Star. — London, England, 1828-02-12 00:00:00

ads description when not even an opiniOn was callid s., t from Parliament on the subject to which they l amed. In this instamce the Government of this count', was acting in concert with our allies, and they were therefore beend not to betray their cue— Edence. If it had been the object of Noble Lords to take these affairs out of the hands of the Gower"- meat, and disclose theft secrets to those who were most disposed to cotinterart their views, their Lordships could got adopt a Mode better calculated to effect that objeo ban by requiring the production of these papers. If, iheir Lordships considered the Executive Government Incompetent to adopt and conduct those measures which teens most fit to be adopted, then the proper course to perm would be, not to call Upon them to disclose state secrets, but to ask his Majesty to transfer to oi her hand's, pnbroken,the confidencewhich had been reposed in theirs. It had been said that there could be no reason for with holding this information from the people of this country, after it had been communicated to other states: the fact was, that a very small portion of these documents bad been so communicated ; the great mass of them re mained undisclosed. These were the reasons which he (Ertl Dudley) bad to state for not acceding to the Motion of his Noble Friend. There was one other point in the speech of his Noble Friend to which, although he had no intention of entering into any of its details, he would briefly advert. His Noble Friend, in alluding to theehangewhich had recently occurred in the administration of the country, had insinuated, that be tween those who remained in office and those who joined thernoome sactifice of ptinciple had taken place, and asked what stipulations had been made ? Stipule.. tions there were none. lf, indeed, there was sd little honour or confidence amongst them that it was neces sary to stipulate for each other's principles, they would be, in his opinion, most unfit-to act together. No stipula tions, therefoie; he repeated, had been entered into be tween them. But if his Noble Friend asked if there x isted amongst them a fair understanding as to all matters of general policy, he (Lord Dudley) replied directly and decidedly, yes. And with respect to the observations of his Noble Friend in regard of the treaty, he could assure him that it was the intention of his Majesty's Ministers that it ould be executed—fully executed. It was never into ed "to keep the word of promise to the ear, and brew it to the sense." It was meant to be fulfilled in spirit as wel' as to.the - letter. His understanding upon this subject was, that this treaty as far as depended on us, was to be fulfilled in spirit, the object of it being to esta blish the pacification of Greece ; and in that spirit it would be the duty of his Majesty's Government to carry it into full effect. He knew of no shrinking from that duty on the part of any member of that Government to which he bad the honour to belong ; nor had he any reason to believe that in their mode of fulfilling it there would be any falling off in the present Government from the preceding one. These were all the observa. tions he had to make in reply to the speech of his Noble Friend. He had endeavoured to express himself shortly in the most satisfactory manner he could. When his Noble Friend called upon him to go at large into all the details and circumstances coaaected with that Treaty, he must beg to decline doing so now: this sea< not the fit time for entering into them. The proper period, however, would arrive, and he would then, Should he still have the honour to hold the office %hid, he now filled, go into as ample and detailed an expla nation as his Noble Friend could desire. It was not because he was afraid of being unable to give the most satisfactory explanation of every circumstance that be declined doing so now, but because he did not think it was either fit, or wise, or seemly, to go into the facts relative to that Treaty."' the present moment. When ever the proper time came, he would not shrink from it but he trusted he bad said enough to convince the House that he ought not at present to comply with the motion of his Noble Friend. Lord GODERICH-4f any excuse were necessary for troubling your Lordships on the present occasion, I trust I shall find it in the speech of the Noble Earl who commenced this discussion. The Noble Earl alluded not, perhaps, quite regularly, but in a way of which I have no right to complain, to some circumstances which led to the change in his Majesty's Councils; and I owe it to my own hieonr, to your Lordships, and to the country (for even in respect to an individual as bumble as myself, I may, perhaps, be permitted to say so), to state the grounds upon which I acted, and to ex• plain the circumstances which occasioned the change of Government—(Hear). I frel that in undertaking this duty I have to claim your Lordships indulgence, and to task your patience with the detail of some personal matters. Ido so most reluctantly, I can assure you, when I remember that I must withdraw your attention from the subject before you, much more interesting to your Lordships, and far more important to the country. than any thing that relates to asyself—(Hear, bear). The immediate cause which led to the change of Government was the existence of an irreconcileable difference of opinion upon a subject of the deepest importance, between two individuals, Members of that Government, holding situations of the highest trust and distinction in the administration of public affairs. My Noble Friend manifestly knows to what I allude; and I am sure I tan appeal to him with confidence to support the allegation I now make—(Hear, hear).— ashismagb, perhaps, it does not distinctly belong to the part of the subject to which I am now adverting, th's I will say, as regards my friend. the Noble Marquis iLansdown), with whom my official connexion was so recent, that I serer had to deal with a man whose character stood higher for honour, integrity, conside ration, conciliation, and-fair dealing—(Cheers).—l am almost ashamed of saying what 1 think of him in his presence; but what I state is due to him, and as it is in a manger extorted from me: that must be my apology. the comae of the last Session but one, it was an /enticed in the other House of Parliament that it was the intention of Government to propose in last Session the . appointment of a Committee of Finance. That was a measure labials bad attracted much of my consideration, and upon which I had determined, in the discharge of those duties which fell to my lot in the other House. I-bad made up my mind that it was a measure which ought to be submitted first to my Colleagues, and then so the Legislature. It is not worth while, perhaps, to state what induced me to think that there were cir cumstances in the finances of the country which ren dered desirable such an investigation. I did think it desirable in itself; and I thought, besides, that the in quiry ought to be pursued with an hottest and zealous determination to render it effectual.—(Hear, bear 1) — It would have been my duty, in concert with my Right Hon. Friend, then Chancellor of the Exchequer (I am alluding now to whatoccurred after Imyself was most un a orthily, and, I am not in the least ashamed to say, most unfortunately in some respects, appointed to succeed the individual who was last year at the headef the Govern. meet), to submit to my Colleagues, at the eailiest con ' 'talent moment, that view of the finances which it would be our business to bring under the consideration of Par liament. Undoubtedly one of the most important subjects that could occupy our • attention would have been the Aida of the finances of the country ; aid, of come, connected with them he Committee the I intended to be appointed, and the ii.ode in whict► that Committee was to bt formed. When, however; the time al I ved at which Parliament was assembled—the moist-h of November_ttere were many ciicum,tAnces connected with our relations a ith Foreign Powers, which rendered it absolutely impossible that I should then be prepared to submit to my Colleagues any definite or satisfactyry view of that subject. True it is the state of Portugal was becoming more and more settled ; there was every reason to believe that the Government at Lisbon would soon assume a form satisfadtory to every well-wisher both to this country and to that, and that the time was not far diStant when it would be competent to the British Government to withdraw its troops from the stations they occupied on the shores of the Tagus. Still it was a matter of uncertainty how early that desirable object could be attained; and, above all, it was a matter of un certainty how soon the relations between this country and the Porte might be brought to an issue. Hence it was impossible for me to state what might be the extent of the demands on our revenue; and the maintenance or reduction of our establishments must of course depend very much upon our external relations. Such being the case, the whole question of finance could not be brought before Parliament, and for these reasons the propriety of appointing a.Committet was not submitted to the House of Commom; that the subject was not out of our minds may be easily supposed. In the course of that friendly and official intercourse which necessarily takes place between Members of Government not sus picious nor jealous of each other (I saw no symptoms of suspicion or jealousy, and I am sure the Noble Mar 4uis will 'confirm me in this opinion)—(Cheers from the Marquis of I • ansdovns)—it was intimated by a Mem. her of tbs. Cabioin.• that, in his opinion, it would be a very deeinible 'thing if there were placed in the Chair of the • CoMmittee an individual in the other Hots's*, whom he considered eminently qualified. With regard to the individual whose name was suggested to me, I will - say this—l have known him long, and have ti very sincere regard for him. I know him to be • Man of the highest honour and of the most inco.ruptible integtity. I know him to be a man apt.for business, , and conversant with all those point's - which would ne cessarily come under the view of the Committee of Finance—(Cheers). It was impossible, then, that I should have felt any personal objections to the appoint. ment of that individual; but as the matter was not , brought regularly before the Government, and as his nanie was only meuti sued to me in a casual and inci dental manner, I did not conceive that I was called upon to express any other opinion than this—that that being a question especially within the province of the House of Commons, I should entirely approve of the topsides ate decision of those members of the Cabinet who belonged to that branch of the Legislature. Such 'was the course I took—it was not taken in any regular or official way, but under those circumstances simply as a matter of conversation. It did, however, happen, without my being aware at the time such a step had been ado e ted. that a communication on the subject had been made, .though not with a view in any degree to pledge he Government to the individual in queitioa, for the purpose of ascertaining whether, if Ministers should feel disposed to recommend his nomination as Chairman of the Committee, he would undertake the duty ? That communication, I beg to say again, was certainly made without my knowledge;-it was also made without the knowledge of the Member of the Government who, from his situation, must necessarily be materially in. terested in all matters relating to that subject; I mean, that the communication had been made without the immediate knowledge of the Chancellor of the Ex chequer. But it was not made at all as a point that was settlici, and it Was not Made in a manner to pledge ,tote Government, or to bind it in any way, at lean as I understood afterwards—had any objection been made, it was not intended to persist in the appoint. ment. When I learnt that the communication had been made, the result of which to myself was personally nothing, but satisfactory from the opinion I entertained of the individual, the first question I asked was, whether there had been any previous communication with the Chancellor of the Exchequer? I was informed that there bad not been any. I lamented that—l could not but lament it, and I thought it an oversight. It seemed to me an unfortunate circumstance that any thing should have passed upon the subject beyond our own immediate circle. I begged that no time should be lost in putting my Right Hon. Friend in possession of what bad been . said, and in explaining to him the whole of the cir cumstances. This was done by my Right Hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Colonies. He explained to the Chancellor of the Exchequer 'all that had occurred. No objection was made by the Chancellor of the Ex chequer—no offence was taken by him at the tithe, as far as I have heard, to any thing that bad been done. It did, however, so happen, that the next day—after be had had the subject under his consideration—he found that tberi were very strong objections to the proposed appointment which had been so submitted to him. He stated those objec tions to me; but I understood them to refer much more to the fact, that no previous communication bad been bad with him, than to the individual who had been named, and to whose ap pointment he could not accede. Explanations followed between the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Secretary of State for the Colonies, and various letters passed between them. I certainly considered those explanations perfectly satisfactory; and so, I have every reason to believe, did the Secretary of State for the Colonies. He was so entirely convinced that he had re moved the objections of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that he never communicated to me the correspondence that had passed between the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Right Honourable Gentleman, who originally suggested the name of 'the individual qualibed to be Chairman of the Committee. I therefore conceived that the explanation had bee, perfectly satisfactory. There might be differences of opinion as to the pro priety of what had been done; difficulties were to be surmounted, and objections unquestionably might be made; but I bad no reason to believe tikat there was any such difference of opinion a, would leave any party concerned to conceive that if that appointment were persisted in, it would be impossible for the individual objetting to remain longer a Member of the Government. All this, the House will bear in mind, took place between the end of November and the beginning of December; and on the 224 December I re ceived &letter from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, ht which be btu of all stated to me his objection to the appointment proposed, as a matter of form. He also mentioned the general grounds, of a public nature, on which he rested his resistance to the nominatios that had been made; and he concluded his letter by observing, that " wider these circumstances, and feeling these objections so measly upon principle, be felt it his duty to place his office at my disposal, if it should be any coovenktice to me to appoint any other person in his stead." The conclusion I drew certainly from that letter was, that my Right Honeurabk Friend tendered the resigna tion of his place if the proposed nomination took place. It was ut terly iinponibk nut to see that that was the obvious meaning of the communication. I felt it my duty so to consider it. In answer to my Right Honourable Friend, I stated that he bad greatly mis understood the share I had in tke previous discussion, which be called a negociation. I explained to hint in writing, as I haw. now doss to your Lordships, Mow this misappreheosiois had arisen. I assured him there was no ground for saying that any megeciatioo had been settled and concluded without his approbation ; kw, in fact, I was not aware of it till it was passed. I told biro it was a great mistake on his part to suppose that any case had, in my opinion, otsurred, in which it would be convenient for ms that he shield quit office • and that, at all events, I trusted that.be would come to no final decision until the whole matter was fully and fairly considered. I felt it my duty to transmit copies of these two letters to my Right lion. Friend the Secretary of State, as he was alluded to IN the letter from the Chancellor of the Exchequer. I will not Niter into a long detail, chicle would be tedious to your Lord ships. The result was, that while, on the one head, the Chao- eeflor of the Exchequer, though he was pressed in the strongest manner not to risk that consistency which is the conformation of the Govertionent, and though thr most earnest modeavours were made to satisfy him that there was no sufficient reason for she objections be felt to the proposed nomination, always referowisto bit first letter, which involved his resignation as the necessary con. sequence of that appointment ; on the other hand, the secretary of State distinctly and unequivocally stated, not only in conversation, but in writing, that he ftlt his own honour and character to be so Involved in the maintenance of that nomination, that it was utterly Impossible that he c ou ld acqu i esce i n any c h ange . Th e disagree meat then, my Lords, amounted to this, that there was an irrecon• cileahle difference of opinioos between two individuals, bolding two of the most important and efficient offices in the State, on a question of vital importance to th e p ro p er con d uct o f t h e &ars of the kingdom. This was no fault of mine. I did not raise the diffi culty. I bad no wish, Goo knols, that she Government should Dot go on. I had no design, such as the Noble Karl (Cameroon) seemed to Impute to me, of shaking of a part of the Government. I hope I am above such trickery as would be accessary to that design —(Hear, hear.) I am incapable of beluga party to proceedings of so base a character. The Noble Earl did not impute this to me, I know,in express terms, but his language seemed to imply it (Cheers.) In what situation was I? There was an irreconcileable difference between two of my colleagues. I could not bring them together. 1 could not induce either of them to vary his resolution. What was my duty? I represented to his Majesty the situation in which the Go vernmeot was placed. I concealed nothing. 111 had, I should lave been guilty a treachery to the King and to the country, and I should have compromised my own honour and that of my Col leagues. I thought it my duty, frankly and without reserve, to lay before the King the state in which circumstances bad placed the Government of which I bad the honour of being at the brae' His Majesty was constitutionally entitled to determine, under these circumstances, what was St to be done with a view to the promo tion of the interests of the country. as Majesty decided on send ing a communication to the Noble Duke, and I c e ased to hold the situation in which I 1t.4 the honour to be placed. It Is not to be supposed that any an could quit that situation without mined re grets. 1 avow th y[ I felt them. I have served my King and country , ic e for 18 years In o e, and lam not ashamed to say—l do not think I show-any effrontery when I say, that while I filled the different I offices itistrustird to me, though the presstire of the duties in some instances was exceedingly severe, thaw ditties were not ill dis charged—(Hear, hear!) With respect to the situation I last held, it vrtione I never coveted. I never stirred a step to obtain it, beaus., though I am not destitute of honett aml,ltion, I have on love of power to prompt me to seek for high office. When It was proposed to me to succeed Mr. Canning, I felt that I wash' a initia tion in which it was impossible to refuse the office—not that I could not but be sensible of the immeasurable distance between that man and the humble individual who addresses you. He was not a personal friend of mine. My intercourse with him was purely olbclal, but I had the greatest admiration of his Talents, and I must own that I resented the calumny heaped on his head in so cruel and unsparing a style— (Hear, he.r, hear.) As to considering myself qualified to be his successor, it is an idle absurdity, which never entered my ima gination. But I had .at that time no just reason for avoiding the responsibility thrown on me, and I undertook the task of conducting the King's Government. Under the circumstances under which I have refired from that elevated post, I bare secured to myself, as regards my personal interest or advantage, nothing ; but, as regards my honour and character, everything.— While I have the proud consciousness of having always done my duty to the best of my'ability, I feel that my honour and character are unassailable—(Hear, bear).—l can truly say, that although I am no longer clothed with the attributes of office, I hope I shall never cease to feel an ardent anxiety to promote and upheld the honour and dignity of the Crown, and the happiness and freedom of the people—(Hear, bear).—lt will be In my power to stand an in dependent Peer, and take my humble part in that great and noble duty. for such it is, of legislating for this great and noble country; nod in performing that duty I hope to be as little swayed by per sonal consideration as I was when in the more ostensible situation in which it was lately my boaostr to be placed ; and I will add, that if the measures of the present Governm. at b: founded on principles of liberality, justice, and discretion, that Government, I promise , shall have my best wishes for its success; for we live my Lords , fa times in which persons and names are nothing, but p rinciples and measures every thine—(Cheers). It has been very painful to me to make this statement at all, and I was the less willing to obtrude it upon year Lordships this evening, as it has no very close ref,. recce to the topics belonging to the motion before the House. Oa that motion I will, with your Lordships' permission, now Mk. one obseriation. The Noble Secretary of State has informed the Horse that be feels it inconsistent with his duty to consent to the production of the papers ; and I own I am perfectly satisfied with the reasons be has assigned. I agree with him, that it would be highly improper to hazard the peaceful termination of the question now pending in the East of Europe, by throwing the slightest impediment in the way of the adjustment of that question. I can easily conceive, that Katie papers were produced, the disclo sure of their contents would or might have a tendency to defeat the great object which the Allies have in view. 1 for one am entirely satisfied with the soundness of the objection taken by the Noble Secretary of State. I ant much disposed to concur with him, that this is not the most expedient time to enter into an explanation of the grounds of the justice and policy of the Treaty of July. 110 r Noble Earl may have pushed some of his arguments, perhaps, too far, but all the cases he cited bore directly on the question. Nothin‘ I contend, can be more clearly justifiable than the principles of that Interference, beginning with those set forth its the Protocol of St. Peters burgh. No man can doubt that *e bad just grounds of interference, both as regarded the State of Europe generally, and what was likely to happen between the two Powers immediately engaged in the contest. It was felt by Goverament two er three years ago, that the state of affairs resulting from the war between Turkey and Greece was such, that if suffered to proceed without interference, it would, at no distant period, produce strife and confusion throughout the whole of Europe. But it is said, there is no difference between the principles laid down in the Protocol, and those on which the Treaty is founded ? And I will ask, in reply, had nothing happened to justify this difference? Had no communications taken place? Had not the views of Great Britain, Russia, and France been made known to the Porte? Was not the Porte given to under stand the desperate dangers to which she exposed herself, if she did nothing to settle the question—(Hear. hear)? A material difference had takeu place, and the reasons that urged us to interfere be came atronger, especially as English commerce was exposed to grievous injury, and suffered from piracy to an indefinite amount, as well as loss of lite, from the horrible barbarities too loathsome and disgu. ins to be described. We had a case of direct injury, which gave us a right to demand redress, and if we were not successful by our remonstrances, we had a right to the application of force. These are facts of common notoriety ; they are known to the whole world, and on them alone I am prepared to maintain the justice and necessity of the Treaty. I have no doubt of shewiog satisfaa torily, that uo principle of the law of nations repudiated the course which has been pursued. The evils pressed upon us with force, and no men possessing in the least degree the foresight of Statesmen, could keep out of view the more serious consequences that would have followed. I care not when the discussion may cense, whether now or at any future day. I hope and believe the justice of the Treaty will be maintained ; and if my old Friends, ;tow in office, acting on the same principles, bring the question to • successful issue, they will have the unqualified thanks sod approba tion of their sountry, in which I shall be glad heartily to participate. The Earl of CA RNARVON, in explanation, said, it seemed some words that bad fallen from him had been under stood by the Noble Viscount as conveying an insinuation or suspi clan against his political integrity. If a single word had proceeded from him (the Farl of Carnarvon) which could bear such an inter pretatiOn, he disclaimed it : no such sentiment had entered his mind. Nobody, be was sure could think of imputing such conduct to the Nodeittount. If, indeed, there was any person whom he would select, whose character repelled such an imputation, if it bad been aside it, was that of the Noble Viscount. The Earl of ELDON rose to declare, that he never ivould hear it said by any authority whatever to that House, that the measures of the Government of which Ile was a member, relative to the East, including the Protocol signed by the Noble Duke at the head of the present Government, were measures to be considered as founded on the same principles, with respect to the 'law of nations, es the Treaty of the 6th of July. He would not follow the Noble Earl through the speeds with which he had opened the motion, and in which he had discussed the difficulties of the subject, both as regarded the measure of the Protocol , and the mea sure of the Tieati, for this reason, that the very prin• ciple on which the Noble Secretary of State had proposed to negative the Motion, was one which prevented it from being usefully or beneficially considered at thin time. The NOble Earl (Carnarvon), while he called for the information which he deemed necessary to a fell and proper discussion of the question, went, never theless, into an ample examination of the propriety and justice of those measures, though the object o f that speech was to call for information, to enable the House to judge that very question ; he himselt was so anxious to know what these instructions were, that he was iea strained from supporting the motion only by the Princi- pie to which he had alluded. Not - for my We; said the Noble Eml,cao I understand Witt instructions could have been given to the Admiral, toptevetif all collision between HI belligerents, and yet to commit .no act or hosiiliti (He.ir). I know tbe•Noble E irliDadley) is a finished scholar, an able man, and, I understand, al ekcellent writer of a dispatch ; but I should be glad if he would tell us, how the three Admirals, and Goo knows how many Comnsaoders of frigates and smaller vessels, were to go into the Bay of lfavarin, and take possession of it, and yet avoid all act of hostility ? The entrance of the Allied Fleet led, I 'his*, to hostilities. How then could the Admirals be acting on their insane tions,only to prevent the collision of the belligerents, and commit no hostility themselves ? lam an old English man myself, and I have no hesitation in saying, that if a Turkish fleet, or a French Beet came up to take possession of an English harbour, while an English Beet was lying there, as the English, Russian, and French fleets did at the Bay of Navarin, and if the English Admiral did not fight them, when they came there, he would never deserve to be employed again —(Hear, hear). I know I shall be called a pettifogger, if I allude to the law, and a pettifogger I have the honour to be— (a laugh); but I will say, that the law, which gene rally speaks the language of common sense, leads me to the same conclusion. If one man holds op his fist in the face of another, that was an assault, though no blow was struck. It was what no Eng lishinan with an English heart in his bosom would suffer. When the question came under the considera tion of their Lordships, he pledged himself to prove that the Treaty was indefensible by the Law of nations, if he had any notion of what the Law of Nations was, asap. plied to such a subject. If the Treaty was to-be enforced, the House could not have the means of discussing its principle until tranquillity was finally restored in the ' East. The Noble Earl (Carnarvon) had spoken of gua rantees. If the Noble Secretary would read the Treaty again, he would find that the only guarantees stipulated there are from those who chose to give them—(A laugh). It had beets represented too, as something very wrong, to give public explanations ; but surely if it was not wrong in that House, why was it so at an election ? The Duke of WELLINGTON.—It will, no doubt, become the duty of their Lordships, some time or other, to discuss the policy of all those measures and princi ples on which each of them has been founded. As it will be my duty to carry into execution, according to the spirit and letter, the Treaty, to which his Majesty it a party, it would not be becoming in me to cast any im putations by way of comparison, between the original measure of the Protocol and the Treaty. It is certainly true, as stated by my . Noble Friend (Lord Goderici ), that there is a difference between them ; and if they are not exactly of the saute description, the reason was, that when it was found diplomatic representations had no effect on the Porte, measures in some degree of suer cion became necessary. I differ in a great part with the Noble Earl (Caraarvon). I do not admit the right of one country to interfere with the internal affairs of ano ther country, except where the law of necessity or great political interests may render it unavoidable. But 1 say that non-interference is the rule, and interference the exception—(Hear, hear). This is the ground of the policy on which this country acts. She disclaims a daily interference with the affairs of miser countries. The negociations regarding this Treaty have been conducted on this principle. I cannot agree to the motion. No doubt these instructions, as it appears by the foarth article of the Treaty, were intended • to be drawn up by the Ambassadors of the Allied PO IA en residing in London. Tney are not, therefore, the instructions' of his Majesty's Government alone, bat those ag ecd cm, et a diplomatic conference with his Allies. They *iv,- be sides, not only the instructions of the three Govern. meats, but they relate to a transaction not yet concluded. If we were the only party, it would he the duty of Iris Majesty's Ministers to int' eat your L rdships net to ask us for those instructions till the affairs were in such a state that they could be safely disclosed. But having stated my intention, and the intention of his Majesty's Government to carry into execution this measure, I confess I am surprised that the Noble Earl should have asked my Noble Friend (the Earl Dudley) what_,goa rantee be had for the execution of the Treaty. • From the moment I was charged with the commission, which I executed to the best of my ability, that of forming si Government, I felt it my duty to carry this Treaty strictly into execution. In the first communication I had with my Noble Friend, in all those I have had with those Gen tlemen who have done me the honour to unite with nvi. in carrying on his Majesty's Government, I have invari. bly stated that this was my firm intention. The Noble Rail talks of guarantees. Dees he suppose, that Gentlemen who have done me she honour to connect themselves with me in this service, imagined I was a person having such principles, that they could not trust use without a guarantee that I would not abandon them for some cor rupt purpose of my own, after having accepted their support and assistance? Is it to be supposed that the Right Hon. Gentleman, to whom I understand the Noble Earl to etude, ever used such expressions as are ascribed to him, at the Liverpool Election?— If he had entered into any such corrupt bargain as he was re presented to describe, he would have tarnished his own fame as much as I should have disgraced mine. It is much more prdbabl, , though 1 have not thought it worth my while to ask for any expla nation tea the subject, that my Right Hon. Friend stated, not that be bad concluded any wholenle bargain with me, but that the men of whom the Government is now composed art in themselves a guarantee to the public that their measures will be such as will be conducive to his Majesty's honour and interests, sad to the bapp'. ness of the people . That is what the Right Hon. Gentleman sale, if I am not mistakes, and nut that I had given hint any guarantee for the principles of the Government. But if I gaye a guarantee to my Right Honourable Friend, what have I done for the ether Members of Government ? Is there no body else in the Govern. merit but my Right Honourable Friend? Every Minister surety forms a part of it. Every one is equally at liberty to state kis opi nions on every subject he may choose to propose for the considera tion of Government. I appeal to my Noble Friends whether they belonged to any Cabinet whatever in which questions were discuss:4 mere freely. It is conducted on the same principles as the Cabinet of which I was a Member for eight years, under Lord Liverpool, and in which all measures were fairly considered by all the Members of it. I was an meeting party to the greatest num ber of the measures of that Government, and therefor* 1 hold my self responsible for them equally with the other Members of that Government. My opinions were perfectly well known. I have departed from none of them, nor has my Right Hon. Friend, Ibe. lieve, departed from any of his—( Hear, hear). The Marquis of CLANRICA RDE regarded the re. construction of the Cabinet under the Noble Duke as a great na tional calamity. He expressed his surprise at the coalkbas of the Right Hun. Gent. (Mr. Huskisaon) with those whole ' s few months only ago, be had declared nothing should induce his to take once with—those who had pursued with calumny to the grave his late lamented friend (Mr. Canning). In that declaration it was under stood too, that the Noble Earl (Dudley) and some others bad joined. Yet he found, by the recent speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman, not only that no differences bad ever existed, but that no personal hostility had ever been 'hewn to his dear aad lamented friend. If. indeed, this was the fact, if Mr. Canning, neither in the Cabinet Mot elsewhere, met with opposition from his former Colleamtes, be (the Marmots of Oanricarde) laboured under a strange nits • e ; the mote extraordinary, because he knew it was shared by ethers who were better informed. He certainly could sot Good/der the ipeseb of the Right Honourable Gentleman cor rectly repotted, for that Right Honourable Gentleman was re as declaring, that his late Friend (Mr.. Canning) would, if alive, have set aside all personal feelings, and given Is e support to the present Government. But he (the Marquis of Contend.) was sure that, under no circumstances, would Mr. ilia lag have given his support to the Government of the Noble Mete • and is justification of that assertion,.he would read an ex tract Doke; a letter addressed to the Noble Duke by Mr. Canning, In May last, In newer to a speech made in that House. The Roble Marquis they read the sinner, to which MA