Star. — London, England, 1828-05-13 00:00:00

its opinions upon this question had been, undoubtedly, am often declared. When Mr. Canning's Government was formed, and he found that the Prime Minister was disro , o d to give to these claims his powerful support, he (Sir C. ‘Vetherell),.anticipating that he might one day Lbe a il e d upon to support the same views, had thought 0o per, tattier than do so, to resign the high o ffi ce which he t hen had the honour to hold. It was unnecessary that he should say more to illustrate the opinions which he en tertained upon the question. It might be expected f ro m the professional capacity which he Aged, that he s h o uld, on this occasion, enter into the wHiale legal his tory of a question so interesting, in a constitutional point of ,Kw, as that which they were now called on to con sider, lie should not, however, commit any such tres passon the time of the House. He had undoubtedly hp e a for many years decidedly opposed to what was called c a holii. Emancipation; but he was opposed to it, he me t ed leave to say, on a plain and a broad principle. if s bad no objection at all to concede the principle, that the Roman Catholic, under certain circumstances, irght be admitted to come into Parliament, and to i told offices under the King; but this must be under Wain conditions. If this concession on our part was t o be made, it must be a mutual concession, as regarded tat ot her—daraus,fefisnusque vicissim. The Right Hon. rid Learned Gentleman went on to show, that the Hon. Baronet and those who, on the same side of the ques tion, had succeeded him, had completely thrown over board the long important questions of the Treaty of Limerick and the Union. He would now enter upon the Treaty of Limerick—(Loud cries of, Oh, no). Well, then, the Treaty ought not to be alluded to at all, if it was not to be tried by the test of Parliamentary investi gation. He then remarked on the total silence of put, F's, Grattan, Lord Cornwallis, Mr. Dundas, and Ind Castlereagh—all advocates for Catholic Emanci pation—upon any questions arising out of this Treaty, s ea as those upon which the advocates for Eniancipa sins were now attempting to depend ; although it was difficult to suppose, that if that Treaty could really have su pplied such grounds for their case, those great and enlightened seeta would have neglected to avail them sties of them. He had been at the labour of reading ail the debates on this question for many years, and he could undertake to say, that since 1800, till within a per or two ago, the Treaty orLimerick had never beep whetted to, with any view to an argument, except inci rly. Lord Grenville, Mr. Grattan, and all the per s shoformeily introduced this measure to the emir n of the House, said that the Catholics assented maim ciliation of their Prelates in Ireland. On this bcas arguments proceeded.—(Hear). Gentlemen might „hear, but he repeated that it was stated by Lord Goland others elsewhere, that the Government was to law the cantroul over the Catholic Prelacy of Ireland. Pea with this assurance, however, the Bill was lost in lath Houses of Parliament. The next attempt.was in die year 1813, when the House not only went into a t r orarnittee, but a Bill was brought in. Some of those Rung Gentlemen, who were complimented the other Dighton their experience—Gentlemen who bad in them One germs of talent and the buds of genius--(Hear, and Iroghter)—rising genius should have its merit, but poor apeneace should not be discarded; and those young Wham who were not then in the House, and who' tecitiatly had not taken the trouble of reading the ;serails, might be benefitted by knowing, that in 1813, MI was introduced with a profusion of stipulattons d oaths. This Bill contained two clauses, which, arall its provisions, were drawn op by a most eminent Iraftiman.The first of those clauses gave to the Crown the right of affirming or rejecting any person appointed to fill e ofice of Bishop in the Roman Catholic Church of Ire ad; and another clause was introduced by which the oranuoicetion was regulated between the See of Rome Ind tbeltoman Catholic Church. This was the principle if Mr. Grattan 's Bill. It secured the power of a direct iltautive or a virtual negative on persons filling the dad Bishop. This Bill was brought in by Mr. ;mum, but the Catholics, whilst it was pending, re end it. Whilst the Bill was going forward under totally favourable auspices, the Rbman Catholics edited their dissent to its provisions. This he asserted, sil he remembered that Mr. Grattan io that House toed to feel very seriously discomfitted at the manner tribicb the Roman Catholics received his Bill. He id not she/..tears, perhaps, but he seemed much Ina The Catholics rejected the Bill, and resolutions me agreed to by the Prelates in Dublin, one of 'boar (Dr. Milner), stated, " that the Roman Ca hams would shed their blood cut of their veins Aber than submit to the nomination of their Bishops ir I.Proteitaiit King—(Hear, hear). Such were the tuiments of Dr. Milner and the Catholic Prelates in' 1S1S; but in 1799, the Irish Prelates tame to a resole '-oa that it was proper that the King shouldhawe a con tool over the Bishops. In 1822 Mr. Plunkett's Bill was itroduced. In that Bill, the intercourse with the See (Rome was restricted, and the negative on the nomi nee of Bishops was given to the Clown. It was stated Lathe House th a t t h e R oman C at h o li cs wou ld re j ect BA and Mr. Plunkett said, if the House agreed to he did n ot care w h et h er t h e R oman c at h o li c: re j ecte d not. The re h a d b een t h ree C omm i ttees on t h is sub . a circunotance which it was necessary that those tellemen of precocious experience on whom so much iv was poured, should know. In the present Bill it ascaterial to ob serve t h at none o f t h e secur i t i es were to =fund rind which were introduced into the former Bills. le country was not satisfied with tho se Rills, nor was %House satisfied with the securities in Mr. Grattan's R 4 nor in Mr. Plunkett's ; but the HOW was now p a id Von to be satisfied without any security at all. Honour a bl e M em b er f or K aares b oroug h ( Si r J ames war) stated, that all the young mea l -and all the hid , - hes., names, were at his side on this question; but , i li n ne . Attoroe-. y General) thought they were all against 'L ken there were securities. He admitted that there Al A galaxy of talent, but it was against those who 'Wed the Hon. Baronet's motion. Mutual =ces. 'Riled securities were the bases of all former Bills, et the present 13111 had no such bate. He should wish ems, what was to be done when the Bill went into a %suttee. Was it meant to renew the securities, or to adduce the measure without any securities at all?-- worities,were g i ven to the Protestants, those seeuri lisiouid not satisfy the Roman Catholics, and there -6t was proposed that the House should go into a Mitten to do that which could not be done. It 'ildire better to pass a resolution that it was Carp A that absolute and unqualified emainipation lid be granted. According to the resolution proposed tie Hon. Bar o ne ts the object of t h e measure- w as - to k l ise teincord and Giettle the Protestant established • The same *Mile was held out la former but the express le was," chat the hearts of affect "lira should be kart and ordtad;" but the Cady). : said they would not have their hearts knit and l ed• He would now advert to a point which he 11141 bad been paned over lightly by Gentlemen 10tite. The qu est i on was, whether Protestantism was " irrevocable principle is the Constitution? lie I a ss Coaltitutscon• was psalmist ilbs Revolation in sad illevocOle imajaNi i ea withput any mei I &be consideration as to the death of the Pretender. There Was 00 change in the Constitution with .respect to Catholics. The principle of perprtual .Protestantism was established as essential and irrevocable. It , was secured in different ways. It was secured by a Protestant King—by a Protestant Parliament—by the exclusion from civil office of all but Protestants— and by the establishment of the Protestant Church. Bt assenting to this Bill two of these securi ies would .he taken away, and Protestanitsm, as established at .the revolution, would depend on the circumstance that the King was a Protestant. If the King married a Papist, or held communion with the S e of it , ime, he was. pro facto, dethroned; and this WAS the only security left to Protestants if this Bill should pass. He (the Actor ney Ge neral) did not consider this provision a sufficient security, and therefore he opposed the measure. A part of his corn plaint was, that the Church of Ireland was materially affected by this measure. By this measure the people of Ireland would be assigned over to that Catholic dis cipline which was so discordant with the views of Pro testants. Something had been said of the temporality and spirituality, or spiritual powers of the Church. In the first place, the Church had the power of granting-every spiritual rite. The rite of.sepulture r divorce, mad, many other rites, were to be all left to those erelates appointed by the See of Rome. The questioi'sies; Whether the, Duke of Norfolk, and another person.or two, should have places in another House and in this? Suppose the Prelates in this country had any power equal to that exercised by the Irish Prelates, would any Gentleman ' submit to their controul ?—ln doing so they were giving up the people of Ireland to this power, which was held under a foreign authority—(Hear, hear). — Bet this was not all. The House was'aold on a former evening by a Noble Lord (Lord FA,. Gower) that the power of the Catholics in Ireland would be controlled by the liberty of the press. The language in which this was expressed was most forcible and classiCal; but the idea was that the liberty of the press would break down the power of the Prelates of Ireland.— In all productions from the press, however; there were two component parties—the person who wtote,,and the reader, and though persons might be toond to write, it would not be so easy to find Person}, to tread. The Noble Lord thought that by Bibles'etPd !Acts the dark and dismal shade of Popish errors- atoilld be dissipated. Let them look at the Pope's opiniorri, however, aces - pressed in his letter. He was not one of that respect . able and sanctimonious class, who devoted themselves to the circulation of the ,Bible and other works, for the purpose of instructing the human mind; but he was awate that many of the Prelates and persons of great rank contributed to those societies ; it was notorious also that the Priests prevented the labours of this class from producing any good effect ; and the Pope called the con tributors in his letter " strolling players," and men diffus ing plague and pestilence. It theNoble,Lord wrote a book or tract, and depended for its circulation on the people of Ireland, if it in any degree related to religion, the Priests would be sure to insert it in the index expurgato rias, and any persbn %fro read it would be excommu- 1 nicated. To what a state, then, would the Catholics of. Ireland be exposed, if they were left to the controul of such a Priesthood! They now exercised a tyranny as perpetual as the Romish Church, but by this measure their power would be increased ; and he put it to- ihe House, whether any Protestant would endure that-Pro • testant Bishops should dictate what polemical books he should read ? Then, if they would not dare to ex ercise such a controul in England, why should the Roman Catholics be given up to any controul of this kind in Ireland ? He begged leave to say that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman at the other sidet Mr.Broughamj would do him the favour to accept a compliment tor the . very creditable manner in which he had conducted his inquiries into the law. But what would he—the for mer Rector of a University in Scotland, and now possess ing, he believed, the power of a Rector in the London. University—say to the rectorial power exercised in Ire land which would prevent the , King's subjects from reading the Bible, save in a language which thee" did not understand?—(Hear, hear). He knew well the power and the benefits which floWed from education; but what would be said if they were to leave to the. Catholic priesthood the power of imposing upon Protestants this system of Catholic education? Head heard jt said that this was all idle alarm, bufall thus'e 'Who' read the eve.' dente of Dr. Doyle and D. M•Hale must see that they did not look upon the Irish Bishops appointed by the King in the light of legitimate,. ands , that those only who were appointed , by the See of Rome were wise considered true and legitimate Bishops. 19 a,, pas-. sage of one of his letters, J. K. L. tells Dr. Magee that he has no right to call himself Archbishop of EW lin; and all the evidence before the House of Lord's showed that it was contended d claimed by the See of Rome, that the Protesran ishops of these realms were only looked upon in the ight of intruders., Would 1 0 any one wish to see Protestant Bishops appointed by the King, and Catholic Bishops by the Pape ? or would any one contend that the Protestant Church could be in a state of security while there was this de nial of the King's claim? James the Second attempted something 'of the kind; for, although he did not go the entire length of those persons, yet he still allowed the Pope to divide the country into four districts, 'the Vicars Apostolic over which were to all intents and purposes Bishops in this country. He would ask what was the use of going into Committee on this question? for the Prelates would - never submit to what they con sidered intrusion. Allusioni had been made by several Gentlemen to what was done on the Continent, by the King of Prussia, and in Belgium. But in Silesia and in Belgium both, the King had a Veto. In France, too, Gentlemen were not aware that the Government had the same controul over the Church of Rome as in England. A Nuncio could not enter without permis sion, nor without a stipulation relative to hisndepar sure. No rescript of the Pope could enter without the King's leave; ecclesiastical judges were appealed horn to judges appointed by the 'gown; and it was high treason to carry an appeal to Rome; and, therefore, at least equal protection should be afforded to the Government of this country,. althoUgh to . thet it appeared the Irish Prelates would not con s e n t. If what was called unqualified Emancipation, then, were to be granted, it was what would not be allowed in any country, Protoatant or Catholic, in Europe. Would 6entlemenluto were anaimas,for tl* prove, that what was dangerous to every other country was not dange rous to hassles:id and Ireland, and that Greet Britain, should be an exception to every other State? Some Gentlemen thought that the subject' of the Catholic question was exhausted, and, that as the Treaty of Lime rick was at an end, there was nothing new to be found. fee, however, beadle his band a pamphlet s terittea by.a very ingenious andliightlion. Member of that House 4—(Cries of " Name, name.") He would hand the pam phlet to those who had a curiosity on the subject; but he went on to say, that that Right Honourable and lege slops Gentleman had fond a way to end all clinger ,which might arise from Cetbolics being admitted to Plows its the Legialature--nausely, that when there Ante Of stdtitm which bad far its object the &cis- . • ainstital affairs, these Members were to be dumb.— , They were to play the game of Whist: fates the hand .ef demos,. But what in this coupsry was to be i ebif:. Plidesed ecclesiastical and spiritual, and what was to he deemed- merely civil and temporal, wriuld puzzle evett the acute heads of Dr. Doyle and Dr. MiSharee, or whatever his name might ,be. He did not know any thin, which would be like these new kind of Members of the ingenious Member's creation, except what we heard on the Penryn and East Retlord Committees, of half men and quarter men. He thanked the House for hearing him so far,,although he . might have availed himself of the opportunity to sat much more—(Hear, and langtner)--but he would not adopt the language which he had heard used on this debate for some days past, but which he heard with ae indignation to which lie was inclined to yield, and which it was calculated to excite. They were told that they were not to treat on terms of equality, but that they were' to give up every .thing; . that they were to yield to superiors, and it was even said almost to them, do not attempt to treat, but 11 , °reams pacem et dextru tendemus inermes." They were told not to ask for peace for the Protestants, not to deal or to negotiate as with equals, but to yield to their victors—to surrender, perhaps, even without the hopours of war, the British Constitution and the Bill of. Rights(Hear, hear). On these grounds, he would not not .go into the Committee, for they had al ready done so on.three Bills, one of which the Catholics' would not accept, and he did not think there was any one absurd enough to suppose that the Protestants of England were to be intimidated to yield up without protection those securities which were necessary for the preservation of the Throne, the Church, and the Con stitntion—(Loud cheers from all sides of the House). • Mr. WALLACE said, the Honourable and Learned Gentleman had made strange use of the Treaty of Limerick and the Treaty of the Union, upon neither of which the great question before the House rests— which Treaties, by the way, had met with strange treatment from both sides. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman stated that Mr. Plunkett never triaged the Treaty of Limerick upon the attention of the House, forgetting that Mr. Plunkett had proved, with his usual energy and power, that that solemn &impact had been violated by the English Government. With respect to the motion for the Com mittee, he begged the House to bear in mind that in that Committee Might be fully discussed all the ques tions of security. He was sure that no Irish Member could tell his constituents that the question had been finally settled if the Committee seas refused, nor would the Isiah people sit down in patience and silence, and forego their claims. The Hon. Member had expended much eloquence in denouncing the Catholic Associa tion ; but it was evident that if that body were illegal, it would have been prose,.uted by the Law Officers of . the Crown. The Hon. Member supported the motion .at considerable length, and sat down amid loud cries of 1 Question, question!" Mr. BUTLER CLARKE wished particularly to say, that he was not sent to that House by the Roman Ca , aholics, as the Honourable Member for Wexford had s.id of some Irish Members. He was not sent into that ,;.House by the Catholic Association; he was not pledged to any thing, and was as independent as any Member of the House. What the Honourable Member had said of the Catholics was not correct. Thee were nut hostile to the Church; or why had so many of them entered into a commutation for tithes? Why -had they paid h io ee n rjul T ly h , e a m nd an w ner hy in ha w d hi t c h h ey th a e g y re a e c d ted tothe c t i t he s o mm s u o t a c t con c-rning tithes was a proof of their cheerful obedience. The Catholics were deserving of great praise. That they were increasing in numbers was a fact not to be denied ; and if, out of seven millions of people, there were two millions of men in rags, • who cared nothing for life, the House could not expect that they would not . show what their feelings were when an opportunity of fered. The Hon. Gentleman had not condescended to throw overboard the Treaty of Limerick, though be had done so with the Union. He would appeal 'to every Irish Member, whether the Union could have been car ried, if Catholic Emancipation had not been promised to be conceded? If the Catholics had been hostile to the Union, it never could have been carried ; and, in fact, they had been cajoled into an acquiescence in that measure. ~ • Mr. HUSKISSON rose amidst loud and vociferous calls of " question." The Hon. Member continuing..to stand Qn the floor of the House, a Member on the Op position Benches moved an adjournment. The SPEAKER--Sir„you cannot speak whilst another Membeeis in possession of the House. Mr. HUSKISSON said, he would feet very reluctant to give a silent vote upon this all-important question. He had often repeated 'his opinion, on this subject ; he had been present upon all the discussions since the Union; and he would say that argument on the subject was exhausted in whatever way it might be taken. He did•notabink the Treaty of Limerick had much to do with . :be subject, neither would he argue much upon the understandings abut the Union. He depended on higher objects, and hoped such topics would never again be introduced on the same grounds. He looked to the state of Ireland, and the state of the Empire at large. Mr. Pitt gave no pledge upon the subject; be knew it from personal knowledge; he was in the confidence of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Dundas, and he knew'the views of 'those Right Hon. Gentlemen. He was then in a sub ordinate office, and he would now gladly leave office, and for ever, if he could settle this great question— (Hear, hear).—There was no doubt that Mr. Pitt's opinions got abroad, and these could be no doubt that impressions were made .which operated both on Catho lics and Protestants, with a view to carry the measure of Unioo. But looking from 1793 to 1799, when the elective franchise was given to the Catholics of Ireland, he thought the identification of the Churches of England and Ireland would give to Protestantism its best security. If at that time the privilege were granted that would subvert the Protestant Church, it was to a Legis lative Union that he trusted for concession on the one hand to avoid it, and Protestant security on the other. These considerations carried the Union. The common safety operated to that . result. But what happened ? One party had all their expectations raridized—:-the other expected too much, and were since disappointed. He again repeated there was no pledge; but he admitted there was a great disappointment. The people of Ireland had certainly a right to complain, and they ought to be patiently heard by an Imperial Legis lature. He, had a great sense of the urgency of this question, and whatever the doom might be to-night, he was sure that • concession could not be much longer delayed. The greatest men of this country had advocated this measure; they gave a ton, , tp public opinion, and that, he was persuaded, would ultimately prevail. The good seeds were sown, and the good fruit would come 'in the course of.-time. Amongst men of edecition the question was settled; the question new was one of state 'spiky, and npl-of theological consccarerey. Exclusion would be iedefee-. Bible when fair 'emit,. was offered to the State. Als• attract jiviiiiiwas on tii ijae ache Petitioners ; but; he , 7 • • 4 - crusted to the goodsense of at - asonairliky as to tie ileerssity_ofsecuritias.- .ThecassesafOrkat on stio4f . be removed, arri then there coi ns) ditficttia as to security. A call wa s ma de ,by -thrAltnitley-Thre' ' neral for securities, when he expresied a 6zed claration 'never to yield a point.—(Hear, hear.). First he said, Offer something,' and then asked for cecurities. If the dangers were not Pointed out, how could they be plorided•against? They could not grapple with shadowy dangers. - He could not nidk the d angers which were threatened ;'he knew something of what they were not. The Catholics could wield the sword—that was done by stealth ; and, if this measotdr-' could be so carried, little would be said abnut it. Ilk the collection of the Revenue, Catholics were eligiblelp:k and in those two great branches of the Sate there wait; nn doubt as to the honour and honesty of the Catholics. - - - Next, stt to the communication with the Ste of Rome, would any man say there was now no intercourse with Lis Holiness? There was such an intercourse, anti. nts. ' fortunately, without the superintendence of the Stmt. England was the only country' in the world Acme Government could not inspect the correspeniaace with the See of Rome. He was sure that 0446- , 4 tholic Bishops of Ireland would no more (MAW • . any arrangement to the nomination of their succes than the BtsAops of Russia, Prussia, or the Netherlands. He wished n set this intercourse properly regulated,. but while the nomination of Bishops was placed as it now was—while concession was refused to the Catho lies, they could not be accomplished. He was no friend to the Catholic religion—it might be prejudice—he did • not think it so; but after the best conviction he did not approve of it. The Catholic Church had obtained an ascendency—and that he wished to reduce by conces sion to the people of Ireland. He agreed with Hon. Friends of his, as to the influence of the Press upon this as well as upon other questions. In France, in Baden, and other places, the power of a free press did that which no- , thing else could have established. Awl he was quite sure, that the power of the pi iesthood could not prevail in Ireland, if it were not for the persecuting system which there prevailed. Ile wished to put down the power of a democracy and a priesthood, and there fore ~ he advocated concession to the Catholics. Witch craft continued while it was persecuted, and so he thought would priesthood. T i n the name then of the , Protestant Church he called upon the House to accede to this measure. A Protestant Monarch, a Protestant House of Commons, a Protestant Aristocracy—and, above all—a tree Pass could never be put down, and no danger could result from admitting Catholics into both Houses of Parliament—(Cries of .. Qiiestion,"and . " Hear, hear"). He agreed with his Honourable and Learned Friend (the Attorney-General) that the settle meat at the Revolution fixed the Coosti:ution as Pro testant, and GOD forbid it should ever be otherwise. But some alterations might become necessary in the course of time, and the Scotch Union was proof of the, necessity of change. The Catholic religion was not now what it was in the reign of Louis XIV.The religion ~ tainly was the same, but the improvements of mankind mitigated its ancient character. Ile could not deny to' the Catholic that which the Protestant enjoyed, so long , as they were equally loyal subjects. The Catholic soldier served.the State with fidelity, and why not be. rewarded? The Catholic might share all the dangers., of the State, but he was denied the commensurate re. • ward. This was unjust. Publid opinion had progressed in this country, but the progress of evil was also ad vane!. ing in Ireland. The dangers and the miseries of Ireland. should not be met by force—it co u ld not b e done; the,, common sense of England would no t a ll ow i t . Th e part e, of wisdom and good feeling would be inclined to justice, and as far as prudence was concerned, to yield what could not be long delayed. The judgment of this House. was often decided in favour of the motion now before , the. House, and he did not see why it should not be again. If the .House agreed to a Committee, ibey. would be . able to. ascertain what securities weuldise • necessary, and he hoped the motion would meet ibe , approval of the House. He felt pain in differing from his Right Honourable Friend (Mr. Peel); but he could say, that such was his conviction of the necessity of con. , ciliation, that as long as he lived he would feel it his duty to support it. He wished that should now be granted as a boon, which in otter times would be only received as a capitulation —(Crles of Hear, hear). Mr. BROUGHAM rose amidst loud cries of "Question." He assured the House he would only detain them for a few minutes, and that they could , not • ieceive this declaration with more satisfaction than he. it. He would not have obtruded himself on. their attention at such a moment, especially after the many able speeches that had been made on.the same side that he meant to support, and particularly after the address of the Right Honourable Gentleman who' had just sat down, but for the peculiar, situation in: which he stood, being one of two individuals into whose hands one of two important Petitions had been entrusted. He regretted that he felt it necessary to trouble the House at such an hour. The effect of the , great talent which had been brought to bear on it' had produced its effects within doors and without . doors, by leading gradually and surely, and !here• fore wholesomely and safely,. to the .final.c.onsum station, to which he confidently asse r ted it had now ' arrived. From those who had lived in former days . ' down to the very hour in which he now spoke, all great . .. Statesmen, of various habits and of different opinions upon every other subject, with very few exceptions, had taken the same view of it which he took. He spoke in test presence of one of the most eminent el those few except ttons. He rested the cause, however, not upon authority," but upon reason and upon evidence. It was not his inters= don to drag the House back• with him to the Treaty of Limerick, which was now at no premium in the House,. although he was far from. agreeing in the opinion of aa Hon. Gentleman who thoUght that-fits Hon. Friend was,., wrong in laying so much stress on it; for he thought that where ambiguities existed, those ambiguities should be construed in favour of the weaker party. Btit he , deemed the 'argument superfluous, and had better be left as if that Treaty had been never made; tier would he say a word upon that more recent and more . impor. , tant understanding which had taken place at the period of the Union; and though he felt,that a pledge of pot-, faith had been given, and that by that pledge Mr. Pitt obtained the consent of the CathOlics to a measure which. they would otherwise have strenuously opposed, we bade always reaped the benefit of such mistake,, if.rnistehe , it were, in which the Catholics had indulged ; and s therefore, we ought not to deny the existence of tarsi pledge when we gained all that, could be obtained by unless we could show that eircbmstance r kid changed since the Union, and that the Emancipa tion that the Government of that day deemed neces: , i iary, and propoujided in return for the' Union, had new become unnecessary, because c4cumstanceshad ed. .The authority of that,Governmesit was an impor tant weight thrown into the scale. Were circumstance[ , changed, be would ask ?—Yes, they, were. but c4niii i d in ...; an, opmite direction. It 4mpocip#tiau . .wif Actes• . iau7 then, it Seas still more necessary now.„Tpre rerlt , now a thousand moo reasons for ranting 11 • • • .• ._"`~~