Star. — London, England, 1825-02-09 00:00:00

probable they could never attain the end they had in view. The term% however, which they had applied to the Otangernen, he sh , mltl alway 4 regret, although it did lint appear to him, that on' i n ch grounds the liberty of the subject should be invaded. He believed. at the same time, that the Catholics were unanimous to a man he their object, and that many Protestants, even in Ireland, supported their proceedings. Let them persevere—let them not relax in their endeavours till they had attained their end. Lord HOLLAND said, that the Noble Earl oppo'site (Lord Liverpool) began his speech with an ohservatioa of which he seemed so enamourei, that he concluded by repeating it. The Noble Lot d said, that the motion of the Noble Marquis (Lansdown) demanded informa tion before it was known to what the information could be applied. He (Lord Holland), on the contrary, in sisted that the motion referred to a subject tecommended in .he King's Speech, :and that to withhold whatever might enable the House to come to a right conclusion upon it was both ungracious and radically unjust..—. Mete too often, had it been the practice of the Noble Earl to bring down guises when he wished to abridge the liberty of the subject, and those voluminous pt asses, which not infrequently libelled the people of England : no one then asked what was the purpose of such papers ? w by not wait till the measly e which they refer to ha, come up from tire House of Commons. He (Lord H.) never acted thus. It would indeed be strange if their Lordships were to apply a remedy to an alleged, evil, without having information to guide their procedure.' —lf the motion of his N•ible Friend were sightly tin., derstood, he thought it impossible for any Peer to le a ved the House without voting for it if he wished that the, measure in contemplation should have weight either, within or without the walls of Parliament. The Noble Earl was fond of relying on precedents, and he had to night resorted to that support—he had countenanced the passing of the Bill for suppressing Orange Socie ties, and took it for granted that all done on that occa sion had the unanimous approval of the House. But he (Lord Holland) had said " Not Content" to that Bill, and certainly not from any friendly feelings which he possessed towards the persons on whom it was to operate, but because he objected to its principle. It WAS not true, however, that even that measure was adopted without inquiry it was a mere extension of the law of England to Ireland—upon that ground it was argued and passed, and the law which it went to extend, and which was introduced by Lord Melville, into-the House of Commons, when Mr. Dundas, was not introduced till after mature investigation by com petent Pariiamentary Committees. But supposing he was to take the recommendation in the King's Speech, he was not surely to be left to speculate on the remedy proposed. He would, however, imagine that the Irish Convention Act was the model of the intended Bill. He certainly was not aware whether the passing of that Act, of which be was no admirer, had been preceded .by inquiry or not—nor should he be much disposed to follow the Irish Parliament on such grave and impor tant points of legislation, pat ticularly at such an epoch as t e year 1793, when this law was adopted. Ile would at the same time do the Irish Parliament justice. At that period it was in contemplation to assemble a number of delegates at Athlone, and to call together a sort of second Parliament in that place—the time, too, was the eve of a war with a nation which held out every inducement to British subjects to desert their allegiance. Tire Noble Earl whom lie (Lord Holland) had now the pleasure to see in his place, the Lord Privy Seal (Earl Westmoreland) was then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and could correct him as to facts. lle might also ob serve, in passing, that not even the enemies of the Noble Earl (Westmoreland) could accuse him of ever being very squeamish about resorting to such measures as he deemed necessary for the support of the Government to which he belonged—they could never say that Ire was particularly mealy-mouthed about expressing Iris apprehensions. But, notwithstanding the dangers by which the Noble Earl was then surrounded, when be came down to the Irish Parliament, did .he do as the King's Advisers now attempt? Mark how he 'pro ceeded. He recommended concession and conciliation to the Catholics first, and the Convention Act, which was the 29th, was preceded by the 21st, which con ferred the enjoyment of so many rights upon that de nomination of persons. Nothing of this kind was pro posed at pre-ent. The question in short now Was, whether their Lordships should legislate on a moment ous subject without information? It would perhaps be said that the King's Speech afforded information, and he (Lord Holland) confessed it did, but of a most unsatisfactory nature. Ile would read a paragraph or two of it for the House.---EHete his Lordship read that part of his Majesty's Speech which stated the pros perous and tranquil situation of Ireland; but men tioned the existence of Associations, which Parliament were recommended to suppress; and concluded by ad. vising a renewal of the inquiries into the state of that ,country.)—lf, then, (continued Lord Holland) they un dertook to apply a remedy to the evil first, for what pur pose resort to inquiry afterwards? All the Noble Lord's proceedings were of a piece. Before a Bill was brought up from the Commons, they were to know nothing, and then, before the Bill was passed, then they were to know tiothing—bet immediately after wards to have an inquiry. Nuw when certain measures, affecting particular laws, 'were contemplated, it was customary for the House to first ascertain the opinion of the Judges upon the points to be legislated on, but in future he (Lord Holland) supposed that precaution would he dispensed with. Their Lordships would make the law first and consult the Judges afterwards. He now came to the only infor mation on the subject in the King's Speech ;'and from that, if it appeared that airy measure at all mere neces sary, there certainly did not appear any necessity to perpetuate it—(Hete his Lordship again read the pas► sage in his Majesty's Speech already noticed.)—There was nothing in that about immediate insurrection, and his Majesty, even in recommending some step to be taken, expressed no desire that it should be hastily re sorted to. What then was the object of his Noblelriend (tire Marquis of Lansdown's) motion ? It was, that the better to remedy the evil complained of in the Royal Speech, they should first know what the evil itself was, that the House might hear from the Noble Earl oppo site (Lord Liverpool's) own witnesses the evidence which they had to give, and learn, perhaps, both sides of the tale. It might thus probably appear that the measures originally recommended wet e partly coercive and partly conciliatory. He must say it was treating the Govern ment on the other side of the Channel very unhand somely, not to state explicitly all the measures it had -'ssed, as well as the present one. But on this point • must confess he was as much in the dark as seemed disposed so keep the House upon subject under discussion, nor did his M 4. ,irech tend much to enlighten him. In it he iJ that e Associations exited in Ireland irre with the spirit of the Constitution, and cal culated to excite animosity among the people." When he &staved this passage he looked round him to find iwhatAssociationsveally bore this character,and hi found 'none but'the Irish Government and the Irish Cabinet, or perhaps he ought to add, the English Govei nment and the English Cabinet. A Government or Cabinet, to he reconcileahle with the Constitution, ought to be founded on principles of harmony and union, but the Irish and English Governments were framed on a system of disunion and counteraction. There was a black on one side and a white on the other, exactly balancing .each, and this principle was lately extended net only to the composition of the Royal Speech, but to the Mover and Seconder of the Address in both Houses of Parliament ; nay, if there was a foolish prosecution against one party, there was also a foolish prosecution against the other party ; and - thus it was, Cromaboo and Butleraboo were incessantly opposed. Now could any thing be more calculated than this to keep alive ani mosities in Ireland? and yet it pervaded every act of the Ministry, and even through the whole of the King's Speech the " serpentine line" was visible— " Penitusque in viscera lapsum Serpentis furiale malum, totamque pererrat." The true question, then, for their Lordships to decide was, sa hat Associations they should put down in Ire land ? The system was said to be devised not to give a triumph to either party; but for his part he thought it the most impolitic, and the unwisest scheme which could be adopted. But if the proposed Bill were to be modelled on the Convention Act, it would be well for their Lordships to bear in mind the difficulties which attended the framing of that measure. When the Con vention Act was introduced, how did Mr. Grattan— that great and good man—that best and truest friend of his country—characterize it? He said it would con vert the most brilliant events in the history of the British Constitution into the blackest. The very framers of the Bill were obliged to withdraw it as it originally stood, for they found that any officer by its authority might enter either House of Parliament and disperse the Members. Another Bill was then introduced, in which all delegated meetings were subjected to its ope ration—save and except the Knights, Burgesses, &c. in Parliament assembled—although that provision did not shot tly after save the Parliament which enacted it—and also save and except the two Houses of Convocation. lie (Lord Holland) should therefore recommend that in the present Bill a special clause should be introduced, viz—saving and excepting his Majesty's Cabinet and Privy Council from the penalties it awarded on assem blies " irreconcileable with the spirit of the Constitu tion, and calculated to excite animosity among the people." He had detained the House much longer than . he bad intended. If their Lordships took for granted that evils existed without inquiry, they would act contrary to all justice, and the measure so founded would be one of servility. If a necessity did exist, and be should be sorry to believe there did, for employing such coercive means of tranquillizing Ireland, it would indeed be an awful necessity, and he would conjure the House, as they valued i the peace of the country, and as they valued the rights and freedom of posterity, not without adequate information to undertake so pain ful and disgusting a duty—(llear.) Earl BATHURST briefly opposed the motion; but his Lordship's low tone of voice rendered very few of his observations intelligible below the bar. He remarked, that a Noble Earl (Grosvenor) opposite said, that there ' was nothing in the proceedings of the Catholic Asso ciation to justify the adoption of measures for its sup pression ; surely there was sufficient on the very face of those proceedings, to render it essential to the tran quillity of Ireland that such associations should be put down. He contended that it was ttnnecessary to go into details before the House, until a 13111 was called for; it would then be proper for their Lordships to see whether they ought not to adopt such a measure as would be necessary fur the safety of the State on the one hand, without intrenching on the liberty of the subject on the other ? But the Noble Lord (Holland) said that this measure was connected with one for this country. Lord HOLLAND here stated that his Lordship had misunderstood him. Earl BATHURST continued. With respect to a great variety of other topics introduced by the Noble Lord, it was unnecessary for him to go into them. What was the prificiple to be brought forward on this occasion ? The principle was this—if, on the face of the public proceedings of this Association, there was not anything to justify their Lordships in adopting the proposed measure, then they would do right to reject it ; bet if there was, their Lordships would do well to wait until it was proposed, and then judge if the mea sure was equal to the occasion that called for it. The Earl of Gnosvzwoa and Lord HOLLAND severally explained. The latter observed, that he never meant to say that the proposed measure was connected with any ether, ,till less with an English measure. He did say it was possible that the Irish Government, when recommending this with other mea sures, assigned grounds for it; and he thought it but reasonable that these should be stated to their Lordships. The Earl of CARNARVON did not conceive that in allowing the Address to pass he had pledged him self to consent to all the measures it suggested without examination. According to the theory of the Noble Earl opposite, they were never to obtain light—for when the Bill came from the Commons, was it in its preamble that they were to find a reason for imposing new restraints on the people, which perhaps were totally unnecessary—and were their Lordships to say " Con tent," or "Not Content," upon such evidence? Would they do that upon a great public occasion when the 'most vital interests of the Empire at large were in volved, which was not done with the most ordinary Private Bill? In the latter case, evidence was heard at the Bar, and the whole matter thoroughly sifted before they attempted to legislate on it. It was said, however, that the present measure was founded on proceedings , of public notoriety, and in the same breath it was said that it had been sent over from Ireland, framed by the Irish Government. The dispatches then accompanying it were not of public notoriety, and those were what were asked, that others might have the same information as the Ministers of the Crown. When Ireland really was dis turbed, and when Captain Rock pervaded the country, the Noble Earl opposite (Lord Liverpool) did not scruple to furnish the House with the contents of green bags ; but now no information, and indeed hardly the King's Speech, was given. WAS it possible that this was referable to another feeling ?—that the Noble Earl at the head of the Law was satisfied no Bill could bi framed which would. be either practicable or applicable ?—and therefore,that their Lordships were requested to wait till the House of Commons should send up the Bill—Ministers were aware at the same time that no Bill ever would arrive. Why else did they shrink from tile discussion of the subject ? His Majesty's Govern ment looked with apprehension at the unanimity of the Catholic Association; but he (Lord Carnarvon) thought a divided assembly much more dangerous. The House then divided, when there were— Contents . 20 Non Contents 42 Majority against the Motion . —29. The House adjourned at a Quarter past Fight o'Clock. HOUSE OP COMMONS. Colonel DAVIES obtained kaveto bring in a Bill to enable the Equitable Loan Bank to sue and be sued, and serve notices in the names of their clerk or secretary. Lord STANLEY obtained leave to bring in a nu for making a rail-road between Liverpool and Manchelter. Air. DUNDAS presented a petition front the Chamber of Com merce of Edinburgh, against the high rates of insurances against fire. —Ordered to lie on the table. Sir J. NEWPORT presented a petition from the Chamber of Commerce of Waterford, praying for a freer communication between England and the South of Ireland.—Ordered to lie on the table. )Jr. S. COURTNEY presented a petition front an individual named Suter, praying an alteration in the laws respecting Friendly Societies.—Ordered to lie on the table. Sir E. KNATCIIBULL presented a petition from the Corpora tion of Deal against the duty on sea-borne coals.—Ordered to lie on the table. Colonel PA LMER presented a petition from certain parishes in the city of Bath, for a repeal of the House and Window Tax.— Ordered to lie on the table. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL presented a similar petition from the Parish of St. Peter in the East, in the City of Oxford.— Ordered to lie en the table. Mr. HUME postponed his motion, which stood for this day, until Tuesday next. Lord ALTHORPE moved for leave to bring in a Bill for the more easy and speedy recovery of Small Debts in England and Wales. The Noble Lord stated, that it was his intention subse quently to move for a Select Committee to inquire into the claims of all persons interested in the measure, in order that compensa tion might be awarded to those whom the measure might be cal culated to injure. THE USURY LAWS. Mr. Serjeant ONSLOW, in thing to move for leave to bring to a Bill for the Repeal of the Usury Laws, observed, that the present period was one of all °theta in which such a measure could excite little opposition. When the King's Speech recommended the removal of restrictions upon commerce, be could not help thinking that the restrictions upon money transl actions also should be thrown entirely open. Mr. DAVENPORT opposed the motion. It was in his opinion totally uncalled for, and was calculated to ruin the landed interest throughout the country. Mr. J. SMITH supported the motion; and hoped Mr. Serjeant Onslow would not defer the measure in courtesy to its opponents, as he had done last year. Mr. J. C. CURWEN was of opinion, that during the present speculative spirit which was afloat, they should hold fast by such law► as might serve to protect many from total ruin. The whole country were becoming speculators and jobbers to such an extent, that no less than £164,000,000 had already been subscribed to new speculations. The gallery was then cleared for a division, and on the readmis sion of strangers, the numbers appeared—Ayes, 52—tioes, 45. ROMAN CATHOLIC MARRIAGES. Dr. LUSHINGTON moved for the warrant of com mittal of six individuals to the county prison of Lon donderry, under the following circumstances :—Two persons. professing the Catholic religion, had last year beer married to two others, professing the religion of the Church of Scotland. Information having been given to the Magistrates, summonses were issued against all the parties, who were, by the order of the Magistrates, committed to pt ison, under the provisions of a Statute which was supposed to be still in force, for the space of three years—(Hear, hear.)—He (Dr. Lushington) had some doubt, as also had several of the Irish Barristers, whether the law had been repealed which affixed the penalty of death to the Priest who celebrated a mar riage with any save a Catholic, and that of transport. ation to those witnesses who refused to give testi mony against him. Of all the Acts which ever dis graced the Statutes, none equalled the Irish Statute of the 6th of Queen Anne, which declared, while af fixing the penalty of death, that if it should appear that either 'of the parties married were of the Pro testant religion, it should be presumed that the Priest knew of it, and he should suffer the death of a felon ! The same Act also made it lawful for any two Magis trates to summon suspected persons before them, and . to compel them to give evidence against the Priest who married them; or in the event of their refusal to enter into recognizances to give evidence, they should be commit. ted to prison for three years, without bail or maiiiprize. A Statute was subsequently passed, in the reign of George the First, inflicting a penalty against the Priest of 5001. This was evidently intended to supersede the former cruel law, but as it did not do so in the pre amble of the Bill, the law now stood that they should suffer death first, and pay the fine afterwards. Sir G. HILL complained, that the Magistrates who had committed those persons had been menaced, and held up to popular vengeance, by the Catholic Asso ciation, although their conduct was altogether compul sory. The Priest in question was a Mr. O'Flaherty, who had been first admonished ; but on persevering was summoned before the Magistrates, who scarcely knew the nature of the defence until it was pointed out by the Solicitor of the complaining parties. No Ma gistrates were more assiduous in the performance of their duties than those who had been compelled to act in the manner described. They had no option, for the Act was imperative to commit the parties who refused to give testimony against the Priest. They were, how ever, liberated after one week's imprisonment, by the order of the Irish Government. Mr. J. SMITH wished to ask the Honourable Baro net, what the Association had done, which could au thorise him to say that they held these Magistrates up to public vengeance? Mr. G. R. DAWSON said, that his Hon. Friend was right in saying that they had been held up to popular vengeance by those demagogues of that foolish Par liament, Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Shiell, and other de magogues of that cast. He thanked Dr. Lushington for the manner in which he had brought forward the motion: he had not mentioned names, 'and evidently had only the alteration of the law in view. When O'Flaherty celebrated those marriages, he actually bound the parties in an oath not to discover, and in stead of standing his trial like a man, he fled the coun try—(Laughter.)—Gentlemen Might laugh, -but he never would consent to a law which did not hold out some penalty upon a Catholic Priest, for celebrating such marriages. Mr. NORTH could not refrain from alluding to the cheers of reprobation, as he thought, with which some Gentlemen opposite had met a part of his Right Ho nourable Friend's (Sir George Hill's) speech, when he spoke of the uneasiness which these marriages had caused in the country. Was riot that uneasiness perfectly na tural ? The s e marriages were not, he regretted, un common in-Ireland ; there were none, however, which carried worse consequences in their train; they were null and void by law, and the progeny of them bas tardized—their ultimate consequences in nine out of every ten cases was the desertion, abandonment, and destitution of the unfortunate women who were the victims of them—(Near). On the subject of the law, he denied that there was the difference of opinion which had been alluded to. The Honourable and Learned , Gentleman (Dr. Lushington) had joked upon the Irish ] statute law, and said that it first inflicted in these cases the punishment of death, and then a fine of 500/. The joke was, however, rather stale, and had been imported from the Catholic Association, for the amusement, he supposed, of the faculty of Doctors'-Cornmons—(A laugh). But he could assure the Honourable and Learned Doctor, that it was perfectly understood by the profession in Ireland, that the 3341 of the late King had repealed the previous statutable pe t tlty, which made the crime a capital felony. Upon the policy of these statutes he did not mean to give any opinion, but reserved to himself hereafter the right of considering what penalty ought to attach w an offence certainly most injurious to the interests of society. Neither would he give any opinion now upon the con duct of the Catholic Association, although he thought that in this particular instance, it was quite of a pleat with all that he had heard of their other conduct. Mr. GRATTAN defended the Catholic AssociatiOil* and denied that they had excited popular prejudice against the Magistracy ; on the contrary * he believed they had done great good to the couriti y, 'which had never been more tranquil than since their interference. Was it fair, he would ask, to make personal attacks upon individuals who could not be present to defend themselves, and who were men of as much honour and worth as any in the Kingdom? He begged particnlarly to speak of Mr. Mid, who, u well as Mr. O'Connell, did not dc. , serve such personal reflections—(Hear). Dr. LUSHINGTON, in reply, said, that notwitha standing what had been said of the general under standing of the law in Ireland, he knew that strange prac tices prevailed there,not only in civil,but in criminal cases, where he knew that statutes had in the administration of justice been disposed of by wholesale, and the com mon law resorted to in particular prosecutions. With respect to the particular case before them, could any thing be more intolerable than to compel the party to give evidence against his own act ?—(Hear). As to the Magistrates and their conduct, he could not help making this single remark—that there never was.a case in which the act of one of that body was impugned, without their being at once overwhelmed with the weight of the eulogiums flung upon the Magistracy for the possession of every virtue—(Cheers). It was sin gular enough, that in this case, where the Magistrates were represented to be popular with the Catholics be fore this act, they became the reverse afterwards, which was a conclusive proof of the impolicy of the statute that could lead to such a spirit of animosity—(Hear). The-ito don wasthen agreed to. The House resolved itself into a Committee of Supply,profortna. Mr. SP It ING RICE gave notice of a motion for the producticin of all Papers and Dispatches from the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland rehtive to the Catholic Association, for to-morrow. Alt. H. DAVIES moved for a variety of Returns, relative to the Snuff and Tobacco Trade. The Honourable Gentleman also resented a Petition against the Catholic Association, from the Vestry and Parish of St. Thomas's, in the City of Bristol. Mr. HUMR denied the alleg idol,. of the Petition. Mr. BRIGHT said, that the Petitioners had a right to state their opinion, without being called to account. Mr. 11. DAVIS said, his reason for bringing forward that Peti- . don to late in the evening, was, because he understood there were five or six others from Bristol. The Usury Laws Repeal Bill was brought up by Mr. HER. RI ES, read a first time, and ordered to be printed. A Petition was presented from the Inhabitants of T.yme Regis, relative to the St. Katharine's Docks.--Ordered to lie on the table.—Adjourned. - STANDING ORDERS OF THE HOUSE OF LORDS RELATIVE TO PRIVATE BILLS. No. 210.1113PICTING JOINT STOCK COMPANY BILLS. The Mercarii, 2 Junin, 1824. Ordered, by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in Parliament assembled, that in future, with the exception of Bills for making and improving any Turnpike-road, Navigation, Cut or Canal, Rail road (.1 Tram-road, Tunnel or Archway, Bridge, F; rry, Dock, Pun, or Harbour, and of all Bills - for lighting, paving, or watching any one Town, Parish, or District, or foe the cultivation or improve ment of Waste Lands, all Bilis brought into this House, enacting and declaring that certain persons shall form a body politic or cor porate, who shall only be bound to the event of their respective shares, or granting to the same the privilege of a perpetual succes sion and a common seal, or the right of suing or being sued, plead ing and being itnpleaded, at Law or In Fquity, or of prosecuting persons who shall commit any felony, misdemeanour, or other offence ; or any Bill conveying to any number of persons, who are not bound conjointly and severally to the extent of their respective for tunes, one or more of the aforesaid privileges; such Bill, after being read a first time, shall be referred to a Select Committee; and no such Bill shall be read a second time till the Committee to which it is referred have reported that it has to them been proved in a sa tisfactory manner, that three•foutths of the Capital intended to form the Joint Stock of such Company, is deposited in the Bank of England, or vested in Exchequer Bills, or in the Public Fends in the name of Trustees, to be transferred to such Company when they are by law constituted a body politic and corporate, or have by jaw acquired any of the aforesaid privileges. The bankruptcy of a mercantile house at Leith, has unfortunately obliged three considerable and esteemed houses in Norway, viz. one at Drammen, and two at Christiania,to stop payment. It is understood that a new Greek Loan, to the es tent of two millions sterling, has been contracted for by Messrs. J. and S. RICARDO ; but neither. the . terms of the contract, nor the price at which it will be brought out, have as yet transpired. The former Bonds of the Lean for 800,0001. it is stated, are to be redeemed to a certain extent; and in consequence the prices of those Bonds have advanced from 39, which they were on the precedinf day, to 60, which was the closing price yesterday. fhe prices of the Shares experienced a fat. ther advance, as will appear by reference to our list. It is stated in letters from Corfu, that Maustocoa- DATO had agreed on an armistice with the Turkish Ge neral OMaR VRIONR, who had received private advices from Constantinople, that the Porte meant to take him off, under pretence of promotion to a superior Pashalik. It is also suggested that subsidies (alias bribes) propeliy applied would bring over most of the Albanian Chiefs to the Greek cause. Letters from Joannina of January 1, say, that OMER VRIONE has renewed his conference with the Greek, and offered to give up Piecisa, as a pledge of his sincerity. This news wants confirmation. The 13th of December, a slight shock of an earth quake, which lasted about ten seconds,was experienced at St. Andrew's, New Brunswick. It excited c9asider able alarm, but no damage was occasioned. A private letter from Madrid, of the 20th ult. state', that the public attention has been a good deal occupied of late with the consideration of several Royal Decrees, tending to the extirpation, not only of all Constitutional acts, but of everything which might recall to mind their existence. 01 these Decrees, one regulates the size and right of weating , mustachios, excluding all Constitu- tionalists and suspicious char acters, all those not hav ing rank or office under Government, or not being Nobles.' Another prohibits the carrying of meat blankets, especially by soldiers. Another prohibits the wearing of caps—even Ladies are not excepted in it. Accounts from Stockholm of the 21st ult. state, that Count LOWENHJELM would set out at the beginning of this month, on his mission as Ambassador Extraordi nary to Paris. Private letters from Bitoglia say, that the Bey of Caslar had himself declared to his Greek subjects, that he was unable to protect them, and he therefore left them at liberty to change their place of abode. General D'Hoziza, commanding at Orleans, W.I killed on the 2d instant, at Fontainebleau, in a dm! with the Major of a cavalry regiment, whom he s is petted of an improper intimacy with his wife. The Major had placed himself on the safe side, by requirin4 a written challenge from his General before he wail' i fight him. i proposed, as be certainly V ' Ministers Si th e NA hole jAt y% S 1 xe V• fc.und. it sal. ik . - cuncileable ---~--- .