Star. — London, England, 1824-03-17 00:00:00

will cooperate for the purpose of Ofttngthshing this traffic, as far as regards the subjects of the two Powers. The present is not 'the opportunity for entering into the details of this arrangement ; butlionouralale Gentlemen, who recollect how anxiously questions of maritime law have at all times been contested between us and-the United States, will readily suppose that some points of dignity have been reserved on both sides, and certain rights are declared to be unprejudiced. Whatever has been agreed upon, has been agreed with respect to this subject. We have each reserved to. ourselves the right of administering our own law, although the right of capture belongs to both : if a British slave trader be taken by an Amencan ship, she is to be sent to this country for adjudication, and her crew fot trial.— The same reservation has been claimed and conceded , on the part of the United States, and were it otherwise, many disputes and inconveniences might arise. When the Treaty is carried into operation, I trust it will be found completely effectual for its purpose : I trust also that the benefit will not stop here; for when it is known that the two first Maritime Powers of the world have so far consented to compromise their mutual pride as to submit to these regulations, for the sake of suffering humanity, with no' small grace and no small power they may ask any third party..to join in this: virtuous and beneficial compact—( Hear, hear). Thanking the Noose for the indulgence it has she wn me, I shall merely move for leave to bring in a Bill for the more effectual suppression of the African Slave Trado"—(Cheering). The question having been put from the chair, Air. F. BUXTON said—l confess, Sir, that my feelings are not only different on many, but totally opposite on some parts of this subject to those expressed by the Right Honourable Gentleman. — To one portion, indeed, I am ready to give my cordial approbation ; but to another, delicately handled and rapidly dismissed, I listened with pain and disippointment. I think' lam bound to say some thing in the outset upon the point, whether there ought to be any debate upon this question—whether we are not bound to silence, not merely by prudential considerations, but by the pledge given when this question was last under discussion. How does the question stand ? Last year Ministers tools the whole subject into their town beads, and under their own immediate direction. We most cheer fully consented to the proposition then made for this purpose ; we surrendered the matter to them, receiving at the same time a posi tive and specific pledge. What was that pledge? " That it is expedient to adopt effectual and decisive measures for amcliora ing the condition of the Slave population iu his Ma jesty's Colonies.--That through a determined and persevering, .but judicious and temperate enforcement of such measures, this House looks forward to a progressive improvement in the character of the Slave population, such as may prepare them for a participation in those civil rights and privileges which are enjoyed by other classes of his Majesty's subjects. That this House is anxious for the accottiplisliment of this purpose, at the earliest period that may he compatible with the well-being of the Slaves, the safety of the Co lonies, and with a fair and equitable consideration of the interests of all parties concerned-therein. ' —Such was the pledge, and such were the Resolutions of the Right Itinourable Gentleman last year; and when-it was suggested that the Colonial Legislatures would not consent., he replied, that he thought that they would, but if not, o if any resistance (said the Right Ilonolable Gentleman) should be manifested to the express and declared wishes of Parliament, any resistance, I mean, which should partake not of reason, but of contumacy, it would creates case(a case,however,which I sincerely trust will ver occur) upon which his Majesty would not hesitate to come down td Parliament fur counsel." I entreat the House to consider how full and comprehensive this pledge was : it includes all the Colo nies—without exception and without distinctimi—(llear, hear). — The Right lien. Gentleman last year talked of amelioration—what amelioration ?—" determined and effectual anielioration," such as would lead to the extinction of slavery. When W:11 it to Le accom plished *.• "At the earliest period compatible with the well heirg of the slaves, and an equitable cont.idetation of the interests of all parties concerned therein." If this pledge were faithfully re deemed ,and the conditions fulfilled, the friends of abolition would be debarred from interfering at all with the sincere and salutary measures of Government, for to Government they resigned the task. I do rot mean to charge either the !light l ion. Gentleman or his colleagues, but if this pledge is not, indeed, to be abandoned, but to be redeceel, crialed, softened down, here a little and there a little, so tlait the " amelioration of all the Colonies" shall vela Mean the amelioration of a single island, and " effectual anieliaration at the earliest period," shall mean only a tithe wide tla.:d, and so distant that Ito nian can say in what generation it will take place—by the slaw, gradual course of admonition and example, then, I say, it is far worse than if no such pledge had ever been given. It we are to wait for progressive measures, for what the flight honourable Gentleman calls " the light of reason,"—(llear, bear)—l say, in answer to that cheer, that if we are to do. no More Van the law of reason warrants—(clear, hear)—if we are to delay taxa the gradual improvement so much talked of, has accomplish ed its purpose, ten centuries may elapse-before the negr.tes are treed from their present state of melaficholy and deplorable thraldom. If the pledge we so willingly accepted be withered down to that, then for one, 1 say, that we who have taken up the cause, arc bound by every souceivable motive, by every prudential consideration, to re deem the pledge we have given on our part to 700,000 of our suf fering fellow-cteatures, not in words indeed, but virtually and in fact, and, in my mind, to he observed the more sacredly, because they have not the means either of complaining of its abatalonment, or of compelling its enforcement—(lleer, hear). I say, that we at I ast will be no potties to such a desertion of duty—to such a breach of faith. To the Order in Council I wish to do full justice, and it seems to merit cordial approbation. I do not know what I may think of some of its details, when I come to examine them =ore minutely, but it appears to me that the general principles it contains are sound and just. On some other minor points, as I have already remarked, the Right Honourable Gentleman is en titled to my acknowledgments; but in order to shew more dis tinctly where t concur, and how far and where I disagree / and to avbat extent, I will just notice them iu the order in which he brought them forward ; Ist, as to allowing females to be subjected to the cart-whip, it appeared that in 99 parts out of 100 of the West Indiesit was still to be permitted. At present, a female slave in any part of the West Indies may be exposed naked—(No, no, hear). 1 only request Honourable Gentlemen to wait until the fit oppor tunity for reply and contradiction it I ant wrong. I well know the difficult situation in which I stand: no man is more aware than 1 am of the perplexities by which I am surrounded, and the obstacles I have to encounter, and not one of the least is the task of following the brilliant and able speech just delivered. But I have a duty to perform, and I will perform it—(clear, hear!) I know that 1 shall call down upon my bead obloquy and reproaches ; 1 have endured them already, and I am prepared to endure them now; they have rung In my ears before, and they will ring in my ears hereafter—let them ring—l am sorry that such feelings exi.t, not that 1 have to encounter them—(lleat, hear, hear!) lie ho " takes up a right ful cause against a world of disesteem," must know the mist quence, and he hail better never begin if he does not persevere. I repeat, that it is deeply to be lamented that the yledge ever was given, if It is not to carried into effect; and I will not sit quietly while the Right Honourable Gentleman affects to perform his pr.,- mice, and does nothing, or worse than nothing. It shall not be said of me that I was co nfotoided by the dazzling talents of the Hight lien. Gentleman—that I sat still while his large promises were re duced to sonar' ow a compass, and that I wassatistied to see his pledge in favour of a whole Archipehigo riducvd to a single Islans!—( ilear). I say, that by the law and custom of the West ludic', a female Negro may be stripped naked, laal upon thi: ground, and, held down by four others, in the presence of father, husband, or son, whipped with the cart-whip—(llear, hear, hear). Well, this prac tice is to be abolished--prevailing in every other island of the West Indies, it is to be abolished in Trinidad. The Right lion. Gen tleman said, that the fi rst advance towards CiVi:lhetioll was an ob servance a the difference of sexes. I admit it, and I ask whether it is to be expected that female virtues should display themselves in a country where a woman may be publicly stript, and shamelessly punished with a cart whip?—(hear). Is it to be expected that a young Negro female will be chaste or modest when she is exposed to such indecent cruelties? We are told that it is characteristic of the Negroes to be gross and licentious. No doubt. How is it possible, under such circumstances, that they should be otherwise? and they will be so as lee% as this punishment is permitted. To abolish it must be the first step towards moral improvement. But theta comes the painful reflection that this first step, this abolition of a mode of punishment, which the Right lion. Gentleman calls " unseemly and shocking." is only to apply to a single Isitad—Trinidad, and to Imo® cwt of 700,000 Slaves, not to amnion 8,000 in St. Lucie, who are next to be bemoaned. Mr. CAN NINO said, across the table, that this regulation was also to include Demerara and Seelsite. FOWELI.; BUXTON: I am aware of it; they are ulti- madartoa . feel thibettegt of the;ehange, and In ate the test of the islands at the proper time, •but who shall say when that proper time will arrive? In the meantime the great mass of the negro population condition subject to this horrible infliction, this cruet outrage upon female delicacy and public decency. The Right Honourable Gentleman up, that he Indulged considerable hopes-. that the day is not far distant when the wish to abolish shifery will be cherished even by the planters themselves. Happy as I was to hear this, I should be stilt happier to hear on what he fonnds his expectation. From what part of their conduct does he gather any thing like a dispositionto embrace the opinions of the British Par liament? First let us see how this first proposition to abolish the use of the cart-whip upon females was received in Jamaica. It was, ferociously and scornfully rejected—the planters Actually assumed the tone of an insulted and resolute people—of exasperated majesty. How was it received in Barbadoes, which boasts herself superior in civilization—where English education, it was pretended, had intro duced English feelings and manners? Perhaps some Honourable Gentlemen may have heard of Mr. Hamden there, whose speech. I have read with some feelings of satisfaction, because it is the only one that has come from the Vest Indies either liberal in prin ciple or moderate in tube. Ile concurs in most of the propositions of Ministers ; he is a friend of .education, and will pay the ex pense ; he is a 'friend of the abolition of Sunday markets, and he thinks that the fines on manumission ought to be reduced. But on the subject of whipping females he loses all his temper, contending that this very proposition shewed that Lord Bathurst was a most bitter enemy of the. Colonies, vanquished by his own fanatical feel ings. Ile then goes on'etnindulgelii several very pleasant jokes on the subject of cart-whipping naked females—one of which is, that the negro ladies have a tendency to the Amazonian cast of Charac ter, and that their husbands would be exceedingly sorry it they were put beyond the reach of the cast-whip (ht reading this , passage, my mind naturally reverted to some damning and conclu sive cases as to flogging females, one or two of which occurring within the last six or seven years, I will take the liberty of men tioning. The first is that of Mr. Huggins, who, in the year 1317, gave two naked females 100 lashes each with a cart-whip, because they wept to see their own brother flogged. It is also to be okserved, that the father was the executioner upon his own sue: The text I shall notice is the celebrated case of the negress America, iu Ber bice. Iler crime was making a noise, and when it was represented to the manager, he ordered her to be stripped naked , she begged to be heard, but he replied that be would 2.,1; her ti: -t, and hear her afterwards. :So dreadful was the punishment, having ben also afterwards confiried fourteen days in the stocks, that the Clergyman of the parishawlto saw her three weeks subsequent to the infltetion, described her state in terms too shocking even to be quoted. She , endured one hundred and fifty lashes, with a delver on each side. With such facts staring Mr. Hamden in the face, however good his jokes may have been, I must say that they are the worst reason ing in the world. My objections to this practice are many, and different from those of the Right Honourable Gentleman. First, I hate it because of its brutalising operation on the mind of the master. Next, I hate it on account of its cruelty to the slave; but I hate it still more (and the Right Honourable Gentleman must hate it too on this score), because it checks all progress to improve ment—because it defiles the man, and renders bins vile in our eyes and in his own. If, therefore, any improvement at all be in tended, to put down this practice is the first and important step ;• with the cart-whip there can be no advancement in morals.-.- rat haps I have dwelt upon:this topic as lung, and I will be more brief as to the rest. One assertion I am entitled to make. Ye have been calumniated from one end of the country to the other. Charges of the wildest and the most inconsiderate enthusiasm have been brought against us—((hear, hear, hear). Out of doors i cannot say what I will say here, but here I will demand that those who make tholcharge, shall point out the proof, article, by article, parti cul.:r by particular. Have we, I ask, in the first place, outrun the feeling at the country and the House, in saying that the flogging of females with the cart-whip ought to be abolished ?—(( fear, hear.) If enthusiasts have gone too far upon this point, the House of Com mons have gone with then, the whole length. " I will now proceed to the second point of the Right Honourable Geotlemar,the use of the whip as applied to males. I will ask whether we have not beard it said again and again in this House, that the whip is never used as a stimulus of labour? We have been . repeatedly told that the Negro driver merely carries the whip on his shoulder as an or nament, a symbol of office, or an emblem of authority ; but that it is never employed as a stimulus of labour. An Honourable Mem ber opposite, in a pamphlet which he has recently written, intro duces au apt illustration of this subject, comparing the Negro driver with his whip to the Srjeant-at-Arms with his mace; and lie maintains that it would be just as rational to say that the Serjeant at-Arms carries his mace for the purpose of knocking down the Members of this House, as to say that the N. —o driver-bears the whip for the purpose of applying it to the hacks of the Negroes.- - Now, Sir, on reading this strong denial, I confess that •I Mt some- • what staggered; I began to thick that 1 had".been most grossly imposed upon, and I was considering what =atonement I could., make to those whom I had believed to be guilty of the charge, but whose humanity had been unjustly Impugned, when' I hap pened to take up a file of Newspapers, and upon 'turning it over, to find facts of the - following kind:—Alice, marked J. 13: as having scars on the back - from flogging; Robert, a creole, marked C. 6. and scarred on the shoulders with 11..gging marks.. Another slave is described as- having marks of severe on the right side ; another slave, Sarah; 'marked G. F. G. on the . right breast, and having marks of Bogging on her hack ; A multitude of similar cases are to Ire found in these papers: indeed, I have been told by a gentleman that he found upwards of 500 cases of this kind in a single newspaper of a single island. , I will ask them what is the meaning of *these advertisements? Can it be pretended, when"we find a large proportion of the negroes ii, the West Indies, I believe at least one-half of them, with marks of severe flogging no their backs, that the whip is a mere symbol of office, or badge of office in the hands of the negro-driver ? Do not the advertisements to which 1 have referred, establish the fact, th it the whip is resorted to as a stimulus of labour—( No, no, from seve ral Members). I suppose the next fact to which i shall adv.-re, will b.:equally denied—a tact, of the existence of which I had my self no suspicion until I saw these newspapers—l allude to the practice of stampinioir the negroes with but irons the initials of the names and estates of their owners. I beg the attention of the !louse to some of these adgertiserritins. " Betsey, a Crept., marked I. 0. on the right shoulder ; and S. 0. A. cut plain on her breast. Peter, a man of -the Nongola country, •marked with a cow-iron." One man was Marked with no fewer than the followi n g let ters :A, C, E, It, 0. N, P, 1, L, ; all on, his Crease After this, will it be possiide to deny the existence of this brutal practice? Ido tun mean to say that any respectable Proplietors would commit such atrocities. I am perfectly sure that the Ho nourable Member whont I now see taking notes (we believe the Honourable Member alluded to Mr..C. Ellis), is incapable of coun tenancing such a practice. All I mean to say is, that the thing is 'done, and that upwards of 500 Negroes have been recently appre hended with these marks branded an their backs. The nett point to which the !tight Honourable Gentleman adverted, namely, the extension of the National worship, and religious instruction to the whole of the WeA India Islands, in the fullest degree, meets my wishes. If, however, I Boise in understanding the Eight nourable Grtaleman to have said that the 3lissionaries were to be-, placed in sonic degree under the controul of the Bishops and Mem bers of the Established Church, this is a measiir, which never will or can be carried into eff.:ce. If the Missionaries were at once to embrace the doctrines of the Church, they would no longer be Dis silvers, but Churchmen "This part of the Right Honourable Gen tit:titan's plan is utterly imeracticable, and likely to meet with the strong.st opposition. both in this country, and in the West Indies. NVith respect to themext point, namely, the ,marriages of Negroes, there is not likely to be any difference of opinion. Neither is it necessary to remark upon that part of the proposed measures which goes to secure by law the .property of the Negro, which is already secured to him by custom. The next point to which I wish to call the attention of the House, is the subject of Negro evidence. The refusal to receive the evidence of the negro is, in point of fart, a denial to the whole negra population of the protection of the laws.— The white population in the West Indies amounts to 50,000; the 'regents, to 700,000 ; that is fourteen blacks for one white, sup posing the whole population to be equally dispersed over the whole country. Inn the population is not thus equally scattered over the whole country ; they are generally collected together in large towns, so that the proportion of blacks ro the white population may, in many cases be taken at 100 to one. Now, let us suppose, 200 negrot% within a given space, and two white men among them. Hone of these white men walks out in the face of day without caring whether he is stenos not, and commits a murder, the chances are just 200 to one, that he is not seen by the only perion who is capable of giving legal evidence to convict him. This calculation is founded on the sup position that be takes no pains to conceal the crime ; but if he selects his opportunity, and takes the most ordinary precautions to prevent detection, it is impossible that lie should ever be legally convicted of it In time case of Thurtell, for instance, who was convicted on a chain. of evidence against him, one liiik was wanting, and that one was supplied by his accomplice. It was said that the negro had little regard for truth, and was insensible to the nature and obligations of an oath ; but he was deemed a good evidence against a fellow negro. Surely, if true, this objection was as good in one case as in another; but the negro was not thought fit to be ranked even with the Proberts and Hunts of this country. There was no part of this atrocious system mere horrible than that which permitted the tin of social life to be cut asunder, for it was law in those coun- tiles That the master might seize acid Nell the negro Separately from his mate or children—the tax-gatherer and creditor might do the same. The consequence of this part of the system was visible in the late commetioni at Demerara. One of the incur gents, whom the last accounts left banging on his gibbet, was driven to become a conspirator fro%t the cruel separation from all whom he held dear. It was really wonderful to him that such a system sluitild hale continued so long. He knew any motion 'of his on the subject would he met by overwhelming majorities in that House • but the public,- so long as they possessed the same principles ,and feelings which bad hitherto distinguished them, would not be satisfied that the measures adopted towards the Colo nies should be frittered down to Trinidad only. He was no advo- ' care at The present period for the emancipation of the slaves. lle coneidered that 'tote the worst thing that could be done both for master and slatte."Fle wished to see steps adopted which would secure the extinction of slavery at some not very remote period.' He was no enemy eh the planters—he had already said that com pensation should be givensto the masters, and emancipation to the children. As for what he had said that night, it proceeded neither from personal interest, for he had none, nor from resentment. He should be glad to see such a plan adopted as should injure no man's pocket, and hurt no man's feelings. Mr. W I I.IIF.R.FOIICF, asked what would be the effect of the proposition of his Bight Honourable Friend, if adopted, either upon the masters or the slaves? Let its not forget under what ciretim stances it was that the' roposition Was Made to the masters. Was it at a time when we treated them with coolness or harshness?— Did we tell them, that in consequence of their obstinate opposition to the abolition of slavery, we could repose no confidence in them? No; but at the very time when we were heaping favours upon them, and refused to withdraw from thetia the valuable privi leges which they possessed-.-(Cheers from some parts of the [louse), yet en the season of conciliation it was that they Manifested such contumacy. Could his Right Honourable Friend hope differently maw than in the year 1797; or why does he now place spch . reliance on the clemency and wisdom of the West Indian proprietors? It was the misfortune of these Colonies that all the affluent, 'eplight ened and liberal proprietors resided here, whilst men of a far diffe rent character resided in the Colonies. But a' the period to solo he had just alluded; the reform then proposed bad the advantage Or . being recommended by a Secretary of State, known to be well af fected to the Colonies, and he addressed a letter to the, Colonial Assemblies, stating, that If they did not consent to the proposition, an immediate alteration in the Slave Trade should take place; yet, notwithstanding such circumstances, and enforced by such considerae tiuns, the proprietors treated the recommendation with contempt. Ilut he must now tell the House, what, in his soul, he firmly believed to he true, and as far as recent information could confirm his opinion, he was the mote disposed to dread,that as far as related to the sub. ject, we were now standing on the brink of a precipice, and if great. cat e were not taken, the consequence of the pause which was now proposed, would be, that we should all be overwhelmed—(Cheers).. Ile knew the base enisreptesentations that had been industriously circulated. lie had himself been represented to have sent nut pa pers, pamphlets, and documents of various descriptions to the Nest Indies. lie was ashamed to have to say that such representations were wholly false. Such calumnies might be natural to the soil of slavery, but tlfey Were altogether founded in falsehood. Had they even avowed in the Islands what they expected would take place ? NO, but in every parish in Jamaica the most violent language had been adopted, and the insurrection of the negroes talked of as the consequence, as well as the object of those Reforms which lie, and those whd thought with him, desired to see accomplished. It was held font that the Barbadoes Insurrections of 1816 would be repealed. The violence and the activity had been with the opposite parties; and when such language was adopted at Public Meetings, the parties who heard it very naturally spoke of it when they returned to their homes, and could it then excite surprise that there was restlessness amongst the negroes?— Besides that fact, there was one universal feeling amongst the negroes, that the Parliament intended to do something fur their, essential benefit, but that their masters resisted the adoption of such beneficial measures. The truth was, as had been well ob served by one who was competent to judge of the subject, that the negroes were on the tip-toe of expectation to kern the declarations' of Parliament. But what would be their sensations when they' found that the Alinisters paused, and that the Parliament also paused? Just as they had got the cup to their lips, and were about to partake, as they imagined, of the sweet draught of liberty, they would behead it dashed from their hands. Such would be their' feeling% and he feared the consequence would be, that they would endeeveur to take the cause int, their own hands—( Hear, hear). Ills prayers were, that such might not he the result ; but as he apprehended such conseqeences, by the hesitating conduct of Par liament and the elinisters, as an honest man he was bound to express his apprehensions—(llear, hear). And whit were they to expect? What muse be the situation of men who had been lee to form such expectations? They would appear sr if the lightness of day had been withdrawn from them, as it they were again hurled into all the gloom of daftness and hesitation. Then It became that House, If it resolved to do anything, to do it qeickly, but tempe rately. He telt that if they slid not so act, the consequences would not. fail to be most calamitous. If hopes had once been aroused in the heart, and experienced -disappointment, dangerous irritation was excited. 'lbex had an instance of that fact hi the French Revolution. There the-hopes. and fears of an irritated population had been tri lled with, tilt eventually that explosion took piece which they all too Well remembered. The like was the case with St. Domingo. The calamities which took place there were occasioned by the vacillating conduct of the French Convention, which enacted measures one day, and reverse them the next. The consequence was, that the Negro popu'ation conk their cause into their °Ott hands, and the House knew the result. Ile was not satisfied with the course proposed to be pursued by his Right Honourable Friend. Ile was sure it would not be construed by the masters and the slaves as it was desired that it should be) As to insurrections being the consequences of the course which he (Mr. Wilber force) and his friends pursued, it was a remarkable fact, there never had been fewer insurrections than what characterized modern times. They used to be constantly taking place on different estates, as well as on the islands generally ; but since the efforts made during recent years, few insurrections had takes place. It therefore could not he justly charged that such discon tents were occasioned by him, or those who thought with him. If thu Government des;red that their experiment should be so tried as to recommend it to the adoption of the other Islands, it ought to I): tried under favourable circumstances. But in the present in stance it had b,en tried under unfavourable circumstances. Tri nidad was not favourable for the experiment. They were told that strong language was held in the Colonies, but was it stronger than had been used while the question of the Abolition of the Slave Trade was in agitation ? The language was so strong then that some ex pected, it the abolition were carried, that the Islands would be for trap letting their allegiance to other Powers, which Induced Mr. Fox to say that he would prefer that they should transfer their alle giance, than that it should be retained at such cost. The threats then, as now, had been idle, violent, and unseemly: If that House, firmly and temperately proceeded, if the Parliament appeared re solved, there would not be resistance on the part of the Colo nial Assemblies ; but the Parliament must resoletely proceed.— The Assemblies, naturally enough, might trot desire interference between the masters and the sieves; in truth, they neither ap proved of the means for o 1 the ends. If it could be ascertained whether they approved or diopproved of either, then there would be some hope; and as that was the case, he urged the necessity of that House firmly declaring wlAt they desired ;et see effected. If they did not act hrmle, as well as 'le-melee they would, he feared, have reason to deplore that decisive measures were not promptly adopted. That house acted for the benefit of the master as well as of eh: slave; and they ought to adopt measures that would put an end to the feverish state-its which the Colonies now were— measures that would surround the masters with a happy peasantry. The negroes now felt a sense of their degradation—ehey deemed themselves shut out front hope, and deprived of the opportunity of using their talents for their own advantage. They knew that Do liberal career was open to them—they considered themselves a de graded and an excluded class. In conclusion, he had only to re quire the House to emeniber that they were acting for the happi ness uf a large cum /nunity. What had been proposed would not, he believed, answee the end expected and desired; he firmly be ilieved that it would effect anything but conciliation—(Hear). Mr. K. DOUGLAS said.it was a great misfortune that the oast of the West India Planters and Proprietors was not fairly and rightly understood. The present condition of the slave popu lation skewed that there had been progressive improvement. All knew what was the character of a slave population, and know ing that, they could imagine how great were the difficulties of pro , rioting their fitness td enjoy civil rights. He wished such facts to be duly considered. • Mr. BAILING said, he could have little prospect of being at tended to, after the speech which the House had heard front his Honourable Friend near him (Mr. Wilberforce}—(Hear). —He was ,anxious to impress upon the House the strung sense helelt, in com mon with Ids Honourable Friend, as to the imminent state of the present question. It appeared to him impossible that the House could now pause ; in justice to the unfortunate slaves, on the one hand, and the planters on the other, the' House must proceed and do something decisive. His Majesty's Government seemed to be blown about, Session after Session, by every wind, according as they found the •%Vest Indian interests strong in one year, and those whom he should briefly designate the Saints, in the nett--'l leaughter).-t- • It became the ITouse io impress upon Ministers the necessi:y .f using plain, intelligible language, which these poor creatures a ~ 1 their masters might understand. Ile knew himself that most of the cruelties attributed to the planters were either false, or gross exag. gerations. In his great seal his Hon. Friend, he supposed, would believe nothing that a white man would say o f the state of the West Indies. He was far from saying that slavery was a desiraile state of existence ; but, if they believed Officers of tbe Army a n d Navy, who had visited the West Indies, they must be of opinion that there was but little cruelty exercised towards the , He was not desirous of making out a case, he only wished that the country should not be imposed uplift by empty exaggerated state ments. If we were oblig•ad to Beep rip discipline and subordination with the whip In Eerope, he could assure tbem they would be un- . able to do without it in the West Indies. Ile thought the lion. Gen. fiction's experiment in Trinidad was perfectly good, and safe, and would gradually bring about the emancipation of the slaves. Ile d d ' not approve of the fringe of lawn sleeves, which the Right Itelour. able Gentleman had put to his pkart ; but, for the rest of it, b e wished to see it steadily pursued, supported by a firm clecla. ration of that House, and a solemn promise that hus. Mainers should be no longer teased, nor their property Interfered with. If the naval and commercial prosperity of this country depended, as much as he believed it did, on the West India Colonies, hr thought he was well justified - in asking the !Inuit to take no pr._ ceecling, except on positive and distinct grounds. ll e should hardli allude to the question of compensation, Clough he believed it woull be of such an amount as positively to frighten the country; and he did not think that those Honourable Gentlemen who so mio:h fa voured the sending out of Missionaries would have great pleasure ia coming forward and asking for an increase .f the Taxes on Msit, Salt, Leather, ant other commodities, for the purpose of prov:d;,, g a fund to meet the demand of contptisation. (hi all these consider. ations, be felt it to be the duty of the House not to proceed too! . distinct line of conduct was marked out_by the Goverznitut. Mr. Secretary PEEL said, that the speech which the Iloasi had just heard commenced with condemning Ministers, and in the course of it vindicated the steps they had, adopted, as the only mea sures that, und-r all the circtintstanees of the case, could be adopted. Dr. LUSHINGTON complained that the Right I lon. Gentle , man bad not told the House candidly, that if the Colonial I A•gist,.. tors refused, for three or four years, to adopt the Measures r ee .,,,,_ mended, he would not remain passive to their contumacy. *I h, Men lion. Gentleman had stated on a former occ ision, that if ha found those Colonial Assemblies contumacious a. d obstinate, he should submit a proposition to the House. 'noose L. gisistiva sembliei had been contumacious, and why did not the Right Ron. • Gentleman call upon the 'Joust. •cs ellfurce obedience? Two great dangers beset the question—procrastination on the. one hand, and precipitation on the other. It would, however, he an indelible stain on the honoiti of that House to stand still, and abandon the resolutions of last year. Mr. W. TAYLOR came down to the House careful of the course he should take, and considering the proposition of the . Itiaht Hon. Secretary fair and candid, he gave it his hearty °support. Mr. MANNING adverted ko a printed examination of several officers, who stated that the condition of the Negroes in the bland of Barbadoes was better than that of the poor classesin England. Mr. EVA NS regretted that the regulations of the lion. Secretary had not a wider extension: Mr. BLAIR thought the Government alarmist state openly, not only what they intended to do, but where they would atop. .Sir G. ROSE was favourable to the proposed measure for ex tending the influence of the Established Church in the Colonies, yet felt himself bound Injustice to defend the persons wiro bid hithi r been conveying religious instruction to the negro 11441a:ion. 'liar number of slaves in onr West India Colonies was 733,000. of %A hi:11 100,000 had been fully converted to Christianity by those indivi duals so much condemned, and in addition, at least an equal mini. ber attended to their instructions. . . Mr.- W. SMITH defended the cause of emancipation, in suppo:t of which he referred to the fact that there never was a period th.in •,; which so few insurrections had occurred in our Colonies a, 41%6 the abotiti,m of the Slave Trade. Sir ROBERT WILSON inquirtd of the Right Ilor.o.:rable Secretary, ifthc regulations now brought before the nous: w.re to be extended to the Cape of Good slope, the Mauritios, and oar other Colonies? lie wished also to know if the le.th thuie, which ordered that no negro should receive more than to enty.site lashes at airy one time, meant, that the master might, for the sami offence, but at some other time, tie up the slave, and before his back was hea!ecl as tin, punish him? Mr. T. WI LSON thought it right to say, that when be was in the Island of Grenada, where he remained for three - months, he witnessed no cruel treatment that could convey to him an idea of slavery at all answering to the description of it, which had been given in-that (louse. The measure ought by all means to be al lowed time to find its level. Mr. Secretary CA NN I NG, in answer to the questions put to. him by the liorourable Member for Southwark, could say, with respect to the first, namely, that the same communications that had taken place with the West India Colonies, were made to those alluded to by the honourable Member but he was not a'ste to state what_the result would be. As to the second question, hi; consttuction of the section was, that a master should not. be per mitted to inflict more than twenty-five lashes for the same offence., The Right lion. Secretary then proceeded to reply, at length. to the arguments of Mr. Buxton, Mr. Wilberforce, and Mr. B If ever (said Mr. Canning in conclusioh) there was a ease when ;:b stinence from all hasty immature interposition was advisable-- when it was advisable -for Government to watch the course of events and the operation of measures before they advanced, surely it was in that case of difficulty in which they had to contend with .an evil, long settled, almo , t coeval with the age of mankind—a case in which they bad to reconcile a variety of opposing interests, to turn back the course of confirmed habits—to change, iu short, the constitution of a whole race of human beings, and recast au existing generation—(hear, hear). That assuredly was a case in which, if ever, a Government was to'proceed with circumspection, they were especially bound. to march with (he would not say with irresolution), but with timidity, with ,a steady attention to the course ,of events and with a calm observance of the signs of the times. Bat he would not be taunted into a declaration wbieh, as thus called tor, .might be described as wisdom, hut which, if made, he was sure would be termed, as it ought to be, rashness— ( Hear).—Leave was' then given to bring in the Bill.—Adjourned at a quarter to Two. THE EV EN18“ STA It. LONDON. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 17, 1824. THE FUNDS. STOCK F. NCH ANG K, TWKLVE O'CLOCK. Consols opened thi! morning at 93i 3 for the Account, and af.er wards lowered to 94 /; with little doing ; for Money 931 I. The chief business still continues in Mr. Rothschild's new In surance Shares, which have beeu at 15—are now 14b to 15, and in great demand. We have no political information in the City. There is a report that Spain has accepted the mediation of England, but as yet we cannot trace it to any authentic source. FOREIGN FUNDS. Some business has been done in this Market, but to no great ex tent. —Current Prices: Old Spanish 20} 19a, Russian 93a, Aus trian 111, Mexican Scrip GZ, New Prussian 96} 4, Old 981, Greek 1a /, Itotlischild's Shares 14 to 15. PRICE OF STOCKS AT ONE O'CLOCK. S per Ct. Cons. 93 1 h % 1 / 2 -4. per its. N. 106 3 / 4 y, India Bonds 80s. 82s.—South Sea Stock 105% Exchequer Hills (01;000) 51s. 535. Consols for Acct. 93% Yi 3/4. The Slave question, rast night, in the House of Lords, excited the greatest Interest. The Royal Dukes of YORK. Sussex, and GLoucesrmt, were present, and the House was attended by all the Peers in Town.. Below the Bar the crowd and pressure was great, beyond anything we have seen since the commencement of the Session. The Lords are understood to have but one opinion, and that is in favour of the measures adopted by the Noble Colonial 'St cretary. Yesterday, at half-past two o'clock, a Cabinet Council was held at the Foreign office, Downing-street, which was a ttended_ by the Earl of LivearooL, the Earl of flannowar, the Earl o f WILS3MOKLAND, Mr. Pan., Earl BATHURST, the CuAnctuott of *he rACLIEQI;gIt, the Duke of NVELLiscrox, Mr. I ItISICISSON, {VYi;', &c. The Cabinet continued sitting till nearly four o'clock. CORY EXCAANOE, MARCH 17.-.—The arrivals to this day are considerable—English NVheat, 7,500 quarters; Barley, 6400 qrs. Oats, 11,..w0 qrs. Irish Oats, 3,000 qrs. Flour, 7,5:`0 sacks. The Market at present is overdone with quantity, and then: is scarcely and trade fur Wheat to-day at Monday's prices. Barliy is very heavy, any rather lower. Beans and Yeas, very dull. 04-4 find so few buyers that sales.eannot be made without submittd , g to rather lower priee4. Flour continues exceedingly dull. 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