Star. — London, England, 1818-06-02 00:00:00

4 ' „ . , WESTIM42T4 4ECTION. NTltitirdly atitaiakio' f3the Electors of Westmin ster, in the interest of Mr. Hour, was held at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, in the Strand, for the purpose of adopting the most effectual means to en sure the election of that Gentleman for Westminster. One o'clock was the hour fixed on for taking the chair, but at that time the company was not very numerous; and the chair was not taken until about half-past one, when Mr. Hunt, and his friends, Pres ton, Sherwin, and Gale Jones, entered amidst ap plauses, and the chair was soon after taken by a per son of the name of Elliott. Mr. ELLIOTT thanked the company for calling him to the chair, and proceeded to read the requisi tion for calling the meeting, as well as the object for which it was called. Mr. HARDING, amid great applause, proposed Mr. Hunt as a fit and proper person to be returned to Parliament for Westminster, and recommended the formation of Parochial Committees to secure his election. The motion was favourably received, and a string of resolutions in furtherance of the main object was next put and carried. The CHAIRMAN then read several letters from dif ferent parts of the country, promising pecuniary sup port in favour of Mr. Ifunti as the firm advocate of Annual Parliaments, Univers4Suffrage, and Elec tion by Ballot. One letter lkoa..from Middleton, in Lancashire, expressive of similar sentiments of regard for Mr. Hunt ; the writer hoped no speculat4 iug Lawyer would be returned for Westminster ; and threw out many illiberal reflections, not only on Mr.Wetherell, but on Mr . Brougham nd Sir Samuel Romilly. These sentiments were received with general ap plause, and some few hisses. Mr. GALE JoNas addressed the meeting. He ob served, among other things, that the enemies of free dom, in their efforts to crush it, had defeated their own object ; fot they distributed immense numbers of Bibles to the poor to instruct them in religion, and they now began to repent what they had done ; for they found that the reading of the Bible gave the poor people a taste for the reading of politics ; and instead of Bibles they now frequently had the works of Tom Paine undet their pillows. The late Mr. Windham was hostile to the distribution of Bibles, and the Members of the Government were now sen sible of the dangerous error they had committed.— Mr. Jones concluded with earnestly recommending Mr. Hunt to the support of all the honest Electors of Westminster. The CHAIRMAN then requested that any Elector who wished to support Mr. Hunt would come for ward and enter his name. Mr. HUNT rose amidst loud cheering. He felt he was in an assembly of Englishmen, and therefore of friends. During his life he had been opposed by enemies, and he never feared them ; but on this oc casion he was almost overcome by the acclamations of his friends. There were many persons in the country better qualified in point of rank and talent than himself to make a struggle for the People's rights ; but as they did not offer themselves, he felt it his duty to come forth from his rural retirement, and labour in behalf of the People. They all knew the illiberal attack made on him (Mr. Hunt) a few days avo at a public dinner by a little faction. He knew that such an attack would rouse a correspond ing feeling in the Public ; it was duly felt, and he was sure it procured him many friends. He would hold out during the whole of the contest for West minster, for the whole fourteen days that he could stand there. It would be the first time a candidate offered himself on the broad principles of Universal Freedom, and from those principles nothing should ever induce him to depart ; and if he were returned to the House of Commons: he would never be beaten down by the clamour or the sneers of Lord Castle reagh or his party. The first thing he would do, would be to move the standing order, that the Mem bers should meet every morning at nine o'clock, in stead of doing their dirty work, as thieves did, in the dark. There was not one man there who either read the Petitions of the People, or made the Clerk read them ; but after having been drawn up with the ut most care, they were thrown into a bag and for gotten. If he were in the House of Commons, he would take care that Petitions should be differently dealt with. He was a man of an humble fortune, but humble as it was, it was sufficient for all hie wants ; and he would never touch one shilling of the people's money so long as he lived. He was willing to be the servant of the Public, but he would never be the servant of any body else. if he were return ed, he would be always at his post, and the Speaker should never take the chair without seeing him there; and whenever it was not in his power to do his duty he would resign his place. He had been accused of violence ; but he defied any man to prove that he had ever tyrannized over any body, either a servant or any body else. The reason he did not offer him self for Bristol was, because a certain number of virtuous men there, who felt all the corruptions of the place, assured him that it would be impossible to secure his election ; and therefore it was recom mended to him to offer himself for a place that was really free—that was his reason for offering himself for Westminster. He had it on the authority of Major Cartwright and others, that Sir Francis Bur dett had declared himself the friend of Universal Suffrage. He had the same authority for saying that Lord Folkestone, the son of a Borough-monger, was the advocate of Universal Suffrage. He heard that Ministers intended to set up Sir George Cock• burn, the Officer who took out the brave Napoleon to St. Helena. He anxiously hoped they would do so : he should he happy to see Sir George on the hustings ; and he would bring a well-armed vessel, bomb-proof, with him, or he should be soon beaten o - lt of the sea. There was a till: about other Can didates,• and he hoped they would come forward ; for, if hp were successful, the greater would be his triumph. Mr. HANLEY addressed the meeting, and strongly recommended to every Elector to subscribe his mite towards defraying the expenses that might accrue in forwarding the election of Mr. Hunt. Thanks were then voted to the Chairman, and the Tneeting dispersed. 'PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS. HOUSE OF LORDS. JUNE 1. - - - - - The Royal Mum was given by Commisdon to ten public and private Bills. Among the public Bills were the Irish As sessed Taxes Bill, the Madder Duties Bill, Silk Bounties Bill, the British Militia Pay and Clothing Bill, the Irish Militia Pay and Clothing Bill, and the Irish Bank Restriction Bill. The Commissioners were the Loan Comics-was, the Mar quis of WOICHKSTZW, and Lord Ernmssoaossou. Immediately after the Commission, their Lordships adjourned to six o'clock. Lord MELVILLE moved the Order of the Day for reading the Steam-boat Regulation Bill, with the view of postponing it; and observed, that there were in this Bill provisions which, in his opinion, ought not to obtain the unction of Parliament. The order being read, it was, on his Lordship's motion, postponed. On the Order of the ay for the third reading of the Scotch Churches Bill, The Earl of LAUDERDALE objected to the motion, on the ground that the measure was totally useless, as provision had al ready been made in Scotland for building Churches.—The read ing of the Bill was postponed. The Conviction Rewards Bill was committed, and the Report received. The Earl of ROSSLYN moved the consideration of the Poor Laws' Amendment Bill. Earl BATHURST observed, that several Noble Lords who wished to be present at the discussion were now absent, and wished the Noble Earl to delay moving the Order of the Day. The LORD CHANCELLOR stated, that it had been ne cessary to adjourn the House for the space of two hours, and that the Noble Lords referred to had perhaps on that account been disappointed. He therefore suggested whether the Noble Earl had not bet•er, with the leave of the House, withdraw his motion, and bring it forward at a subsequent opportunity. • The Earl of ROSSLYN then withdrew the motion. The Earl of CARNARVON moved the order for the second reading of the Game Laws Amendment Bill, with the view of postponing it to another period. The Earl of LAUDERDALE would support the motion, as he could not suppose it possible for any benefit to be derived from this Bill, the object of which was to inflict penalties both on the buyers and sellers of game. The Bill was postponed. The Earl of LIVERPOOL laid on the table a copy of the Treaty concluded with the King of the Netherlands for the Abo lition of the Slave Trade. The Cutlery Trade Bill, and several private ails, were brought from the Commons by Mr. Lsscusse, Sir .1. UZJUIAM, and others, and read a first time. WESTMINSTER PETITION. Lord KING presented a Petition from certain in habitants, householders of Westminster, ir. public meeting assembled. This was the Petition voted at the last Westminster Meeting. It referred to an opi nion stated to have been given from high authority, that Parliament could alter the Constitution ; and asked, if that were the case, mightmight not it be altered to the despotic Constitution of terdinand VII. or of the Dey of Algiers? It described lawyers as men of narrow minds, prayed for Universal Suffrage and Annual Parliaments, and called upon their Lordships to define what was the Constitution. It was signed by Major Cartwright, Messrs. Walker, Maclaren, Place, &c.—The contents of the Petition seemed to excite the risibility of some of their Lordships. The LORD CHANCELLOR observed, that as the Petition stated great lawyers to be men of nar row minds, it was singular enough that the Peti tioners should have chosen the son of one of those narrow-minded persons to present their remonstrance to their Lordships. The ancestor of the NoblcrLord who had presented the Petition was a warm advocate of the liberties of his country ; and he hoped that a descendant of a Lord Chancellor would always be found ready to bring under their Lordship? consi derat'on the just complaints of the people ; but when the absurdity of this Petition, and the language in which it was couched, were considered, he trusted that a descendant of Lord Chancellor King would not consider it one which their Lordships ought to receive. Lord HOLLAND did not see why the absurdity of the prayer or the language of a Petition should form an argument for not laying it on the table. That it was unintelligible might be a very good reason for not reading it ; but as it had been przsented and read, he thought it should be received.—The Petition was rejected. ALIEN BILL. Lord SIDMOUTH rose to move that this Bill be committed. He observed, that when the events and circumstances of the French Revolution were consi dered, it was not surprising that the effect of that great convulsion should not yet have subsided.— Many of the persons who had taken a part in the overthrow of the French Government, and in the attempt to overthrow the Governments of other countries, it was true, were dead, but the spirit still existed in many parts of Europe. It was with the view of counteracting the effects which this revolu tionary spirit might have in this country that the first Mien law had been enacted, and for the same object it was now proposed to continue it for two years longer. It was necessary to keep out, as well as to scud out of this country, those persons who should avail themselves of the vicinity of France to foster a spirit menacing to the security of this and other Governments of Europe. Ile was aware it might be said that the situation of things was very different now, and at the time when the Alien Law was first enacted ; that the year 1818, with the coun try at peace, was not at ail like 1793, and the coun try at war: but if their Lordships compared those periods, they must also take into their consideration the difference of the two measures. It was by no means accurate or just to assert that this measure resembled that of 1793, for they were, in fact, of a different nature. By the Act of 1793, Aliens were made subject to very severe regulations, and were exposed to penalties if they violated them. They could not land at any port in the country without a license from the Government. The place of their residence was fixed, and they could not travel to a distance of more than ten miles from it without a special license obtained for that purpose. There were no such provisions in the present Bill, which merely proposed to provide for the regular exercise of an authority which, he must contend, belonged to the executive Government. It was true that this autho rity, to the extent to which it had beer. laid down, was questioned by .ome ; but even those who most objected to the doctrine, admitted that a power for the removal of foreigners in periods of danger ought to be lodged somewhere. That power was one of the prerogatives of the Crown, and it must be exer cised in some way or other, either under Proclama tion, or under a Legislative enactment. The present Bill merely provided for its prompt exercise, and, in fact, tended only to give effect to the Prerogative.— He was, however, ready to acknowledge that such a measure ought not to be adopted without necessity ; but the existence of such a necessity was at the pre sent moment unquestionable. At a time when it was a part of the policy of all the Governments of Europe to expel from dzir territories, or pl4,ce ruder particular inulations, obnoxious foreigners, was id to be contended that this country ought to form an ' exception to that policy? Were we to cherish the revolutionary spirit, and to allow all factious indivi duals to find an asylum in this country ? He would ask whether the evil of such a course of proceeding would not be infinitely greater than any that could possibly arise from this Bill ? Before he moved the commitment of the Bill, he should briefly state the nature of a clause which he intended to propose, the necessity of which would appear from the circum stances he was about to state. An Act of the Scotch Parliament, passed in 1685, for the establishment of the Bank of Scotland, contained a clause by which all foreigners holding shares in that Bank became thereby naturalized subjects of Scotland, and, ac cording to the Act of Union, all subjects of Scotland were naturalized in England. It appeared, there fore, that any foreigner, by investing a small sum of money in the Bank of Scotland, might become a naturalized subject of Great Britain. All the pains which their Lordships had hitherto taken in framing regulations for naturalization, and all the precdu-1 tions adopted for passing Naturalization Bills, might have been superseded by the short process he had described. At the expense of a very inconsiderable sum, any foreigner might become a subject, and all Alien Bills would be of no avail. His attention had been called to the effect of this Act of the Scotch Par liament only within these few days. Had the dis covery been made at a more early period of the Ses sion, he should have proposed a short Bill to meet the case. There would not now be time for discus sing a proposition for the re p eal of this Act, but he would recommend to their Lordships the suspension of its operation during the period in which the pre sent Bill should continue in force The Marquis of LANSDOWN asked, whether it was intended to give any retrospective effect to this clause? _ Lord SIDMOUTH said, he should propose to give it effect from the period when the payment of the last investments took place. He then concluded by moving, that the Bill be now committed. Earl FITZWILLIAM opposed the motion. Ile had given his assent to this measure when it was ori ginally proposed, because there then appeared to be a reasonable ground for giving such a power to the executive Government ; and he had not objected to its renewal when the subject was last under conside ration, because he believed the Act would have been allowed to expire at the period to which it was li mited; but he could not, without pain, see his Ma jesty's Ministers again calling on their Lordships to pass a Bill of this kind. It was demanding the con tinuance of a system of arbitrary authority, for which no reason existed, and which they ought not to be permitted to possess. He should, therefore, give his vote against this measure. The Duke of SUSSEX had opposed the former bill on this subject, and he conscientiously felt it to be his duty to oppose the present meacuie. But, though he had not felt the strongest. objections to the principle of the measure, occurrences which had taken place in the course of the last year, and wlich proved the improper manner in which the power given to Ministers had been executed, would have been sufficient to have induced him to oppose it.— With the case of an individual against whom the Alien Act had been enforced his name had been con nected, but he sincerely despised all the insinuations that had been made on that subject, and he would now state the facts which had come to his knowledge to their Lordships. An Officer who held a commis sion in the British service, had been tried in Portugal for a pretended conspiracy. In consequence of that trial, his name was struck out of the Army List by his Majesty's Government. But this was not all, having escaped, he arrived at one of the out-ports in a ship from Lisbon; upon which the Government imme diately ordered the expenses of his passage to be paid, and sent him on board of another vessel to be conveyed out of the country. As to the trial, he firmly believed that this gentleman was perfectly in nocent of the charges brought against him ; but for his part he had no communication with him at the period of that trial, nor for five or six years preced ing it, when he knew him in the family of an illus trious friend. For himself, he felt that. he stood clear of all imputation on the subject ; but if their Lord ships knew what the nature of a state trial in Por tugal was, he apprehended that their Lordships would not regard the circumstance of this officer having been condemned, as a point of much consi deration. The Portuguese practice was, that imme mediately upon a conviction in favour of the Crown, the Judge was promoted. What might be the guilt or innocence of this individual it was not for their Lordships to determine, but there appeared no reason why he should have been deprived of the protection of the laws of this country. It was right that a jea lousy of the power of Ministers should exist, and he for one could not help strongly entertaining that jea lousy, when he found them guilty of such acts, and the more especially when he heard it asserted that this measure was necessary for the tranquillity of other countries. It was proper to pass laws for the tranquillity of England, but to invest Ministers with arbitrary power, on the pretence of maintaining the tranquillity of other countries, was what he would always protest against. He also particularly objected to the language of the preamble of the bill, which, contrary to fact, appeared to ground the expediency of the measure on a circumstance which had taken place since the last act was passed. Lord HOLLAND declared himself decidedly hos tile to this measure, and the arguments of the Noble Viscount had not at all tended to subdue his hosti , tility. The Noble Viscount had asked was it not proper that at a time when every power on the Con tinent possessed the prerogative of sending the sedi tious, the turbulent, and the unworthy out of their States, that this Government should have the power of preventing their cowing here ? If the Govern ment had not this power, this country might be made the asylum of all the factious and disaffected ; but did not the Noble Lord also recollect that this measure, it adopted, would subject to its operation the unfortunate, who were the victims of injustice and tyranny on the part of their own Government ; and that he would by this measure close the door of hospitality against the stranger and the destitute ? The Noble Lord contended, that the unavoidable result cf this measure would be abuse ; and he al luded to former cases of persons sent out of the king dom, under the Alien Act. The case of Las Casas was one strong in point Mr. Las Cacas was ieni from St. Helena, and the very day after his ar r i e .a :in this country was sent out, under the Alien E, 1 7 and his papers seized and detained, a proce e d;' which he contended, even the Alien Bill did no; aa. 4 lhorice. Government had perhaps seen thei r m , take, and had, he understood, re,tored thu uef u tunate and persecuted person. his papers, h at had detained them long enough to have prom ruin of any individual. The Noble Viscoeu cos. tended, that the Crown had already t'ae pre ro „ al : and power given to it in th e Bill. He j 1.4,4,0. land) doubted much this fact, but even ii it Ir a the Government had always formerly be en awn s t luctant to enforce that prerogative. It Lid, an tit re 7 contrary, always been the policy of this c encourage the resort of forctgners ra r e aves, such ought always to be our F•avr. !a t Viscount had said, the measure v- A ., ?tact secure the tranquillity of the Ccntinent. any such necessity; and the Noble Lords opp c d, c 4 advancing this argument, had reduced thenuelvi,), the necessity of acknowledging, that after O. e ir extraordinary exertions, and expenditure of b; % a and treasure, and after the glorious peace oft:iA they had boasted so much, that they h a d , t li eft . the Coatinent in a worse state than they feud it— in a State which rendered necessary a measure ne er before called for in a time cf peace.—.o,ear. The Noble Lord contended, that in a cenintut:ce4 point of view the measure was highly ohjection:.t. and pregnant with danger to the freeiorn and pn-. leges of the people of this country. The Nebie then alluded to the ca s e cf Don Diegc Gom m person alluded to by the Dultc of Sussex. Aka Die go was accused of having, when in Spain, "mitten ageza the English interests there. This was the crime imp. ted to hart, and for which he had been male mbjecta the operations of the Alien Act, and uneers:li c :, E,,, u brought from Portugal to this country, an from Ser a to Spain, widere he was made subject to dm `4IOIS Laws. Next to Fiona'. 1, svhom we had TIO« Orpea to follow the same narrow coarse as ontse:7es. country had always been the most di-ti.nsiseee. fe z a liberal and generous policy. She had'alz,.,o-, 1 the subject of panegyric on this account, and Mr ey geographical position considered as haring sane:: g providential in it— " Britain ! thy land by Mier:was sure !ledged " Tu be the common rrioye of inzAlnd: Were the words of Waller, the founder of our parl*.i. m k n e fl ou t e r d y g e e lt e ot n t c r e , b s a t d u a te re m s a t i well et of s.lHe, v it, s e ed lathe ems it . b a o s n no ca i lle n d cut airef ol u tL l f in or a d m ie is o t p a p k ees e, an sed d , th bu is t c w o l u ia n t tr G y cellsg eat mpbwaene subject contenda rai o tyh f cseyh tatsyhpotgeeow s ubse rvient oyaas fnowfeti s ivi t ailavi to l le r st this otherpar ms cou ntry, o n n a rs States. o f icnha ily . E urope, Ihtrcwhcoad an z ; a:rits,ellitsl ; m ari n e : e s w in na g th T e g ut m w o i i t li f h :uro t be an p:: ctt lA il g ; *; though there were five or six Soveret,, , ms, if there as lone system, and one will amongst them. 11 was to permit one individual, Prussia another, Frar.:l another, England another, and each Power was consider itself bound to the proscribed prim up ; where was individual liberty gone to, and whey could the oppressed find refuge. No where; :A such would be the effect of the proposed measure, adopted. The Alien in this country, if he obserd the laws whilst here, ought to be protected ; the adrs. tion of this measure would be an invasion cf the* laws on which our greatness was founded. and which endangered the liberty of our oYm rs.'r'tns, and therefore the Bill should have his strongee c? position. Lord WESTMORELAND considered the necessary on three grounds :—lst, to preterre tranquillity of this country-2d, to preserve our asi:f with foreign Powers—and, Sd, to preserve the ;tut and tranquillity of the Continent. With aspect the arguments advanced against the measure. ground that it was unconstitutional, he should o:ir reply, that the measure conferred no new power is the Crom;m: it only gave effect to a prerogative winch the Clown already possessed, and had possessed hum the time of Magna Charta down to the present tire. He denied that the Alien Act had been abused; oily four persons had been sent out of the country in it two years that it existed. The Noble Lord oppoux had complained of this Bill, as one which would pre. vent foreigners coming to this country, injure C 7 character for hospitality, and prove a restraint upc: our own liberty. Now he had no fears that the big: character which we had obtained in Europe for hoe pitality would be lost by the adoption of this nei sure ; or that the cause of liberty in this country worA be forwarded by making it an asylum for personsela. cated in the school of the french revolution, or under the subsequent rein of Bonaparte. Now spect to the necessity of Gove r nment possessing Si power, he would only advert to one or:an:eve which occurred in 1806, when individuals the wrzt s friends of liberty were at the head of the Govern:og of this country : an Alien, who proposed a measrle aimed tat the life of the then Ruler of Freer * 4 3 1 sent out of the country, under the provisions of t- 1 Alien Bill; and he would now ask whether it 13 too much to ask that the Government should 13 ,11 possess the same power of protecting our own Inen o and effects which it had formerly possessed and cised for the protection of a Prince with whttn CO were in a state of bitter hostility ? The Marquis of LANSDOWNE contended, the measure was wholly unnecessary in a time ei found peace like the present—it was one hi1e . :4 .4 : constitutional. The Noble Lord who brought fo. ward the measure, had contended, that the clang.cr:, ous state of politics on the Contine nt rendered ;2 measure necessary : but, he would a sk, had measure been considered necessary in the time of Jesuits; at the Reformation ; or after the rebellic., in favour of the House of Stuart?—times when der country was much less powerful than she was and her enemies much more formidable, both home and abroad. The United States of Alleril from their situation, were more liable to be :3"•7:, by the intrigues of the disaffected in politics Ya wl . n 1 had not found any such measure as this necto.,c.: on the contrary, they had not been deterred La' giving protection to the persecuted, who ha d . 7; obliged to fl y from Lutope to the new world ! r asylum. He was a warm admirer of the L States. It was a source of satisfaction to : them flourish ; but there was one alVajltage he ea t hey I id a the d soda ,ration *at tl Tea] !snne shoo Lot rpeal I: nilar 2!' • Di Lo: notori lin the after 1 Aft the C le l f ra . ! Lfr be sul but ti SrTlu Loi tl.te t time 1 Lai Lard' bit it ti . to-n:, '~~~~ 41 1 f 4asi ark. h::4 rbyi f;, cad tweed