Star. — London, England, 1818-03-12 00:00:00

be found which bad given more general so ds= that memorable one of the late Lord ..epcin this subject. There were before the Petitions from persons, who stated that their had been broken into and ransacked by the ity of Magistrates to search them for libels — hear) ;—that the Petitioners themselves had erried to the House of Correction loaded with and compelled to hard labour.., Such was the luence of the celebrated Circulat Letter issued by Lord Sidmouth—(heardrear.)—Could ig be more monstrously illegal than that a ithout trial, should be loaded with irons and rood to hard labour in a House of Correction, ime of which, even if he had been feund the law would have awarded no such pu '? He particularly referred to the state the Petitioner (hitherto uncontradicted) Charles Swindon, who had suffered such .; nay, worse, his house broken open at the might—his wife, far advanced in pregnancy, from her bed—the house ransacked, and the itioner himself carried to prison —(hear, hear.)— - aansequ ences were, the premature labour of his death of his child, and the most revolting exercised upon the man himself, and all use he was suspected of having in his pos. ..ertain libellous papers. This at least re- The House might pass this Bill—they pass Bills to suspend or destroy the liberties people, but they could not suspend the laws and Nature—they could not deliver the per of such acts from the torments of a guilty ice—(hear, hear). —He contended that the imstances on which the Indemnity Bill of 1801 een founded were very different from the pre- Then there had been supposed and real con - with a foreign enemy, and the pretence was, discover the names of the persons who had ne information, would be to expose them to trance. Now it was, that they would have the fury of the populace, and the actions of persons whose confinement they had occasioned hear.) —But was it not known that witnesses forward in Courts of Law were perfectly id had any of those who had given evidence ,y manifested any apprehension of ill-treat '—The House were called upon to embody in declaration that such was the situation of the ", that persons giving information of conspi dangerous to the State could not do it safely the protection of Parliament—(Hear, hear.) would not give his sanction to such a false- A new system was thus attempted to be esta- Persons were employed to sustain charac tich did not belong to them, to go among the ted and excite them to insurrection, and then were to be protected by the House !—(hear, .)--Notwithstanding the rim i .ule to which he had lered himself obnoxious, he should still contend, lie employment of spies in the manner in which had been employed, could not be justified.— this man not appeared among the disaffected asi ,mbassador from London, they would not have a hand. No one could read the Derby trials it seeing that those deluded men relied en on his statements and promi s es hear, hear.) it was said those men were disaffected, other the supposed representations of Oliver could had no effect upon them, and, consequently, did not deserve the blame cast upon him.— Ministers aware, that in saying this they taking exactly the same ground of defence as ighan, the execration of mankind ?--(hear, hear.) did not speak of Brock and his accomplices, for had attempted to betray innocent men into But Vaughan had engaged thieves by trade :ommit an easy burglary, in order to seize them, obtain the miserable reward given as the . price lood. It was to sanction a similar conduct in his jesty's Ministers that the House were called upon lass the present Bill. But even its importance \lc into nothing, when the higher consideration !mbraced, and it was viewed as part of an op me system, to deprive individuals of their most ble liberties, and then indemnify Magistrates acts which they had done (even those not the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus) in open ince of justice. And the House were told that was a necessary consequence of the Suspension ! So that in future, Magistrates would know as soon as the Habeas Corpus should be sus led they might commit every illegal and unjust ley pleased, and be sure that they must, of ne .y, be protected by a Bill like the present ! , hear, hear.) He knew that this melancholy dent would be established, and that it would id in future times, that the House had refused iry, whilst its Journals recorded cases of the flagrant injustice and cruelty. His only conso on was, that when these proceedings should be when these precedents should be turned against people, and all constitutional , freedom destroyed all justice, it would be known that there had a few individuals who, quite conscious that would be. overpowered by numbers, and the downfall of the public liberties would be Led by the acclamations of majorities, had pro- Led against such acts of violence, and endeavoured lead back their country to a system of laws and ice, which had been its own boast, and the envy surrounding nations—(hear, hear.) His Majesty's ign had been distinguished by many brilliant vic- Aes, but Ministers would end by a melancholy mph over the liberties of their country, and in words of its immortal Bard— " Ta.a England, wont to conquer other nations, liAth gaited a bhanaeful conquest o'er hersdf." Whatever be the fate (said Sir Samuel) which these 'asures will entail upon the country, I feel that I re discharged my duty in thus earnestly protesting tint them, and implore the House to consider the twful responsibility they are about to incur."—(Loudl mud continued cheers.) The SOLICITOR-GENERAL contended that his lonnurable and Learned Friend had kept out of ..fight, with consummate skill, the circumstances which led to the measures adopted last Session, and ultimately to the proposal of the present Bill. He thee took a view of , the conspiracies on which the 'teports of the Committees and the Suspension Acts 1817 had been founded. After having obtained .xtraordinary powers on the ground of necessity lone; his Majesty's Ministers had surrendered them soon as that necessity had ceased, though the time ' fil inent to be tisfaction th Cansclen.ap House Petit 4iouses had authority of (hear, hear been carriec irons, and c consequence last year b any thing 1 man, withe condemned for a crime & Wiry, the mshment? went of i named Ch treatment ; dead of nib dragged fr , • Petitioner 1 , The consec wife, the d cruelties e: this becaus session cer . . /trained. I might pass . 1 of the peol of GOD an , petrators o conscience circumstar had been f I sent. The spiracies la that to di 1 given the i his vengea to fear the the person —.(hear, h It brought f safe, and at Derby ment ?..-1 a law ad , 1 country, racies chit without t i —He wo hood. A blished. tors wbic ! disaffecte they wer hear.)---/ rendered that the Oliver h Had this an Amb stirred a I without 1 tirely on —But it wise the have ha . he did Were. It were tali Vaughai He did I they ha crime. to come and obt; of blood Majesty to pass shrunk i was eml pressive valuable cfor all • 1 under tl • i I , 1 defiance this Act! that as i pended ,i i: act the' f cessity, (hear, h • precede be said , ir.quiry 1 . most fl lation 1 I read, v l a ? ' 'i ri the pe with a been they 1 . . . ':. j, t h a t ti I . (i, , hailed .1 • 1. tested i i I to leac 1, , justice 1 of sun reign t: •i I tortes, trium the w ( 1 1 1 # : "( •i . . I ' ' c( vo 'fleas have again awfii and c Til How • iv siet • 1 te. ltin • r u : I then Rept : 1 of 1 k t extra . alone • as so ~ :•y,::, .‘, . ..-..' . .., 1 / 4.. , . \ g li J et • •••• *. ' s '..., .. • 1 . • 4 ' . • h.— fixed for their duration was not yet expired. There had since been a new enquiry, and the Bill now before the House had been recommended. It had been said that Ministers wished an Indemnity for the illegal acts which they had committed—he denied it. He denied that they had exceeded. the powers en trusted to their hands. The real ground on which the Bill was asked was, that if the circumstance! of ,the country were such as to require extraordinary 4towers, they were also such as to justify the acts, done by Government in the exercise of those powers, I to protect the peace of the nation. The Bill itself did not recite that his Majesty's Ministers had ex ceeded the powers of the Act, it would then be said what was its necessity ? It was necessary because it was not consistent with the safety of the country, that the names of the persons who had given infor mation should be disclosed. Not that Ministers could not be able to defend themselves in any action which might be brought against them, but because they could not do it without sacrificing the faith pledged to individuals whose names it was the more impor tant to conceal, as long as the disaffection continued to exist in the country, that sources of information might be retained. As to the charge that Magis trates had exceeded their powers, and made them- selves amenable to the laws, what evidence had been produced? They had been represented as having en tered the houses of individuals accused of libels, and searched for papers ; his Learned Friend was wrong if he thought that the present Bill would protect them in such cases. It only extended indemnity to them if they had acted so towards individuals charged with high treason, and against whom warrants had been issued. As to the case of Swindon, which his Honourable and Learned Friend had stated with so much effect to the House, as it was one of libel, he ' would have a remedy in law against the Magistrate, I notwithstanding the Bill of Indemnity, if he had suffered in the manner which had been described. In 1780 there had been no suspension of the Habeas Corpus, and nothing but the necessity of the case had made Magistrates act beyond the powers of the law. That was, therefore, a case in point. For if there had existed any necessity at Manchester for committing persons immediately to prison in order , to prevent mischief, the Bill should give indemnity for the act. As to the employment of spies, he con- tended that no two cases could be more dissimilar than that of Vaughan and the defence made on the' , present occasion. Had it not been negatived by the first Report itself that Oliver bad been sent by Go , vernment to create disturbances in the country, for did not that Report state, long before Oliver had been heard of by his Mesty's Ministers, that a dan gerous conspiracy existe d?. Did his Honourable and Learned Friend mean to say that Government had sent Oliver purposely to produce and contrive the very plot for the discovery of which he was em ployed ? Witnesses had declared at Derby, that they had been deterred from coming forward earlier, en account of the threats used, and lest they should lose their lives. What would have been said if Bran dreth had been taken up before his enterprize, and no insurrection had occurred—(hear, hear, from the Opposition).—Why, it would have been said, that for men of such a class to form such an attempt was im possible, and that no plot had ever existed. He con. tended that the means used by Ministers had alone prevented the explosion of other insurrections ; and that in justice to them, the Magistrates, and the coun- 1 try, a Bill of Indemnity ought to be passed. Sir FRANCIS BURDETT observed, that the Ho nourable and Learned Gentleman who had just sat , down had taken it for granted that the circumstances lof the country last year justified the measures which had been adopted. This was the very point on which he ought to have brought proofs, if he could, which he had not done. He had said that the Bill was not to protect his Majesty's Ministers, but to prevent them from being forced to disclose the sources of the information on which they had acted. This was an argument which could not be supported. What, were men to be deprived of their liberty, and never know who their accusers were? And this was pro nounced a part of the new system to be established ! He recollected that there was formerly a lion's head in the Place of St. Mark, at Venice, into which se cret accusations were thrust, and the atrociously des petic Government of that city used to act upon them. What difference was there between such a country and one where there was a Secretary of State ready to receive every secret accusation, and to con ceal and protect informers ? He really believed the disturbances to have been created by Ministers, in order to prevent themselves from being importuned about Parliamentary Reform, for he found that they alone could derive any benefit from them. They had violated the Coronation Oath, the laws of the cdtm try, the Constitution, and the liberties of the people —(hear, hear, hea)—When they had asked for the powers which they had so scandalously abused, it had not been with a view to indemnity. They had obtained them by telling the House, that in assuming them they should labour under a heavy responsibility, and that the time must come when they must give a strict account of the manner in which they had used them. But the whole of their transactions had been illegal and unconstitutional, and the abuses of power which they had committed, were of a nature which I ought not to be indemnified. He then repeated the statements contained in several Petitions presented to the House, respecting the cruel treatment alleged to have been inflicted on prisoners under the Suspension Act, who had been discharged as illegally as they had been apprehended. He thought that there should always be some proportion between the ead and the means, for it was ridiculous to fear that Brandreth, with a few weavers, should be able to destroy an army like that kept on foot by Government- He knew very well that lawyers considered intention as consti tuting guilt ; but suppose that the King should be passing, and that a man should blow a feather and say," that's to kill the King," would that be treason? He still saw no reason either for suspending the Ha beas Corpus or confining individuals, and. should therefore vote against going into the Committee. Mr. LAW saw a little more in the speech of the Honourable Baronet than his usual extraordinary zeal in the cause of Reform. Let him know, however, that Reform could only be discussed wi th success, not at a period of disturbances, but in a state of com plete tranquillity, such as that likely to be produced by the measures of his Majesty's Ministers. The dangers which existed at the time when the Suspen sion Act had last year been passed, seemed now to be forgotten, and that monstrous uhion' of Luddism and politics, formed into a system of regular plunder and organized assassination. On those dangers the Act of Suspension had been founded, and though not i mme di a tely consequent upon, yet connected with it, was the present Bill. He contended that Ministers ought to be borne harmless, unless it should be proved that they had exceeded their powers. That they had made a moderate use of them there were some proofs before the House. The number of in dividuals taken up was small—that sheaved some moderation ; none of them had been confined, save on information confirmed by an oath—that displayed some discretion. There was besides the opinion of - two Committees. True, it was said that those Com mittees had been appointed by Ministers, and had a' cause to support. But let the opponents of the mea sure appoint their own Committee, and let the House see which of the two would be honoured with the confidence of the country. If the opinions of such Committees were to he dim-edited, was implicit faith ' to be placed in the Petitions presented to the House? —(h car, hear.) ---But suppose the same degree of cre dit should be given to both, yet the Bill must be voted, as no case had been made out against it. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman might have had charity enough to suppose, that persons coming to give important information on oath were not guided by resentment, especially as he had represented the declaration of one of the men at Derby as entitled to credit, because he was religious. Sir S. RONIILLY— . I never said that, nor any thir.g like it !"--(LaHghter.) Mr. LAW was glad that he had been mistaken. Tl.e Hon. and Learned Gentleman, however, had charged his Majesty's Ministers with a gross libel on the whole people. Sir S. ROMILLY—" never said that." (Laughter.) Mr. LAW was sorry that he should have so com pletely niisunderstood the Hon. and Learned Gentle man. He supposed that the expression had been used by another Hon. and Learned Member behind him— Mr. BROUGHAM- 4, I have not spoken a single sentence !"—(Loud laughter.) Mr. LAW had heard the sentiment expressed by so many Gentlemen on that side of the House, that it was not astonishing he should have lost sight of its original propounder. He then defended the con duct of the Magistracy, and trusted that they would continue to do their duty, to put down the spirit of insurrection, and to deserve and enjoy the approba tion of the country. The House had a duty to per form towards those who had given information. It had to shelter them from the daggers of assassins. The real question was, whether the House would pro tect those who prevented, or those who committed offences ? Sir WILLIAM BURROUGHS maintained, that notwithstanding what had been said to the contrary, the very first clause of the Bill sheaved that it was intended to indemnify Ministers for having exceeded their powers. It was indeed the first time that he had heard it asserted that a man who issued a war rant on information given upon oath, might enter into an engagement to keep that information a pro found secret. His Majesty's Ministers had last year come down to the House to ask for greater powers than the occasion required. They had obtained them ; and their first act had been to exceed them. And on what ground had they exceeded them ? Lest any danger should accrue to the persons who had given the information. But there had been trials in Lon don, at Derby, and at York ; and had any one heard of any of the witnesses produced on those occasions having been attacked? He believed that the i idi viduals taken up had been discharged that they might bring no action ; for they could not do it unless they had been acquitted or legally delivered, neither of which had been the case. It was contended that Mi nisters had not exceeded their powers ; if so, why ' was such a Bill proposed ? But they had exceeded their powers in discharging those men as they had done. He continued to argue, that the seizing of arms and papers of persons under a warrant, on sus , picion of treason, was always usual, and therefore no indemnity was wanting for those who had executed such warrants. But was every man to be indemni fied for making such seizures under common circum stances ? They did indeed want an indemnity for this conduct, because it was contrary to law ; and he would say, on the whole, that this was one of the most odious and atrocious Bills that ever came be fore Parliament. Sir FREDERICK FLOOD said he owed it to his country and his constituents to come forward in sup port of this measure. The party, as it was called, on the other side of this House, proved by its senti ments militating against each other, that that party was nearly dissolved—(Laughter.) The Bill had been twice approved of by the House, first, by a majority of 126, and then by one of 65 ; and if it had any defects they could be remedied in a Committee. The Bill had already been carried by an immerse majority of the Lords, and it ought to be entertained' with due respect by this House. Persons in the highest offices and the highest rank had investigated the state of the country, and were unanimous in their Report. 'Therefore the I louse ought to go into the Committee on the Bill without farther argument. The late Committees had had among them his able countryman, who had reconciled all the jarring Powers of the Continent, and had therefore proved himself the fittest man on earth to be of that Com mittee. He could have wished the Honourable 11:1. ronet (Sir William Burroughs) had left all his special pleading behind hint in India, instead of coming here to talk of the injuries of the people; as he might have found from Judge Blackstone, that such mea sures as those he condemned were stated by that sound Judge to be necessary to preserve the Consti tution for ever—(Laughter.) His (the Honourable Baronet's) opinions were therefore unfounded, and contrary to law; and though he (Sir Frederick) was one of the Members who voted the Hight Honourable Gentleman into the Chair, he would on this occasion have the greatest pleasure in voting him out of it— (Loud laughter fi all parts.) Mr. LAMI3E declared it due to himself to say, that the deliberate opinion he had formed on the e grounds; and measures that had been adopted still continued in his muptonnd.gentleerai principles measureshadvotedfo a r nd th le es g e islativ lastnds ; he would say that those grounds were not necessarily affected by the result of any trials or decisions in any ,Courts of Law, where the guilt or innocence of a few individuals only were to be decided, But some of the Honourable Baronet's arguments Were t tenable in justice aid common sense. It possible fur the Douse, when they legi s l year, to know the extent of the danger, butt fair appearances of danger; and viould hi dulity go the length of supposing that thi Derby was an insulated conspiracy? It t• proved that it was only a branch of ama cated scheme of insurrection—A Hear, hear the case of all civil services, that they con fairly estimated, because their conse quei; not he ascertained; and therefore they 1 . ..1 med amidst obloquy and reproach, and s' the tranquillity which they were the mean ing, and in the prosperity they had %curl cheering.) We had now returned to the tion unimpaired, except by the prem.! , at been resorted to ; and if the measure was it was those who had rendered it so t1„1! swerable, by affording the materials for di which was always alive and in wait in in ing towns, for availing itself of the distr country. This detestable spirit still pre the prospects of the country were now ernj trade and the spirits of men were revivir impossible, however, to look at the grt establishments of the Continent, cup:ride last war, and in some respects the tnautu. torted state of society at home, with , • a shuddering of alarm and appiche matters required the utmost temper. I circumspection, on the part cf those reins of government. There were twc tits the employment of spies which t re pass without notice. We should take come the dupes of those who would elm ver all the odium of the transactio::s of themselves were the movers and instigalc not at first employed by 3linisteis. It u spirators who first took him down, and design of mistating the numbers of and going from place to place to hold c of assistance. It was this conduct that suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act nec Honourable Gentleman then went into all that had been said against Oliver 1 gents, and argued, that he and those w gaged at Manchester were well receive( herd out hopes of numerous bodies of th being ready to join them; but when it they were informers, every false in:i thrown upon them. The next point via had been said to have held treasonal , :e the day the Prince Regent went to ment. He did lint know that this mig! fur considering the light in which he those persons who committed the outra impossible that he might have ex,-ited acts of violence. But he would say tremeiy unfortunate that the secret wai that time; for it would have been rely know who were the leaders of that ~ ter apprehension of Oliver would have led very of others, while it would have pi he was really a Government spy or not— Every one must concur that the use of ought to be regretted; but it deserved deration, whether a plan could Le law from the perverseness and infirmity of h could cause them to be dispensed with impossible to draw a correct line of tween the strict morality and necessity c We must recollect that it was very eas in our feelings on such subjects: for dom that conspiracies against pmper dual security could be detected with , accomplices; and if public sympathy were alone consulted, rules might be it might soon be found necessary to del the whole, he thought the Bill neces=a: therefore vote for it, as without it, the had given information might be expo , seance of those whose machinations tented. He was convinced that no tin& been exercised, and that the effects of tI that had taken place would not belost might be hencetbrth tempted to adop sures would reconsider the objects of and they would see that such measures duce a Government more arbitrary an" that which it was intended to displace long continued cheering.) Mr. BROUGHAM thought the had gone so far in his entire support of he deeply regretted to say he had rich the approbation that he had received. But it was his arguments and not hit ought to be weighed, and that upon th as if they had come from the Ministi the Opposition side of the House.—( They were connected almost as much measure as with the Indemnity Bill.— hear, hear.)—With the exception of tv chiding sentences, he defied any boil' single passage of the Honourable GE that had any relation to this Bill, f quite as much to any of the series of which the Indemnity Bill had gra In going over the arguments of the in favour of the Bill, he (Mr. Bre would admit that at all times wh, been rendered necessary from the the case, such persons ought to be p: would confine the indemnity to that, what v. as sought for, but to hold o those who had transgressed the law, of motives, confounding the mentor with the miscreants who had deludes holding out to them the same indent dtcasions, when two Commissions v: rent parts of the country, under one c persons were convicted and punishe of those witnesses who appeared danger? Yes, one, and one only ; a wrong person had been brought ti dente. Here the Honourable and man detailed the full particulars of took place at the trial of persons ch dism, under the special Commission year 1812. Ile went on to contend , other witnesses, who had been the victions, were afterwards in the le, ger ; and as circumstances could since 12412, he argued that it was protect the persoes attempted to bt Bill, withoui. 41:y such measure. 1 ,d 5 t°4ll Y sr, .. es cage sla te It v- • • 'irst the lives of slated L.. sz : their harries 14 t1.( 1 ., • y, also, the: icinine,. .me hundreds, o re aff.li: 4 dno danger ha( t'.'as d. ,• en to say, that ort cr ,,.‘,..! c ontemplation , r!1 . F....4 :de all laws , an 1141 , i 4; iii • pticnis of per: zees C- 7 :4 n opposite to sl cere re a,,, . impossible I v•tre k.,... rged their d un, ns o f re m ger of their by red—i(,, 4 question, why e c.,.., 1, conduct of Oli at ti ;a; LI had been kei he tecri , , rto this, tha ~ " P . A. - ere it l I •as only w ithii disaif t ...:„ ame safe for rns.-..t1.7..z. in this time, ' t " - " - ' 4 '4 :', , , ded, and p er ~e ' such a subject ' 4i 'F.•ve,!,4 son for an indi ir.z, 1 :74 . made themst la it. ..:.. 2 , c exactly those lered b,...., 'at did it signif ural,,id.„ not, as long as ctritt. H i . rnunicaUon w: ,t .n. T.. rt of Familiar Lit. : ,. ~. ntleman oppos 1:c, :.•_ the the last Itepor •:::-.ts •-e<-• : ver's single eat .e i ,. ; . : ,- . . , i mitments that i: :.c::: . 1. tr, then, were t or -,G,:::: , . ation of being i v ::::::. .,, rats breath pa , ~e 7. ! i . rz' of the Noble Nva , ....1! ( ,. • ginary case, b• '‘ .l '.c' 'ta.. l .:*. It was the e C. 1 7 7,:.., !. . e before the I- II.: ...st:-: ation, and had r? . ...!ere: -7, zpose Oliver. rce,sa 7 . - .1, 1 1 , and irretrie ° a re ' irl , : ces, as appea by the L., all because hi AL wer, tl . tion towards !ci while •::‘, aten him. In he diaits..!: ~ his home ar -a , -.••••,,,,; ing to such r •••,• ... -•:. - i. a ver took at the .i5..2.-1: (I. rl . ble individu4 1anu.,,..: s tion knew that n the Pi. 2. • had done so. !:t r.ct Int, allude to tha! :: , is 1.... d .- .utable person, le.lt:_i: ned to die A tlx e.:.:., -*tut Ward; yc a: it ca: ..:. a hope of pa Is r . c . t •,, ;: r . refuse to believ y di: .......: • the moment o .raze. 4'.,: • e • uld avail then i tr. ;Ix, .• . . But they r , ,r...l ~-.:- • - -y were convict —'/car. t• , nt traced to 01 f such r . , suffer death ? seri(m. k . be all conden id dow-.:: ~ •rthy of credit. human ~,...:: ttee to enquire di; and ;:-....: • nourable Mei distinct,. : .., • e of truth a of tli , ,p,-:. . ivies, by whie sy to 1,,.• r.... 1 . •e at. It w as it was sr'. .• tised all Com: rty and I, • the pitch of sa• lout th.e IL : ..tte, and beta •or i. - .. 1 .i f ••• .. an impostor ; Lid dov.-:.•:.: lend a willing Tart in . ..r. In to them, cr, ti...:x.3 I - .: reseatatsves o :e pt.:sc.... ; all petitions at ised to :Li •-.• in with the a s had bi:-.... , • therefore yo , 1 .•:.e sere:l . .. - be listened tc the prc:r , . the House v st: pe:,.:.• -- . their Consti it vic.le:7! ---• : ve themselves. • their de . .•••• ; r, hear.) H ires w,•,::H •• t ' denied that ad despc: - .... 4 t nct, whatev :e—(Li.: : 4 try. He hr ng districts. lop. Gr''''• tiemen who of )lird•te-•::. say to this s: hly dee•T: a most fou F. (He: , ufacturers, 1 is aut . !: . 1 .... •:' horn no G their „,, n 7 , !5 -3 - was a treat tetial. :-.itudi. the places— (H__ I, .:,.. übj.tcts wen h w ic„ ~-;,,..... overnment. --(Y. a- - .. r allegiance, two "7 r.:re: ~. Gentleman we had out If t , p'•7•-•: , c- ' : !,:t:ir...1..... . instead of l,:- t:.:- ; . .r• • the contii of r.-.e.1,- 75 ,: •lored the I at kind of pi .t .u!1re : g.v0 ‘ hn , ' . 1ca r .er f 1r : ;. . 3 1.:;.:.. , .. ' , . ;. .... , : : . ',. .. :o- m er h r, a a like d t n n t w l ai d e g: l e h: ,. -- t t .e :ll l :: i' re: o i rt: : ::re c t s :lintr:): : ::::IL:;.: ':t: I 1.. I's . e 'e k s.i: e n as p n t r a d t bblwaY b Yl f y th r ehhi o an t h e m dthle3 e ,feill t nf o u sca, Le a n e dattrtiathger: a i ir e l it i ,ic,la, c ,.r.ici::: r ; : e : ., ' eefi ' t.r. . ....1 - , ,r e::. • i sae rt e aen, ,e d , ed tile i c.::*e.z l xnit ,., ( 1, : -.• - : - .1r: by was a st, rere • knew it? v: st C: m ns r. t:__ Y :n i l ' cf..,•1.ic.r.r.•••0 zty of his : e d, ..i. 4 , ac.7 l t the Mi n i s , aga ir,.t the% / O QI 3 of alarm.. nd it - - .1 , b` it r a packed i ir conduct- necessity o y subject o whil hef t not 1 , ..:vr vi , • S i delusion perfective et•ol . 2; principli to screened b' . ce of dal lie then inttul 4t the pov