Star. — London, England, 1828-06-10 00:00:00

lieve that they contained any.thint which could either I justly alarm the Catholics or give ditsatisfaction to the Protestants, although he should at the same time , say, that he did not entertain any hope, from the vio. lent .language used on both side p c. and articularl by the petitioners before the Howe, that therey was a probability of an amicable arrangement. — He however thought that a medium might be found, and that all parties might come to an agreement, by which the question could be set at rest. Of oaths and declarations they already had more than enough, and they were in his opinion of but very little importance. He did think, however, that the question could be set at rest, if the nomination of the Roman Catholic Bishops were vested in the Sovereign. He teas inclined to think that this was not congruous with the Catholic Church ; but the Noble Mover had showed that something of the kind existed in every nation of .Europe. He was aware of the difficnity that awaited ,a measure of this descrip tion, from the interests and the violence of parties ; but if those were the only obstacles, the Legislature had ample power to meet them. He did not think there could be any difficulty in commencing a negotiation for the purpose, nor in repealing a law which was once looked on as a safeguard of the country ; but he was told, that even after that the Catholics would not accept of the boon, wherefore he for one would never consent to place the Parliament in such a dilemma. He would neither compromise the dignity of the Legislature, nor would he begin to give effect to the measure he pro posed by a species o f persecution. The tranquillity of the country should induce Parliament to settle the ques tion, without any allusiort.to the subserviency in which the people were held by that tie which bound them to a Foreign Potentate. There was no knowing what changes might take place in the Foreign Potentates to whom he alluded. There was no knowing but that in other times they might not be so respectable as it must be admitted the present holder of that power was. But it must also be considered that the power he alluded to must always be great, while the people looked to it not only as a de pository of temporal rank, but of spiritual happiness. If the Noble Marquis (Lansdown) would submit such a proposition as that he (the Marquis of S.) had alluded to, he would be most happy to support him, but as the question at present stood, he should certainly op- the Church may be in an unknown tongue, and such was the practice of the Church of Rome. In refutation of this doctrine, he would read their Lordships atten tion to the miracle on the feast of Pentecost, which they had so lately celebrated, when the cloven tongues were seen to descend from heaven to enable all the people. to•he . be ar - the Gospel in their own language. On die — worifillX:_iitiages he would mention, the in th e terefiti-e* 'article of the decree of Pius it was declared. !t-that • the image of CHRIST, and of the, mother of Goo, who was always a virgin, should be hod in reverence;` but what saes the Scrip tures—" thin shalt worship the LORD thy G OD, and him_ tidy sh alt thou serve." The second commandment, forbade any image worship, and the prophets were full of command, against idolatry. The Christian Apostles also constantly forbade any -to worship them. Peter said to. Cornelius, when he would have fallen down be fore him arid Worshipped him; 44 Stand up, I also am a man.* And Paul and Barnabus, when the multitude would have worshipped them, rent their clothes, and said," Sirs, why do you this thing? we also are men." He had repeatedly witnessed the ignorant votaries of Catholic superstition kneeling bef ore statues, worship ping stocks and stones. He might be told that this was not the Catholic religion—be it so; but it was the Catholic practice, and if the priests of that religion took one tenth part of the pains to prevent it that they did to prevent,the people reading the Scriptures, the un hallowed practice would soon cease in the land. He was most desirous to emancipate the people from the degradation of ignorance, and superstition, and dark ness—to emancipate their minds by a scriptural educa tion, not an education that 'would tear from them the book of Gon, or make it conform to their prejudices or their passions. Ifewould qualify them for freedom by giving them an education founded on GOD'S holy word, the standard of mercy and truth, and eradicating ig norance, superstition, and false woiship, which were ever the enemies of liberty and man. The !Bart of WINCHILSEA, on an occasion like that, could not content himself with a silent vote, and he would therefore trespass upon the time of their Lord ships with a heir observations, while he briefly stated his sentiments. He had always observed that those who came forward in support of Catholic Claims uniformly contended that the Roman Catholic faith was not now what it was in the 17th century. Now if it had changed, be wished to know at what period that alteration bad, taken place? He challenged the whole Roman Catholic Hierarchy to show that such a change had at any period occurred. He challenged them as well as the laity, some °fathom could only prove this change by claiming for themselves she right of exercising that private judg ment which was in all ages denied to them by_ their spiritual guide,'the,Church. lon corroboration of this, be mold adduce many proofs, but would not go farther than by referring •to two passages in a letter written some years ago, not by an individual governed by the same feelings,or professing the same religion with him self, but by Doctor Troy, the Titular Archbishop of Dublin. He • expressly said, " that the decisions of General Councils were of infallible authority, and also binding on the consciences of Catholics." The 4th sec tion of the Council of .Lateran was, according to Dr. Troy, one of those that "expressly prescribed the de thronement of heretic Sovereigns, and declared particu larly that all engagements entered into with heretics, even although sanctioned by oaths, were not binding." The Noble Lord then observed upon the indefatigable endeavours of the Gentlemen who combated the errors of this Church, notwithstanding which, its arbitrary and superstitious principles still prevailed, and he asked whether, in these days, the most strenuous advocates for Emancipation could deny that any change had taken place in that Church, whose system of mental and spiritual despotism showed what little difference existed between the Irish (Roman Catholic Church and the fetters of former ages? As to the argument adduced by the Noble J4axquis, from the privileges Catholics en joyed in various Protestant Countries, that might have weight, if it appeared an free and impartial investigation, that there was any one other Protestant State in Europe which had enjoyed during the last fifty years the same liberty and the same free institutions which we bad enjoyed here for three times that period. If such a free. Protestant State, giving such privileges to Roman Ca tholics, and existing for,such a period, could be found, then, indeed, there might be something like the test of experience, both as to the freedom of that State and the durability of the arrangements. It bas so happened,' however, that none such &stied, for the free Protestant States of Germany had nothing like a Constitution until the year 1815. The Netherlands had also been re futed 'to; but these, also, the Roman Catholics had not been admitted to political power until the autumn of 1827, so that there was no possibility of ascertaining what might be the result, more especially when he could with confidence ask, whether it was not well known that considerable ill will at present existed between the Roman Catholics and the Protestants there? He would not allude to Russia or the United States, because there could be no comparison between a Republic which bad no Established Church, and a Monarchy 'which bad one forming an ante gial part hf its Constitution. Let no one then give his convist io nieasures'ivhich would endanger the ex isterice of the PrOtestant Establishment, and let them not deceive themselves by supposing that however much they might give they could ever satisfy the encroaching spirit of the Church of Rome. The connection, as a powerful writer expressed it, between the Roman Church and the Roman Catholic Association, and between the leaders of both, forbid any such idea. One of those leaders, O'Connell, at a meeting held only the 15th of last month, said, 4 ‘ The Catholics have already trampled on all their enemies except the Church,' but he (Lord W 4 trusted their Lordships would never consent to the passing of measures that would destroy that Church, which, under the Constitution, has produced so much benefit. Let proof, and satisfactory proof, be given that no injury 'would be inflicted on the Protestant Church -by !moving those barriers under which this country Lad' been raised to the highest prosperity, and become the 'admiration of surroandiag nations. When such proof was given, he would be the first to turn round and abandon those objections he felt to admitting the Ca tholics to the full enjoyment of civil rights. Being of opinion, however, that no such proof could be given, he would, for the reasons he had stated, oppose the present motion. The Marquis of SALISBURY hoped that he might be excused on this occasion for trespassing on their Lordships, as he could not, %viten he considered that the question was brought forward upon aßesolution of the other Mouse, give a silent vote, unless he were prepared to say that no circumstances could arise Mader which should be willing to grant Emancipation. He only spok,e in answer to the challenge given by the Noble Marquis (Lantclowo) who thought that sufficient sects,- fey a*lst be had, and he himself also was of opinion ant sod , beedritirenil4bt be 14 xtOd.,,and thought that dip faseiteontielle could pursue was by stating what Arose securities were—(ktut, heat).-4lc did not -be. pose the motion. The Marquis of LANSDOWN explained. Earl BATHURST said, that the proposition of the Noble Marquis (Lansdown) necessarily involved the question, whether it was now expedient to renew the discussion of the entire subject of the propriety of yield ing- to the Roman Catholics the possession of political power? That had been the subject of frequent debate for five or six-and-twenty years together, and he there fore despaired Of being able to add any thing new on a question upon which so much had been already said.— The motion was that their Lordships should concur in the resolution of the House of Commons. [Here his Lordship repeated the words of the resolution, which have been already given.) Now, before they agreed to . concur in this resolution, he thought it was necessary they should understand not only what was the m ea n in g of the resolution itself, but also what it was understood they were to do in ease they did concur in it. Whether the proposition was that they should agree to consider the laws respecting the Roman Catholics, or whether they were so to consider them for the purpose of a final adjustment, there could, in his opinion, be no other object but that of a conciliatory adjustment, by which all ? the views entertained might be accomplished. What then: were their Lordships to do, or is-as the House of Peers satisfied. as one branch of the Legislature had already done, if he understobd right, to pledge themselves to ac complish the object of the resolution as far as was pos sible ? He considered the resolution as a solemn pledge on the part of the House of Commons, and the ques tion was, whether what the Noble Marquis called on their L ordships for, was not to enter into the same pledge ? His objection to that course was, and he never would consent to it, unless Alley saw that they had it in their power to redeem that pledge; nor could he suffer himself to be swayed by the eloquence of the Diable Marquis to agree in his proposition, until he brought forward some proof that' it was in their Lordships' power to accomplish the object in view. TO, Webb: Marquis had nut intimated that he would be ready with any proposal to effect his object, nor had he' given any intimation, if the resolution were agreed to, that he was in a condition to accomplish his purpose. Then,' if they looked to the measures which had been proposed by the other House,and which, if he recollected aright, had had the Noble Marquis's support, be must say that he despaired that their Lordships' House could ever redeem this pledge. Without going through them all. he would only rder to that which had come up in 1825, and he wished to ask those of their Lordships who recollected it, whether, if previously to the measure having come up to that House, the House of Commons had some to a Resolution similar to the present, and that tee Noble Marquis had asked them to agree to it, ; they would have agreed to the measure of 1825 ? He Ishoold only call the'attention of the House to one pan of that Bill, something similar to which was enacted wherever.the Roman Catholic Church was, permitted to exercise authority, and with respect to which his Noble Friend (the Marquis of Salisbury) had expressed an opinion conformable to his own, namely, that he would never consent to any measure like the one proposed without some satisfactory arrangement being made. Every Protestant State felt a jealousy When they allowed authority to the Roman Catholic Church, and always previously entered into an , arrange ment with the See of Rome, before they would allow the publication of any Bulls or other documents coming from that quarter. The Bill of 1825 provided. that •• When any Bull or Dispensation came from the Pope to Ireland, the party receiving it should submit it to the inspection of the Commissioners appointed for the put pose, who would forward it, if they declared it not in. Orions to the Protestant Establishment in Church and State; but if it were, they were to notify that circum stance to the Lord Lieutenant." They were not to state the contents of the Bull, but merely that it was injurious to the Protestant Establishment ; " and having so done, it was to be sent back by those who had received it, and if those Commissioners declared otherwise, then authority was given for the publication and execution of the Bulls* although the Crown had not given its consent, and did not know what its con tents were. Thar was the measure of 1825, and the Legislature thereby provided guardians for the Pro testant Establishment in Church and State. But who were those guardians? Were there to be found at least a majority of Protestants who were competent to decide on what ;was injurious to the Protestant interest? , The Crown was prohibited - trans naming one Protestant oil the Commissioo ; no only that, but the Crown was prohibited from naming' any lay Catholic, whether Peer or Commoner. The. Commissioners were to be all Priests. and of these such only as were Catholic Bishops. Thus Roman Catholic Bishops were appointed the guar dians of Protestant interests. Then, besides, when a party ergs nominated as Bishop, his name was also to be trans- OW to tto Commiserate:ll and on their certifying that'll, was a loyal subject, and on hisoaking the oath army to the Catholic Lord Howard. Their Lorothi po p res cribed, be was instantly authorized to esereise all might tesist this application; but still Ireland existed" n th s i h sec oul u d ri d t i y m a p- f. u w n it d h er it a s n si a z n o f r al se le v a e c n er m , w ill h io o n w s, el o l r u g u a d n e iz is e t d oo in do di ba saff t h et % Episcopal functions , although the Crown fporordveedoufnsduecrhtharßoiilni twmheicht.wat's hat lewdly to give secu- aboina The Catholics, it appeared, were now organ i zed rity to the Protestant Establishment in Church and State as one man. Stop the flame of discontent when tau They wete often told, these were antiquated notions— might, it would break out again in another quarters thattina no -,there was no danger to be apprehended — that no-, and this country, in the case of a war, would hexer. h wag so easy as an arrangement, and the Noble pelled to do an act of tardy justice.: - When pe r h aps e • Marquis had adverted to other countries, that we might would be too late. He was sorry to have heard so mop; Fee how easily this was accomplished, and what perfect quotations wasted in that House, which had been - a ; accord prevailed between Catholics and Protest ants. much more, applicable to the pulpit—(Blea t ).—o urs Holland was one of the States alluded t o, a s t here Ro- was not a species of religion to be enforced, like M o . man Catholics were admitted to all civil offices, and no homedanism, by the sword, instead of bytb e disqualification prevailed, and there we w ere told p eace nature of its tenets. It would not be consistent in ns.: and harmony prevailed. The Netherlands were divided adopt the principle contended for by zealots in th e p „, ) , into two parts, in one of whiCh the Roman Catholics sent day, and stalk through an affrighted land wittithe were a great majority, and their religion established, Bible in ore hand and the sword in the other, l e while in another, the majority were Protestants,' and the town of Drogheda alone there happened o, b e threi theirs the Established Religion. But if the Protestant preachers of eminence, who were very much tnllowed Religion were established where the majority were for their edifying preaching, by even persons of the It o Roman Catholics, did the Noble Marquis believe that man Catholic persuasion ; but the mome nt that their. the same peace and harmony would prevail between formation Society began its operations in that part of them ? Prussia had also been spoken of, but Sile,ia, the country, their usefulness was at an end, and the-C o the only Province of that Monarchy to which the argu- tholics no longer frequented these plates of relio nie ment could apply, also possessed a great majority of exhortations. Until then these disabilities wererseim.ier,i)veepdid Catholics, and theirs was the establ ished reli g ion of the there was no use in ex p ectin g there would be an y t hoo country. Were they prepared -to say th a t there should like peaceow concord in that ill-fated country.. tit be an establishment in Ireland? — (He ar, hear, hear). Lordshi p concluded b y ho p in g , that the present i llus. We could not deal with the Roman Catho lics as we did trious individual at the head of the Governmenta l , t with other Diisenters from' the Establish e d Church, nor countr y would not p ut his veto on the project of toot ed . ' do any thing which could lead to th e discontinuance of sion to the Catholics of Ireland. He most earne stly the Established Church in Ireland , as th at would endan. ho p ed he would accede with all his power ful knee re ger the Protestant interest,. and shake t he em p ire to its the cause of the Catholics of Ireland. It was a centre. The Protestant interest was interwoven with the opportunity afforded him .to improve at once tit coati Constitution of the country—(Hear, hear). He war popularity, and consolidate the interests of the Empire. extremely anxious that thequestion should be brought If he proved inimical in this instance to their interests, to a final determination; but show Was that to be ac- he could not help avowing that he thought that Ap Fte ,o complished ? He feared that so many difficulties en- tion would drive the Catholics to despair, and rob th e compassed the subject, that it-would be long ere it could Minister of a wreath which was ready to entwine his be accomplished, though he should be happy when the brows. time came that they could say—" now the question Lord MANNERS, who spoke from the cross he r o% can be finally settled." let, till then, as he now saw commenced by complaining of the temper of the IrishOo. no prospect of that period soon. arriving, he entreated the:4k Association, and the tendency of their speeches is the House not to pledge itself, os the House of Com- inflame and exasperate the public mind. He deprecated mons had done, by agreeing to this Resolution. It was the spirit which had prevailed in all the proceed* worse than useless to give a pledge till there was a of that ill-regulated and angry political Association. prospect of redeeming it—(Hear, hear). . It was impossible to grant the Catholics the ma. The Marquis of 'LANSDOWN said, that however cessions they sought, and afford any protection unwilling he might be to intrude again upon the House, the established reformed Church of Ireland , in .n yet he must set himselt right with respect to that which present temper of the Irish nation. The Roma he had stated,and in which he had been misrepresented. Catholic Association, which might 'be considered it He had not held out the absence of an Established displaying the spirit and •disposition of their •brethres. Church in the United States as worthy of imitation ; had hitherto done tbeir utmost (in many instances leis but he had instanced it to show that where no este- too succession!) to separate the tenant from Ins lad. blished religion existed, thetg was no danger in admit- lord-oto produce discord and an lofty throogbout the ring the Catholics to power. -And for the purpose of country—and to estrange the loyalty and allegiance af arguing that if no danger existed in doing so under all their fellow subjects over wtom they couldeaercie such circumstances, how much less.danger must there any influence. It .had been said that concessions re be in admitting themao the enjoyment of power in this this body were demanded by policy and jasiice, bathe country, where there was an *established and powerful could not perceive the applicability of either. With every religion? disposition to grant Emancipation, if such a measure The Earlof DARNLEY observed, that most of the could be conceded consistently with safety to the Esta. observations which had been made in opposition to their blishment, he could never consent, under evistingcie Lordships' adoption of the Resolution of the House of cumstances, to acknowledge claims which were mete Commons, applied rather to the oreed of Roman Ca- tially pernicious to the Protestant religion and the old oholics than to the proposition before their Lordships. interests of the State—(Hear). That proposition recommended their Lordships to sym- The Earl of GUILFORD said that King William patbise with the people of-lerelitid of the Catholic per- r had been placed upon the throne, at the glorious era et suasion. Already to was ;lot too much to hope that the Revolution, on principles of exclusion, and on thaw scone points of difficulty had beencgotten over, Of the principles the nation had been hitherto gcverned with three modes which ,had beets ;Untied to, there was but success, The laws so long and loudly complained of one which with propriety awl, could adopt ; and that did not restrain opinions, but were framed for the safety was the principle of coorestitino-(lear). This had, and protection of the Constitution. He could net with .great forbearance and temper, been recommended. peiceive how their repeal would tend to the tease by the Resolutiona of , the House of Commons. On quillity of Ireland,. as that country was onslo deo this question he was- of opinien,...as be- had been tresses of a nature different from any which the on the occasion of the Teta. and corporation Acts, eprration of those laws might produce. What sacu jointly with a majority of their Lordships, that the best rities of -any kind could he afforded against the so and most valid securities they could have were to be cret, jealousy and dislike which must in cessatily be found in the unconditional concession of those privileges cherished toward tha Protestant religion cm the part if which the Catholics now sought at their hands- But he obese who held a faith so hostile in spirit, and:4o4nm. would meet the advocates of securities half way-olet cilisble in principle? Was it rational to suppose the them only prop6und what securities they required.— &imam Catholic Bishops. Legislators, and Councillors, This they.were bound to do. He felt much encouraged -cbuldolabouo for the support and prosperity of a system by what hid fallen from a Learned and Right Reve- which they conscientiously conceived to be prejudicial rend Prelate, who had confessed that he saw no• rea- —nay, destructive—to the best -interests of mankind? son why any Christian professor should be debarred He would desire their Lordships to mark the hostile aid of the right to participate in the privileges of other resentful feelings occasionally expressed by the Popish members of the State. They now asked; that sts a convention established in Ireland, if not is rebellion, * favour which they might demand as a right. • He least against the spirit and meaning of the law. Whet should not attempt to found a case upon. the viola- they looked around upon the times in which they lived— Don of the Treaty of Limerick, however strong he when they saw the mind Of man distracted by superstitioa thought that case in favour of the Irish Catholics. In r and exasperated by polemics—the spread of a liberality his mind their case rested on a much more solid basis, which was diffusing darkness both at home and abroad. namely, the manifest expediency of the concession, upon —the education of philosophers, which Sued men a mason, sound sense, and sound policy.• And let it be ther for the fellowship of Diogenes than for the society recollected once for all, that he woulddisdain to argue of Christians—and the edge of law blunted by the the expediency of concession on the ground ola hostile frequency of crime—when they beheld those indica intimidation. Theme was a ground, however, for con. tions of the spirit which actuated their contemporarieo cession which had been insisted upon stronsb . in . another he felt persuaded that they would deem it to be Cols place—he meant the articles of the Irish U asap —(Hear ). duty to make a stand for the Constitution that their air It was well known that at the conclusion of that ,cestors had bequeathed them. Under the influtnce .t solemn international compact, so firmly had the i Minister, those opinions, he should conclude by expressing lo of that day. who enjoyed higher eminences-Ando greater hope that the present Resolution might not be adoptel share of Royal confidence than any one that preceded The Bishop of DURHAM, in . speaking to the Ties. him, actually resigned his situation, because he found don before their Lordships, said that he eould coafire he could not redeem she pledge he had given to the himself to the point of the divided allegiance which war public at large for the fulfilment of one measure, which alleged to incapacity e Roman Catholics for those ofEzes flowed, as he had stated, naturally from another. And to which 1114 were seeking adnsission. Tile Right Ben this reminded him of the strange infatuation in the pre. Prelate proCeedesf to argue in Stipp, it of this objective, sent day, on the part of some statesmen of eminence, commenting on Dr. Doyle's evidence before the Hole to commemorate the days consecrated to the recollection of Lords, concerning his opinions as a it, man Cat hvbc• of Mt. Pitt; whilst in point of fact they only made it a on the subject of allegiance. He then referred to the pretext 'to advocate and disseminate on this subject distinction attempted to be drawn between motorail principles totally. at variance with those of that, great arid spititual authority, professing himself at a loss to statesman. In fact, to call that club the " Pitt Club," know how the latter could be acknowleged without pre'" which was really aNo Popery or an Eldon Club—if ducing poliocal consequences, and quoted Lord Clot* the great agent in it might be allowed to usurp its ho- don to the same - effect. Tile highest power in the State nours—(A laugh).--was a libel and an insult on the was die legislative—the power of snaking and unmakei memory of that, great statesman—(Cheers).—Unfortu- laws; and if those prowssing-toligions orrouns tilt nately, some conscientious scruples hid been infused rent from the Crown were admitted to a participatoe into the late King's 'mind , which had compelled that in that power, he apprehended that they might Gb: 4l great man to resign his situation rather than forfeit his a majority on some question of vital interest to the Coe pledge. With respect to the Coronation Oath, lie stitutton, and thereby force measures which wouldhaw felt no difficulty in asserting, that the concurrent the most destructive erects upon the country. He " testimony of all the distinguished men who had not now inclined to enter on the question of recur ices. spoken on this point • was Quitting) in describing uo specific plan of that nature had ever, tc his kiwi' it as perfectly compatible with the -duty of the_ So-. ledge, beets hitherto proposed, A distinction had, ho'" vereign of these realms to extend privileges or re- ever, been suggested -.by Lord Clarendon and WWI' move disabilities. Of this opinion was the immortal between those Komori Catholics who should renovate Burke and the present Lord Liverpool. It was clear the jurisdiction of the Pope, and those who would En on these authorities there was no danger to be apple. If they would consent to abjure alt connexion whates' 6 . hendedfoom this exercise of the Royal prerogative; and with the Pope, he would not be opposed to conce." Bo it was clearer there-was no danger to be apprehended in their favour. At present, however, he could nerd as to effects on Ireland. The concession to the Diisen• consent to granting the full enjoyment of civil pore/lege ters which had so recently been made, placed the Ca- to the Roman Catholics - until he saw seine c hange tholice on a still stronger ground than they occupied their principles—until he saw them removed ft"' ' 1 ! before. Here was no disputed succession, no foreign connexion with the Pope. It was painful for him (11 war, no-popular dissension, to render the concession make these observations, but he was promp ted hy a re' dangerous. And it was but justice to the character gard to the preservation of true . religion. of the Catholic religion to refer' to the well-known Lord GODERICH said, he felt it necessary to toss' crisis of Engtand's fate, when shwitas threatened by a ble their Lordships on the, presage occasion, too p ! ' at embus biggotted Catholic •foe witloinvasion. Our illus- be should venture to state he would e n d e avour to CO trials Queen. intrusted - the chief command of our press into as narrow a compass as hit coop. cuositotif `with a 'view h sent di Was to decisio 'Oct of in then such CI ligion 'as cou which `clear a 'sible fi 'lion w result, tinned Lords expedi of the Roma ♦paci subve %VAS a dons reodei the 'p hitne Atoll 11 lie JUfini tr - 4 S 2 ights :hat tl tion, )li.she !stab) !vil, a on ju , 10 so) Coast groan the C if it bi asap )14na ict w Peers, privet' In th indivi the sl lin) , 1 mann lis so Lhey 011 thi 01 he . 1 rela egigi till . t by we; lu oj u, laic to ad 1 CI thl tall im tOggin b rgt ship , brow rem viers iider Lind' to tl TI