Star. — London, England, 1825-02-12 00:00:00

obtained, the adminiitration of the law could not be im-' partial, nor properly dispensed. That, at a former period, had been the case in Scotland, where a man of the name of Stuart, expressed his astonishment that he should have been acquitted by a Jury of Campbells. —He would never have consented to an Act for putting down this individual Association ; but the measure before the House extended to all societies. He trusted, nbtwithstanding the predictions to the contrary, that the measure would be effectual, as speaking the Opinion of Parliament, and he trusted that the discus sion of this and the former night would contribute to that effect. The measure proceeded from the whole of the Cabinet. lle would at all tilting support the question of Catholic Entancipa• lion, from whatever quarter it came—(Cheerin g .) Mr. CALCR AFT said, that. till the Catholics ob- ftined their tights, Ireland would experience similar sisitations. Had not the last speaker stated that he \vas friendly to the Catholic Claims, he could not have believed*, when. he saw the Right Honourable Gentle lath g Meinber of that Cabinet, that, as a Cabinet, was decidedly hostile to the rights of the Catholics. The present Association arose from other and opposite As s.ciations—(Hear.) Redress the grievances of the Ca tholics, and those Associations would soon disappear.— He hoped the Catholics would continue united, and would press legally upon the House and the country, till they obtained their rights. He had never known an instance of a Bill being brought in to prevent the loyal exercise of undoubted rights ; he believed there was a pretended alarm in Ireland, though the Govern ment was made to believe the reverse. He was, therefoi e, agreeably surprised at the Speech from the Throne.— Long before the Bill could be sent to Ireland, the As sociation would have disappeared, and would revive in another form. • But to suppose the Catholics would be prevented from meeting and collecting money, was a gross mistake. At the time of the King's visit to Ire land, the'Catholics were the most loyal of all. But what could have been ultimately expected, when the King was accompanied by Lord Sidmouth on the one hand, and Lord Londonderry on the other, " the bane and antidote;" as what the one shoidd propose in favour of the Catholics, would be opposed by the other? Much stress had been laid on the expression, " By the hate you bear the Orangemen." That seemed strange to English ears; but the real meaning was, the hatred you bear to tyranny and misrule: and by which they were for bidden to join illegal societies—( Laughter.) No one could doubt the corruption of the Irish Government up to the Union. He fen it his duty to oppose the Bill to.`stre utmost of his power ; though not from any partiality fei such Associations, whether Catholic or Protestant. He denied that the Association had made the Catholic Claims more unpopular than they were before. The reverse he believed to be the fact. The tranquillity of Ireland spoke for the Association. While the Associa tion went on legally, he would offer no interruption to it. The amount of the Rent that was so dangerous to the State, was £9,000, a much smaller sum than was collected for Bible and other Societies, to which no blame was ever imputed. The Right Hon. Gentle man had stated the measure to be from the Cabinet. In another place it had been stated to have come from the Irish Cabinet. He was surprised at the temperate conduct of the Association. It had been stated as a matter of complaint of that Association, that they were all of one mind. Ministers, indeed, were so fond of divisions, that they had them even in the Cabinet, which was only kept together by the fear of Gentlemen on his side of the House.. The real remedy was Emancipation. When the Honourable Gentleman was appointedSecietary to the Lord Lieu tenant, he foresaw what would ensue, and particularly when coupled with the fact, that the Chancellor of Ireland went out of town, that he might not swear in the Lord Lieutenant. In a few years emancipation must be granted—the real remedy for all the grievancesof Ireland. Mr. PLUNKETT said, that the question had been so fully discussed in_ all its parts, that he had little or nothing to add to the arguments that had been urged, and he should not have obtruded himself on this debate at all, if he were not anxious to give his view of the subject, and its effect on the country. He did not imagine that he could throw any new light on the ques tion. He declared that he never rose with more pain or apprehension than he did on the present occasion. The question was arrayed as attacking the popular pri vileges, and through them to wound the Roman Ca tholics of Ireland ; and it had been announced by _Hon. Members that the measure,. if carried, was likely to be attended with consequences ruinous and fatal to the country. Those were heavy imputations on the mea sure. Those apprehensions were wholly unsupported by argument or proof; but they were put forth with so much sincerity that he felt himself bound to notice them. Ile trusted, in the first place, that he should suc ceed in making it appear that the measure would not interfere with the popular privileges, nes . with the Roman Catholic Question ; that, in fact, none of those terrifying consequences would flow from the measure which some had foreboded. The case rested oir its supreme and absolute necessity ; on that 'necessity which made it imperative—(Wear hear). He wished the House to recollect the nature of the measure. It had been spoken of and argued as if the measure attacked the privileges of the Catholic Association only, whereas the measure attacked all illegal associations, whether they were arrayed for or against the Roman Catholics. It was not a single measure, calculated to put down the existing evil, it was accompanied with an annunciation Iron, the Throne, which had been recognised by the Address of that House, that the whole question con nected with Ireland should be taken into consideration during the present Ses.,ion of Parliament. If there were to be Committees for the consideration of the state of Ireland, the question connected with Catholic Emanci pation, he apprehended, could not be excluded from such consideration. The object of the measure was to cure the evils of which the Association was a symptom— (Hear, hear). He could not see any objection to tee measure, especially as it was accompanied with the recommendation to which he had alluded. It h a d bee n said, and truly, that Ireland enjoyed tranquillity and unexampled prosperity; but that Honourable Member (Mr. Calcrait) said he was therefore at a loss to know why the Governmeet introduced the measure, as it was calculated to disturb such tranquillity—lreland was, indeed, in a state of unexampled prosperity. It sheaved, in those general causes which affected the whole of the empire, that at the instance of the Marquis Wellesley, judicious measures had been adopted towards Ireland, to improve and repair the circumstances of that coun try, under that Noble Lord's Administration, public confidence b a d b een restored. He d i d not say i t in vidiously, hut more had been done to restore rublic confidence, than had been effected by any former Ad ministration. There w4s great confidence in the justice of the Noble Lord's Administration—(Wear, hew). — Men the Noble Lord entered office, the vesel.nf the tate was lying a wreck in the breakers; and the Noble Lord had enabled het to right herself and float • 'on the tide of prosperity. Mould net agree with the Honourable Member for Wineltelsea, (Mr. Brougham), that such result was attributable to ehe Catholic Asso ciation; if it were so, it would be cnnclusive with - him as to the necessity of this measure. As the 'Honourable Member for Galway had truly observed, in such case there would be an end of the argument; if the Associa tion had power to put down insurrection, it had power to raise it. " tellere sty ',mere vultfrota." On former occasions, lie begged to say, much had been effected by the Roman Catholic l'riests ; former disturb ances had been put down by them. It was not the Association, who now arrogated to themselves all virtue—who accomplished such a result; without the Association, the Roman Catholic Priests had success fully preached peace and loyalty. He dqemed it due to those excellent, and give him leave to add, most calumniated set of men, to bear this testimony to their worth. Having bottle such ample testitnony to the prosperous and tranquil state of Ireland, he might be asked why did he support this measure? His an swer was, that though there might be more tran quillity, yet there never was more political excitement. If a convenient opportunity occurred, the present ma terials of mischief might explode. That the alarm which existed was great it was impossible to deny. He was equally willing to admit, that it might be greatly exaggerated for dishonest purposes. But there was great alarm spread in the Minds of the Protestants. lie was in son,e degree confirmed in this statement by the Hon. Member for Northampton (Capt. Maberley), who admitted that he had never seen feelings more alive and intense, than he had observe] during his visit in Ireland. Then it was asked, if tl,is were not the most decisive reason for granting Catholic Emancipation, and if any one could be answerable for the mischiefs which would result from refusing Emancipation? He wished to Heaven, that they would grant Catholic Emancipation ; but if they could not grant it, were they not to be prcpaied to defend their proceedings?— (I /ear, fin»: Sir F. Burdett.) As the Hon. Member for Westminster appeared to be particularly attending to what he was saying, he wished to press en the Hon. Baronet's mind, the consequences of refusal. If the Parliament did not deem it right to grant the Eman cipation, how was such result to be received in Ire land? Was it to he submitted to, or was it to be re. sisted ? He should like to have an answer. Here was - the main point—it might be said to be the foundation of the measure. It was of great import. once. If it were to be instantly adopted, or in the .ent of Emancipation not being granted, the ques tion Was to be vindicated by calling out the physical force of Ireland ; if those were the alternatives pre ented to them, was it not time that Parliament should interfere? —(Year, hear). After what had been said by the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Goulburn) as to the nature of the Catholic Association, it was not ne cessary for him to address the House at :any length on that point. They were somewhat different from any other definite set of Gentlemen. Their object was not only to redress the grievances of the Catho lics, but to redress the grievances of all other per sons. They avowed as much in their own words, That their object gas not merely to redress the Catholics of Iteland,.,but all the local and general grievances that affected Ireland. They took a more extensive range of subjects than even Parliament ventuted upon in the course of the Session. They undertook the consideration of the subject of Reform—of Tithes— of Church Property—J-(Hear, hear). He begged to repeat that they had announced that they would consider the subject of Church Property; also to no tice the administration of justice, pursuing their in vestigation, down to the Courts of Conscience.— They also undertook the adjudication of the conduct of every private family, where they thought such con duct was connected with Catholic grievances. Thus they took under their guardianship a tolerably exten sive range of subjects. He did not deny that Gentle. men might turn their attention to such questions, but the mode in which this Association did so was that to which he objected. "they framed for themselves a Constitution which included all the Roman Catholic Clergy, the Catholic Nobility, all the surviving Dele gates of the Catholic Committees, &c. They had Committees in every district, and the Association now assembled 3,000 members. They had permanent sit tings on every question that could affect the general peace and tranquillity of Ireland ; lint all might still be consistent with public safety. However, in addi tion to such peculiarities, there was the Catholic Rent, which was levied as a tax on the King's subjects.— There were in Ireland, '2500 Catholic parishes, and in each of these parishes twelve collectors of the Rent were appointed, so that of collectors alone there was an army of 30,000 already enlisted under the standard of the Association. That army, armed indeed only with prayers, ex'aortatiaas, and importunities, and headed by 2,500 Priests, went through the country levying money on the public. Now that Act alone appeared - to him a direct violation of the Constitution, and to call fur the immediate interposition of the Legislature. With great deference to the Honourable and Learned Gentleman opposite (Mr. Brougham), he must insist that any body acting as he bad just described, and re. presenting the Public, was contrary to the spirit of the Constitution ; let him, however, not be misunderstood. Did he deny that men might meet together for similar purposes to the above? Certainly not. Did he say that men could not unite in clubs, and subscribe for any common purpose? Certainly not. But what he de nied was, that any persons hid a right to depute others, or to depute themselves, to assemble for the correction of public grievances in Church and State, and, by as suming the duties of a Legislature, touch upon the privileges of the House of Commons. He did not wish to argue the question like a schoolman, but he must contend, that if a body existed in Ireland, representing six Millions of his :Majesty's- subjects, it would not be consistent to tolerate so egregious an anomaly. Nor was it in the amount of Rent which the Catholic As sociation collected, but in the hold which it had of the physical force of the country that he discerned danger. That body, through the Catholic priesthood, was in contact with the whole of the lower classes of society, and the latter looked up to it as entitled to represent them. No Government could endure sach a state of things, and net call on Parliament to put an end to it, unless it chose to abandon the interests of the people— (Hear ).—Were the Association composed of the wisest and best men, no Government could allow it to proceed without rejecting every wholesome safeguard. Where was the responsibility of that power which encroached not only on the functions of the Legislature, - but of the, Executive—and yet was independent of all controul? In our popular form of Government, look what an iin mense power was given to the Hovise of CONIIIIOIIIW-. last still .that power was controulerL Had that House the right to summon itself, and were it independentaef the Crown and the people, it was manifest that it would be supreme, and swallow up all the other branches of the Constitution . 'Were, then, those uncontrouled, un limited powers to be left with a set of private Gentle men, which had been denied to the regular constituted authorities—and those Gentlemen exercising mote sway and d >minion over the people of Ireland than the most absolute Monarch over his subjects? Persons in Eng land were not aware of the tyranny over public opinion which the Association practised—it interfered in every family without decorum or decency; and the result was, that though its numbers increased, many of them were unwilling conscripts. He should touch on but one point more respecting that body. He could not conceive . a more deadly instrument against . the power of Govern ment than a society so constituted, claimin g t o repre sent six millions of the King's subjects, and claiming a right to interfere, in the name of those six millions, with the administration of justice. What individual could hope for justice under such circumstances, when the case had first been tried by the grand. inquest of the nation, and the•expenses paid out of the slack purse of the people? Jurors would, of course, either yield to terrcr, or would be roused to indignation. One word more with regard to another part of the ques tion. Were the Catholic Association tolerated, of what materials did the Ilonse think the Protestants of Ireland were made—could they remain quiet spectators of the scene ? They would of course form counter Associa tions for their own defence. He admitted and believed that in act or intention the Association now meant no thing of an insurrectionary character—but persons put in that situation were not their own masters, nor were their leaders their own masters. The Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman, after alluding to the Convention Act, and the conduct of the Association in calling Ag gregate Meetings, proceeded to state that, with.respect to Catholic Emancipation, his opinions and feelings re main unchanged. Now, as always, he considered, that without that, every other measure to benefit Ireland would be ineffective—(Near, hear)—and deplored, that at present it diJ not appear practicable, when, in his mind, it ought not to be delayed a single hour—(Hear, hear). The longer delayed, the greater to him seemed the difficulties to surmount. In 'early life he set out with a conviction of its vital importance to the Empire. Such was the opinion he had always expressed, tad such he should never abandon. The Right Hon. Secretary,. adverting to an attempt which be said had been made to convict him of political inconsistency, intimated his intention to put that question in a fair point of view. It was desirable on his part toaliew whether the objec tion had been liberally made. He should state the pe culiar circumstances of his political situation, and leave the House to judge tyon the facts. He entreated of Gentlemen, that if in the course of the observations he was compelled to make in his justification, anythipg that might fall from him gave offence, they would not feel it an intentional mark of disrespect, but consider it merely as matter urged in his defence. He should take the liberty, on the subject of trial, to beg to file cross indictments. " I had the honour," said Mr. Plunkett,' " in 1813, of coming forward in Pat liament as a very zealous and sincere advocate of the Roman Catholic Question. When the measure was introduced, in 1813, I spoke in favour of it ; and with respect to that speech, I had the honour to hear an Honourable and Learned Friend pass an encomium upon it. I am quite ready to have it read, if any Honourable Member wishes to hear my argument on that occasion. I did state in that speech, that I considered it deplorable that the Ca binet should be divided on that question. I said it was no ordinary question, but one of a most important character—one which they had had an opportunity of considering again and again, and if they did not make up their sentiments on it, they were not dealing fairly with the public. That is the amount and substance of the speech, andj admit the fair conclusion to be drawn from it was, that I did condemn the Government of the country for not having made up their minds on the subject. I did not think it would be right in me to join any who had not made up their minds on the subject. I now frankly declare that I have changed that opinion— (Hear,hear). I am not now of that opinion—(Hear,hear). Now really I think I am not evading the charge. I do not think I am extenuating the charge when I declare that I once held an - opinion which I have since changed, and have acted upon a different opinion—(Hear hear). It is on that charge I admit the question arises, whether I am in fault, or has it arisen from circumstances ? I certainly at that time expressed that' opinion, that the expression of favour to the Roman Catholics on the part of the Cabinet was a mere mockery. My Right Hen. Friend (the Secretary for the Home Department) will excuse me, I do not include him ; be was not a member of the Cabinet at that time."—( Hear). He was told by a Noble Friend (Lord Castlereagh) that he was incon sistent on refusing to act with a divided Cabinet on the Catholic question. The Duke of Bedford's Administra tion, and Lord Grenville's Administration were divided on the same question. He did not then entertain the least hope that any measure of advantage to the Roman Catholic cause could be brought about by the Administration. This explanation was due to his cha racter for political consistency, which every man ought to defend, but to no man was he bound to give this ex planation. He never was desirous of being a party man. Unfortunately, as the Catholic Question advanced, be found he was obliged to separate himself from Gentle men on the opposite side of the House. On all great questions be was obliged to dissent from them. On the question of war he differed with them. On the great ques tion of disturbances which agitated this country in 1819, he was under the necessity of taking his stand against them en the ground of public safety. On Parliamentary Reform he was obliged to differ ; and, indeed, upon all great cardinal questions, he differed from them. He not only differed, but the Public differed frqm them. No influence could be found to carry the Catholic Question, and he considered himself justified in submit ting to the gracious commands of his Sovereign, in ac cepting office. He questioned no man's motives, and no man bad a right to question his, and if it should be sup posed he had trafficked his honour, principles, and con sistency, for place, he could point to the whole coui se of his public life, as an answer to the calumnious statement. The Hon. Member for Lincoln had cited his opinions expressed some years ago, indeed he had been called on from time to time. When measures were brought forward some attempt had generally been made to fix inconsistency on him. if any inconsistency had appeared, the lapse of thirteen years might have been some excuse. The Honourable Member for Lincoln had quoted his speech, in which he said the Roman Ca tholics ofireland were not to be blamed for the intem perance of those who advocated their cause. At the *time be made that. speech he was attacking those who scud as the Association did at the presootilar. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman would be-s sines mime justice if be had read the paragraph •'• ved his quotation. It 'teas in substance— " Sir—The conduct of the Roman Catholics to. lam not the advocate of their intemperance. say there has been some misconduct on the part r nage Catholic affairs. They presume to direct of legislature and finance, putting others under i pleasure. All this is the exercise of inquisitorial 1. not be justified. lam disgusted by the tone they tone I never expect the Legislature to yield, but I induce them to withhold that which is just." —Such were the words the /I;•noura ' Lincoln had left out of Izis quotation. see that he could not have use.l more teems had he been opposing the C Lion. There was one thing which nation. He believed the people of this beginning to reflect on the subject claims more than ever. They began plan of governing Ireland by anythii tion was a losing game. They began to might be made a source of wealthl. if The idea of separating Ireland was a 1 never could he separated from Englan; might fall, and Ireland with her, but land exi3ts there would by no separin the threat of separation could not be . although England despised that threat, which other countries may form respect; tion and disunion in Ireland, might in' And then the c.nsequeneTs might be 1. should repeat that the mischief the Association was doing was his inducerni ing the question. They were bearding this country by raising a question of pii A tone was assumed to which this count yield; They ought not to yield to it, and to let the Roman Catholics of Ireland recommendation was to abandon that t; afraid of losing the favour of the Rout Ireland by speaking his mind. He wished much as ever. He had no selfish interest ' fere. His hope was, the Association in dispersed. lie really con,idered the ii Association baneful. It was said they of the people of Ireland. If they mi people looked for Emancipation, they genet al sentiment; but if they declar' part of the Irish community would rest of this Association, they were deceived. great part of the Roman Catholics of Ii gusted with the proceedings of this As. Right Honourable Friend was right it the-Roman Catholics would feel happ , sion of the Association, and be relieved The Gentlemen of Ireland would also i released from a power unsanctioned pelted only by wild theory. Mr. O'Com tleman standing high at the Bar. _ _ honour of being mote than professionally acquainted he knew him to be a good husband and a good charge against him but that of following his He did not think it would be worthy conduct and others to evade an Act of Parliament. Association legal, but they would find themselves belief and be willing to quit it. Mr. TIERNEY next addressed the so happened, that he had never once opener any debate on the subject of Catholic Er He had given that measure the support ; .every other support l in his power, except t speaking on it; nor shou'd he have thou to do so at this moment, did he not core to be a crisis of great danger to the emp. posed measure was .one which it appeared Gentleman would rather resort to thar would render it wholly unnecessary ; but could not, in his opinion, be obtained, present to the having none at all. The not agree among themselves upon a would have the effect of general concili; of it, they hit upon the happy expedient which was to have direct,ly the contrary hear). Was it not somewhat strange the could never pull together, except when of the people were to be invaded ? Upon they were happily unanimous ; but when to enact a law which would have the effeci ciliation to a class of the King's subjects, each Minister to judge for himself was nothing was agreed upon except tun to thing which had a pacific tendency—(He rise on the present occasion as the advocate lies; for anything he had done fur, then him nothing. What he had done with claims, he did for the general benefi t .(Hear, hear). His principles, habits, at not lead him to take the course as the an Catholics.. He was not blind to the perfec Church of England, and no man would than himself to oppose any measure Catholics, if he thought them in any the calculated to produce' he dangers w bi thought would arise front them. But which had been talked of in times p: tirely disappeared. These were the I passed at the Reformation again , but at present there was no Papal stored ; there was not even a Pretender pists to have recourse to. The old all past, but a new danger has was that which arose from the disconh a portion of the population. Before carded to legislate against the Cathi , " it wanted some facts to go on. He wool Ilouse go into a Committee to it:quire of the tatholie Association, at least let inquiry, and they- would a;1 come to the lining against it with a better frame of surprised that the Government shoul; take away the privileges of the peopl. to make concessions and grant privileges: he wished thetatholic Association had the shaft it had assumed, yet he saw great objections to it which were the other side of the House. The A. took the cause of Catholic Emancipation surely nothing very objectionable in that; to inquire into the Church Establishment, thing very criminal in that; they further investigate a great variety of circum; which were fair matter of discussion, peared to him nothing very alarming unless the Right Hon. Gentleman could was something at the bottom of their proc , which great mischief would ensue. thought that the tune was now arri might very properly s take the mina affairs into their own hands, and the _ now dealing with any small b..;di of men, .., t preseatdar. The . d have slone mere which followed his . secs has been referred 1 erante. lam sorry to i i • part of those whirslia. • s ect pereons in matters ler the ban of their die- rial power, which can. I they assume. • To this but I hope it will never 1 ! table Member for • The House would ! , more appropriate 1 I . 1 Catholic Assrcia- . i . . s required expla• this country were - - t of CA! C; 4tholic an to see that tle • • • 1 A i $ - hing but creticilia- , • : ' - ' ti' ,: • to see that Ireland .f if treated wisely. te• Q t ' absurd. Ireland i end. This country f Ii , it as h ng as Eng- ', i ration. Therefore ' • f t o ente;taine,l; but irent, the opinions petting dissatisfac- involve us in war, , t .. e lamentable. He 1 ' ':- / 1 f Roman Catholic . l • • * i f.: ement for support- '• • i r • • 1 ing the people of . • ' ph i , physical strength. t• • • 1 lontry never would and his object was , . , i nd know, that her . : :. t tone. He was not 1.. . i oman Catholics of . bed to serve them as •,,il • est that could inter- ..4t , . '. ; 1 Ireland would be e influence of that , . t 1 . , ey spoke the sense ~ • merely said the t. - hey did speak the . i . . - ' i ared the educated esist the dispersion •• : : i ed. He believed a f Ireland were dis- ks,ociation l , and his C in saying, part of pp . y at the dispel*. • . ed from an incubus. - , t , o feel happy to be I by law, and im- . ..'onnell was a Gen , He had not the I i painted with him, but of father. lie limits) is extravagant politics. ; - I let In that Gentleman • Many believed this e ~ 1 1 elves deceived in that [l . 6 t • e House.—lt had I opened his lips in c Emancipation srt of his vote, and It ' , pt the slight-one of . . sought it n.- cessar y • ,onsider the present empire. The pro- •,.•' w ared the Learned O ft i lan another which ,-. ; but as that other I , he preferred the . t • i The Cabinet could a Measure which iliation ; so, in lieu nt of proposing one rary effect—(Hear, that this Cabinet ten some privileges . 1 [ 'son such measures ire it was proposed Elect of general con- ts, then the right of is recognized ; and to agree upon any :Hear). He did not - ocate of the Cacho- them, they owed ith respect to their - i i eft of the country.. i . 1, and opinions, did li k he advocate of the perfections of the ild be more zealous s e called for by the , the slightest degree . bich some persons it as to the dangers past, they had en- i • e laws which were inst the Papists ; il King to be re- :ender for the Pa- Did dangers were . sprung up. It :ontent of so large re the House pro- . holic Association, would say, let the [ 'lire into the facts let them have an i the task of legis- of mind. He was '. ould be. strong to ople, but impotent , .ileges: Although had not outstayed • saw :Lone of those e pretended upon Association unaet- pation, there was sat; they undertopk nent, there was no. , ther unslerto••ic !o • umstances, all of , n, and there ap- ig in such objects - , , f ild show that there • proceedings, from e. The Catholics E. rrived, art en they nagerneat of their le House %sere not men, but they Were - ' - 4 25 Lice sed ho and 24 tion icts lows med rghl. le to put the pro. Ation Rent :new suck ioCIa cted ses . 6l d the in it. many of the In did us et this- iducti e part sepaa post fect 1 y reland tl con of the also to of owe He had of that ring un :•ctssary id Lord empt to e' would Vulun- In of the Ireland laced .cutions always ad by a h3t, he of the lovern i of the ie insti • Cache n of the .itoatiort 11 these on, of this I &Wand,. 'that their red to say tedly wa lla it was tuation. conduct :tore the If Ireland, wail; intd. &triumph d on that measure• er beard GE pecjudecer dmit the an when he ,hoild Waf Fet id formerly alvanee the he Cabiac:• ;t the mo o Ireland, velt there. nedy. lii ted under Should in another anomalous le opinions Langone what had ial privileges Belgium, na ds. In tills incing in did I,aud wooki nt measure ipanied by hear.) 114 ow the tn. Mat re" g mischief. st assent to If a Pro 'era by the the feelings s been hos es the evil o 11101 Ass ° 6ssociattona t 1