Star. — London, England, 1815-03-11 00:00:00

in the Corn Laws.. The titles of which were accord ingly read. Among them was one from the parish ' of St. Ann's, Limehouse, and front Berkeley, in the county of Gloucester. The Noble Earl then said, while he was up. he should give their Lordships notice of a ;notion he meant to bring forward on Thursday next. They may recollect that last year he took the liberty to submit to their Lordships' consideration a motion, the object of which was to relieve the farmer, but without raising the price of bread. It was a motion to unite those two objects, one calculated to please and serve every class of the community. He meant to bring forward a resolution similar to that of last year, with a small technical alteration, in order to prevent its being misunderstood. He also should move that it be the first Order ef the Day, and that their Lordships be summoned for Thursday next. — The Noble Earl having moved to this effect it was ordered accordingly. A Petition, to the effect of the foregoing, was pre sented from Dusky, in the county of Gloucester, by Lord KING. Earl GREY observed, from documents upon the table it was now understood, tli:it a Bill on the sub ject of the Corn Laws was on its progress in the other House of Parliament, and that their Lordships soon expected to receive it. The subject was one, certainly, of the greatest delicacy, and one that re q tired the calmest and most attentive consideration. It more especially required, that in its discussion they should avoid nil appearance whatever of preci. pitation. It rippeared to him, likewise, that on the part of that House, there was not a degree of inves tigation, and therefore not of adequate preparation for the discussion which so important and so exten. tive a subject called for. Under these circumstances, and with this feeling, he thought it an imperative duty upon their Lordships to proceed with the ut most deliberation, and to enter into a farther investi gation before they should come to a decision upon this grqat subject. It was, therefore, his intention, on Monday next, to move that a farther enquiry sliculd take place into the subject. The Noble Earl then moved, that the Lords be summoned for Mon day.—Ordt•rcd. The Earl of CARLISLE addressed several ob servations to the House ou the general subject. He deprecated the measure principally referred to, pro.' cceding as it did, without due or adequate previous enquiry, to be ill advised and premature. What must that measure be, which, in so early a stage of it, rendered the employment of a military force ne cessary ? fie meant the Bill which it now appeared was approaching that House. A measure of so clues. tionabie a nature should not have been without a great deal more proof of its necessity. After shortly glancing at some of the details of the measure, which be disapproved of, he requested Noble Lords oppo. site to consider whether what was proposed may not . . be in effect sobbing Peter to ray Paul The Earl of LIVERPOOL said, he felt a fee; observations necessary, in consequence of what had fallen from the Noble Lord who spoke list. He felt fully satisfied, that what the Noble Earl hod ;id ranced, as he certainly did the dictates of his own conduct with reference to the subject, proceeded en tirely from what they conceived to be of advantage to the counlry. With respect to any employment of the military that had occurred, and which the pre servation of the peace called for, he could only say, slat it certainly proceeded from no other motive than the security of all his Majesty's subjects, and their Lordships may rest assured, there was no disposition to introduce the military, except on occasions where it was absolutely necessary. They must all know and feel generally, that in effect, Parliament would cease to exist, if it allowed on this, or any other oc casion, their deliberations to be swayed by any cla mour without doors. And it was his distinct wish, that their Lordships would proceed with no more rapidity or expedition in the discussion than if no such clamour had taken place. When the Bill should come regularly before the House, he would be cer tainly prepared to state distinctly, and should, as clearly as he was able, the grounds upon which be, felt SWIM measure upon the subject, with a view to the objects they all had in view. For his part, if he thought the proposed measure went to protect any one class of his Majesty's subjects, to the injury of the others, he should be the first to oppose it. He even held such not to be a legitimate ground of le gislation upon any subject, especially one of such moment. The grounds upon which he should urge their Lordships to adopt the measure, were, that it was calculated for the general interests of the com munity. He would go farther, and say, that if there could be a clashing of interests between the rich and the poor (which in this instance he could not admit to be the case), the interest of those which consti tuted the great mass should be considered ; and if the measure could not be proved to be for the inte rest of the consumer he would consent to abandon it. (Hear). —But his views of the suhject were very false indeeu, it he could not satisfy their Lordships that the intended measure was beneficial to all the inte rests of the community. There probably would be, opportunities of fully discussing the subject on ano. ther day, but he thought it necessary to say thus much, in order to obviate any misapprehension of his views on the subject. The Earl of CARLISLE spoke in explanation, and observed, he did not mean to censure his Ma jesty's Ministers for the employment of the military; on the contrary, he thought it absolutely necessary under the circumstances. There would be future opportunities of arguing the subject to which the proposed measure reterred, fully, when Noble Lords would hear the objections; but it would be prefer able, he thought, to agree to that measure with all its imperfections, than to have given way to the cla mour in the streets. The Earl of LAUDERDALE expressed his dis. approbation of the ground on which the Noble Lord who spoke last seemed to consider the subject. He should argue it on different grounds, and would con tend that the measure, so far from raising, would lower the price of corn, and that it would be parti cularly beneficial to the class of consumers : at the same time, he would show that it would be beneficial to every other part of the community. In the true View of the subject, .the question would bee, whether that proposed was . not the most beneficial measure 'for the consumer ? Wig r emaining Dills upon the table were then re. spectively forwarded, and' their Lordships adjourned • till Montlity. HOW/ OP COMMONS. A great netaber of Petitions were presented against the Corti bill: amongst them were one from Birmingham, aired by 50A0 per.iins; and another from Canterbury, signed by 3000. Sir JOHN NEWPORT, on moving to present the Petition in favour of the Bill, front Waterford, observed, that it was signed by evrry commercial house in that populoui town ; and that the declaration of the well-informed subscribers positively stated that the depressed state of agriculture had caused a considerable de cline in the demand for British' manufactures. Mr. BARING requested the House to observe, that thou;th this was truly a Petition front one great commtrci.:l town in favour of the meaiure, his Right Hon. Friend seent.4l RIVLIOLIA to have it nal rstood as espressiog the sense of the whole com mercial interests of that part of the empire. Thi, he mire beg leave expressly and unequivocally to deny: it was only from a body of permits who were altogether concerned in the exporta tion of corn, and who therefore were particularly interested in the passing of the Bill. Sir JOHN NEWPORT replied, that it was very hard that no Petition was allowed to be presented to the House from Ireland, without such imperious charges as these from the Hon. Member. In his opinion the Petition front Waterford was as much entitled to consideration as that front the City of London. After a few words front Mr. FITZGERALD and Sir H. Patt i% LL in favour of the Peition, it was ordered to be brought up. Lord A. HAMILTON moved for leave to present several Petitions against the Bill front different parts of Scotland; on whirh— Mr. FINLAY observed, that he was now convinced, what ever might have been his former opinion, that it was necessary to have a protecting price, which should go considerably beyond the present law. He would be against the Bill if the price re mained at 80q.: but if 769. were adopted, he thought it must be allowed that Ireland was hi justice entitled to a preference in agriculture over foreigners. ' Lord NUGENT moved the printing of the Papers relative to the conduct of the P , :tt-ofhce on the action between the Mon tague and Pelham packets and an American privateer. Ordered. PETL&ION FROM Esl MINSTER. Sir FRANCIS BIJRDETT having entered, with a voluminous Petition from the inhabitants of West minster. the I louse soot became uncommonly crowd ed with Members. On rising to present it he ob served, that it contained the names of 40,273 persons, and added, that be should take this opportunity of shortly stating his own sentiments, and of correcting a very treat and extraordinary mistake which had got abroad through the means of the public prints, which Lad uniformly represented him to have ex pr..q•ed himself a friend to the Bill. He was no et the Bill, nor was he an enemy to it.— His wish had always been, and still was, to leave the Government to do what they pleased with it, as he considered it calculated to serve no other end what. ever but that of keeping up the present system of taxation. He could view it in no other light than as a means of bolstering up an insupportable system, end he only differed Item others as to the remedy which ought to be opposed to it. If his opinion were unworthy the attention of the public, and if his con stituents so totally differed from him, they knew their remedy, and were at liberty to return any other Representative they pleased. But he would say, that lie regretted that such riotous outrages as had taken place, should have been directed against indi. viduals : he regretted that the energies of the people should have been opposed to such a miserable and futile measure as that under consideration ; he would rather that they had looked to the corrupt state of their representation in Parliament, and have consi dered upon a remedy for it. lie had been t °pre. rented out of doors as a person swayed entirely by his private interests in regard to this Bill, which ab sorbed every other consideration in his mind and stifled every honourable feeling. But so far from this being true, he had individually and personally no more interest in it than the most disinterested man in el., Lulu. - ru nuts we measure wuut4,.., t rn2 4, 0 ease farthing difference whether it passed or not. Every landed proprietor might be said to be the Sovereign of a little kingdom. He was a considerable landed proprietor, but his policy was only to look to the de riving of a permanent advantage from his property. He therefore cared not one straw whether the pro hibiting price of corn was fixed at 80s. or at one shilling, or at no shillings. If the Bill passed with 80s. he should not raise his rents; if it passed with one earning, or with no shillings, he should not lower them. The persons who had come to that House to propose and support the measure, did not pretend otherwise than that they had to propose a choice of evils. He, on the contrary, meant by what he said, that he could propose a positive good. The subject was intimately connected with Parlia mentary Reform. This would produce a diminu tion of taxes, which were only necessary because their supporters wished to keep up a system that would prove ruinous and destructive. It was this system which kept up the present enormous peace establishment ; and a Noble person in another place, with whose sentiments he perfectly coincided, had not scorned to declare his astonishment that any set of Gentlemen in England could have the patience to endure such a peace establishment as that which the Parliament of England was about to agree to; that it was not to be disguised that their intention seemed to be to subvert the once free constitution of this country, and establish a military despotism in its stead ; and that if such a measure was once passed, he should not think it worth his while to at tend any longer in his place. But the Gentlemen opposite seemed to think that they were clothed with the mantle of perfection, and could do just what they pleased. And not only they, but whoever hap pen to sit in their places, think that they at. once speak like oracles, and that all who hear them must obey. It was very remarkable that he should have' been thought a friend to this Bill, but his opinion of the Electors of Westminster was so just, that he way sure they would despise him if they thought tie could give a vote in that House contrary to the opinion he entertained. His opinion on one point, however, was well understood by them. He was at all times ready to oppose that septennial Act, which he con. sidered to be the cause of all the abuses they had to' complain of; and he would be at any time ready to resign his situation to any person they might think more worthy of their confidence. Respecting the outrages that had taken place, it was impossible for him to express his abhorrence of the system of putting aimed people into houses to fire among the populace and to have them rode over by dragoons in the streets. A Gentleman had told him that he had been in danger of being rode orer by a body of dra goons, who ordered him to go home, but he told them lie would not go home, as be did not conceive London to be under martial law. For his own part, he considered all the disasters which wese caused by the military to be acts of legal murder—(Neer,lsear.) r -The Noble Lord may say that this military force Is necessary to put down the disturbances. But I say, and I will maintain that they hive tech guilty; of word*, and that they had no po.ier to tall out the military.. This wait not the force which the Con stitution required to be called into action for the pre. servation of the pease. Surely the inhabitents of this City might safely be entrusted w;th the defence of their own property. No m.ui knows whether he is safe in going along the streetc, if poople ate to be placed in ambuscade, and to fi'e throngh d oors anti windows —(Crier of Ne, no.)—l go by the Inquest of the Coroner, from which it appears that there was no justilicaticn whatever fix their firing through the windows—that there was no tumult whatever at the time the iinfortunate man was killed. But even if there were, ought they not rather to dicpi.iy their force than to conceal it, to prevent the naci.!,sity of shedding blood ? No man would think of placing steel traps or spring guns in his grotin Is to protect his property against thieves without first putting up some notice of it. There never was such a thing heard of before in this country as putting men in Houses with fire-arms to fire with on the people ; to invite the people as it were to attack by shoving no preparation fOr defence, and t!:en to destroy them in this manner. What could be a stronger proof that the measures resorted to were not necessary titan the instance which my own case affords ? I have been supposed by the people to be a friend to the Corn Bill, and have been represented as such in most of the public papers ; and yet my house and persan have never yet been attacked, though protected by no guard or military force; for I should have pre ferred seeing my House razed to the ground to the recurring to any such unconstitutional means, or the having it believed that I could entertain any appre hensions fur my safety. The reports stated with such confidence in the Newspapers were huwever vet y ge. nerally credited. The people must therefore have believed that in supporting the Bill I acted from an honest motive. Is it very extraordinary that no re spect should be paid by the public to majorities of hundreds of the House of Commons ? In my opi nion, it is nut this or that measure which the people should take on themselves to determine against the voice of the Commons ; they ought at once to strike at the root of the evil, the cause of this difference between the sentiments of the people and the deter minations of Parliament. It the Represeetatitet were once restored to its purity, the House we .11,1 not have its table so often loaded*with Petitions—(//ear). With respect to the present Bill, I think that tfiLle a great mistake as to the benefits which some persons think they would derive from its thrown wit, and especially as to the advantage which will be de rived from this by the labouring classes. The only persons who can be supposed to derive any profit in such a case, are the great master manufacturers, who, by the cheapness of labour, would be enabled to ex port their manufactures cheaper ; but the 1 iliourer can gain nothing by it. The roaster mantifecturers complained of the high price of corn, as it raised the wages of their labourers, and prevented them from selling their goods cheap abroad. But it evetild be quite the S 3111.: in either ease with the lehouring clasEes, whose rtward would continue u It was, theref o re, a roirake to suppose that they were at all interested in the question. (Hear, hear.) I think the land proprietors have, hi this case, bean very unfairly dealt with, and that they have been held up in a very false light. What ! are the people to tell me what rents 1 am to have for my estate, and what lamto do with my properw ? If we wish to have el.. duo prosperous, every man must be left to enjoy his property unmolested ; and no man, or set of men, no Government, here a rigLt to interfere with the concerns of any individual what ever. I wish to have t very thing free, and no pro. tections of any kind. I would have no prot ec ti on to trade, no protection to agriculture. no pro.ection to any sort of people. (Laugh.) We hear eve'' , day of the agricultural interest being hostile to the m anti factoring interest, and then we hear of the monied in terest, and other interests ; every class of the com munity is thus represented as having a distinct inte rest from the whole of the others ; we see every man trying to throw off from his own thoulders to those or Ins neighbour, a burden which all are unable to bear. I would wish to see an end pet to this mise rable system, and an equal protection extended to all classes of the community. I shall only make this farther observation, that I am sorry any Gentlemen of England should allow themselves to be made the cat's paw of any Ministry, as they have done en this occasion. (Laigh.) I defy them to point oust any remedy but one—the renovation of the Constitution. Mr. ROBINSON rose under considerable agita tion, and apologized to the House for troubling them on this occasion ; but he declared that he must be divested of every feeling that could pervade the breast of a gentleman, and an honest man, it he did not declare that he was most deeply all cted at the un fortunate circumstance which had occurred at his re sidence. He could assure the Honourable Baronet that in many particulars of the events lie had al luded to he was extremely mistaken. If he had sup posed that the soldiers had been placed in ambush, nothing could be farther from the fact. They were assuredly placed inside the house, for it would have been impossible to protect it without them. The windows had been destroyed; the house had been entered three different times—(Laud and numerous cries of Hear, hear ' ) —and nothing but the appear ance of the soldiers could have saved the premises.— He believed also in his conscience that the lives of those unfortunate persons who were protecting his property would have been sacrificed had there oeen no military in the house.—(Here tile. Right I lan. Gentleman was so deeply affocted that the tears flowed abundantly down his face, and he could scarcely articulate—Loud cheering resounded fivos err., part of the Howe.) Knowing the artifices that had been practised to inflame the public mind, he was aware that the indignation of unthinking people would be excited against' him fur the perfin mallet of his duty in that House. He had therefore thought it necessary to remove his family from his residence: the result chewed how well his apprehension was founded. On the very first attack the mob bloke into the house, and alter destroying whatever they could lay their hands on, they swore they would murder the servants if they did not tell them where he was to be found. The attachmeut of these - honest people towards him kept them in the house ; but on the following morning, the soldiers having been with drawn at day-light, the mob re-appeared, forced their way again into the premises, and were so out- rageons tLat the;, Lcne.t ereatarectillthsrtn.:ii; their lives were see a tnonteat. found it necessary to represent the ciresuot..", ‘ tl:e S:tcrct:try ef State. and to soli it 11:1 i'rut• which Lai hen af:orded him. It was no: trit the men had been in ambush, for helot; 2 giu tt i, hal Leto fired, the soldiers .preseatod titer/1 6 ,th the wial)ws, atid ad.'ressed the people, tel:i:v. 7 t.) dit:?erse, or hey, Ate of thc• consequences—(; cries of Hear, hear.) Surely, when the Ii nett Bit onet commented on this unfortnn tte event, called it legal murder, he it td higottea th.tt qn':t was not yet tinis::ecl. Eut he v.0,21d c . tie Honourdale Baronet, if he rnily peace of society, to abstain in !mute trom rt these. sort of statements, v.'hich cotil kind of adv.intage. He knew t!:.rt t'tese pie were anxious to destroy him. heco•-•• duty to bring forward du: ne..)stire in that i and the only satisfaction he had WAS Chit I: acted his part properly and disinterestedly. himself nor his family would g•ii:, (•11t. the measure ; and indeed he mild I ed by no motive in the . pan be bad take.;, of the pes(otmance of his ditty to the pobl:e. therefore hoped the Hon. Baronet tc °aid the injustice and the consequences of waking' statements.—(Heat, hear.) Lord CASTLER F.AGH slid, if, on prol e the. Perition the Honoirable Baronet hail re:; himself g neral invectives at!,:iinst the Gov. of the counzty, as war his usual practice, at.i an attack upon the Constitution, he should hay raid over his conduct ht silence. Brit it was imp for him to abstain from some olv:ervation, he had just heard horn nom what he been understood to say on the subject of the Bi was impossi!de t, .t to creisider him an ardent effectual supp-rter of that measure. Bet it he thought proper to attend and support it in his he would have heard that there htd hero no cl of the exercise of improper severity against thou had broken the laws. It uas a little too nee the Hon. Baronet now to declaim against the j , of protecting one's house and , preperty, when ft.. own mouth on former °cessions, be had heard every man's house was his ca s tl e , an d t h at he was titied in defencLrg it to the last extremity ! ( l shwas of hear, helr, from every part of t'se thy, IHe would say that every man had a right to di bis house, ...iolation of the laws, or in or.' shield himself from .7, , let;ce—(ll:.zr, hear, h e . : bu: to protect his proper:v and his family to, infuriate mob. The House meat forgive him ( Castlereagh) for his feeling on this occasion ; th he trusted temper would not forsake lam when all the feelings of a loyal subject )a-en raged by such 1 inert age as the Hun. B made use ot, it was impossible to repel it pnsnre. file Hon. Baronet could not be since, his professions to his constituents. Why el , : be appe it here to-night, and declare that he is supporter of the Bill ? Is he an opposer o flow his he shewn his opposition ? Had lei no d oret himself an enemy to c rmmerce n' facilites ? W'ty, who had ever deckled du could be supported without destroying the 4 1 The Hon. Baronet must allow him to declare, his speech, ins:ead of tending to protect any of industry, aimed only at the destruction of th, stitution.—(: har, hear, hear 1 lion al/ Aarn Howe.) lie comes from his setreat, not to port the Corn Bill but to assail the Constitution, oppose the Government. He trusted that those had opposed the Corn Bill would feel that somet! was due to diem ; and he would call on them to whether they were disposed to embark with the Baronet to subvert the C institution. Or whether were inclined to give, by their silence, a prat countenance to such an opinion of them out 44 If not, let them look to the abyss in which they be involved by leaguing with the Hon. Baton, such a plan of desperation. Let them repel this , suspicion, unless they were disposed to ahandor those venerated lav:s which protect not only the ma:touring, but every interest in the connuy.—', ;,) , c, Lordship sat down ami d st as l ou d and lan need shouts of approbation as we ever remembi have heard within the wails In the Mr. M, A. TAYLOR said, that though he at different times wished ts offer his opinioa subject of the 13:11, he had abstained from Join; because he saw that the minds of the people web flamed. There was no man more attached to Constitution of the country than himself ; c' any one be mute ready to deprecate any dent! him it ; hut so far from diiiiking that tie mil had been iinproperly employed, he thought the vernment highly praiseworthy for having called' out with a view to put down a mob, who threau destruction both to the favourers and opposers of Every man had a right to defend his castle, those who attacked it must take the consequenci their ttmerity. Without such resistance on sod casinos, no man could safely live in this count:y. the Worthy Bironet had a f ancy to h ave his raa , 4l to the ground, let him indulge his proper —The Gentlemen over the way had doee what was just ; has it succeeded or has it u. Would nF:t more blood have been shed if these sures had not been resorted to ? The Worthy B net seemed it, like the company of the hustitr Palace-yard hitter than he hked that House ei company in it. But 1:c could not agreewith soy of the speech of the Hon. Baronet ; becati:e hr cnived the he had a right to the protection of Guvrtomeot, and without affording it ai t h ey done, he should hive conceived they had not • their duty. lithe Hon. Baronet chid not like opinions, lie had better leave the House, and 1101 to hear them. Sir ARTHUR PAGET cli.! lit sir.' the P' who bad asseml.led before 141. 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