Star. — London, England, 1815-04-07 00:00:00

• . ', P4RLI4MENTARr PROCEED.INGS. HOUSE OF LORDS, APRIL IL The F.arl of Moo:creases!. was two i n,took h of is se ta t ate s este of the Irish Representative Peers, n the room t kart of Westmeath. The Order for the farther consideration of Leigh's Divorce Bill being read, a short discussion ensued, and the agents of the parties were examined at the bar, principally by Lord Nlo NT Foal . onthe part of the House, and touching the ability of Nlrs. Leigh to provide counsel, to be heard in support of her petition, etc. at the bar. It wag stated by one of the agents, that the Lady was the furnished by Mr. Leigh with monies since January 1813, to amount of upwards of ta7oo. The LORD CHANCELLOR subsequently took a brief view of some of the circumstances of the case, and stated his that nutwitisstandirg what they had beard of the gums furnished to the Lady, yet it may remain a question for consideration, how far the present pecuniary circumstances of the Lady wou!d enable her to provide what was necesoary tut her defence agaiust the Bill ? • Alter a few words from Lord Al° NT IORT the consideration of the case was ord..red to be r e su med on Tuesday nett. The Marquis WELLESLEY acquainted the Hope, that on Thursday nest he should bring for,vard his motion fur the pro &mo of paprs relwave to the Treary with ti.-a, and !lune.' that their e Lordships be summoned for ear d A a n y. er Ordered. the bleaching Powder Hill liaised through a Committee of the whole House, and was reported. Earl S PAN' 10 PE said he had a long Petition to present to their Lortishiiss, on the part in Mr. Win. I.lMirsori, Wr;rer to the S guet, at pre-eta waned in the Canongate Prison at Edin burgh, e.implaming of a variety of grievances. He would move. to have the Petiaoti lie on the table, and afterwards submit a prop o . ion fur taking it into consideration on Tuesday next.— Ou that day, as it was a principle with him always to do in the case of other, that which be would like to be done with respect to himself, he shou:d propose on that day, that a copy of the Pe tition be trans ttttt Led to the Court of Sessioo, in order that that Court should transmit to the House for its consideration the various documents in that Petition mentioned. The Petition was then read short and ordered to lie on the table, and their Lordships were, on the motion of the Noble ILarl, sunimonrd fur uebaay next. The sugar Duties bill, and the Sugar Export Regulation Bin, wtre st.sail $ third time and palmed. PRESENT STATE OF AFFAIRS. MESSAGE FROM THE PRINCE REGENT. The &id of LIVERPOOL presented a Message front . his Roy.il Highness as follows " GLORGC P. R. " His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, acting In the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, thinks it right to inform the House of Lords, that the events which have recently occurred in Franco, in direct contravention of the engagements concluded with the All Powers at Paris in the course of the last year, and which threaten consequences highly dangerous to the trans quality and iit,!epeudenco of Europe, have induced his Royal Highness to give directions for the augment:atonal his blajtsty's forces by se:. Nnit. " The Prince Retent likewise thinks it iocumbent on him to inform the House, that be has lost no time iu raiding into cant munication: with his l‘lajesty's Allies, for the purpose ul forming such a concert with them as may most effectually provide fur the gei.erzil and permanent security of Europe. Aud his Royal Highness cesithiently tel es on the support of the of Lads, and their concurrerce all such nicasit:•es as may be siecesszry to ealible Lls Royal Liszt:nes* w carry such important obkcts into rift.ct." The Message being read in the usual way--, The Earl of LivEkrocn. moved—That the Prince Regent's Message he taix into consideration to-morrow, and tho Lords suninioned theteupon. Ear; GREY said, that perliaos n 'souk} not be too much to Ask the Noble- Lord to state what I).l'lh:tikes . engagements were referred to in his Roy:a highness's tilessage The Earl of LIVERPOOL s:10, he had not the /east difficulty in stating, that what was in contetn. plation 'were all the engagentertts contracted with the Allies at the time, but particularly the Treaty el Paris, signed on the Stith of May last, and also the Treaty of Fontainebleau. After a few words in an under tone of voice across rte table between these Noble Lords— Eail GREY observed, that before the House' could he consistently called upon to decide respecting Certain important topics connected with the Message, it should have documents before it to enable its Mem bers to see the notate and extent of the engagements 'eters-cc' to. With respect to the passing events in France also, before they were called upon to pro. %%ounce whether or-not they were in contravention to these engagements themselves, they should have in, formation formally and authoritatively communi cated to them. Having stated this preliminary opi nion, he would state a few words more immediately concerning the statements in the Message. On these points he could say, that no man more sincerely la mented than he -slid, the necessity that induced the communication, or teel more strongly the dangers to which the country was exposed, in consequence of the etkirts uow passing in France. Those events, he ad-' witted, placed the country in a situation that re quired measures of precaution, and he thought far ther, that the two branches of measures to which the Message more particularly referred, were such as Merited approbation, and especially that which went to augment the naval and military force of the coun try. As to the proposition of these measures, under all the circumstances of the country, no moo, he thought, could doubt the propriety. With respect to the (anther statement of the Message, that which re ferred to the permanent security of Europe, it cer tain') was a most important and necessary object, and to be effectuated only by the means stated. But on that point, undoubtedly, differences of opinion may prevail. For his own part, he thought the mea sures referred to in that part of the Msssage may be adopted, on the ground of their proceeding on a de-1 feusive princ'ple, and with a view to the preservation,, if such could be dune consistently with the good faith due to our Allies, and the general interests of the cianitry and those of Europe. With such being the inclination of his opinion, he was not inclined to press any opi osiiion to these principles to the consi deration of their Lordships, leaving the question of policy, and the conduct of that policy, with those who possessed the measures, until the time when, being in possession of the necessary information, they could fully discuss the subject, and properly decide upon it. With respect to the immediate considera tion of the Address A1114:11 was to be moved, in con- 1 sequence of the Message, if it were proposed that the answer should be of such a nature as by no means to pledge the House to an opinion that it would be right to enter into an immediate war, a point, upon which, in the abseoce of necessary information, it would be impossible to call for such an opinion. He wits not inclined to offer any opposition to it. Hu wish was, that the House should not be called 'rpm) to corni44 itself by apy prepatign declorsaiuts that part of the subject; and he thought also that unnecessarily to provoke discussion upon the point might tend materially to endanger the interests of the country. Again, to call for any decision upon t in- he momento us question of Peace or War, would be jurious in another point of view, and on which also material differences of opinion prevailed ; they had no satisfactory or authentic information as yet, as to the real it:testi:ll state of France itself, and they knew not in point of fact, how far the present Ruler of France was in possession of the effectual authority of the State, though he was certainly in possession of the capital. It certainly, therefore, could not be for the country, or of those great objects contem plated in the Message, to go unnecessarily into any premature disciissien of the question of peace or war. Under all these considerations he was induced to hope, that in the Address care would be taken to leave that important question open to future consi deration, or at least was not to pledge the House to either opinion Were it so framed, he would not be inclined to offer any opposition. But it contrary to such a just expectation, they should be called upon to decide a different line of policy, or to opinions which might commit the House to a decision that open hostilities ought to he immediately undertaken, he should then deem it his duty to oppose such a line' of proceeding; but he could not avoid taking that early opportunity of expressing his hope, that the Address would be such as to enable bias to suspend any opposition to its adoption. Earl STANHOPE thought the question upon which their Lordships would have to decide, one of the greatest importance, as involving, to a certain extent at least, the momentous decision of peace or war —war, which found every thing before it like the garden of Eden, and left every thing after it like a desolate wilderness. The question was rendered more important when the recent Declaration of the Allied Powers was considered ; and in that view it was his intention to move for a Copy of the Declaration, signed by the Ministers of the Allied Powers at Vienna, and dated the 13th of Match, to be laid upon the table of that House. It was proper the contents of such a paper should be authoritatively known to their Lordships. The principles upon which that document was founded, were such as to render it incumbent on the Noble Lord and others, to say in what sense they understood its tenor, for, according to the usual meaning of the English lan guage, it was most • horrible. In another point of view, it went to inculcate, that the French nation, or any other Government so circumstanced, ehould be attacked. What, lie asked, authorised the teigning family to sit upon the throne, but the tight conferred upon them by the Parliament of the country ? that same authority which had dismissed King James 11. The same might be said with respect to the present King of Spain, who owed his throne to the choice of the Cortes, which was the Parliament of that country : but in case of his expulsion, Englidi troops might be sent into Sp tin to sapporc Ferdinand against the Cartes and the people of that country, as well, his Lordship seemed to think, as into France, under its present circumstances; And on this paint he thought there ought to ba a dear understaietilig whether the i•iedge called for Isom the House s:eatid proceed on the principle laid down by his Noble •Ftieod, ur whether it should be a pledge to go farther. II it weie to he in stipoort oh tile instrument he had 'ela ted to, he %mild ...aelier die in the most horrid state in online, than agree to such a proposition. The Noble Earl then repeated his intention to move for tile production of the document lie had adverted to. , The Marquis of LANSDOWNE adverted to the rumoured existeace of a stipulation, either in the Treaty of Paris, or in some other, by which this Country was said to be engaged to give its support to the then Government of France ; and seemed to rams' his disbelief in such an allegation. • Ihe Earl of LIVERPOOL bad no objection to ' answer, that any rumour of that kind was wholly unfounded. Earl STANHOPE enquired across the table whe ther the Ncble Earl had any objection tu the motion, which he had stated his intention to bring fin-ward, old which his Lordship again stated, but more fully than above. The Earl of LIVERPOOL seemed to have no objection en the production, but disapproved of the expression " forthwith." Earl STANHOPE then said, if it did not come on bethre to-morrow, it would not be of much use. After a short question from Earl GREY as to the nature of the proposed Address, The Earl of LIVERPOOL observed, he should have, when the subject was tegularly under discus sion, to state distinctly the objects of the Prince Re. gent's Government, with respect to the line of con-1 duct to which they had advised his Royal Highness., One of those certainly was the fulfilment of the en gagements entered into by the Treaty of Paris, and this would be implied by the Address, but it would contain no words committing the House farther than an approbation of the measures of arming, and of the steps taken by this Country, in concert with its Allies, towards the general security of Europe. In deed, he had no objection to transmit a copy of the Address to Noble Lords opposite, if they desired it. Lord GRENVILLE expressed his decided appro bation of the two measures referred to in the Mes sage ; and in the present most arduous and difficult situation in which this country was placed, he thought no man could doubt the necessity of adopting vigo rous measures—( Tar, hear). —Whatever levee of success may be apected, they must be founded on a co operation or connection with the Powers of Eu rope ; than thit, he thought nothing could be more clear, and this truth he should like to see expressed in the Address. At the same time, he desired to be distinctly understood to express no opinion at all as tp the dreadful and difficult alternative that may be endured by the Country, when it would be necessary to consider more particularly what course of policy we should pursue. • The question was then put, and the Lords were ordered to be summoned to the consideration of his Royal Highness's Message to morrow.—Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Several Petition. were presented $n favour of the Scotch Jury Bill, which were read, and ordered to lie on the table. The False Measures Bill wer.t through a Committee, the re- Port id which was ordered to be received roonorrew. een. MOltitihON presented an Account of au total expense of the hpildiag and fl tine up pf the new Mint, einiusive of the lippar.aus of coining. °ratio: to He Ori tile table. Mt. DAVlts, prevented an Account of Monies Japed by the rs:earuFeF of the Navy, pursuant to an Act iif the 11141 of tht King s relative to the discovery of the Longitude. Ordered to Re un the table. Mr. HUSKI:;SON brought in Bills for dissffortulng and en closing vat of the Forests of Ezmota and Breckuock; read a first and ordered to be read a second time. The: Report of the Poor Returns Bill was re-committed, and ordered to be taken into further cottsidtratton tomorrow. Mr. ROBINSON gave notke, that un Monday he would Inure that the House should resolve itself into a Committee on the Acts relating to the Slave Trade, when he intended to in troduce certain Kt...elution', ultich would have for their object the better care and protection tit the Negroes in our Cultsulal possessions. ASSIZE OF bUSAD. Mr. MELLISH presented a Petition on behalf of certain Bakers, concerned ia the measure, that they might have till the loth of May, to bring in the lill relative to the Assize of Breal, lu favour of which the House had been petitioned, as they Wefe &taloa, before they roomier' further, to be made acquainted with the result of the enquiries of the Cuetuuittee up stairs. Alter a few words from Mr. F. I.cwts and Mr. ROBINSON, leave was given to the Petitioners to bring in the BiU at the time tixtvd in the Petition. IPstiAGE Fit') TIIE PRINCE ItE(.I:I4T, Lord CASTI.hREAGIi appeared at the Liar with a Mes ;ape hoot the Prince Rtgent, which was Brought up and read. (St.e the Repott of the Loa's). On the motion of Lord CASTLEREAGH. the PR IKCE Re oeNT's 'most gracious Ales Age wa.. ordered to be taken nucleon- t.dcratiou to-morrow. PUNISIINIENT OF TILE PILLORY. Mr. M. A. TAYLOR, in bringing forward the motion of which he had given notice, for leave to bring in a Bill to abolish the punishment of the Pil lory, spoke at some length in condemnation of that practice, which, he contended, was one which did no good to the offenders nor to the spectators. For every crime , the punishment ought to be a pp ortioned by the Court before which it was tried ; but in cases where the pillory was resorted to, a power to increase ur diminish the punishment was given to the crowd assembled on the occasion, who were not the fittest judges to decide on such a question. This he in stanced in the cases of Dr. Sacheverell and Daniel I. Eaton, and in that of four men who had been con victed of a conspiracy to swear away the life of a man who was actually executed for a robbery which he had never committed. Dr. Sacheverell had been at tended by his livery servant, who held an umbrella over him while he stood in the pillory. Mr. Eaton had been cheered by the populace, and a cock was placed on the pillory, to crow while he underwent his sentence. The punishment of the four men he had mentioned had been very different. He, for one, was of opinion that the crime which they had com mitted was one for which they would have deserved to be put to death, had the law inflicted that punish ment for the offence of which they were convicted. But though this was his feeling, he was nevertheless of opinion that they ought only to have been punished according to the sentence which the law pi onounced on their case. They, however, were put in the pil lory in different situations, and were treated with such severity by the populace, that three of them narrowly escaped with their lives, and the fourth ex pired in the pillory. However enormous their el fence, they ought not to have Sllffailti a punishment ' which violated the law. Still farther to drew tire in- 1 equality and injustice of punishment by the pillory, he adverted to an instance iu which two men were placed iu the pillory at the same time, one of whom iiad been convicted of a detestable crime ; the person wit° had committed the smaller offence was mistaken for the other, and suffered very severely, while the greater offender escaped 61niust unhurt. The punish ment, be insisted, was unequal, as, to a mail its the higher walks in life, it was were than death—it drove him frrm society, and would not suffer him to return to respectability ; while to a more liaiden2d offender it could not be an object of much terror, and it could not affect his family or his prospects it the same degree. To chew the severity with which legal punishments pressed upon persons in the higher walks of life, he adverted to the case of Dr. Dodd, who had been justly sentenced to die for f,rgery4 crime with respect to which the law could permit no variation in the sentence. Before he received won. trace of death, Dr. Dodd addressed the Court, and set forth the circumstances of his former hie. He stated, that many who had been among his hearers had become better men from hearing him in the pulpit; that he had been thus the means of rescuing others from vice, and he added these words—" Condescend to reflect, my Lord, if these considerations aggravate my offence, how much they must embitter my pu nishment"—He strongly objected to a mode of pu nishment which might couple the adMirable author of Junius with a common shoptitter. He concluded by moving for Leave to bring in a Bill to abolish the punishment of the Pillory. Leave was given to bring in this Bill. . . THE PRINCE REOENT'S SIEsSAOE. Mr. WHITBREAD said, if he had been present when the Noble Lcrd brought down the Message of the Prince Regent (which had been brought down at an unusually early hour) he should have objected to the day which be had named, and which the House had agreed to, for taking it into consideration. On a question so important, the object of the Message had net been very distinctly stated ; and as they had not yet been informed of the means by which it was to be obtained, he should have thought Monday _ would have been a better day for the consiAerat.on of the subject; and he would have moved as an amendment, that Monday should be substituted for s Friday, had he been in the House ; as to him it ap peared a longer period than that now afforded them to prepare fur the debate was necess..ry. There were some preliminary questions which ought to be an swered ; and first, he wished to know, as it had been admitted there were secret understandings when the Treaty of Paris was concluded, it oleic were oilyse cret articles ? Was there any ti tali in the 'mitten, or half-otficial statement, which h:,.; appeared in the public prints, that a secret article had been produced at Vienna, which pledged the Allies to support the Bourbons on the throne of France.? He wished this question to be answered ; and 1:e wished to ask if the Noble Lord would not now th u ak it his duty iu lay before them, and if he did not, whether the House would not think it theirs to call, for the papers rela tive to the negociations at Chatillon ? These ought to be given, that it might be seen what terms had formerly been offered to Bonaparte. He wished the Noble Lord and the House to consider if Monday would not be the fitter day for tal;ing the subject into consideration ? Lord CASTLEREAGH, with respt•ct to the first ' point milled upon by the Hon. Gentleman, that .the Message had beenbrought down at an unusually early our, amebended it had not been brough , 1 • • • • I I Po dl . ••••• down as late as half.past tour.—(Cries of thi."--) He had certainly not intended to bring it down eat Le: than the ordinary time of his coming to the Hoese. He was rather surprised at the objection made by t h e Hon. Gentleman to the day which had been !tned for its consideration, as early in the week he Inc submitted to the House the arrangement hr proposed to make, and had adjourned the American business from Thursday to Tt esday, from an idea that it might b 4 inconvenient to take the debates on these •questions on two succeeding days. He contetated i there never had been an instance of a message of ttii: nature being brought down to Par'ilantent, which was not taken into consideration the first subsequent day The question respecting the Treaty of Paris he lin no difficulty in answering. These were co seem at ticks to it. With respect to the latter part 0 ti:t Honourable Gentleman s speech, he bad or.ly he apprehended the Rouse would not feel disiosz.! tr delay taking the prince Regent's Message sitto r),;. sideration, till all the papers relating to the negocia tiuns at Chatillon had been collected arid printed ft.; the Members to peruse them. He thought the Hous, would not feel disposed to alter the day whit!: thy) had named. Mr. WHITBREAD said, he had been in a t House at four o'clock but had stepped our, exp e o ! ,,. lie should return in time to be present wheu t. .e sage was brought down, but on re-mat:ling it Uc !cc than half an hour he found it had been received, ant. the day fixed for taking it into consideratiuu. was glad to find there were no secret articles to the Treaty of Paris. With respect to the Papers telativ( co the negociations at Chatillon, the Noble Lott might be satisfied a very short abitraia of then would be sufficient, as the terms which were then offered to Bonaparte were all which it was irupor• taut should be communicated to the House tl:t present occasion. This he thought might easily be furnished, and without this, he did not see how tla! Houle could proceed with that knowledge of the tub. ject it ought to possess. He again complained of sc early a day being fixed upon for taking the Meitige into cousideration. Had it been brought down os Wednesday, the House would have had one day fat consideration. Should the debate occupy -so much time as had usually been the case on such an ma sion, it was probable they would not be able to finish it in one night: in which case he apprehended it would be adjourned till Monday. Loi d CASTLEREAGH intimated that it might be in his power, in the course of the debate, to give sufficient information respecting the negotiations at Chatillon, for the purpose which the Honourable Gentleman had in view. Adverting to the court: which had been pursued by Gentlemen opposite it: the course of the Session, he took occasion to observe that Gentlemen who had questions to ask would dc well to make their intentions known, and ought is courtesy to wait till those were present whom they expectcd to answer them. Mr. WHITBREAD wished to know how they WCfe to Act if those persons did not come to the House at all ' PON:SONBY believed that no one expectet t! , :: nessage tsuuld have been brought down at ac catty an hour. He had not expected it till half-past tour ; but at .e quarter after it was communicated tc the House, long before the time had arrived where the Noble Lord usually took his serf. He wouia now, with the permission of the House, offer a very few words on the subject of the Message. He under stood it to consist of two parts. Is the first par' h i.t.cyat H; A liness the Prince Regent informer: tie sioutie, that in con,equence of the recent everts :! France, he was preparing to augment his Majesty's forces by sea and land. In the second, that he wa about to act in concert with his Allies for the genera security ot Europe. He thought in both these spects the advice which his Royal Highness had ceived was perfectly right and proper. It was wise to prepare to augment our military and rue force, and judicious to lose no time in communicate with our Allies on a question so important. He t also ot opinion tne House had no right at present decide on any thing beyond those two points. the ultimate use which might be made of those parations and of those communications, they not at Fresent in a situation in which they could propriety offer any advice. His Royal Highness Prince Regent bad only communicated the which he had stated, and required their supp far he thought he was right in both instances, was entitled to an assurance of their support. Beyan, this he was not at present disposed to go. He anxious to avoid all premature discussions on subject of such immense importance. He was not pre . pare to say his Royal Highness would be justified . plunging into a new war in concert w ith his All ie' nor was lie prepared to say, that the independence o Europe could be seemed by continuing in a State peace. He wished most ardently this might be loon practicable—but this was a question on which could not pretend to decide. Fur his par t, he ot opinion (other Gentlemen might think different!! that at present it would be most unwise for the WI to attar their sentiments on topics which were not mediutely brought before them. He should he ling to support the Address, provided he cot& this without being bound to those measures Ministeis might subsequently consider necessary. trusted the House would do him the justice to believe that he would never shrink from giving his ol on any question on which he considered Ist' sufficiently informed—but he was anXIOUS to premature discussion. He did nut See th , was necessary that the debate should be lot Friday. He could wish it to be short—(Haar ,, He hoped the Heuse would concur with the ,A‘ .without giving any opinion that was rot cain . but strongly expressing a hope that the policy 0, country would be found consistent with peace. did not think the papers respecting the itegocim at ‘L e nt i d , t c i i l , l m oi e i c u t i . l u d l e d r a c t o a u ll iti b e e r . a ir tio o n n ( t n n i e l7 li ti l d le a b y t . l oll l : it tonal: those papers c.iuld Ii wet any thing k with it. 'file peace of Europe was threatened, It was wise to prepare for the worst, and wise to' muiticate with cur ; but to wnat purpose' pi eparatiuns might hereafter be applied, and measures the Allies spigot ultimately pursue, subjects for future consideration. To those would not be bound by their vote on Friday. , hoped the safety and honour of this c ountr y Anu Europe might be found ut the preservation of rather than in the renewal of war. He shout( ge (10 tch C - 3311 l it el iVe at ble trg it: Tft . dc is hej the! the ctet tat .pas. tc, odto :der ).sti tld sat Wa ay% )era e re d re vet! uva stint rtsc !nt ti prc is t} fact t. S. , an, cyan. e WA Ibject led it nce o tate fOUG* ikh b e tot HOW it: x Kr mid d % tic. ry. thew • of ii' to J' 41, . o ' j cont. t!.o' ssim: ! ,were e poi lie end 01 p aces Id v"