Star. — London, England, 1815-03-21 00:00:00

I bartering, trafficking system, which had disgraced former negociations, had been going on. The treaty of Paris in his (Mr. Whitbread's) opinion, had but one blot; that related to the Slave Trade—on that Treaty, the Noble Lotd founded his fame. He, (Mr. Whitbread) now wished to ask the Noble Lord if there were any secret articles in that Treaty, to which Great Britain was or was not a party? If there were any such, he would say, that the Noble Lord had obtained fame surreptitiously. If the Noble Lord knew that the fate of Genoa was decided at Paris, then he had not told the House, and the eosin• try, the whole truth ; and the House had a right to complain. He was but an indifferent Diplomatist, but he must confess, that in his opinion, these secret a titles attached to Treaties were in-justifiable. The secret articles of the Treaty of Tilsit had produced an event, which was an everla,ting blot on our fame— he meant the transaction vilich took place at Co. penhagen. And in this free country, where alone the world could be tried, in his opinion, the truth, and the whole truth, should be told. Before the Noble Lard lefr. this country the secGml time, there were rumours atbat respecting Genoa and Poland. Several respectable individuals of both those coun tries had -expressed their fears that their interests would be sacrificed to what might be called by poli ticians greater objects; and' in konsequtnce of this, the Noble Lord was reminded, beTore he went, that Genoa was to be free, and that the dismemberment cf Poland had sown the seeds of the French Rein-in tim. He had shown the Noble Lord, Lord W. Bentinck's proclamation. The Noble Lord then dwelt on one expression in it, but he was convinced the Noi:ir Lout had not intended to equivocate upon it. H. was certain the Noble Lord had* too much honour to do so—he could not for a moment suspect it. Those Gentlemen in the House who were not fa vourable in Administration, when they heard ru :slims respecting Saxony and Poland, had asked questions and sought information ; and in reply to their questions they were told it was impossible Lord Castlereagh couid be a party to the affair of Saxony, an ! equally impossible that he could lead bis'aid to the transactions relating to Poland. Mr. Whitbread observed, he had to ask the Noble Lord whether certain papers which he would read to the House, and which had been published, were authentic ?-- %Vhe: her oa the 18th or 19th qt December last Prince Talley rand did address a note to Prince Metter nich, wh ch note the Honourable Member read, and which called Piince Metternich and the other Mi. sisters at Congress to recollect these declarations, and to recollect eat the great object which die Al lied Sovereigns had professed to pursue, was the re establisllment of that system which twenty years of revolution had interrupted. If this paper was ge nuine, it semi/ of itself justify the questions which had been put to Ministers. The Noble Lord, on hi return home, had stated in his place in the How , , that all the great points had been adjusted at the Congress, and that agreements bad been entered into by all the ;pea Powers of the Continent. He would now ask the Noble L'rd whether France had si a pted ono of these agreements; and whether, on the con trary, she had nut protested against them all Mr. Whitbread then advtrted to what had been the con- duct of the Allied Sovereigns tortnerly, when in al- Panes with Bonaparte, and o.nteisded that they were now pnrsipng the same bra: m. lle observed, that in 181 ft, at which time Austria was giving her aid to Bonapaiie against Russia and the most vital in. terests of Great Britain, she was then, by the Secret Articles of a Treaty entered into Kith die French Rule:, to receive the sarie indemnities which Con gress was giving her for a direct contrary con duct. It was a display of suck principles ;:s these, which, if any thing would do it, would set up that Gaut which the united strength of Europe had for a time succeeded in pulling down. He had expected, that adversity would have taught the allied Sove reigns wisdom, and that they would have learnt the impolicy, if not the impossibility, of being magna nimous at Paris, and tyrannical in Poland and Ge noa. He had expected to see Poland restored to independence. Finland restored to Sweden, and Norway given up to Denmark ; but these expecta tions he now found were visionary. He had been told, he knew not whether it was fact or invention, that on an observation being made to the Emperor Alexander on the subject of Poland, that Sovereign replied, “ he had five hundred eliousand men there, which would at once settle the affairs of that coun try." Mr. W. then adverted to the affairs of Saxo ny, and to the Proclamation of Prince Repnin ; which stated, that Dresden and Saxony were to be delivered up to FreJerick William, in full Sovereign ty, with the concurrence of Great Britain. It was said, that Lord Castlereagh's name was to this do cument, but when a question was asked on this sub; jeer, the answer was, a desite not to attend to News paper fabrications; but no contradiction had been given to the fact by the Nil& Lord. He now wish ed to know from the Noble Lord, if Prince Repcin was or not authorised to use his (Lord Castlereagh's) name. It bad alto been stated, that a fortnight after etis,• the Noble Lard delivered in a Note, con taining a strong protest, against the giving up of Saxciiiy, and consenting only to the giving up I part. He ( Mr. Whitbread) now meant to contend, that independent of their declarations, the Allied Powers could have no moral right thus to distribute at plea sure whole countries and their inhabitants. There was ano, her circumstance connected with Saxony, which he must mention. That was one relative to two Officers of distinction in the Saxon troops, who, having fought gloriously against the French, pre s.nted a Memorial to Congress, praying that the rights and independence of Saxony might not be in traded. 'Their answer was, that military men had no right to protest, and they were sent to a dungeon. (Hear, hear.) —Mr. Whitbread then adverted to the steisidiary Treaty of Chaumont, and observed,. it had been stated that the Treaty was entered into for the purpose of maintaining a large force in those countries whose governments were not yersettled, and whose tate was to abide the termination of the Con gress. Yet Austria had already taken possession of several of the Italian states; the Venetian States, &c. (ile4r.)—He (Mr. W.) could call these proceedings by no other name than usurpation!, as bad as any of which Bonaparte had ever been guilty. In the TreAty of Paris it was said, Holland was to have compensation. Was there any secret article which said Holland was to have Belgium ? In chi Tieaty with the Viceroy of Italy, it was raid ftaly was to b• free, except such parts as had formerly been alknstrian., How surprised then, must the House be. to W I Austria taking the Venetian States, to which she could have no claim but what she derived from die tyranny of Bonaparte. Mr. Whitbread then adverted to the opinion given by M. Fox on this subject, of transferring whole States and their inhabitants, from one Sovereign to another ; and observed, that, like that great man, he must enter his protest against this traffic in the human race, whether white or black. The Honourable Member observed, the conduct of Austria towards the Milanese was only calculated to increase that antipathy which had always subsisted between these people and the House of Austria, and to sow the seeds of future war on the Continent. Mr. Whitbread then adverted to oar transactions with Mu rat, and contended that but foi the aid of the King of Naples, the French influence would still have pre dominated in Italy, we bad entered into a treaty by which we bad guarantied to Murat his Throne, yet now we contemplated forcing him from it in favour of the King of the two Sicilia. This was impolitic and unjust; we had indeed former treaties with Fer dinand, but as we must either break our faith with him or Murat, be (Mr. Whitbread) would prefer con tinuing the latter on the Throne, rather an attempt to do what we could not do, place inand there against the inclinations of the people. The last point to which he should have to advert, would be that of Genoa ; though this last was far from being the least atrocious. Mr. Whitbread then proceeded to animadvert, in strong terms, on the conduct of the Allied Powers towards that State, and particu larly on what had been the conduct of the Govern iient of this country towards the unfortunate Genoese. He adverted to the Proclamation of Lord William Bentinck, and to the conduct of General Dalrymple, and read a letter from Lord Castlereagh to General Dalrymple, in which the Noble Lord, after declaring the deep interest which the Prince Regent of England felt in the fate of the Genoese, and the anxious desire he felt to promote their happiness, laments that cir cumstances should have rendered it necessary to give them up to the government of the King of Sardinia, advising them, however, at the same time, to make themselves content, and they could not fail to be happy. This was a ;mint on which he particularly called on the Noble Lord for explanation. He con sidered this as the most insulting document which could have been penned, and one which .must have been felt as such by the unfortunate people who were the subject of it, and who had been taught to expect, under the powerful auspices of this country, a resto ration of their happy constitution, as it existed in 1797, and as it was given them by their ancestors, in 1576. The Genoese had, by their Ministers, protested against the arrangement made at Congress; but Congress had persevered, and the Genoese, under the protection of this country, had been sacrificed. The Hon. Gentleman observed, he had one question now to put to the Noble Lord, and that was, as to what had been done on the question of the Slave Trade, and whether the Noble Lord had done any thing at Congress which would redeem him front the charge of iuke waranness,which was imputed whim whilst atParis? It bad been said that whilst at Paris the Emperor of ttusbia bad offered him his powerful aid, and that it eras only owing to the Noble Lord that this tragic was, aot entirely done astray: He wished thretlifible Lord to explain what lie bad done at the Congress of Vienna on this important subject. The Honourable Member particularly alluded to the provisions which Clad been entered into with Ferdinand VII. on this ' subject, and read some of the additional articles of the Treaty in question ; and observed, if the other Powers were not more sincere than Spain was, little hope could be entertained that this abominable traffic would ever be put an end to. He could no: help ad vetting to the awful situation in which France was now placed. The Sovereigns of Europe seemed to have thought that the Exile of Elba was totally for gotten ; and that such was the general abhorrence of all Europe against his tyranny, that they were at liberty to play what pranks they pleased. But the same causes which had first raised him, had repro , duced him. He was aggrandised by his enemies, but was himself the cause of his own fall ; and if he was to be again seated on the Throne of France, he (Mr. Whitbread) would say, it was through the conduct of the Allied Sovereigns. One more question he would ask the Noble Lord, and that was, whether the Proclamation, dated Burgoing, the Bth of March, and signed onaparte, was ge nuine or not He had been told by one who had seen it at Paris, that it was there considered genuine.— By the Treaty ofJontainbleau, the title of Emperor was reserved to him for his life; the duchies of Par ' ma, Placentia, and Guastella, were to be settled on his wife and son; and he himself was to receive a certain sum yearly from the French Government. He (Mr. Whitbread) well knew the limited consent which Great Britain gave to that Treaty; but it was signed by the Emperor of Russia on the one band; and by Marshal Ney (that very Marshal who was now sent against him), on the part of Bonaparte. If ever there was a Treaty that prescribed to its Ra tifiers the line of fair conduct, it was this Treaty. In his Proclamation Bonaparte stated that the sum agreed to in that Treaty had not been paid to him ; that the territorial provision for his wife and son had never been §-lade; and that the Congress intended to remove him from Elba. If those statements were true, what a case had he made out against the allied Soyereignsl and what an appeal might he not make I to Marshal Ney who had been sent out against him ! For Louis XVIII. he (Mr. Whitbread) bad the greatest respct. He had conducted himself with moderation and good faith ; and whatever had !wen done amiss, he believed had been the act of his Government. If therefore, Louis should be de. *Toned, his own conduct would have as little to ag o with it, as it had in placing him on die Throne of France.—( Hear, hear.) lie would repeat his former protest against this country interfering with the internal affairs of ranee. Whoever got the upper hand in this struggle for that country, lie trusted , that their conduct would be moderate, and tkat in either alternative of the Bourbons or Bona. parte succeeding, it wcald produce a peace with this country; not a peace fouotted on the infernal traffic of human creatures, but a peace equally consulting the interest of all. He then concluded by moving that a humble Address be presented to the Prince Regent, praying that he would be graciously pleased to' der to be laid before the House accounti of the piegrue toads by the, e l at Vienna, as to th e transfer of territory, anr=ltatters connected with, 111°wfaiLr.e.i.64.7:::':17:drtefangled the tbat tsw iresiation. CIVITLEIMAGIII now row. One of the, for him to perform 'following the H o noura bl e Gentleman through all the, pa a t i nee of cite House by question that before them. It was not merely as the question itself to his mind; but it had become matter of yes ollgthhits country, beu" Vhat w tl air ie d ec u t ty th ::f bo me n e o t u iti r g a i nd t presented itself tion, whether any vestige of character was left to the councils of our Allies, in whom at present our own honour and interest were bound up. He must so lemnly pretest against the novel system of any Hon. Gentleman getting up upon a morbid ter je alousy of th e c th o a u n nc g il a s r o m f e hi d s na co tem tmt en ry t , s an il d lu upon s information, thus proceeding from day to day to trated no ch iefly bet by ilr" l u ie d i s t charge the Government of his country, and the Al lies to whom that country was bound, with excesses of all kind—(Load cheers.) If the Hcnourable Gat &wan chose to put Government on such a defence as this, their answer must necessarily be given at hazard, or else the Ministers must he prevailed on to disclose what, were it known, could not prove other. wise than injurious tothe public service—( Rea& her.) As far as related to his own case; however, he dis claimed the cover of a Minister; if he was sent as a negociator, it was because he was presumed to be acquainted with the sentiments of his Majesty's Go vernment, and especially with those of the illustrious Prince who is officially at the head of it—and it the good faith of the country had been committed with foreign States, and even lost, he confessed that he considered himself as pre-eminently responsible for the act. Willing as he was, therefore, to meet the attack of the Hon. Gentleman in his presence, face to face, still he must declare, that the attacks made on him by the Honourable Gentleman in his absence were most unwarrantable— (Hear. hear.) With respect to one article of accusation, the non.abolition of the Slave Trade, whatever might be the surmises of the Honourable Gentleman, it was his desire to see that odious traffic abolished; he had omitted no exertions to secure the abolition ; and he trusted the House would be convinced, from the documents and de tails which he should presently have to submit to the con sideration of Parliament, it would be seen that, taking a high moral tone on a subject so interesting to the feelings of the people of this country, that the Go vernment had been disposed to make considerable sacrifices—that we have even gone so far as to pre. judice our interests with France, Portugal and Spain. It was not indeed to be expected of those Powers, that they should come sooner to a detei mination on the abolition of the Slave Trade than we ourselves had done. All he could obtain from France was, the actual pledge of its being abolished at the end of five years. Spain had entered into no engagement on this point ; but he was authorised in stating, that the great Powers of Europe had signed an Address to the nations, in which the traffic in question was characterised as a pest that ought to be swept from •the face of the earth, and that it must be aneifel deo with the least possible delay. The House was agreed that it was in effect no light thing to have the final' sentence thus passed oe this electable WAG stn, s moreover, that only two Powers had conditioned for eight years. He sincerely believed that the Mi. nister of France was inclined to relax as to the pe riod of five years, if that relaxation could be made without such a shock to the public feelings as it was impossible for any Government to give.— This affair was not terminated at the Congress ; it was possible that both Spain and Portugal would be influenced by the progress of opinion, since the for mer had already consented to relinquish all trading in human flesh that did not strictly belong to her ; and other trade, it was always in our power to pre vent. France, indeed, had made every effort to ob. tain a local abolition of the traffic ; while Portugal, and this was an important fact, has bound herselt to abolish it immediately North of the Line. Thus we had delivered one half of Africa trom this tremendu ous scourge; and as much had been done, tor this cause, as, under all the difficulties that hang round it, could be effected. Of this asaimptiot: the anise would be convinced, when the documents he already had alluded to came hereafter before t,ierri. Apolo gising for any infirmity of recollnzion, and impress sing on the House the magnitude of the subject, the Noble Lord next adverted to tha proceedings of the Congress at Vienna, which, he observed, was assembled for the express purpose of carrying into effect ti.e Treaty of Paris. The real question was, therefore, whether the Allied Powers had carried that Treaty into effect ? Upon this head be would endemic ur to repel the foul calumnies of the Honourable Gentleman, proceeding doubtless from his general misinformation, but which had been most prejudicial to the common cause.— (Near, hear). — Had every practicable step been taken to ensure the repose of Europe ? This was the simple question : and on its issue he was prepared to maintain the mea. sures of the Congress. Certainly he knew of no pledge, however, for the revival of Governments which at that moment had ceased to exist in any tangible shape, and from the restoration of which nothing but danger was to be apprehended—n o thin g but a renewal of those revolutions which had shaken so many Governments to their fouldation. If such a pledge had existed at all, in the form of a declaration, he should have been ashamed to have accredited it, as the representative of this country. But the great ob. jcct of the Congress was of a very different kind—it was convened chiefly to reestablish the. Nlonat cli•cs of Austria and Prussia, and to organise Gvrma,iy, so as to present a barrier to the surrounding .it ties While he admitted that the omnipotence cat pcpula. tion should not in such calculations be permitted to oac consideration r o cdoe wi t r i o t l n i ne e principle vemrusbeofre of necessity iinciii mo i re l inqu is hed s d l h i ia t i y iv , ea y til e tys t the former just hue A g r i L i ! tion. of force. It was asser,rd, that we stood pledged for the independence of Genoa, and this was coupled by the Hon. Gentleman with the disentanglePrncla ytoesatt d h e e mo q i fft u tc es dth ti et o h n yaot o k t we G eo e cf n a o li a l.erd f a r n o oc m iel, tttlhthaeot peopleti of Italy. mation of Lord W. Bentinck : but he wished to glithe o y f t tt e m a v mustl e e r a h ss a u d m a e n d swered the who should governshality,c a o l r l still the i t! r ie ce m i e a s t o t; c a o t n i n t i o . of sovereignty, so as to settle tution was fattest for it. We at t.lat period had' not an any in that part. In no country did the people thew a more 'Blandest disposition in favour of ' L e French ; Otis was the fact, and we were not mari; e d so an effort that was never made. Even on the event Odor campaign in Russia, the Italians still remained as devoted to Bonaparte, and she at last owed Lo t independence to the arms of the Allies, and never to her own efforts—(Hear, far).—So far from depend ing on the rising of Italy, Lord W. Bentiro.k in fact, detached to Spain. Whatever were the sures with respect to Genoa, they were not ado! t J with interested designs, but from a moral pulicr.— (Lae:hies and cheering from Mr. were tssken in pursuance of the Treaties Lf KepL. Litz and Relchenback ; which were direcod " to restore the territorial importance of Attstia 12 Italy. Every man of intelligence must be awao it was impossible to reconstruct Austria and via, without putting the northern part of It. iy wider a Sovereign that was net ltalian. lie ee l . tainly bad read Lord Wru. Bentitick's Prot:arra lion. and a cortimunicat:Jn was made to L oot on which he wrote to his Lordship. FL ook the ear. hest opportunity to satisfy Murat. though he nen / believed that the Proclamation .:imed ac Italian lade. pendence. Ti:e proetnium called on the Italieri t c throw off the French yoke, and return to the lode. pendence of old times. What old times 1 He er u kt not mean the times of Rome. He therefor haj of letter then advised Lcrd Bentinck to more circumspect in future acts, He trustrd heist now relieved the country from :he charge o f bnc faith towards Italy. His Lordship said toot cruk produce a writtel statement of a es.iircrsati the President of Genoa, which skewed chit the Go 'mese were prepared for the union with Piedmunt He must protest against the doctrine, that fraud wA practised on the credulity of Europe. It w a , ,u ti i ; „ to make France a deliberating power in the Treaty and France had conducted herself in such a mantle: as, he trusted. would create a practical feeling in th Honourable Member to preserve that Governmen so conducting itself towards this country.—(ll: ,! —The Honourable Gentleman had redeemed man parts of his speech, at which he felt sorely indignato by the testimony borne to the Monarch of Frarte.- He hoped the throne of that Monarch would be Ili held, as far as was found consistent with the inhere, of a great nation, and that peace would be confirme to the world. He must here solemnly protest again this most unusual and indecorous practice, of lai gaining ground in the House, not of arraigning a Ministers of Kings, as was customary in former time, but of running down Monarchs by name.—(lla hear, hear.)-1 - Ic, indeed, could not answer for tl consequences which might result to us from th source, if the good sense of the House did not co rcct the evil at once ; nor was it possible to calcula how far such language might deprive this count' of the benefits to be derived from an arnicio intercourse with foreign States. The able Member had asked, why he had . Vienna, mice he had not waited to effect the pu. pose for which he had been sent there 1 To this ! would reply, that he had gone to Vienna because I, had been ordered there, and had come back the s :me reason ; he was engaged in the docher4. of a trust which had beep committed to h carp sad be hoped it would appear to the house th • he had discharged his duty in that respect for ti. best interests of his country. —(Herr, hear, htar.)-- lt had been asked whether France was a comem it? party to all the arrangements. He would say stn was, and had honestly discharged the trust which its confidence of Europe had reposed in her.—(flaw, hear.) —lt was most unjust and dangerous to h a , the actions and intentions of the different Powers the Congress argued on, and brought before the pa, tic prematurely and upon partial documents.—(lfoo hear )—The different Powers of the Congress acted for the joint and separate interests of their rl term countries ; and he had no hesitation in wino that he would prefer the determination to which Ca gress had come with regard to the affairs of Eurcir., to the proudest ideas he ever indulged on the stare if carried by the preponierating influence or a Power against the particalar sutaest ot anodic': wh" may be afterwards to resist that determination. We. respect to Austria and Prussi r. which, if not retorts to the ancient state which they should hold in EL rope, there will be a blank which could not be tilled ui Austria was weaker in 1805 than in 1792, but ta Cher had gained much more than they had in 180:. Prussia had nut gained more than 40 or 50,000 moo: than she had in 1805. He wished particularly t; call the attention of the House to the affair of Sac ny, on which he differed from the Hon Member.- He slid not wish to have Saxony entirely dismembr. ed. but he would say, that it was by sacrifice on tt• part of Holland and Hanover that it was restored a kingdom. He was rot anxious to say any thin' against the King of Saxony, but he marmot' ed that never was there a kingdom coquet ed, the disposal of which, in right of tonguest was more justifiable than that of Saxony.- With regard to Holland, he would say, that any a' rangement made was not a concession to the Print of Orange or Hanover, but for the general interns No Sovereign had displayed greater wisdom than l had since he was placed at the head of affairs i. that country. Hanover had also proved a no sincere friend to the British Government, and it troops had been most efficient in carying on war. With regard to the policy which this counts should adopt towards France, he would not ul much now; but this he would say, that on th issue of the present contest in that country Tull' depend whether we should look forward to ancient order of things, or that anarchy which Ill• so long disgraced it and disturbed Europe, 4,'" . against which we h a d b een so l ong st ruggling. the whole, a great deal had been done toWeds tr. ' general pacification of Europe ; but if Bngar" ll were: h e l le flow ad suffered to couldit,dtattidisturb n the be t e tr,iicluontJl:, permanent. Mr. PONSONBY said, that when the p re sent sub' jot was before tinder the consideration of the House. he then said that it would be gut rid of at the aryl of Lord William Bentinck, and lie found he 1 " right in th at surm i se; an d th a t if information ne l, not afforded, lie would move for the inst ruction, given to the Noble Lord ( Bentiack) by the p redi ces b ui r r . ef the w . H N lT o ß bl it e E L A. or u d , op i4 pos re .s p e l s y, eindicated a s ughr grounds and motives on which he had b ro * wan ihe s•ret bad 1 info, A M tend .Ind T 1 'MC ‘,M I RTC Re Cm Ban Bac Oil )oined /cry I ail i rent C oath ": All c 1 it : . ft of AV, the orece re( (..porl linis • Id g h; Ipjn tili • at I C. & Coy e tal tear , 'S irz 'list ,yons -ad ie ! sotx .urrecl The ter:, 1i 114 tin The ud ch !ng the have o rzagge discbm contini least d le► tele ic , rmat We nence, before :traitel The Zior.s at Dij 'The G omit 'bout &out rides Atun pen 5 :ions, t hoyalty Night We I da, irther rents 'timer , ruards to h !4 ~.•D .~:~. the I VO :e tic read', Tartu It the the !Itej lrbej lern r e Id go( Rai ick,df IMO