a strange character. If we were, however. to interfete in the affairs of Eu. the character of the author of a marriage between' rope, we most be guided by policy, and by those prin. present brethren and the late Mr. Canning's tesidir. ciples so often and so signally recognised and asserted. devisee—and who; of course, had guaranteed to that The broad principle of non-interference should, he individual, that, both at home and abroad, the pris would admit, be the base and the foundation of all ciples of Mr. Canning should he adopted. But to cot treaties between foreign Powers; but he would contend bine such different interests would require abilities very it ought to be relaxed should imperi. us circumstances high indeed. To have reconciled two Ministers wit' demand i'. The principles of the Haly Alliance principles so irrational, and who were now sitting tog had been uniformly exerted—not to put down anarchy Cher in such perfect harmony, Must have been indeed alone, its professed object—but to crush all attempts at difficult. Had they, he would ask, been bound over • establishing tree and liberal institutions. Was that a keep the peace, and was his Noble Friend their surety, species of interference that ought to be permitted On these points the House would look to his Noble and applauded, while an inter fetence with a contrary Friend for satisfaction. He (Lord Carnarvon) had - object was to be condemoed ?' If Noble Lords were to ported the late Administration—the Administratioa look to the proceedings of the Holy Alliance, they Mr. Canning—because he had felt that it was the would findthat they were invariably directed against remote from that Administration which was formed the liberties and the rights of human nature. The cause Lord Liverpool—(Hear, hear, from the Ministesi of Greece we: interesting and glorious—interesting from benches)—because he felt that if the Administration our earliest recollections and associations—glorious, Mr. Canning had lasted bet a little while longer, not only on account of her present. but of her ancient would have destroyed the little remnants of that which struggles for freedom—(Hear, hear). He thought he had previously existed. It now appeared, however, had now proved enough—in establishing that the the old creature which had so long lived under Lord practice of interference on behalf of suffering hu- Liverpool was Again to revive--that we had "scot( ' inanity was not of modern date, or an ionova a the snake, not killed it." The object, indeed, bad' tion for which no precedent could be produced— to get rid of all the independent Whig Members, but that it was long known to European policy ; it order that the broken parts of the whole Liverpool only remained 'to him then, therefore, to show worm might be re-united. If such principles wr whether or not the principle had in the present instance again to be triumphant—if we were to have over been wisely applied. The instances which be was sufficient number of red soldiers—perhaps a superfluity about to refer to, in.support of the affirmation, occurred —to govern us—how few would be the liberal near our own shores. He did not mean to contend that ciples left us in the country ? We were now left to there had been a period when Persia, Greece, and the to the Noble Earl (Dudley) to guaranteeour safety whole of the Ottoman empire, formed no ingredient in we were to look to him teatate to us why he bad that which was termed the balance of Europe; but prived his Blends of his services at that very maim at that time Russia also had formed none. *nee that when be might have Made their cause triumphant.' period, however, by the increase of her territory and He (Lord Carnarvon) was anxious to know the natur population, and by her acquisitions, she had become of the guarantee, because he was anxious to know so important as to render it impossible for her to be colour of the future prospects of the Country. He wr contemplated by her neighbours without anxiety.— opinion that many of the Noble Lords who had Could any man, viewing her power and her situation— certain things last Session had wished they had left could any man look upon the sufferings of the Greeks, unsaid. He did not with to know why . the Noble and the evils that had sprung up during the long period count (Goderich) had resigned his Most Important for which the civil war had lasted—could any man —whether his communication was oral at by leto look upon these things, and say, thee the balance of merely contained in a postscript. He trusted, never • power in Europe was not endangered by them? Not theless, that the Noble Lord would explain to the House only had civil war endured for that long period on conduct which he was, no doubt, well able to deft land, but it had been prosecuted at sea with an extra- He knew that Noble Viscount's character well ordinary degree of vigour and applied to almost every respected it highly, and was sure that what he had ressel that sailed in the Mediterranean. Could Noble was done with a view to the interest and welfare Lords believe that such a state of things was not cal- country—and he hoped he would explain the grow culated to affect the interets of every nation in Europe ? on which he now stood. Having said so much,and feeling and that the protracted state of anarchy which per. that he (Lord Carnarvon) had been greatly indulged b' vaded the Turkish empire did not hold out, in pro. the House,he would now move ror what he did not - spect, circumstances of danger to European tranquil. could be refused. He would move that so an hurt lity and safety. The Powers now united for the first time, address be presented to his Majesty praying that had coalesced to interfere in the horrible contest which Majesty be graciously pleased to direct that copies has devastated Greece—not for the purpose of dismem. all instructions agreed to by the Ambassadors of Os bering the Turkish Empire—not to put an end to the three Allied Powers, and transmitted to the Admirals existence of Turkey as an European State—but to ter• of the combined fleets of France, Russia, and Eniir minate a war of desolation, and to direct their united up to the 20 th Oct ober, 1827, be laid u p on the tap efforts to restore that tranquillity which was so essential the House." Also, "That there be laid upon the tabled to their own safety. The only question between the House copies of all dispatches received from Sir E. those who attacked and those who defended the policy Codrington, or from any other source relative to the of that interference was, w hether or not Russian ag. recent affair at Navaria." The Noble Lord (Qumran) grandisement was likely to be promoted by it ? Look, observed that the general reports described the conduct he would say, to the policy of Russia. her position, of the Gallant Admiral, and the Officers employed and her power, and say, was it not of her single in- under him, as being in the highest degree honourable terfeience in the affairs of Greece that we should be to the character of this country. With reference, thew most justly apprehensive? Let Noble Lords look at fore, to the service to which he belonged, as well as these, and then ask themselves whether it would not to his own reputation, those papers ought in justice have been most Childish and puerile to suffer such a war to be produced, and it would be difficult to say 00 to exist in Greece, and to leave to Russia alone the task what ground they could be refused. of terminating it? The Greek tongue was the language The LORD CHANCELLOR having pat the first =settee, of a portion of the inhabitants of the Russian Empire Earl DUDLEY rose and said, he feared he should —the Greek religion existed throughout the whole of it. disappoint the expectation of his Noble Friend, whet The religion of the Greeks had been guaranteed to them he stated that it was not his intention to follow bin by treaties between theTur ks and Eussianoand although through the various topics upon which he had dlateds no war between those two Powers had arisen out of that and through which he had presumed, 'somewhat too circumstance, was it in the nature of things—was it in hastily, that it was his (Earl Dudley's) duty to follow the nature of man to suppose that a war of extermination him. He would state very shortly what be hai tG and ruin, such as we had witnessed, should be suffered say in reply to the demand for the papers which bit to exist - -and that Russia was to look on calmly without Noble Friend had called for. His Noble Friend argot interfering ? Instead of astonishment at Russia making as a principal reason for their production, that they common cause with us in terminating such a horrible were necessary to the vindication of the gallant Ad • warfare, ought we not rather feel surprise at the for - miraf . who commanded at Navarin . is (Lord bearance of that Power for such a length of time!— Dudley's) answer to that was, that the character (flearl) She had interfered—but with this qualification that was not attacked required 'no defence. Ad. —this modification—that Russia called upon us to join mina! Codribgtest, so far from having his conduct her in putting an end to that state of things. In pledging attacked by his Majesty's Government, had received herself to join, and to unite with us in one common cause, large rewards at their bands. He therefore stood in no for one common object,would it not have been worse than need of vindication from them ; and if his conduct had folly to have refused to accede to such a proposal ? Ought been criticised by those who had no just grounds for we to have left Russia irritated at our policy andready to judging of it, that was not a reason why his Majesty's act single-handed, which must have been the case, ac. Ministers should make out a defence for him by the cording to all experience, before many years had production of papers, which, for grave political reasons, passed? It could not be doubted, from the character it was inexpedient to produce. B.sides, even if there of the Russians, that feelings would burst forth were no objection to the production of these papers, which' Government cannot always controul, and to others would be required in illustration of them, for they which, as in this country; the Russian Government must :ould only be rendered intelligible by the production of pay attention. No one could believe that the Rus hose communications which had passed between o ur sian Government could iting have kept inactive the tmbassador at Constantinople and the Allied Power': people of that country'. connected as they ate with • hile these, again, would lead to the necessity of pro• the Greeks by a military pride and religious ties, 'icing others which, under present circumstances, It and for whom they feel a Common interest. • I old be highly inexpedient to produce. It was appearing, however, from the Treaty which bad beet .they too muds, therefore, to ask for documents of this destription wt f,g. from r4tHamg 'sieved. In this ; ,,nonntly was actin „fey were thereto %delta. If it hal to take tbese qt, and &scrota asopestrd to toanter -Mt slept a anode I A i r, by requiring Weir Lordships co Incompetent to ada %sera most fit to be tense would be, n secrete, but to ask I liobrokeo,t he cons It had been said th bolding this inform after it had been tact was. that a v had beta SO Commi taained undiselosec Eirl Dudley) ha isiotioo of his NI ,point in the speei altboish he hid n Idtatailsi he would 1 alluding to thee,h Ai administration ofl "weep those who re theirroome sacrifi tasked what stipt „lions time were n honour or confide' 'sary to stipulate fi be, in his opinion, t tions, therefore. hi mews then. Rut isted amongst then _ general policy, decidedly, yes. Noble Fs lend ii him thaf it was tit that it st 4k uld be never in to ed Car, and brew it tc spirit as we 4 as this subject WAS, it 7as to be fulfilled blish the paeificatii be the duty of his lull effect. He k On the part of I Add: be had th: reason to believe I would be any fa from the precedi: dons he bad to m; Friend. He had el in the most satist Noble Friend call the details arkt Treaty, he must .64 not the fit time 6 period, however, Mould he still hav be now filled, go Notion as his Not because he was afi satisfactory declined doing so /as either 61, or relative to tkit Ti ever the propel' ti it., but be trusted House that he °pi motion of his Nob Lord GODERI for troubling your trust I shall find i ,:ommenced this nor, perhaps, quit `lave no right to rhich led to the c , owe it to my ow the country (for humble as myself, so), to state the Ft lain the circumst Government—(a luty I have to cli to task your patio matters. Ido ac when I remember from the subject your Lordships, a than any thing I The immediate Government was difference of opi importance, bet , that Government and distinction i My Noble Frient and I am sure I support the anti Although, pert.ai part of the subje 1 will say, as ref iLansdown), witl recent, that I a character stood Wino, conciliati• almost ashamed presence; but w a meaner !VIZI In the coat se of 19peced in the intention of Gm t. appointment of measure which and epos which those duties whi IE had made up r ought to be subs to the Legislatur state what indu assastances in s doted desirable desirable in itsel gasify ought to I • :determination tt It would have Friend, ti ing now to • • icarthily , and, I • 111118artunately it t individual who maekit). to subm •,irlatalet Maualca be Oat businch • Bement. Undo' • that could oci the state of the An — -sole bad . cos the lbel Ii Ede *of to yet OKI Rea pee f ,iiag 41010 FAIL „O( 4 1' Alcor tick Go: Aga that 'WI thii . lit b tiod bob ;toll sifts -thi tam The basal she • hisai Lion; (E . p to .aau the , tine aid .ray, ides look , alb cold r ads the ' twt reer, the iead • ,•esi r ad. do sir= h " loble 'sas the be, esent do s did tw e‘r—. • istl n his of ary de that his prig: hit coos+ tb; very me with toga • in %deed 1 tbi ler to ws rety bli Noble be sap: ioa of on mat • wl rod by Irc staid we Lion of • fre which !ic Fs r, that io Lord otch'd the d beat Ti ere, Ss *0 erpool Pe I Were ths sr us a be /Roil des ;o loot r ; a nd deg rt ad do w a lemon rel 'phut. !sr nature sts., ow di H' was el 164 said Ft them foi te rit In it office co ,ter, a Do h iciml n e : feen t :t er od : : IC, id done ho s of his so rounds P 1 fee rged ita. b l y du it think to iambic an hat his 4 . w fr t:, l 9 ib:, : st i b f o e i i ir s r ei l 4t a h i e s di is II larva) al ended lb ployed at aureole ss 1. 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