Star. — London, England, 1828-06-10 00:00:00

ISt lint ra of hose wick Ki of Oaf their !ir an nce 1g ha opted. "II oufire h *R4 OfEce 4 t Rem. ectioa. Holle ,thOliCs to the 'worst Loss te at pro• e Stair oakseg s ipatios obta4 le Cow Id have Re will itiessa. *paw 69 1 !" of gooosoe adios* • 134trivr Dv Si ' d never yilegef Inge • tom Sigf hiss if ger 10 ITO . ' pt prhat to COO littealif wish a free statement of his own opinions. With that v iew he would not advert at all to that part of the pre sent discussion which had exclusitely arisen from what was taken to be the errors of thetburch of Rome. The decision of the present question did not depend on the fact of whether the Roman Catholics were right or wrong in their religion—(Hear),—but whether there was any such connexion between their erroneous principles of re ligion and political condition and the safety of the State, as eculd justify the principle of maintaining restrictions which all admitted to be only justifiable upon the most clear and obvious grounds of necessity ? It was impos sible for any man not to feel that the present guts lion teas of unspeakable importance; and when he said t hat, strong as the expression might be, he felt that he greatly ender-rated the character which belonged to it. He thought it was not only important, but absolutely vital—vital in the opinions of those who oppose, as he was sure it was in the opinions of those who support the D resenz motion, and supported it as a proposition, with out conceding which their Lordships could have no w ace or tranquillity in Ireland—without which they Add have, no unity of all classes of the King's subjects in all parts of the King's dominions—without which they never could possess themselves of that entire con fidence in their own strength which was necessary to their own safety, because it was necessary to teach ether Powers that it was dangerous to meddle s? . ith 12 ,—(Hear, bear ). These were considerations which ;i!l men who love thejr country must feel to be vital, and which must be felt to be vital by those wh4 op.; r ose the present motion ; for though they admit that state of things, as regards Ireland, was unsatisfac tory beyond description, and though they did not at tempt to conceal the danger to which the country was exposed, nevertheless they thought that the danger of conceding so far transcended the benefits which would result, that they could not bear what had been men-i ti , ned by several individuals wlao bad addressed their' Lordships, but considered it as a question not merely of expediency, bet one so interwoven with the very essence of the Constitution, that they could not depart from the principle of permanent and perpetual exclusion of the Roman Catholics from a share in the legislature, or the capacity to hold offices, without thereby fundamentally subverting the Constitution.* If that were true, there was an end to the question. It set aside all clues thins of expedience—all questions of justice. It rendered their Lordships unfit even to discuss the propriety of the thing; 'but he could not bring himself to think that' it-was,a .principle in the Con stitution to exclude from a freeparticipation any class' of personseunless it could -clearly•be established that during all the time they had been excluded they could n t safely he admitted to the' enjoyment of their civil lights. But before their Lordihips laid down as a maxim, that this system of exclusion was a part of the Constitu tion, he thought they ought to look to the grounds upon whict, in the particular case, that exclusion was esta blished; because, unless it could be shown that it was established in consequence of some known and admitted evil, arising from the possession of their privileges—un less it could be shown that the exclusion was founded on justice and necessity, it appeared to him impossible to say that that exclusion could be a principle of the Constitution. Hs should be glad to know upon what grounds it could be maintained that the exclusion of the Catholic Peers was a principle of the constitution, if it be necessary, before that exclusion be acknowledged as a principal of the constitution, .that it should be proved to be just. Was that exclusion the consequence ofenature and deliberate consideration? No; but the act was bound up the by judicial murder of one of those Peers. He also adverted to the inconsistency of de priving those who had an hereditary tight to a seat is that House, of any thing which might be called political power, while at the same time they allowed individuals of the same religious persuasion the-power of the sword. An officer going into the army might attain any rank might distinguish himself in a brilliant manner—might receive the Order of the Bath front' his sovereign, but could not enter into that House, where they had an hereditary right to a seat. A great deal ot, stress had been laid, during the course of the debate, ' on the connexion betweim the Roman Catholics and the see of Rome, as rendering them unfit to be admitted to the 'enjoyment of 6411 liberty. A Learned and Rev. Prelate had said, that in a Catholic empire divided al legiance was of small importance, as the Princes owe a still higher allegiance to the Pope than his subjects; but it by no means followed that a Catholic Prince that did owe allegiance to the Pope would be disposed on all occasions to acquiesce in what he might think to be an unjustifiable interference on the part of the Pope with his temporal concerts. Joseph IL Emperor of Germany, though paying all external marks of respect to the Pope, had no hesitation in doing that which was disagreeable to the• Holy Father, and no one ever heard that he was at all interfered with by any recommendation on the part of his Subject's. The Noble and Learned Lord behind him seemed to look at the Pope as some formideble divinity, as assumed to be in the plenitude of power. Ipse pater Media nimborum in nocte comma, Tulmina molitur dettia, quo maxima mote • Terra tremit : fugeie fern: 'et mortalia cords Per genres stravit pavor. Bat he was prepared to contend that all the great wars which had desolated Europe for the last 130 years had no sort of connexion at all with the Pope. The power of the Pope had been very much reduced, owing to a circumstance which often met with sarcasms and sneers, the march of intellect. He was almost afraid to use Itch a proscribed phrase, but it was owing to that that the Pope's power was reduced ; andas well might the at tempt be made to stop the inundation of the Nile with the Pales of the hand, as to stop.the progress of knowledge experience, and truth—(Hear). —This question bad I bten three times before their Lordships in the present tram, which was rejected, he believed, with no reason' , urged against it. It was next brought forwatd in the shape of admitting Catholic Peers to a seat hi the legis lature ; and in 1821 and 1825 the whole question was brought forward, and met with a negative. With respect to securities, be never yet knew what securities were required. There was one favourable omen which to drew from the speech of his Noble Friend, the Pre sident of the Council—namely, that be thought that Kroner or later this question must be unneeded, and thereby additional strength and security afforded the empire. The Earl of St. VINCENT concurred most heartily in the proposition submitted to the House. He bad been intimately acquainted with many Catholic Gentle men,' and could assert that men of more honourable sentiments, or more anxious to maintain the principles of the constitution, did not exist. The Duke of GLOUCESTER said—As I have never before taken part iu your Lordships discussions upon this 'object, I rise for the purpose of sayirg a few words. Theie are so many of your Lordships who have already spoken, and so many more that are no doubt anxious to do so, that it may appear unnecessary for me to do more that; give a silent vote; but after having bestowed' the most mature and attentive consideration upon the quee boo, 1 do not conceive I should do soy duty were I not to eaves: my most cordial concurrence is the pro position of my Noble Friend. And, my Lords, if after mature attention and anxious consideration, I could have brought my mind- to believe that either the Con- • stitution or the Church, to uphold which my family was brought over to this country, was likely to be injured in the pursuance of this course, nothing would for a moment induce me to support it ; but as the result of my deliberate inquiry has been to lead me to a dif ferent conclusion, and as I can see no danger to the rights and privileges of the Church—but, on the con trary, the greatest danger to its security and pros perity in not granting to the Roman Catholics the boon for which they pray, I cannot but give my_ cordial support to my Noble Friend's motion. I must, however, express my hope, that whenever a Bill upon this subject shall be entertained by your Lordships, that it will be considered whether some arrangement might not be made with the See of Rome, by which his Majesty might enjoy the same power over the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland that he does over the Romish Church in Hanover, and that in fact all the Continental Sovereigns enjoy over the Romish Church in their dominions. I trust, too, that some pro vision will be made out of the public funds Tor the Ro man Catholic Priests, which may have the effect of giving them au interest in the welfare of the State— , which may do away with the - dissatisfaction now exist ing from the payment of tithes—and conduce to the security and prosperity of the country. The Bishop of LINCOLN thought, that whenever the struggle for emancipation was at an end, the strug gle for the Church establishment would begin. He judged froni the authority of a Noble and Learned Lord who lately held a high situation in Ireland, and from the opinions expressed by Dr. Doyle, and others of the Catholic hierarchy, that the Protestant Church establishment would be endangered by eman cipation. He agreed with Dr. Doyle in thinking that this measure would not tranquilize the country. Looking to the common temptations of our nature— looking to the circumstances under which the Ro man Catholics were placed looking to the charac ters of those who appear to influence their movements —he could not help thinking but that the prdposed measure would, if cat-tied,' stimulate them to substitute their own for the established religion. The Right Rev. Prelate here proceeded to contend at considerable length that the Catholic religion had undergone no change from its humiliation 'ind adversity; that it 'Was still as opposed as ever to all other creeds ; and that the pro fessors of it never could rest content while another religion was the established religion of the State. He should be glad to say nciw, as on the question for the repeal of the Test aad Corporation Acts, that no danger would attend concession; but every thing convinced him that the cases were not only not similar, but that in the latter there Was no risk, while the former would be attended with imminent danger to the Protestant Church. The Duke of CUMBERLAND rose to oppose the motion before their Lordships, from a conviction that concession would probably . prodirce evil, and could effect no good. Their Lordships bad heard from Noble Lords that night divers opinions respecting the results that would follow' the of the existing laws. Now if it were dotibtftil that concession 'would tranquillise Ireland, he was quite certain it would create disturb ance in this country—(Hear, bear).—He had been ac cused of being a bigotbut even though the imputation should be perpetuated . by his vote on that occasion, he would not shrink from heartily and conscientiously pro testing against the-Resolution before their Lordships— (Cheers). The Marquis of LONDONDERRY condemned the inconsistency of Noble Lords on that momentous sub ject. The time we lived in was the age of change. We saw Noble Lords come down to Parliament in one year to recommend and support measures, and in the year following to oppose them. His opinion, however, on the present motion was unchanged, for he was prepared to support thc motion before their Lordr ships. Relying as lie aia on the confidential ser vants of the Crown, and in his allegiance to the Noble Duke -at the head of the Administration— (A laagh)—he was convinced that the earliest mo ment would be feized for setting the question at rest.;;lfe was quite sure that the time would arrive when the Legislature would be imperatively called upon -either to'adopt the resolution before their Lord ships, or to enact some other measure calculated to tato quillize Irelind: The linbleMatquis who hid introduced the question had expressed his anxiety for its success— but the Noble Marquis had not evinced similar anxiety when -himself in office, or hi might hive carried the . measure. In .all that the Noble Lord had said, however, in recommendation .of concession, he fully concurred, 'and hoped, ere long,'to see it carried ; convinced that it would do more towards tranquillizing Irelaild than any other that could be devised. The Bishop of LLANDAFF opposed the Resolution, convinced as he was that the admission of Homan Ca. tholics to further power would be the signal for the overthrow of the Protestant Church of Ireland, a conse quence which he was not willing to incur. If therefore he was noeprepared to adopt the sequel, he was not pregared to concede the preliminary measure, Until the influence of the Church of Rome upon its adherents could be securely provided against in a Protestant State, the danger from divided hllegiance was unquestionable, and until that could be Satisfactorily obviated-....until some measure caknlated to satisfy all parties, and give security to the Protestant Establishment could be found, he was of opinion that no further concession should be made. The Earl of DARTMOUTH, taking into cooaider ation*the incidents that tad acentric! in Ireland 'within 'the last four or five years, and the published opinions of the Catholic demagogues there, he could have little hope that this measure would produce those beneficial consequences which its advocates anticipated from it. He considered the success of that measure would be only a step towards the establisbment of Catholic supre macy in Ireland. Lord CARNARVON said that the Right Revetend Prelate bad expressed a hope that the time would soon approach when Catholic Emancipation might be con ceded, but it seemed to him that the Right Reverend Prelate had no wish, for conciliation. The motion before. the House did not pledge their Lordships to any specific line of proceeding, and therefore it might be adopted. The observation made by an illustrious Prince respect. ing the tremendous sensation excited by the Test and Corporation Acts was new to him. The impression he had felt was, that the effect had been favourable to the Bill. He hoped to see the time when the. Church of England would be relieved from ,the charge of intolerance, and when there would be only a few country squires, a few old liwyerie and a great many old women found to retain the prejudices which existed against this question—(A laugh).—They mint remember, that they had to appeal from the wisdom of their ancestors to the wisdom of their posterity; and he hoped the Noble Doke, who bad led to triumph and to glory in all other marches, Would take the lead, and now follow in the march rf intellect. He called upon the Noble Doke to consider what would - be his sollbasimno situation W the country should unhappily be plunged in war, .ancthe found stil.tbe brave hearts by which- 1 1 •won his former victories' • eitlief standing aloof id moody silence, otkel . h . xps arrayed against him in the ranks of his enerniiiil While we were and they only suppliant, why should we put the armour of resistance on our back ? The time might come when they would be powerful and we weak ;• and he would ask their Lordships if any good General, and the Noble Duke, the Prime Minister, was a good and a great. General, would refuse to avail himself of the advantages he now possessed ? Supported by the names of a Pitt, of a Fox, of a Burke, of a Windham, without coming down to the present day, when he might mention names of the highest splendour,although, unfortunately, likely to excite adverse feelings, was it likely that the Catholics would abandon their claims ? By granting these claims the influence of the Romig!) Priesthood would be overthrown, and a great increase of influence be acquired by the Crown. lie should for these reasons support the motion of his Noble Friend. Amidst loud cries of Question!" Lord CLIFDEN moved that the debate be adjourned until to morrow. The LORD CHANCELLOR put the question of adjournment, and declared that the Non-Contents bad it. After much confusion, and a desultory discussion, in which Lord Hou.attu, Lord Seavvasaorr, Lord &mouse, the Earl of ELDON, Earl Guar, and other Peers took part, Lord HOLLAND again moved that the debate be adjourned until to-morrow, which was agreed to without a division. The House then adjourned at a QUASSIA NAST Owe O'CLOCr. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Some Petitions from individuah on printe•affairs !rye presented and laid on the table. Mr. HOBHOUSE presented a Petition from the Parish of St. iames, complaining of the conduct of their Select Vestries. Mr. W. Samw t Sir R. WlLsou, Mr. Alderman WAITIIIKAN, and Mr. Dionsow, supported the Petition, and condemned the existing system of parochial management in the Metropolis. Lord W. PAULETT presented a Petition from Sunderland for the abolition of slavery in the West Indies. Mr. G. MOORE presented . a Petition from Sir Harcourt Lees, ' of Black Rock, Dulylin, against Catholic Emancipation. Mr. STANLEY presented a Petition from the Electors and others of Liverpool, praying an extension of the elective franchise to the general householders. The present limited number of qualified voters bad created a practice of corruption at elections so notorious as to be easily capable of proof at the bar of the Hasse. Towards the end of every election for Liverpool the usual price of a vote was £6 paid down before the elector gave his vote. General GASCOYNE opposed the Petition, and defended the conduct of the Electors of Liverpool. They were so generous that they even paid the common expenses of elections for their Repre sentatives. The expenses of elections in scot.and.lot boroughs were as large as in more limited boroughs. Sir J. MACINTOSH denied that the change sought by the Petition was of a nature of radical reform. It sorest to extend to the wealthy the elective franchise now monopolized by the humbler classes. Mr. HUSKISSON understood the object of the Petition to be to change the present qualification of voters in Liverpool. and dis franchise the existing electors. To this he would not consent, and he hoped the House would not attend to the application of the petitioners. Mr. WOOD (Preston) stated that the.expenses of the Liverpool elections for the last twenty years exceeded £95,000. The market price of a vote at the last election for a Mayor was £lO. This price was publicly placarded on the• walls of the town in open day. The corruption was the result of the • fewness of the electors, who amounted not to 4,000, among a poptulation of 50,000. The Petition was ordered to be printed. Dlr. P. Id ACQUEEN brought up the Report on the Parochial Settlements' Bill. • Mr. GORDON brought up the Report 6n the Pauper Lunatics Asylum Bill. Sir T. LETHBRIDGE presented a Petition from Bridport, against the importation of foreign wool. Mr. S. RICE presented a Petition from the inhabitants of Cork, against the tax on coals carried coastways. Mr. H. DAVIS presented a Petition from certain West India Planters and Merchants of Bristol, praying a reduction of the duty on West India sugar. Mr. STUAR l' asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer,whether the Government intended to establish an equalization of duties on East and West India produce? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER stated that there was no intention to introduce such a measure on the present system. Mr. DOUGLAS presented a Petition from certain proprietors of slaves In the West Indies, praying an inquiry into the manner is which slaves were treated. Sir R. WILSON thought it a matter of indifference in relation to the question of slavery,whither the slaves were ill or well treated. He objected to slavery under any form—to the selling and buying human beings. He hoped that the practice of manumission would be enforced, as directed by the House, • Sir R. WILSON presented a Petition from a Welsh Calvinistic Society in Jewinstreet Chapel, Aldersgate, in favour of Catholic Emancipation. The Petition was written in Welsh and English. • e.further consideration of the Report of the East Retford Dis. frasaisement Bill was postponed to Friday se'unight, on the motion of. Mr. Txtatisoit. The Hon. Member stated that he should keep possession of the Bill until the fate of the Penryn Bill in the Lords should be known. If, on recommitting the Bill, it should still appear right to the House to transfer the elective franchise to the hundred of Bassetlaw, he should from that time abandon the Bill, and make all sorts of war against its further progress. He should sake. that opportunity of stating the incorrectness of a report that hid gone abroad, of his having on the last debate on this subject made an observation calculated to hurt the feelings of the Speaker, and his having received a reproof in return from the Hun. Member who filled the Char of the House. He denied that he had made any such disagreeable observation, M. received any such reproof as had been reported, and appealed to the House and the Chair for the correctness of his statement. The SPEAKER tit great pleasure in declaring that the Hon. Member had made no observations which could justify the Chair In visiting him with reproof; neither had he (the Speaker) uttered any such reproof on the Hon. Member, either on that or any ether occasion. 'Mr. W. WHITMORE presented a Petition from Oswestry, against slavery in the West Indies. Mr. H. GRATTAN presented a Petition from persons in. terested in the lead mines of Glanrusk, against the importation of foreign lead ore. ' Mr. HUSK ISSON presented a Petition from Liverpool, against West India slavery. Lord GEORGE CAVENDISH presented a Petition fmm ter tabs Catholics of the county of Derby, praying for emancipation. Sir T. .ACLAND presented Petitions against West India Slavery, from Devonport and Plymouth. Mr. BROUGHAM presented a Petition from the Anti-Slavery Society for the Abolition of Slavery. The Hon. and Learned Member then asked, whether it was the intention of Government to adopt any measures to comply with the Resolutions of the House? Mr. Secretary PEEL eventually dated, that it certainly was sot the litanies to introduce any coercive measures this Session on the subject. Mr. BKOUGFiAM wished to know when the gallant head of the Colonial Department was likely to be returned to Parliament, supposing he should be returned—that was,when the forms of eke dm, for mere fortis they would be, were likely to be gone through, becauselie should not like to bring forward his motion in the ab sence of the racial bead of the Department ? Mr. Secretary PERIL said, he certainly could not undertake to answer suck question. . Mr. BROUGHAM thought, that as he might, at all events, be immersed by July 1, be belga to give notice, that on such day he shield move for leave to ben in a Bill for t he admiasie of slave Miee e • • Ng.. P. THOMSON moved foe Returns of ;he number of ships built—the amount of tonatage—the number of steam vessels built—the number of meets engaged' in the fisheriesin the coal tradepassinethe Sound, dte.—the amount of exports and imports, fee.---Severally ordered. Mr..Aldenian THOMPSON mewed a Petition from Mr. Huithes. co/s/iaining.thatl he had golden estate by auction and paid the duty; but that the title being objectionable. and not made good; the Canufilasioners refused to return the duty because Chan cery proceedings had not been commenced. Mr. D. W. HARVEY spoke of the hardship of the case, aU depending on the Solicitor of the Eicise—and said it would continue 'so long as the Excise proceedings and prosecutions were without siontroul. By acting with justice towards these parties, facilities would be rendered for the transfer of property, and the Revenue thus assisted. pdf. Aklerman WAITHMAN complained of the frequency of "mock initial:D . ,* particularly_ at watering places, whereby the I nsane and** public were equally defrauded. Mr-„iii/MX the transaction was a robbery, under the colour, leflawl■ — wkaubbs it else? Petition ordered to be printed. • WA26 AND MEANS. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved the Or- I der of the' Dario, Obi( into a Committee of Ways and Means, TEE STATE OP PORTUGAL. Mr. E.-PNVENPORT.tose and said, that he had questions to put to theliglit ann. G4tlbman: opposite upon the state of Portugal. The Honourable:Member: described the conduct of the Prince Don Miguel in very. strong language; and condemned the evacuation of .. Lisbon at the crisis of the late troubles. It was said that a Noble Lord holding an, office at a high salari,, but of,very little use to the country, had written letters, to various persons in the Government at Lisbon, eiging. them to proceed in their course, and telling their! -that the British Government were not sincere in disapproving the conduct of Don Miguel. The Hun. Member then asked the following three questions :_on what terms, the forts of the Tagus were delivered up to the..Portu guese authorities ? whether before their being evacuated any efforts were made to enforce the payment of the debt due to Great Britain under the Convention for the maintenance of the troops, which he understOod amounted to nearly half a million ? and what were the • present relations - existing between this Government and Portugal ? Mr. Secretary PEEL, after deprecating the mass of comment in which questions of this nature were enve loped, replied in answer to the first question, that before the arrival of Don Miguel it had been the determina tion of the British Government thAt the time was come when, there being no longer a danger of foreign inva-• :ion, and our interference being therefore no longer claimed under the Treaties, the time was come when our troops should be withdrawn. They were never sent from these shores to support any party, or to interfere is any intestine dissensions. The troops having been withdrawn upon such grounds, the evacuation of the forts necessarily followed. With regard to the second question, Ile should have been sot ry if this Government had set such an example to foreign Governments as to retain possession of valuable fortresses upon the• pre tence of a pecuniary claim. The amount of that claim was not halt a million, as the Honourable Member bed stated. The debt owing to this country by the Portuguese Government amounted to 180,0001. and the convention under which it was owing was necessa rily still in force. In answer to the third questien put by the Honourable Gentleman, he had to state, that at the present moment the diplomatic functions of the Ambassador of this country at Lisbon were suspended. He thought that the construction put by the British Government upon the proceedings which had lately taken place in Portugal was sufficiently declared by this Act. He did not wish to follow the Hon. Member through his observations; but as he had alluded to weat • • he called the education of Don Miguel at the Court of. ! Vienna, he had the satisfaction of telling him that. the 'Austrian Ambassador at Lisbon had taken exactly the same course as oar's, and that the views of the Govern-. runt of Vienna, and of its Minister, Prince .Metternich, with respect to the recent transactions in Po:fugal, were • exactly the same as the view. entertained by the English. Government. With regard to charges which the Ho- nourable Gentleman had preferred against a foreign Prince, he thought Gentlemen should be careful to weigh.. well the evidence upon which such charges could be . be supported, before they la ere made in .a British House taf Commons—(Hear, hear). Sir J. MACINTOSH said he had heard .with dies . utmost satisfaction .what had fallen from the Rightllon. Gentleman, that by the cessation of all diplomatic in tercourse with the present Government in Portugal, the late proceedings in that country wer e considered, what , they really were, a rebellion and a usurpation. He wished success to the people of Portugal in their glo rious efforts to put down that usurpation, and to bring upon its authors the fate which that and their other manifold crimes deserved. The Right Hon. Gentleman had not alluded to a part of the Hon. Member's ques tion respecting the rumours of certain letters having. , b:en written by an English Nobleman. Mr. Secretary PEEL was about to state his un- : derstanding of the observation made by the Homo.' Member, when Mr. E. DAVENPORT said; he had sp .ken of mours that an Officer, high in the Ordnance, had written to others in the Portuguese Government, nosing them to continue in the course they were pursuing, and 'telling' them that our Government were not sincere in their dip approval . of that course. • Mr. Secretary PEEL said, that he had no knowledgb • of any such correspondence, and he could only say thalk . the views and opinions of his Majesty's Government • ' could only be communicated through their Ambassador. If any other individual whatsoever had represented It; that the British Government cently pursued by Don Miguel with' approbittion, or. with any other feelings than those expressed.by the ac; of suspending our diplomatic relations with Portugal, that individual entirely misconceived not only the °pi. nion of his Majesty's Gnvernment collectively, bat• he thought he migbt add of every individual of whom is comprised. He could not deny that any such letters had been written, because he had no knowledge what., ever of the circumstance. Sir J. MACINTOSH said, the Right Hon. Gentle.? man could not disavow the letters ; but were they to understand him as disavowing the sentiments which they were said to ascribe to the Government ? Mr. Secretary PEEL replied" Entirely so." Mr. H. DAVENPORT—" Now, Sir, I will only just say, that there is not an indiiidual acquainted with the affairs of Portugal who entertains the slightest doubt of the charge which I made in the early part of my obser- . vations. Indeed, a friend of mitre told me that Lord. Liverpool had stated to him that be had nut a doub% of the fact." The Smuts then left the Chair, and the House resolved itself into the Committee. SUOMI DUTIES. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, after some ob: serrations, moved the further coutinuance of the Sugar Duties for 00e years • Mr. C. GRANT said, that a pledge having been : given by the Board of Trade to consider this subject, ,had bestowed his careful attention upon it, but had been! ultimately, unsuccessful in attempting to substitute such a system for the present one as would meet . tbe approbation of the parties interested. He wasotherea fore, ready to vote for the Resolution, as he should haie done had he continued in office. - Mr. W. WHITMORE argued against the incise'sft, 6 tency of maintaining an unequal system of laws turtle, different colonies of' the same country: He Alerted the'evidence of Bishop Heber and others, in favonript, - the position that under an equaliied system • of dutien,,,,•:. large quantities of sugar would be exported to this'. country from the. East Indies, and that its admission would be highly beneficial to the consumer as well as ' to the producer. Ike should never allow a Session to pass without calling the attention of Parlianient to the subject ; and iebetrthe questiod was proposed, be should, .take the sense of the llouse.upon substituting an equal ,duty for all the colonies. • • Mr. BERNAL contended, that while the monopoly d by the East India Charter continuedin existence % ••• titrltimpraciicible to apply a system of equal ditties. Mr. IiUME objected generally to the insporsatiosiot iv it . • ' 1.• .! • i; _~ . • • 11 I