Star. — London, England, 1825-02-15 00:00:00

foresee between the subscriptions raised by the Catholic, Priest and the money collected by the Bible Societies ' and other bodies. He did not know whether he was addressing many who were in the habit of going to church—(A laugh).— He supposed be was; and if so, he was stare there were few amongst them who did not come out with their pockets much lighter than when they entered; and that, too, at the recommendation of our Protestant Clergymen. The motley so collected was applied to laudable objects, but not to such as were more laudable than those of the Catholic Priesthood. If this were levying taxes, he only wished that the Right Hon. Chancellor of the Exchequer would levy his in the same way, giving the same option, and there would socitt be an end of the odious character attached to the word tax—(A laugh). As to the passage so much dwelt on by the other side, calling upon the Catholics to be tranquil by the hate they bear to Orangemen, they were enjoined to shew their hatred by forgetting in juries, and by giving their enemies no cause of provo. cation. This was the light in which the adjuration ought to be viewed. Some had wished to apply to it the sentiment of Shylock, when be said— " Bates any man the thing he would Dot hair' but he thought it used very mach in the same sense that Squire Western was made to say, Is not every trueborn Englishman bound to hate every Frenchman as he hates the Devil in Hell ?"—(A laugh). He be lieved there were many Country Gentlemen both in and out of that House, who still honoured that sentiment without attaching a more defined meaning to it. That' was intended or implied by the hatred of Orangemen. He had considerable hope, from the speech of the Attorney-General for Ireland, that the state of the Catholic population of that country would yet receive the just attention of the Government, and that, from the beneficence of his Majesty's feelings, and the moderation still shewn by the Catholics, some portion at least of their claims might be granted during the present Session, so as to prevent the necessity of the proposed Hill passing into a law—(llear, hear). Mr. DAWSON would confine himself to the subject before the House; and. his old opinions had been cun fin by the recent conduct of the Catholics. Asso ciations had been the curse of Ireland ; and he had the greatest giatification in stating, that it was intended to put down all Associations. At a former period there had been a risk of collision between the Volunteers and the Parliament, which had been prevented by the me diation u,l Lord Charlemont. He would say, that all Associations should be put down without exception; both the misguided loyalty of the Orange Societies, as well as the turbulence of the Catholics. The Catholic Association had assumed the form of a ParliaMent, and had interfered with the administration of justice. But the number of Orange Lodges had been greatly magni fied; and in the City of Derry, where the Protestants were so numerous, there was no Orange Lodge. The Catholic Association was most dangerous and unconsti tutional. A paid Press was employed to disseminate their principles, and had done so to the widest extent. All the violence of their orators against the established institutions, was spread over the country by the News papers in their pay-5,000 copies of the Finance Re port of their Committee had been, circulated among their friends. The Report bade them act like men de salting of freedom. Mr. O'Connell had subsequently said, that he would not admit the arming of the Catho lics, as it would be like a declaration of war. Such speeches had the worst effect on the minds of the Ca tholic peasantry. tilt. Slid bad said, that. the British Parliament required the degradation of six millions of people. Lord Redesdale and the Duke of Yolk ha•A been assailed for having given their opinions on the Ca tholic Question; and with respect to his Royal fligh tless, Mr. O'Connell had said, that one Duke of Yoik shinld recollect that another had lost his crown for his interference with religious opinions. The Archbishop cf . 'loam had fOrmerly . received the thanks of the Ca. tholics in his flocese ; but after the formation of the Association, it had been asserted by the same party that the Archbishop had introduced soldiers into a meeting,l • for the purpose •of put; g to death all the Catholic Priests. Mr. O'Connell had stated that the Scorch had hewn down with the sword of the LORD their Archbi shops and Bishops, and that language was addressed to an ignorant peasantry. In like manner the Bar had been attacked, and Lotd Manners and Mr. Saurin had been particularly named. The most unfounded calumnies had been thrown on the administration of justice. On the 240 of November, Mr. Derereux and Mr. Hamil ton Rowan had been admitted with acclamation, as a matter of course; the former had been an United Irish man, and the latter hail been their Secretary, charged, he believed, with high treason, and allowed by the °le niency of Government to return to his native country : but the Association would be comparatively harmless, without the aid of the Catholic Priests. He was sorry to be obliged to say that most of the evils Of Ireland had arisen from that class of men—(Hear t from the Op position.) The titular Primate of Ireland had said that the Archbishop of Dublin was an usurper. Another Prelate had said, that in the event of a rebellion no censure would be fulminated by any Catholic Priest— (Hear.) On the subject of the Catholic Clergy he dif fered wholly from his Right Honourable Ft lend (Mr. Plunkett.) A Catholic Priest, upon a trial in Cot k, had been compelled to admit that no plot could be carried on in a parish without the knowledge of the Priest; and on another occasion, a Priest refused to give evidence on a trial for murder, because it would weaken- his influence in his parish. Another Priest had recommended to his flock to contribute to the rent because money was the sinews of war. The Roman Catholic Priest was anxious to raise his own Church upon the ruins of the Protestant Establishment. Unless the Government was supported by the Parliament, the Association would put down the Constitutiori—(clear.) Mr. CAREW said, the Association was very dif ferent. Dow from what it had been before, and embraced all the responsibility of Catholic Ireland. Mr. S. RICE would ask, how violence could be pat down when the Cabinet was itself divided? He la mented that the proceedings of the Rebellion should be at all alluded to; as the house should look forward, and not to the past. He should protest against the Orangeman and the Protestant being identified. He was a sure friend to the Established Church, though no friend to the violence that had been employed in its support. He, as well as the Honourable Member op posite, lamented the circumstances of all Associations. Parliament was now called upon to legislate upon the authority of the Dublin Newspapers—(Hear, hear). Some had denied the existence of Orange Lodges; and in that case, then, the House would legislate on a phantom. The entire speeches of no body, not even of that he was then addressing, could be completely justi fied. Had not Resolutions been entered on the jour nals, which no man now would justify? Violence by those in possession of every object of desire, could never be defended, but on the part of the excluded, though it eatdd not be justified might be easily accounted for.— 'The Honourable Membs4 here alluded to the sentiments o Lord Killeen, and apologized for reading the fol. looting extract from a Dublin Newspaper, as Newi papers had become State Paper's-an this subject : on taking the Chair, hlo LOrdshlp said—" There never was, in the binary of Irish Cadillac affairs, a period es important as the present very critical crisis. During the last ilsasiOn.of Parliament the Catholics presented their bumble Petition to the - Legislature. and at the commencement of the present Sagan, although the Lords r _ - . speech represented the country as in the most fioutishing condition—pipsee, tranquillity. and prosperity through the British empire ; yet the Catholics looked in vain to the Speech from the Throne for the word " concession"—white there was strongly expressed the determination of bringing forward a new proscriptive enactment, not merely to oppress the Irish Ca tholics, but to strike at the root of British liberty, of which, in this country, little but the name was known—(Loud cheers). It was, however, consoling to find, that their Protestant brethren were coming forwatd in the cause of conscience. Without the con currence and support of they Protestant countrymen, the Catho lics could never expect emancipation, and it behoved them to be watchful, that the snares of their opponents led them into no indis cretion calculated to forfeit the good feeling of the Protestants. He conjured them, not' by the hate they bore to Orangemen,' but by the love they owed all men—the stake they bad inn their coun try—the veneration they owed to the memory of their forefathers, and the fidelity with which they cling to their religion, which nei ther the lure of emolument nor the apprehension of punishment could shake, to submit to the laws with the fortitude of men and the obedience of subjects." The sentiments of that Nobleman, recommending peace and submission, had been received with cheers by the Ca tholic Association. He would recommend the House not to pass the Bill upon the mere statement of Newspapers. The Association had always stated that they would pro ceed only in the way of respectful petition to Parlia ment. No man would morestrenuously oppose any at tempt to dissociate Ireland from England. Members should be on their guard against indiscriminate praise of the administration of justice. He recollected similar panegyrics on the collection of the revenue, and the conduct of the Magistrates of Ireland. The I,rtner had since been termed an Augean stable; acd a Committee above stairs had, in the conduct of two Magistrates, discovered much oppression. In the course of six years 6000 persons had been convicted of offences against the distillery laws; but one of the witnesses before the Com mittee had stated, that the Dignitaries of the Church, the Officers of the Army, and the Magistrates of the country, were wholly indifferent if the spirits were il licit or not—(A Laugh). All those had - punished others for offences to which they were indifferent themselves. The alteration of feeling towards the Archbishop of Tuam arose from his attempting to convert the Catho lics from the faith of their forefathers. The whole of the lad reign had been one series of.concession, and the greazest gratitude was felt by the Catholics. Now an , addition was proposed to the Penal Code, could any man believe that the present measure would be effectual ? How ever, the Bight Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Goulburn) might be pre pared to run a race of ingenuity with the Catholics. It a particu lar mode of meeting a discussion was prohibited, it followed that all others were allowed, of which the Catholics would avail them selves. But though the Bill would be inoperative as to good, it would operate materially as to evil, and come home to the cottage of every peasant In Ireland. He would concur in every opposition to the Bill, though no one could be more averse to Asseciations than himself. Mr. BROWNLOW thought the measure had been supported upon unreasonable grounds. - It had been said, that Lord Wellesley had been impeded by his Ca binet, but who had been more indefatigable than the Right Hon. Irish Seztetary ? The greatest good had been effected by the administration of Lord Welles ley, and none had been more grateful than the Protest ants of Ireland. The Ministers had been obliged to adopt the present measure by the conduct of the Ca tholic Association. He lamented that the Petition he had presented at the closing of last Session had not. met with more attention; he contended that the Ca• tholic Association was alone alluded to in the speech from the Throne—(Loud cheering from the Opposition). The Protestants in the notch of Ireland had been dis tinguished for moderation amidst all-the torrent of in. eective that had been thrown out against them ; he ap prehended that nothing had occurred on the part of the Protestants to call for such a measure, though they must be castigated by the same law as those who wished to involve all things in one common ruin; he lamented the unfounded charges brought against the Bible Socie ties ; he denied there was any intention to make pro selytes, though had there been, it would have been laudable to convert men from a worse to a better faith. The whole conduct of the Ass6ciation was dariget He had thought the Convention Act was to put down all such Associations, however harmless they might he. The conduct of the Association had deeply injured the Catholic cause. Their object was to extort, from fear, what Parliament had refused to petitions. In 1812, Lord Wellesley had opposed the Catholic claims, from the tone and spirit in which they had been urged. Out of ten persons in the - north of - Ireland, who had for. metly been favourable to the Catholic claims, scarcely one could now be found who atsihered•to the same opi nion. He believed the Association to be a mot; formidable body, and Parliament was bound, without delay, to set itself against the Assoeation. If the Catholics were admitted to Parliament they would nest demand the property of the Church. The Catholics would not be satisfied with concessions to the Laity, if the Church, the God of their Idolatry, did not participate in the advantage— (Hear). The Hon. Gentleman here quoted the opinion of the Chief Justice of Ireland, on the subject of such Associations, and declared his assent to the measure. Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH then rose, and spoke to the following effect : " I rise, Sir, not to answer the speech of the Hon. Member who has just sat down, and whom I have heard with much pleasure—nor do I rise, Sir, to advert to the arguments of the Hon. Mem ber." for Derry, who preceded. him—not from want of the highest iespect for the character of both the Honourable Menibers—but I rise, Sir—(and it is the first purpose to which I shall have employed my returning health)—l rise most solemnly to protest against this un justifiable attack on the cause of Catholic Emancipa tion, made on it through'the medium of the Catholic Association—l rise to oppose the measures of men who, instead of redressing wrongs, would stifle the voice of suffering—l rise to oppose a Bill whose object it is to relieve his Majesty's Ministers from their sacred duty of relieving the disabilities of the Irish people, and of ter minating a course of miseries which have been a subject of national record through the lapse of successive cen turies—against this melancholy measure I rise to record my feeble yet conscientious and honest protest—with the same zeal aithat professed by my Right Honourable Friend in the brilliant and powerful speech with which he closed the last sight's debate—with a zeal for;the Protestant Religion, which has never been changed or cooled by my political opi9lons—l declare myself a Pro testant—l am attached tu its doctrines, and venerate the great principles on which the Protestant Reformation was founded, that one principle, above all, which sanc tions the right of private judgment on religious opinions. In these principles of religious liberty, and in the poli tical principles of the Revolution of 1688, I have ever walked; in these I have lived, and in them I hope to die. In the spirit of these principles I have risen to de fend the Catholic cause against the attacks of its friends. Thirty years have now gone by since two parties arose itarish politics, each propagating,. a sy.telit tact only different from, but opposod to that of the other; the first ascribing all the evils of Roland to the Priessi,' to. Committees and Conventions, and to all those spin* toms of discontent and signs of misgovernment, which to those superficial politicians appeared the essence of the evil. The other party—a patty whose principles and exertions will be respected by posterity, however I unsuccessful they may have been at the time of their original propagation—that patty declared that the miseries of Ireland spring from the rooted hatted and dissensions of two parties opposed to each other in reli gion and politics, and tearing their common country to pieces between them —(Hear, hear! from the Opposition Benches). As a remedy lot this lamentable condition the first party proposed Penal Statutes, military force, Insurrection Acts, Whiteboy Acts, and Convention Bills —(.fear, hear). The other party were Of opinion that the best remedy was a reconciliation between the con flicting classes, and that the surest means of effecting that mutual reconciliation was the placing both on the basis of equal rights in the land of their th— that is, by granting Emancipation to the Catholics —(Hear, hear, hear). For this great purpose the Union was carried into effect—( Cheers from the Oppo silks:). This Mr. Pitt acknowledged to be the ob ject and end of the measure, both before it and after.= This was Lord Grenville's opinion, who said in the de. bate, in the year 1813, now we can carry into effect the purposes of the Union." The advocates of the first system consisted, for a considerable time, of the great majority of the English people, and all the friends (pre judiced but sincere) to the Protestant Establishment in Church and State. But that prejudice has died away with the persons of those who felt it; and at this mo ment all the rising talent and public worth of the coun try have at t ayed themselves, with one splendid excep tion, on the wise and generous side of the question.— The House of Commons has passed a Bill in favour of it. In the very same year, Lord Wellesley's motion in the Lords, to take the Catholic claims into considera tion, was lost but by a majority one ; and even that por tion of the public which is most easily excited into vulgar prejudices, tumultuous clamours, and to acts of violent opposition, even that inflammable portion can not be roused to the old cry of " No Popery!" and that mob which on this very question almost ruined one Cabinet, cannot now be induced to give its support to another. Nn; there is no feeling of this kind in the country. I assert that there is not ; and even if there were, it should be the last truth 1 should utter in this House; for imagine the consequences of the people of England telling to the people of Ireland— We, the British Nation, anottnting to *twelve millions of men, are enemies to you and to your claims. Nothing could be more dangerous to the peace of both countries. Much indeed should I be surprised, if I were a Roman Catholic, at the present state of that important ques tion. In the twenty-fifth year of the Union, under a Monarch of well-known kindness to his Itish subjects--• under a Miniiter the most able and eloquent of its able friends—under a native Lord Lieutenant, as distin guished for his enlightened views of general policy as for his most liberal advocacy of this measure in parti cular—and under an Attorney-General for Ireland who could not suffer by a comparison with the proudest of his predecessors—that in this state of circumstances the friends of the Catholic cause should adopt the petty sche's.e', and paltry expedients, and wretched fooleries which they themselves resisted so long, so ably, and so successfully—and that the Parliament of the empire should degrade its dignity into a squabble with Catholic Committees and Catholic Associations—a contest in which there can be no'glory from a victory, yet where a defeat may bring danger, is exttaordinary. In my fnlluwing observations I shall adhc•e to the divisions laid down by my Right Honourable Friend the Attor ney-General for Ireland, w ho, amid all his logical clear ness of statement and methodical arrangement of argu ment, is by n' means deficient in a knowledge of that class of argument termed sophism. His first position is the necessity of the case ; and here he quotes salus populi sup7ema lex. 11, Sir, this necessity can be pleaded, although it has been resotted to by tyrants, and was first used, as we read by that arch tyrant— Who, with necessity, the tyrant's plea, Covered his devilish deeds"— if, I say, this imperative law can be admitted, then, I say, it would be not the supreme, but the rola lex, este hisshing an irresistible stern necessity; silencing all op position, and superseding all remonstrance. But what are the ingredients of danger which render this Bill necessary? Thi ee—misaiel intendea to be done, mis chief done, and dangerous language. Now, I call on te Right Honourable Gentleman who brings in this Bill, to state what, if any, are the bad intentions which he apprehends from the Catholics ? He has acquitted the general Catholic body of the imputation of bad in tentions, and he has not charged the Catholic Associa tion with them. Nay, even the great leader, the object of the machinery of this Bill, who has been made much giearer by Parliament itself, even he (Mr. O'Connell) has been acknowledged by the Right Honourable and Learned Gentleman to possess all those domestic qua= lities and professional advantages which unfit a man for dangeious designs, and bind him with more than the strength of rational attachment to the peace of his country and the welfare of his kindred.. These are pledges in favour of Mr. O'Connell of the absence of any intended mischief on his part. Now for the mis chief actually done—the Right Hon. Secretary for Ire land has adduced but two facts bearing on this point out of the alleged body of evidence supplied to him from all parts of Ireland ; and in both cases those were acquit tills. In one, the Judge himself thanked the Counsel for the Association, that is, the Association itself, for the pro priety with which the prosecution was conducted.— The Secretary of State for the Home Department had said, that the Catholic Association would put an end to the administration of justice in Ireland by depriving the country ofJurors, on the principle which guided the Court of King's Bench in England, in the case of the King v. Dolby. The Right Hon. Gentleman, however, forgot, that in that case the evil would cure itself; as, if there were no Catholic Jurors to be found, as a matter ,of course, the Association could bring no prosecutions, and there could be no necessity for that Bill—(Hear). Sir James here quoted at somelength from the Procla mation of the Association to the Peasantry of Ireland, and contended that those Hon. Gentlemen must have a vast portion of ingenuity in perverting language so grossly as to view it in any other light than as a most impressive invocation to peace.. He now came to the word " hate," which had been made such use of by some of those eloquent masters of debate who, as Dryden said, illustrated their opinions by acting in opposition to them. Dr. Johnson had said, that some person was a good hater—he hated a Whig, and hated a Scotchman—(A laugh). If the Doctor, however, could now rise from the dead, be Sr Jame!) had link doubt 'bit that lidi tiq obviate the double effect against himself, although id that instance he would defend the eiression, which only meant to say, " I conjure you, by the very hatred which incite you to revenge and insurrection, to be peaceful r Such was the meaning of the ekpreslion. and no honest person could justly find fault with To every man who understood the -English language; that passage could be only taken to advise, and advised the people to avoid offending against the Law. He next came to a - passage in the speech of the Honourable' Member who spoke last, and who said the mea sure • wet solely directed to and solely produced by the Catholie Association. Nd Orange Lodge was to be interfered with or visited by those thunders with which the Right Hon. Gentleman amused the House a few nights be fore —no, the measure was solely directed against th e' Catholics. The Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Broseti% low) told the House plainly that the Orangemen weri sot humbugged by the declaration of the Right Honourable Gentleman, that the Bill was intended a pat down all illegal Associations—no, they are not' alarmed by the threat of impartiality of applict tion; they understood clearly that all the thundeii of the law are to be directed against the Catholics.— But did the House believe that equality of operatiod was possible in both cases? The Hen. MeMler for Armagh said the real truth, that the measure could act upon or affect the Catholics, but could not operate upon the Orange Societies; and indeed, from the secret nature of their constitution, it was impossible it could mid* them.--(The Honourable Gentleman here at much length contended, that an the Orangemen constituted the Grand Juries, presided at Quarter Sessions, and formed exclusively the Corporations of the Kingdom, they could not be reached by the proposed law, while the Catholic Association were for the same reasons placed completely withio its grasp; and that, in every point of view, it was most unequal in its operations.)— He next came to the first head of the Right Hon. Gen tleman's argument, where he said that the proposed law would form no encroachment upon the popular privi leges; a most hardy assertion, for would it be asserted, that to limit the amouet of the legal rights of the peo ple was no encroachment upon popular privileges? That it did constitute an encroachment was as-positive and distinct a proposition, as that the whole was squat to iti pacts. The law was that which the people en-• joyed, and any encroachment on their right must be deemed an encroachment. But that which he appre hended most from the measure was its injurious bear. ing uponthe Catholic Question. He was at a lo:s how to discuss that point, which he therefore left .to thic friends of Emancipation. It was said that the influence of the Catholic Association was dangerous to the pub lic good. Undoubtedly we ought to be jealous of the in. of any betty which interfered with the adminis tration of justice. But was interference confined to the Catholics ? He meant no reflection on the Protestant population of Ireland, but to expect that justice should be impartially administered to the Catholics of It eland, would be to profess belief in a miracle, greet any of those of Prince Huhenlohe himself. Tile remains of the Popery laws of Ireland were to the Catholics as the prison dress of enlarged felons—their chains were re moved, but the brands and badges remained. Such was exactly the situation of the Catholic people of Ireland. Insult was added.to punishment. These laws went to exclude them from honours among men for doing that which they conceived was in obed.ence to the mandate of their Goo—(Kear, hear)—and was therefore the most grinding tyranny that could be conceived. What would be the consequences of the r roposed area• sure, he shuddered to contemplate. The night helm, Franklin left England, he shed tears at contemplating evils such as he (Sir James Mackintosh) could mit but apprehend from a measure similar to that which Frank lin deplored. The threat of separation, if conveyed of intended by the Catholics, was most absurd—nothing could be more injurious to their interests, sn destruc tive to their hopes. Separation from England, if praca ticable, would terminate the happiness and prosperity of Ireland ; all the advantages which she derived from the Constitution and Institutions of England would be for ever lost to her. If England and Ireland were ever separated, both would be rendered miser*. ble ; but the situation of Ireland would be the worse, be cause she is the weaker. He called the attention of the House to the injustice of refusing the claims of the Catholics on account of any proceedings of the Associa• don. How in the name of Goa could a Government introduce a measure to guard against a doubtful danger, and refuse attending to that which was an hundred-fold more momentous and impending! He felt bound to express his conviction, that if the measure be carried, many of those who then heard him would have to bitterly lament it—(Hear, hear). In the views of some men the pacification of Ireland was a secondary question—a secondary object; but of the Cabinet friends of Catholic Emancipation he would ask, hew could they believe that the difference on that point would not cause hostility ? They spurned the assist ance of those who sympathised with them on that head, and clung to those who were opposed to it ; end he be lieved in his heart that some of them, would live to re gret it. The Members of the Cabinet who resisted Catholic Emancipation—the Right Honourable the Secretary for the Home Department, for example, might wisely and consistently retain his seat; all that he could wish for was already in hit hands ; but to ex pect a Government pledged unanimously against i t could not enter into the dreams even of the most fanci ful. For his part, he thought it surprising that in in dulging in any such expectation, they did not feel themselves to be treading dangerous ground, or, as the phrase is, in the enemy's waters. I was surprteed the other night, continued the Honourable and Learned Gentleman to observe the cheers which attended the speeches of the Secretary of State and the Attorney-General of Ireand. I wonder that those cheers did not alarm the Learned Attorney- General, considering the quarter from They came from the camp of the enefw the measure which be had always adl Friend put himself before the House of as before a Jury. With all the respect : Hon. Friend, I cannot but think that h in judgment; bor can I call it less than _ joined any Administration without providing the wrongs under which his country groaned, to which has made so great s portion - rater (Hear, bear.) He hin d as to a Jury, but I must c bear). I must challenge all those who . Question ; not for any want of honour, . difficult to be conceived, when their poiky man Catholics is taken into consideration. taken out, and his case was to be decided appeal to his own reason and candour, • hope of success from the decision of would remain to tie decided'?"—'the sat down, evidently exhausted, amid The CHAPCILLOII of the lisenneuas cane inonwin. TheChanccUor of the bir. *me 'at mows tire Catholic violent* and It. The Ho lit - down, ha riliciples, tQ that be failed There he du lionse t _and i wart oT the ( lie Comoro:13 raccording t must nice's' esi ing us rep 4 t lie Constitutic k +e Catholic %ected, nor b V 6 ling as the , Wises of tin Vile mischief c p.tranger were Isis property, Isis life, he VII let in by the d at once to eje sociation sedu legitimate obj he should col them. Now, 1 trot care for t 1 to, and that " represent th irsho pay their rolled r It wi was not at tea tie country? was very Litt question did caped the atte Catholic Ren a minor asseci Those meetin Chapels and c not under the (fired a great intendence of went out pub) and came bac stream of.relii tiool bf politic, mind, he shou a popular asse bates of the C, darker periods some of the C tiously to be O'Connell, any governed that sum of the A rt. Ministr It was stated i ciation, that al There was emi temperate to.c ciation next ye violent than th ings of its men ciplei of the C. I might, their m aim was to v they consideres Secretary for I ,had 'been a too alwith murder, s runlawful oaths An klnnnurabl cases proved n 1 acquitted? Wh but if truth heel been a convict said ? It had tration of justir check upon it. administration. 1811, and fron to the prosecut known a perm the House to at advocate of the Catholic Aim statement of tt plained. if th Edsgland, the] speeches. Ths attend to it. '1 but in the wicl The Member fi Had he name) tranquillity thr, admitting that too dear for it the hands of th the Marquis of 4;0114 oa su peace with deal It was impossil best feelings of Lodges, of whir of Orangeman tholics. It was a He might fair): the Catholics o the Orange bat cherish as there were son but they had Lord Kill een his ancient hou ether Catholic forward in whence they proceeded. forward to re soy, from the opponent* d his opinion, hip advocated. My Bien Hen. of Commons the other night their object wh t 1 entenain for my Right the a feelin he committed a great error tilt the right h an a desertion in him to have It Counter.. groaned, ti ,roviding for the remission of groaned, and the resistance t ca on of his own fame and cha- t mtoansbye of th at of ju c"nal" " ( H.: po lite :se we rt r disc h lo are enemies of the Catholic • *hold Pa but for other reasons not a again ra ley with regard to the Ro- • „which aught ei rause. If sock jurors were melitbe Theu (d . i Bib t l [en wou ld eaded by the rest, I wou r,. whether he coold have any • tow, but no gri of those by whom Isis ease • Honourable M em b e r ties ‘i platy otAnner i the cheers of the House. the ltd credit should b e in and Mr. Non* nee at the _ put &chequer having ging' WNW crow to heap , ~J ~. .