Star. — London, England, 1818-06-03 00:00:00

4 , 1 I " 1: 0 I I 11S• . 1 ,, as Chairman to the Sub-Committee, and gave hi pos s ible, This y ear , f ro m Ara Pia sittction to the Report which it produced, from which fang early, and froili k the time-of receiving Private it resulted, dint 2.50 Members were returned to that Bills having been. riadetsa :usual, the evil had House for r otte n boroughs. Mr. Fox signed the re eonsideralily increased. _lf the House took the same solutions come to thereupon, as Chairman of the view of it‘lahtitc_ Whey- would feel it necessary to Committee. These were in favour 'of Annual Par ch&•ll6ls iii'lblini glate w iriOluty by calling their at- liaments, and he could not think Mr. Fox would have tention to the subject, and he hoped in another Ses- signed such resolutions had he thought them of a sion the Orders of the House would be more atten- nuachievous and pernicious tendency. The letter of ded to, as this wai certainly desirable for the better the Duke of Richmond in favour of Parliamentary security of property. Reform, to this day remained unanswered. Those PARIAMENTARY RZFORM. who Were opposed to Reformers would do well to • Sir FRANCIS BURDETT said, the motion he employ their talents in tefuting that able publication, had to make was consistent with the ancient Consti- instead of casting those . imputations on those front tution of the Country, and those principles had been whom they differed, in which, he was sorry to say, repeate dl y pro /k se d on the Throne, ehich it was they generally dealt. On a Motion for a Reform in his object to prevail on the House to adopt. He had Parliament in the year 1797, Mr. Fox hack said, the always been of opinion that the interests of the King , principle of the British Constitution was such, that and the People were the same; and he had not th at the great bulk Of the people ought to be included, jealousy of the Prerogative of and could not be content if they were excluded from the Crown which some entertained, and for which he thought there would .beinga constituent part of the Government—(hear). He held that to be the best system which should pro be no occasion, if it wet nprrowed by that controul duce the greatest number of independent voters. His which a real Represedtation of the People would objection to Universal Suffrage arose not from an supply, as in that case it 'wetild only be exercised for the good of the country, w hen this subject was first apprehension that it would tend to confusion and brought forward many years ago,n great outcry was anarchy, but because if conceded many persons would bounder raised against the new-fanglelsloctrine, as it was not give an independent vote. If b e could shew that called, which was then broached ; iiiiit,he principles this might be effectually guarded against, then he of which were said to be subversive of the Coristitu thought those who were of the same way of thinking tion. The principles, however, which had thus been as hir. Fox, must be in favour of the extension of the censured, were acted upon in this Country for a lo :r „ suffrage. At present the Members of that House time. Annual Parliaments, and that extent of s were not returned by independent electors. A m ijo• frage which, though limited, was commonly called rat y was sent there by those who were by Lw pra!d- Universal Suffrage, had been common iitEnglancl. hited from interfering der the consideration of the House, he had proposed with electors at all, and tor so. Some time ago, w hen he brought this question un ;ewterfering that House had lately sent a poor man to, to limit the exercise of the right of voting to those - gate. If any persons ought to be excluded from voting, it was those very individuals who returned a who paid direct taxes to King, Church, and Poor. majority of the Members of the House of Commons. ration of all classes in the country. Had he not be This he thought would have secured a fair represen- If voters were as numerous as he had calculated they en would be under an improved system—if four Or five of opinion it would prove sufficient for such a pur thonsand electors voted for every Member returned, pose, he would neves have suggested it. From the he should like to know who would bribe such a body earliest periods of our history, he contended, there of mer.. From the shortness of the time, if Parlia had been a spirit of freedom in the English Consti tution, which always considered Election—a free nests were made annual, that they could be in the House, Candidates would have no motive to corrupt Election, of the first importance to the interests of voters, nor would they have the means of doing it. the People. At the time of the Invasion, vulgarly Nor could so large a body be easily influenced. At called the Conquest, William received the CrOwn by agreement, on his engaging to observe the laws of all events this might be effectually guarded against by means of a ballot. He was not convinced that Edward the Confessor, under which Parliament met, at the three great festivals of Easter, Michaelmas, this would be necessary , but the adoption of the and Christmas, in every year—(clear, hear, hear.; plan he had suggested would prevent all rioting and disturbance, which, .though thought necessary by That these laws had afterwards been scandalously some to keep up what was called the " spirit of infringed and trampled upon, was no argument against their principle, since it would be seen the ne- liberty," he was most anxious to put down. He glect of them had always brought the country into was convinced that many a man had been brought to the gallows by the dreadful effects of having his mischief .and confusion, and things had never been set right again till those great principles for which he conscience tampered with at Elections. All the great now contended had again been acknowledged and eat Authorities were in favour of Reform. Mr. Pitt adopted. He then traced the history of the Consti- and Mr. Burke had drawn the strongest pictures of tution from the time at which the Great Charter was the corruptions of the House, and the necessity of a Reform. Sir. William Jones, whom Doctor Johnson. attained, and insisted there was nothing in these prin- had called " the most enlightened of men," had in a ciples which he now advocated that could be preyed after having been to be in any way subversive of the Constitution. Per- speech delivered by him in publi c , haps there was no better way of ascertaining the cha- carefully conned over in his coset, produced the most unanswerable arguments in favour of a radical racter of the old Constitution of England, titan by re calling those short ancient maxims of law which Reform' The promulgation of laws was formerly were not liable b e changed by tke interpretations conducted in a very different manner from that which now prevails : they were sent to the Sheriffs, that might be given to them at different periods.—' and published to the People in the County Courts, From these he could shew, that so long ago as in the so that every man could become acquainted with [ time of old Chancellor Fortescue, it was a common them. It seemed extraordinary, when we consider ed saying—" That no man could be taxed without his this subject in another arid in a mote important view,, own consent." This princ:ple was acted upon through that a country which took men by force from theiel the reigns of the three first Edwards, with the excep families, to serve in the Militia, or on board of ship,' Con of the reign of Edward 11. That Monarch had however sanctioned it, and had enacted laws by which to shed their blood for the community, should have no share in the making of laws. All that was asked Annual Parliaments were to be secured to the peo for was, that a man should have an opportunity of pie • and it was through a breach of these fundamen- saying who was the persor. with whom he would in tal laws that he lost his lire. He then took a rapid trust his property, l.is life, and his liberty. In e%en historical view of the efforts made in the cause of li- Government, in every part of the world, in propor berty between that period and the Revolution in tion as the people have had a share in the govern -1688. At that period many beneficent arrangements were intended to form part of the Bill of Rights, ment, in that proportion has the country been pro which unfortunately were never enacted. In the sperous ; but wherever aristocracy, and more espe words of Mr. Fawkes—" A fine bill of fare had been daily oligarchy, have prevailed, in an equal degree has the country degenerated, the people have become ever, provided against excessive bail being demanded, set before us, but we got no dinner." That Bill, how- corrupt, and despotism has been established. llaving thus, he hoped, satisfactorily proved that Annual punishment without trial, a standing army, and a Parliaments were the Old Constitution of the Conn packed Parliament, but the effect of these enactments try, and that they had been practised for many ages was done away by the addition of four little words to w each of them, "except by consent of Parliament."— ithout any inconvenience, and that every man was entitled to vote in the election of the person who was This, like the touch of a talismanic wand, caused the whole to vanish in air, to assist in making those laws which may affect his property,. his freedom, and his life, he trusted that " And, like the has:Acts fabricfabricof a vision, the I louse would not reject the Resolutions with Left not a wreck behind." which he intended to finish his arguments. We were What, he would ask, did it matter to us if barracks told, that in the worst times of the Roman Empire , wer: built all over the counts y—standing armies s s en a general corruption and degenteaey prevailed, kept up—punishment inflicted without trial, and other t he h People, eho by their rote had disposed of king acts of arbitrary power committed—what would it doins and provinces, cause to desire nothing but t o Matter to us whether this were done by the pi croga - live and see puppet-shes— tive of the Crown, or through d w le means of Nlissisters, " Clal dab....t olins acting on the venality ..f a packed House of Com mom? " • Imperitim, fasces , legiones, amnia, mine se For his part, he would ratter that that of which he " Conduct, :ague dues tar.t..n rei anus optat, complained should proceed immediately from the " Panctn, et Circenses." Crown, than that it should b. felt as it had been ; as lie hoped that the people et England were not yet so' ha could not think it possible that such unconstitu- degenerate. He believed that they were still an ho tional practices would have beer. endured by the peo- nest, a laborious, and a virtuous people ; and that pie, without the intervention of a Parliament. lie they asked only for that check and control over the would rather have no House of Commons at all than State, which should secure to them and to therrchil' ore that was merely a sham—ar. appearance, but no dress the fruits of their awn industry. He concluded check at all on the Crown, and one that could be by moving twenty-six separate propositions in the made to put the liberties of the people into the hands shape of resolutions, followed by six declaratory re. of Ministers, whenever such was their pleasure. Lie solutions. The twenty-six declaratory propositi on s next set forth the expediency of returning to that ex- consisted almost entirely of extracts from the various ter.sion of suffrage which formerly prevailed, and speeches delivered to Parliament from the Throne, which, he contended, was the unalienable right of beginning with King James I. down to the present the people. To establish this right, he referred to dav, to prove that Royal Authority was in favour of the old Coronation Oath, and vanous Statutes. The Annual Parliaments—and extracts from writs and Act of Henry VI. passed to disfranchise electors who other documents as authorities in favour of Univer were not possessed of freeholds worth forty shillings sal Suffrage. They also included a statement of va. . per annum, which was titer a considerable sum, he de- rious resolutions of the House, and quotations from scribed to have been passed upon fa4e pretences.— authorities as to the necessity of Reform, and a di- That statute was framed to guard against disorders, minution ofthe influence of the Crown. The substance that might arise, but it did not appear that any had of the six concluding declaratory resolutions, was arisen to justify such a measure, and all sorts of tu- lit. For Universal Suffra g e, excepting only femal es , I n f ants , mutt, perjury, and every species of rascality that the and I insane. and the territory of Great Britain and Ireland sh ou ld rnir.d of man could imagine, had since been c om mon divided i n should tn 6 " return Election Districts, equal in pop u l at i on , o f at elections. Front the manner in which the West- which each onesept the Elections sentative, should and no minster elections viere conducted, he thought it must 3d. That to prevent disorders, be seen there was no danger to be apprehended from r i d completed in one day, which day ought to be the same for n the people being left to manage such matters by ::thh:rtmricuataf Di stricts. theo„ doe Districts should be subdivided into themselves. In tha year 1780 an inquiry into the state of the represtintation of the people in the Com. sth. That'the r mode n " of e votin v g en sb le o n ul t d " b c e e t ti Ballot . mons mons House of Pailiament had been set on foot by a et. nu Partiamenu should be Annual, saving to . the Crown Committee in Westininster. Mr. Sherida n h a d acted thalprerogative of dissolvin g them at any time, and s ummon i ng i a fresh Parliament after the necessary interval. Lord COCHRANE rose to second the motion, feel ing it to be his duty, as one of the' Representatives of People of Westminster, to state his sentiments on this subject. He did not expect - , after all he had sees, that any good would result from such motions as the present. It would be unparliatuentary in him Ai impute to the Members of the House improper ' motives, or to say that they were influenced in their 1 atipport of Ministers and their measures, so fatal to I the country, by the hope of reward—that they sa crificed the interests of the people for the advance soent of their own—or that they sold their votes for I money, or bartered them for patronage. He would I therefore pass over the consideration of the motives which influenced those Honourable Members who voted constantly with his Majesty's Ministers. This would probably be the last time he would ever ad dress the House. Eleven years had elapsed since he had first obtained a seat in that House, and during that time he had scarcely ever vote/ with the majority. What the consequences of those motions had been against which he had voted, the present situation of the country must shew. The people had been redu ced from prosperity and happiness to poverty and wretchedness. For this there was only one remedy, and that was Reform—either that the House must re form itself, or, as had been said by the great Chat ham, if they did not reform themselves, they would be reformed with a vengeance from without. The conduct of his Majesty's Ministers was such, that to expect the House to reform itself was quite in vain. The other alternative alone remained; and he pre dicted that it would soon happen. lie appealed to the recollection of Members, whether, during the time that he had sat in the House any single Petition by the people for Reform had been taken into serious consideration. And it was evident to him, that the time was at hand when the Petitions of the suffering people would be treated with still greater contempt, and rejected altogether. When that time came, it would only accelerate those scenes which must ensue when Reform would be forced upon the House.— He warned the House and the Country, that all the measures of Ministers were hastening them to that awful crisis which would usher in convulsions that would shake, not only the House, but the whole country. It grieved him to think that his native country must become the theatre of the deeds which he foresaw. He warned his Majesty's Ministers to pause in their care::. It was not his intention to trespass further upon the time of the House ; hut he could not conclude without expressing his strongest gratitude to the Electors of Westminster, for the honour which they had repeatedly conferred upon him by choosing him to represent them. It had al hways been his endeavour to discharge his duties to wards them. If he had in some instances failed, it was from want of power, and not from want of good will—( Hear, hear.)—He had been the victim of a foul ccnspiracy, by means of which he hail been in volved almost in total ruin. All the persecutions of which lie had been the object, he had borne with patience and resignation. the men who had so per secuted him he forgave, and he hoped, before they went to their graves, they would be able to forgive themselves. All this was foreign to the subject be fore the House—but he trusted' they would forgive him—(Hear, hear,}—He would not trespass upon their time longer now, and never again on any sub ject. He hoped that his Majesty's Ministers would take conscientiously into consideration what he had g l i v ve i , it struck to answer the arguments of lose who might those who wished for Reform neces 1 * t f it ten nov on ions argument tres used pect by his i h i e cmi fel F t ri f e ;: ih d e ar aut o which nth h e e il d tbehlienti°ahrileAtos to the y gelletY 14341' ter al l that the arguments were eseeedi a °f Thegrea nconcle ferred to by the Hon. Baronet , induced hi m in. say a few words as to them. In his Res°ticmi Hon. Baronet confined himself to one son o f . sit,. He did not q u ot e Ilagna rity of which he w as so f on d —net th thaetattai,- e large—not the V otes o f t h e llonse—.uot Learned Treatises w hi c h h e h ad so often ref -L. each as Mr. Prynne's and others—.:t w these that his Honou ra bl e F r i en d q i ti — h up 2 „ ar l thority, in his opinio n , o f st ill leasw • least of these. The quotations were frongm rada delivered from the Throne. lite• b i u m ni „ the i , 51 7/chel speech of King James I. that great cin itt i rb ‘. 7. " 1 thority, down to the reign of his ore.cin\%,w7;l`,.' Hon. Friend had quoted from all the a ' from the Throne in that long peried. ' Von - proposition which these authorities ill , one quite self-evident —namely, that the h te til . o l ' and prosperity of the Sov ereign and the pmp be co-existent. But then how little wei g h t given to these authorities, sshen it waa that the phrases quoted were t h ose of mere courn c°32- delivered by the Sove re i gn to hi s common he applied to them for mor.ev...-ah eer , But not one word was to be 'found in arc one o f 7 , Speeches from the Throne in favour of . .Inre•a' IlArneiltS or Universal Suffrage —:to- ore cf " t ' Personages had llast Lis authuritv to th ese d ny e Bat, to make them answer les p.m ose, the llr able Baronet had very ineenions:y p eer meaning of the passages ertitel Speech he found a passage in whie. , sed his happiness at rneeninr his people in 1' and then the Honourable Baronet said—H z authority for frequency of Parliaments._ Tac t Honourable Baronet we n t on to t h e nest Speech,. found another similar expression at,l sung err aatb rity. But if the Ilononrahle Baronet observed th: a peri o d of seven years elapsed hetweeu t h e speeches, it would be pe rce i ve d t h at their Hi indulged very moderately in this happirie:s or quent Pat lizunents--(Hear, hear' heart.—lndeed argument of the Honourabl e Ba ronet on this pan the subject was strained to eats ss. That meaning put upon the quotations which he thought bee suit his purpose; he took them in the way which 1, 1 cians call secintdum moduni reciptentit. He took ea according to his own construction, without ree to the meaning of the persons who delivered' But he wondered very much that his Hor-n Friend had omitted to quote that farnors s. which Lord Chatham had put into the mouth d present Majesty when he first addressed the ment. But all these speeches were neither ma less than the production of the 3finisier for tie being, and as such they were always treated br House. They were never reckoned as delimit* authorities at all. But his Honourable Ft: the subject from the ancient constitution of ment ; but surell .h t!zat did not prove that it pedient now. Honourable Baronet, said it proved Universal Sufnage was no —That it proved this much he would readily But he could not admit that its proving this that it was not a visionary scheme. To universal suffrage at present might be as n, as any other vagary. Suppose he were to p, return to the savage state. That would be to vation, but surely it would be visionary and To take something less extravagant. Suppe he proposed a return to the system °Eviller:lc domestic slavery. Such a proposition would novelty ; but would rot the proposal be fe j t... absurd and extravagant ? His Hon. Friend was apt to quote from Magna aorta, and it had iv struck him that the allusion made by his Hon& to one passage in it, was very unfortunate. would go no further than the first three Ira that passage—Nulliis likr hoist°. On these words would take his stand against the Honourable? The phrase was not neWass home, but the epithet was added to qualify and restrain the exp.— The insertion of' the word liter recalled the state the country, at that time when there were no Boroughs ; not a Parliament once in three yea] sometimes even thrice in one year. Why, in golden age of the Constitution, did it happen , the very chapter in Magna Charts to which they ferred as their brightest boast, shoved that a s , proportion of the population were in a gate of lute slavery, and that the benefits of the law reserved to persons of rank and property suffic to prevent them from being themselves the i and slaves of the higher orders ? Yet, though posa 1 to return to such a state was no innoc that prevent is from being absurd, visionary, anii testable ? Proposals almost as absurd had ben. by very enlightened men in the last age. Ego of Saltoun, one of the firmest friends of liberty, while he was running the full career of the gr patriot of his country, as a remedy for the &plan extent of mendicity in Scotland, aetgalle ForoP e " the Parliament of that country, a return to Greek and Roman system of domestic slarerY. He did not mean that the Honourable Boone' likely to make any proposition quite so extrark,^g: but it shewed how chimerical his argument he was at issue with his Honourable Friend, merely as to argument, but as to the fact. .1 1 '. ting the fact, he had hitherto denied the infrnant but now he denied the fact. lie Was certainly ct winced of the fact, so far as it related to the dam. of Parliaments. The stream of authorities set direr . in favour of those who maintained that the prat had been to assemble Parliaments once a yeat—f that there were even instances of Parliaments ofd than once a year. For his own part, be was O' vocate for shortening the duration of Pa rliam r r he was even much inclined to the opinio n ed . who were for limiting the duration of Parliamote ., the shortest term. But suppo.ing he assented tt , t, he should hardly think it right to put his auth eo . for it in the circ u mstance of t h er e having been ' t or Norman Parliaments, which only la%te'd months, and that the usual practice m thc , e . was annual Parliaments. It could be n o aul., for it appeared that attendance in Parliament in times was no voluntary duty ; for it was recess: , indemnify the Members by paying than Ir3r now said. He di.l not say it with any feelings of hostility. Such feelings had now left him ; but he trusted they would take his warning, and save the country, by abandoning the present system before it was too late.—( The Noble Lord, all through this speech, seas most deeply agitated. His voice was low and 6ro4en, and he was frequently itttermTted 6,y his tears.) Mr. BROIL Rif fAM—It was far from his intention to folljw his lion. Friend (Sir F. Burdett) through the whole details of his very learned and ingenious .speech. But, as he did not agree in many of the po sitions laid down in it, as his wishes fur Reform did not extend to the universality of suffrage for which his Honourable Friend had argued, he was anxious 'to state the reasons for his difference of opinion —to state the great respect which he felt for those, who, whether within this House, where they were few in number, or out of do ors, where they were many, agreed with the Honourable Baronet to the full ex tent of his opinions. Far be it from bin, to view with levity, or treat with ridicule, opinions, which he knew were most cctiscientiously entertained by a great proportion of the people. In these opinions, he thought, they were mistaken ; and he imputed the mistake partly to their not having duly sifted the question—partly to their being misled by the writings of persons, who, on their parts, had not sufficiently informed themselves upon the subject, or sufficiently weighed their opinions upon it. But though he differed from their opinions, he respected them. Ile did not im pute to them any bad motives, and when he did this he must claim for himself, that no bad motives should be imputed as influencing his opinions on the subject. This claim he made with the greater confidence to his Honourable Friend, because it would be a great stain on his candour and charity if he refused to ex tend it, particularly as his Hon. Friend's conversion to the doctrine of uniVeral suffrage was very recent; (No, no„ from Sir F. Burden) he certainly thought that his Honourable Friend, who, at no very distant period, had been a moderate reformer, had protested against Universal Suffrage. His opinions were the same now as those of his Honourable Friend's when he had ad vocated the cause of moderate Reform, and before he entertained the opinions which he had to-night so strongly expressed. But he could not agree with those who were disposed to treat with contempt all motions for Reform, or to consider that he who wishes for Reform wishes to renovate and alter the Consti tution. If he had to contend with those persons, he would only have to refer to the conduct of Parliament itself—to remind them that they who were such ene mies to Reform had been themselves the greatest re formers—that it was they or their colleagues who in Ireland had changed and reformed the whole system of representation and election, who l.ad in that coun try effected a Parliamentary Reform of such an ex tent, that it might more properly be called a Parlia mentary Revolution, by effecting the union of the Parliaments of the two Kingdcims. For that measure he greatly thanked them. Of the means by which it had been effected he could not approve, but it was one cf the greatest changes in the Parliamentary Constitution that ever had been made since the Con stitution was established. This much was enough c le genei t Y lithori;on e s r cu c at hi i °2l iti tt l ; 1 It a nk k him fi n , solutio• on of ~ that a., St a ,, tei oot 11 rete rp 4 4 r t agli • • 4 ,art a n rht than I 14 the sp ex h t ti 1 itoth. na l Majeity.' *ems ifinC.: VOW ;A t 0 6 littatea, he hspp;.. peop.e ght :0 'es conn iere taunt!, itmont Ir= hear, a t , ry one ni 1 Anntal t,„ • w ef tt•r e , lese deetl N the a pe •• aril. !n • It Ki:ig er r : r , -Het: :s. To ed • f. apk S ec: , tI lilniu aot 3:served that tl 'eat the is heiz Ike pints of ; !.—lnderd tis e; an this pzn ; s: t meaning ris it ght ben snit, a iy which h. Ile took th. rithout 7 rarno7s s; ti mouth of e• et! the Psr • tl either more • er fer tic a, trezted he • s doCumeies ti Friend • - mien of Fe that it "Is . o net, h. - et no inn •:. ii readily ng this prtoil To preeicui be as vi.iesrt 1 at to propset o uld be no 13 try and • ti Suppe Ivillerage al o would lea I be re,e;•oi Friend cusp a d it hal 4:1 - 3n tJ his Hon.Fne../ t tfortunon lb t three wails these words he t , urable Buono. ii he epithet : I : 3 ' e exprese-A.- led tne net cl ; were no toms !wee years, 'al I Why, in thr 3 it happen ttz which they :•e- -d that a tree a state of r.b-o. the law wee I 9011 suffictr: es the propel , though a irn n innovanon. a 1 ionary, and ' had been •• age. Ee-cher. 3 of libe tt. t of the gram: a ir the depleez? I ally purled!' 1 mum to I tic slarerY. -- 4 )k Baronet" 10 eau-arr. - a ument e.•;*. e . •• • 1 ble Friend, rAI . e fact. .4d' I the idettua; s certainly 44 " 1 celi t tiesat o a th thatyea c e d :i u r_ ra r: : :: i liaments of' , be was au F Parliament! vtrion • tto • at Parliamcct , • assented to irvrd 3 bewv u liyias t nanxilaga h nol i tix s tietijedlc a t utho seiusiq..:.. .... Mont imr" 2. •