Star. — London, England, 1828-05-10 00:00:00

I ......t state of. things easnot continue; and if wha: he It onsitr. , l3!e and Leaf ned Gentleman telt us he truly i i i, fpioion, t.e most wish us to restore the forme' state of v, 1 , gs, which, although he does not allude to it, is [ he only logical conclusion at which his argument can se--(dear, hear). The Honourable Member to. the close of his speech adverted to some opinions which have not been presented to the House; : t r ough I think it at all times inco,.ventent to any tiling said out of this House, he is wet- do so. But with respect to the opinion he has ided to, he must give me leave to say, that ere not addressed to him. I never supposed iourable Member would be satisfied with any whatever. 'lons of security would not, I inced, satisfy him—(hear, hear, and laughter). ion was not offered to those who have steeled ids against all change whatever. It was offered large portion of the community out of doors, ink the present state of things to be lamented, to yield every thing to the Catholics that may inconsistent with the security of Protestantism in sense. The security I proposed was offered to ideration of those who entertain feelings such as I have described, and not to those who have the fee l in gs of my Honourable Friend, who, &pin his Tech to-night, has convinced me no securities would satisfy him. He dreads the shocking result that must follow the introduction of a certain number of Ca *lie Members into this House, and he detailed is us the whole process by which they were to sap the Mrtdations of the Church. The utmost he would grant was a short space before the dreadful catastrophe was to take place. I feel none of the Hon. Gentleman's ap prehensions, and am confident there is no responsive voice to them in the breasts of the people of England. My Hon. Friend objects to Ibis concession being made D u the principle of expediency ; if it was made on mere e xpediency 1 should object to ii as much as himself ; b u t lam satisfied that the claim is founded in equity a nd justice, and it is on that ground I yield to it. Ea - ' here backed up by right. The Hon. Mein sed to Fortuna, Deas y eclogue lacunas— ;trues the line hich precedes li— nemen babes, st sit pruderatia—{Loud cheering). lrned Gentleman, the Solicitor General ided the people, as regarded this subject. First, there were those who wished they were ; second, those who were for tbolics their rights; and . third, those living a state of things long since passed. , necessity for this division, and think it . more convenient, as well as the more cow l . Jig upon the people as consisting of two are prepared to grant the concessions, ithout securities, or those who will not any consideration whatever. My own hays never disguised is, that the only . be found in the cessation of religious 'Cheers). On the other hand, I cannot -iysell that a great portion of the peo- .4 retry are not prepiqed to take the saint subject as myself, but who look with -oistibliehmeat.of some security, which , that in removitethe disabilities Abele fe llow countrymen, they will not Protestant Established Church. With other class, who resist all concessions putting a.ide the question of security, it my thing to them having that object in Ise seeming to me to consist principally patties. I think some course ought to itch its feeling upon the question of se licertained. 1 must confess that.! am with the rbsiespect, it I Essay so call Baronet, whir test night opened iced this subject. The desirableness of secwuy that would minify both Ca rmen:tots, has been acknowledged by able men who have sat in this House. Wiese name must 10 dear to' all ince adllisqueitiOn. hat given it the audios ity.--(The Hon. Member here read • one of Mr. Punsonby's speeches, es ientleman's Opinion on the desit able some security Which Catholics could J: give, an.cl Piotestants confidently ac then. supported by this authority, that the tie sicatitresthat may be given by the Ca accepted by us, is well worthy of the con• House; and 1 trust that 'those HOli. Iv/ refrain from granting what the CI.: a doubt of the possibility of establish.. ! will agree to the erotica that has into a. Committee, where the poiot,aday discussed than now. I must take leave Hon. Gentlemen who just now spoke, se Catholics would not receive this con atitode. Sir. lam satisfied that the not yet passed ; but I am also satis delay the payment of this long standing 1, circuantances will arise which wilt consideration of gratitude out ot the question. to trespass longer on the time, of the aject which has been so often argued with vit. It would be presumptuous in me time by the repetition .of arguments handled so much more ably than I can It ro with delight that I assent to the Honourable Baronet to go into a C6an trust the means will be foetid of con with emancipation, and that thus we to settle a question which in any other impossible to settle to the satisfaction of because if, on the one hand, I grant that Catholics ought to have certain rights, so consider that the jealousy of ten millions ight b in ?ranting those lights, also to be account. If the proposition of the Pro easonable. I think it as much entitled to con : advanced by the Catholics—(Cheers). MACIN fOSH should pronounce a libel he believed that England, in its greatest wasopposed to the great question of civil ream Statesman ot the empire bad sup would be little less titan a miracle to people were opposed to it. The power of ',veiled abroad had produced this effect and.Learned M em b er then pruecadsd to Si, Francis Burdett, who, in spirit at, Lad dune his duty to the State is which he had submitted to that House. Ireland could not have been carried lout the aid of the Catholics--they ...ces under the faithof promises made hy Government, and now, twenty-seven yeses they cause ,td that House and asked hit those rights which had been abrogated :slued Friend, the Solicitor (humid,: ... more calm and worthy man he knew: spoken on the subject of religious liberty. ISir would ten his :Hon. and iend That :Aglow liberty was may. um, Are no disability t h 3 inillticuity, no erchision ezistei When a man, in slimier Winds, was not legally dis qualified horn holding any appointment. A dish cx eluded on the ground of religious differences' *We mai ked out—the state coisidered him unfit for an Ace of trust. This might differ in principle from then auto de le," but not in humanity. The Learned Gentle man proceeded to remark, that Lord Somers had fre quently been quoted ih that House, but he would say ;bat the opinions of that NJWe lord, in his work, did not apply to the Catholics, that to the Dissenters. He' would quote the opinion o f that Noble Lord on the sub ject of religious disqualification, on that auspicious day in which his-Majesty had given his Royal assent to the Bill for the repeal of - the Test and Corporation Acts— .a day on which the Dissenters returned to that station which they had never forfeited. The Learned Gentle man then read an extract from the work in question, Which said that the greatest punishment to an English man was to be deprived of the power to serve his King and country. He fel t d ue grat i t ud e t o the wi s dom co . f l our ancestors; but no phrase was so infelicitous as that which had been applied to their laws on toleration.—' Darkness was only removed by the progress of reason. It was not more than 250 years ago that a Dissenter from the Established Religion was punished with death —not more than two hundred years ago two Arians were put to death. This period had passed away, and now it had come to this, that some persons still wished for restriction, when almost every State in Eur rope tolerated religious opinions; we had come to a tifne in which no man was excluded from either civil or military employments. Such was the state of things in the aubitrary States of Russia and Austria. In Saxony and in Bavaria, where there was a mixture of religious opinions—of Catholics and Protestants—they were all equal. England and Holland bad followed in this glorious path, but Holland alone retained her position under the illustrious star of the House of Nissau. Eng. 140, he grieved to find, under the House of Brunswick, had almost alone fallen into the rear of tolerant notions' —thicase of Sweden the Learned Gentleman was not s e particularly acquainted with, but of Denmark he could speak—that in London he had met an Ambassa.l dor from that country of Irish extraction. Religious , disabilities then were confined to England and Spain,' and we had for our only ally, the Government, it such it might' be called, of Ferdinand the Seventh. By shutting the door to persons of a different faith, we enuangered the seculity of the best gem of the Crown, the allegiance of the people. For 729 years, the Irish had supplicated for an equal proportion of English laws and English rights. By refusing them we had, to the shame of England, mole that which was the strongest the weakest. This fact we now felt in divided Governments, in distracted Conntils; and by and bye we shall feel it in the beggary 61 the labouring portion of the English, from the influx of the Iriih poor, torced to this country to work at a price :warmth star-, nation, in consequence of the mil-administration of the Government of Ireland. This stile' was now nearly strived. Would they, under such circumstance', now make a stand ? He felt more strongly than he could express the debt due to Ireland for *the long op pression she had undergone, add when he considered the charaCter of the . oppr6o9 . — Ossittlie opessed—the one the most free, and t h e *Wise most brave, it was without parallel. The Liarited Gentleman then re-' furred again to the Test and Corporation Repeal Bill, and siiid that this measure was no triumph over the Church, but it arosetruin the age we live in. A.gveat debt of gratitude was due to the Church on this occasions, which, 'notwithstanding the taunts and slanders -levelled at it, bad nobly acted.,, The Church deserved to be supported and secured, What were the best means to effect that 'object_? Front conversation which had taken place on the Test Acts.we learnt something. We learnt that Dr. Marsh ,had, in a letter, ; expressed an opinion that be kiiew not what evil the repeal of the Catholic Claims would produce ; but perhaps as great an evil as the re• peal of the Test Acts. , You mightziant the Catholic claims, but destruction would follow the repeal of the Test Acts. Neither Jews hot Turks could produce an evil, equal to the repeal of these Acts. Tke Learned Gent. then proceeded to say, that some meet by compromise should be taken to allay the ferment which at p r e s ent existed. But tests in religious matters were objectionable. The Bench of Bishopsweeld, be was sure, temperately consider, as they had done in the case of the Test Acts, the shame which a test imposed upon .2 man's religion, which was the greatest consblation of his breast. Religious liberty was dearer to man than any thing, and the time might again come when England 'would occupy her former station in this :glorious cause. In civilized times men threw off grosser tonsiderations, and looked to the enjoyment of the libertrof thetnind. He would ask what was the application of the principles of religious liberty, if not in their full enjoyment? In thecase before the House, he agreed with the Honour able Member, that we were pot dealing with a commur pity, but with a nation—a nation distinguished by an encompassing frontier, and renowned at once fog their oppression, their virtues, and their .bravery.—.. Tim grand question was, whether there should be a union in the British Islands, or a civil war in Ireland? Of all opinions be had ever heard, the doctrine of trillion, that a time more favourable, and so on, might come, to do justice to Ireland, was to him the most ob. jectionable: was this the pretext for keeping up armies in Ireland? It seemed that certain individuals 'Were not disposed to concede the quetion until it became a favour - or a grace, when it would lose all its healing power. We owere r it appeared, preparing to do what . was formerly done in America. The symptoms now before us would provoke a foolish Government, 'and would instruct a wise one. By refusing .conr ciliation, the state of Ireland became more and more deplorable. The Honourable Member for Ripon, had said that he 'would not yield these points, but that the Irish refight take them from us by force. When. he (Sir J. Macintosh) heard this alarming declaration, from so moderate and _considerate' at man as the Hon. Member—an invitation to the Irish to wrest - their rights fiom us by force of arms; he was astonished. ,Ireland, however, was in no state to take the re— commendation, but she was proceeding in a man.' ner which would. unless the laws were altered, re. duce England to the' same level. Thus ultimately the Irish were sure of °Mewing their demands.— 'The Right Honourable Gentleman .(Mr. Peel) had, ..said, on the result of the division on the Test Acts, that it was impossible to form an esclusire admi nistration., This declaration he hoped would produce concession, or it was possible that a Minister of State might very suddenly be convertedfrom the security in which be indulged. He contended that at least the Roman Catholics ought to be placed, in the same skim- . tion in which they were in the reign of Charles If. as regarded political rights; and that the ablest writers alter the revolution, Dr. Brown and others,had contended that theTrealy of timer ick bad been violated as regarded the, conduct ; observed towards the. Cathelicii—i(Heaf). Also 0111 L no body of .men'.could be more 'interested , in tkevanting the CatholiC Claim'. tbatkilli.llD lesiang, Church of liefund ; the atibilitY or tlidt , .woul d be "stained br continued connexion, and that would be .sklatirfloy granting these claims which were alike called 'fa* policy and justice. Ile condemned *allusions that• had been mode to the suppOsed opinion of the Crown. It was the height of pi Timm ption to do so, and to do so was an offence. He contended for the fire will of tne Crown—(Hear)—and that whatever might be the opinion of the late Government, it was a maxim of the Constitution that supreme power could not bind its suc cessor. As to the 04th, it was vicious in its nature if it bound to the doing of that which was wrong. In con clusion, he trusted that relief would be extended to long suffering. Ireland, and the empire thus strengthened. Mr. Secretary PEEL rose with all the diffidence which a person who held the opinions he entertained must Amorally feel. The fight Hon. Gentleman had told *am that the advocacy of ttu-se laws wide.' supported the Protestant cause appeared to him to be censurable, bat whether it was so or not (and he denied that it was), the House would certainly allow that it was the duty of one, who thought as h e d i d, to r i se an d vindicate bi. opinion, and that no one ought to prevent him, and those who took the view that he did, from doing their duty and standing forth as Ministers to state dispassion= ately, but firmly, what was the true state of the ques t tipn. if one thing produced more displeasure thaa another, it was the painful task * tieing to repeat so often his opinions, and the grountls of his opinions to' what he felt to be a reluctant audience. The grounds and principles upon which his opinions were established had been explained by those whose abilities were greater than any be could lay claim to. He could have no do'. sire to 'obtrude himself on the House; but he had bees personally alluded to by the Honourable Baronet, with, whom the discussion'arose, and every man in his limo. tion must feel that he had no alternative. The Host.' Baronet, indeed, had made a personal appeal to him mil that pact of the quett.on, which it was impossible for him to avoid considering the weakest part of the Hon. Baronet's argument. The Hon. Baronet considered the question on the broad ground of justice, and claimed - the assent of the House to his proposition, on a states ment that on one occasion a solemn contract was es tered into, which must be considered binding on the contracting parties. The Hon. Baronet called for his (Mr. Secretary Peel's) assent upon the assertion he was said to have made, namely, 4, 1 f it appeared by the Treaty of Limerick that privileges were granted which remained not in the possession of the Roman Catholics, 'it would materially .alter his view of 'the subject."— He gave that pledge, and was ready to abide by it. He admitted to be true the terms he had stated, but he re. quired a strong case to show that the privileges claimed bad been withheld. He had referred to the Treaty of Limerick over and over again, and was prepared to say, that if he was placed in the situation of arbitrator, un der a Warm obligation to decide, and upon his sense of justice bound to declare whether that Treaty bad given the•rights claimed, he should say, No. Of all the points presented to his mind free horn doubt, the point' raised on the Treaty of Limerick was the clearest. It was not possiblelor any one who bad read the Treaty with im partiality, to feel that there was the least shadow of pretence for saying, either King William or the Roman' Catholics understood that they were to have admission to offices, or the privilegiof sitting in Parliament. Nell therofthose points could be claimed by that Treaty. It was impossible to read the first article of the Treaty of LiMerick, and say it. included the whole population Of iteland.. The Right flea. Secretary felt that the claims . Ise had mentioned involved considerations independent of those suggested by the Right Hon. Baronet. In cow seqtience of the alleged breath of taith on the part of those who made the Treaty, he was called upon to de fend the characters of great men. He considered it his duty to - rescue from the implied stigma of the Hon. Wironet names hitherto held in veneration. King- Wil liam, Lord Somers, Mr. Pitt, Lord Cornwallis, and Lord Castlereagh, bad been misrepresented. He rose to vindicate them against the ignominy which had beep attached to their names.. If the Hon. Baronet could prove that King William gate the Roman Cdholics I privileges of every kind, without takineany thing from them but the Oath of Allegiance, the Honourable Baronet loaded that great Monarch and his Whig Ministers with infamy, and so far from being of glorious memory, it would be memory that ought to be detested. But King William and the able Ministers of that day were not subject to the odium. Neither King William nor the Roman Catholics contemplated the privileges which the Hon. Baronet would concede. The Hon. Baronet had contended. that Roman Catho lics were to be admitted to all offices and- seats in Par. Hameln, without any other security than the oath of allegiance. Could the Hon. Barohet really suppose that King William, after the able 'support of the Pro testant interest, and his victory over the power of the Popish party, could have agieed to a contract which must have given the Roinan Catholics perpetual ascendancy ? It was too absurd to entertain the proposition . fur one moment. He did not wish .to go into all those transactions connected with the Treaty or Limerick, which had been loaded:with execrations by the Roman Catholics themselves.— It was unnecessary and unfair to .6iing the coa .cluct of i ndividuals under discussion; but. when he fouod histot ical facts discos ted, and an ingenious gloss put upon events to answer political purposes, he was unavoidably led to a statement of the truth. This was the last time he intended to seter to the Treaty of Lime rick, and should dot have referred to it on this occasion if he hafi nocj,e;ii challenged by the Hon. Baronet, who bad argues that the first part of the Treaty stienla:ed that the Roman Catholics should enjoy such religious pi ivilegis as.they enjoyed in the reign of Charles the First. Was it possible the Roman Catholics could have tested their claim to religions privileges on-such vague ' words ? A Right Hon. Gentleman said there were no disabilities on account oft eliginn, and that assertion was made on the authority of Lord Somers, who had said in. :capacity to bold offize was the greatest stigma that could attach to any man. Lord Somers and others who were present at the conference in 1672, said there was no doubt the incapacity of setting the Crowd was next to 'death. Did the Right,Hon. tientlemau mean that the toleration of which Lord Somers was speaking. sent to the extent of giving the full possession of political pri-. alleges ? Lord S omers and the Whig authorities held that tiring restrictions upon persons..holding places or trust was so- much allowed in legislation, that every. Government might put restriction on persons-holding places as they might think fit ibut penalties and pu nishments were of a different nature. PoFery had been looked at with great suspicion by the Legi.la, tare, and the! - efore a difference had been made- in ingislatioo between Papists. aud. Protestant Dssenters; 'however bad they o may have been. . The Right: Ho: nourable Secretary read extracts, to show that : the iocapacity-to•voltich Lord • Somers. referred was not a disqualification arising front not taking an oaah...- 171:1648,,11ie Roman Catholics concluded a Treaty with the Marquis of ()doom], 'and the first article' that Treaty, ;is not to be considered with te l erellt;'' the present , stato.ol the law, ; but'the 'they looked for religious iibitty at char time. r . „ ~~ T:ini s' f, e o ; init,i i tet n eee sots Protestant articleaak t nnn 0 te o tt n l fw i see, t ramteniti sfot4eh. misting ni reptd l%w, thick Itatikruked the ii otemacj of Queen Elizabeth, and the Aft fie vippratkokair C,thnllc said, Do in their religion. The wor d s first article of the "r tll T Tttl): l lh. e riaat is viitt t 'liee y ntwhSßn. of ea4tYs:l: : ::: Catholics went to the . Margois what their privileges were to be. Hon. Member fur Dublin on swerable. A Proclamation was his Majesty said, as soon as a atoned he would procute for seanwity for the performance of their religion. At the sieve of Limerick one of the terms offered by Sir Toby Adder • was this—That liiSh lietnan Catholics should be to political offices.• General Ginkle refined to sweet*. :that proposition, on the ground that it was - not consistent . with the Bfitiall Constituti,sn. They tl?ert :rat the Tsitelvo Articles. Was it possible to believe that King Wit under those circumstances t 'promised to givel lk. admission to places of high trust. and pi* the Legislature? , The charge against King *AVOW ' that after a promise to give the Roman CathOlici ,iidm sion to offices and Parliament, he in a few weeks after. _ passed a Bill in England to .exclude them. The fact was, no such privileges were granted. The question of the Treaty was considered, and the Tory' .P4lrtjr. contended that the provisos in the Treaty were in. : be observed; bot the right of the Catholics to.sit in Parliament never *as di,cutsed. He (Mr. Seek. tary Pee) had come to a conclusion in hitrolfht . tfiat it was not intended to call the Roman Catholicstn Per- Bement. On bringing in a Bill tor abrogating the Oath of Supremacy in Ireland, hi 1691, a conference hat taken place between the two HOiltei..ittid the Erakof Rochester, wl.o was the Chaireisarifco- the Committee of the Lords, had insisted on the-proposal which had been . made to abolish the Oath of Saprentacr in belittle On that occasion the Earl of It•chesttr, reportedfrona the Committee the reasons for the Lords. insisting'ob - their Provisos in the Bill, for abrogating the •Oath. of Supremaey in . Ireland, and appointing; o t h e r -o at h s . The reason read as folloaeth :—'• Because'tliey find;by an Article of the Treaty, made fOr the sorreiider..of: Limerick, which was biought to the Lords by the .Ear.l of Nottingham, and is now, by their Lordships order, delivered to you, the subject matter of those Pioeisto was therein agreed to: and. their considering of Vilaat advantage and importance the reducing of Ireland bath been to the public peace and. security •of all , their Majesties' dominions, they conceive that it will' not . be of so ill consequence to rilloW. the liberty pro- ; posed in the Provisos, as it might be not, to..oappost the public faith given upon so great an occasion as the final conclusion of the war. in ,Ireland, by which that . kingdom- hash quietly and entirely subriAtted to f tleir Majesties' Government," which was agreed to, as lt,c o sipp in from the Committee. The Treaty then was Wider consideration, and there never was ..any attettartioare. yoke it. The Tory party did take.tbemeasorkinialhEit consideration, and did not see at that time the vibration which is now complained of. TbeiHon. Baronet bad contended that a promise to consider the Roman Catholic Claims had led to the Uniop. He had do doubt that the Roman Catholics thought the ptising of the Act of Union *mild facilitate the consideration of theiftlaims ; but he denied that either Mr. Pitt, Lord Owlets's!), or Lord Cornwallis, eOtated into any engagement s o n t he subject, that coold Matzke Government of theta/ell . = day. They were bqould toreeema these'great-noeskti the odium a. Label! to theasly the Honouratilitaarooes. It was said Mr. Pitt resigned in consequent d slip posed obligation to concede the Catholic Claims. Me. Po t and Lord Cornwallis distinctly denied that they did .re sign on that account. These positive declarationsiin the face °lslay. were more entitled to confidence than the inlessooss drawn by the I4onout able Baronet. An 1801, when Air. Pitt resigned, ..he stated that be had given no pledge, and used these words in 1805opoi I. never, at any pan of the, discussion of oil peak*, gave any pledge, but remained pe r fe ct ly t ree acr d tsar fettered." Vali% Pitt, in 1805, declared he had' given no pledag g it was impossible to • say the House did pat then egos' to the question free and uirfettered..-- The strongisst-declaracion on the 'Alia was one he could trust with unbounded confidence.: Loid Caritle reagh, in 1810, in his speech in that House, said, ...Lord Cqgnwallis never conceded any . pledge, or snowed ant promise to. be siren. Thir have the Mena! of proving by a coadomemissaims-sweeired.from.ttfat Noble Lord. • The prineigskrammildo.Lord Cbrnwallis went Trak that it ought to be speramesimmewtbe pare of the Leeiebnea t . When it was known that Mr. Pitt bad resigned, he, LordUastles realls, sent to Lord Cornwallis, conceiving that the catholic bridy would haves meeting- on the subject. Lord Cornwallis said this He had long held it as.his private opinion, that the lame of the Catholic. of Ireland upon Mr. Pitt's retiring from use, might be necessary for the.welfaro of Ireland, but he had btaastrkt ite eels conduct, and had carefully abstained from any explanation,46 oder that, no expectation might banked by him in the Raritan:Catholics. Through the Whole course of the Udine, which was in discussion two years, no favourable auurances or promises were. made to the Nomad Catholics. Was it possible that Lord Cornwallis could have made that statement if any expectation had been held out to the Roman Catholics, which could* operate at the. present day as the slightest fetter upoc the judgment of Parliament ?. Lord Castlereagh said, in 1510, that, so anxious were the Government not to mislead the Roman Catholics, that. they newer gave them reason to know whether Mr. Pitt was likely to bring on the Catholic Claims. In cetiseqttence of that mode of proceeding, the interest of the ltoman Catholic bitty was secured, and that of the nation. So little did they expect Mr. Pitt to take their claims in his hands, that he believed it was a matter of arrpelee *ben they knew his intention. The Right Honourable Secretary placed the most implicit confidence in these declarations, sail he did think, with reference to the Union, that it did not staled any proof of a promise or undertaking to concede these. elelnas. Looking to the state of Inland, ie might be seasonkbk;. to suppose the King of England might say, b e ex p ecte d they would derive benefit froth' the &nt.'s Constitution'; but it was not to be supposed the King intended io admit Roman Cathodes to offices mid the Parliament. He knew that Mr. Pitt would never have used equivocal language to entrap the Kitig into a measure Which he knew was repugnant to the Royal nand. If the contract described by tlit. Hun. Baronet really had existed, it ;would have been observed bet be could not.adenit that the terms of the contract bore:die Construction the fionourabk Baroett had put upon it. Th e Right Honourable. Secretary considered this crea tion in Point of policy, as it affkiell` the .Constitution of this country.. He thought the removal of ell disabilities 3114 .the ad tuiasion of Roman catholics to Parlitimene, would make a dit feeedce-in the Coettituti 1 arrangements 01 the country. Is "was nilklng an important change in•the Policy adopted at the Reiolution. ' It wai the intention at the Revolution to mix the Prinestint religion with the constitution of the State, and it was in. i tedidea to exclude Roman Catholics from-AIM, ender that Omni. tutioli. Ibe nigh: Ilepts: Gentleman adverted to the Act for re tbk'Sacraincrital Telt:- and observe*diale no one could be taunted with incondst%pcy, w hen be supported diet •Act and opposed rho motidti befuretthe'Honee. The Noble Lotd mho advocated tbas dicia Ca red t h t eil ha e t • 44le. Claina lia i. l . "H u r l) . siseu "t hi lr eo 4g n e te a t n tu y that ' t t b o st i ltte r n e t t e ll is t , lt ' jr an otesting so their disl agates/ the errors of the Chuieleof 'Mine; were eiwaysco be''cousklee;sl as standing in a very differentllttlation• from the Roman .Ceiholic. h they re • moved ill dfillfilifita train the Ilmistan Cattcs, they tools away die chi' icier theyeotsseant policy of the Revo- Intion seei'to atakeilhielind a Protestant State, and ft lost thaq Caariclit *flier iMiltd even distinctibn between th e professor' thAt'taidkatiti'dtbere. • They weft told the Catholic religion was i itiei,drieets to Medea by the light of the sun. How dist •-kitateritat 'fist 'change hi-the Christian tenets of the Roman qttlit .telfition bad Oitstsibeen edicted by the wise eherfsll9 , s '' .-Olin motif these restrainu were .reisserid, bow • I, T' ,~ I~' Art tre-,—k wards she et • nd, alth, allude to come t o thus thel * el the w rit' s smco nvit opinic tne i r tpini .0 thlr . ll itro dun aa d wish lot be ins 43 best s' the cunvt an d justice, ana pe diocy is here bi b et pas said-- Nos facimuv, I Bet be has torgutti Nollum numen The Hon. and Lear l ot inland. divided iota twee classes. t hisgsto remain as conceding tl.e C'!ti sponse for reviv I do not see the eel %A M be the more Mt way, ut loukini classes; those who other with or with grant them upon at opinion is, and I hi title security will h dicincuuns--(Chie disguise fedIII plc of this coutury wear of the subject finny for the am sill 'slum them shieb slim -thew anger the Prol respect to the oth Foo principle, pui n vain to urge an, ow. This, House those two great taken by which j might be ass Moire satisfied I • it; anti which the tha detute, treated dimming sone 5 *Min and Proir use of the most a Ponstvtibi, w wed is the mere Night of his stubs as gimlet trotn restive ig-that Gt ass of finding sic nancienttuusly gii apt). I say, theft inestiou of the sec ,and accep sibration of the k !ditchers rho non tubes wish, from tog such security, *anode, to go it ; bosom properly C ; to dlf with the I r who said that the nuioa with gratil ▪ tate tor that is I . fad, that it we del d• ebt much longer r Pet Use considerat law unwilling to &use, on 'a suojet ilolsonce and wil arrest your ti `belt have been t I ?mend to do. I ii.otion of the He mince, where I tr r rating security w , Illy be enabled tc ▪ 'ay it will be inn I 4 ;1 say of aU, be 11 millions of Cat r *Me other, 1 cor a Ntestants out re 14 1 into the acc 2 4 . egans be reasons raderanon as that St JAMES M a to the country it I • fen lit of glory, w o f t eem. The gier Oared it, and it 6 1t1 that the pet), is 1 414 wbich trave se I kt Hoaquiable %Pr a tribute d, * Llov Pl otesta at se %proposition tri hr : 1 1. Union with effect withou "twlord their office. se I hr British (lose 'dirt tbi Union, tl a 4 le ara4l of MOW As Hi, Hon. and Le, Ile Whom a nu de T i had spoken no ',it (Sir h<' Mined l'iiend 41 riqe which tnkegwirlir k• accOrtilws Rev, ‘, natural anotwee, sank4k4 were: not to •be diner ktnits were strangeOhln in tit Limerick. tu# s uf orrnoa= )e. Theist I that Ttitaltr'tiiit'aiiiiA was midi id Mt,. *lid' P4l liameot bestir!:,' for them further Wletwity 1~ 1~