Star. — London, England, 1828-10-25 00:00:00

Pitt, Lord Grenville, Lord Spencer, and many other distinguished personages, and since his retirement trills office had uniformly supported the measure of Eman cipation. Was he likely to be diverted f•om his (pillion" by what might be stated here, in a manner scarcely lo be distinctly heard ? He nog! t, and he could assure the Meeting he did. ent. ruin the a armest affrctioa• for many who had etiteied into what he would take the liberty of describing as an it must've—(t•ler , of hear, hear, turn him off, turn him off.) If the Clu . )s which had assumed the names of the Bruns.. ick Clubs --(hear, hear, from the Catholic side of the meeting) are not numerous—(cries of "they will be") —they are impotent—(hear from the Catholic side) if they are nu merous, the question is, are they dangerous? They can only mean to do that of which we complain—(ap plause, and continued hissing). They can only mean to dictate. Is not that what was complained of in the Ca tholic Association? We should be glad if the meeting would hear a person (Mr. Shiel) describe what they themselves thought of their proceedings—(Cry of "tor shame, my Lord.") He bad heard a person call him a radical. He had taken a line the radicals never ap proved of. It was not likely he should at his time of life change his principles, but a change in politics had taken place. A personage whose name be could not mention, no longer considered it a party question.— This question, say what they would, was gaining ground—(No, no). When the time came, there would be a change in the policy. He would oppose the peti- tion. The words, "that the Constitution remain invio late," implied that there was to be no change in the principles of the Constitution—no concession. if that was the meaning, he would not support the petition. He thought it his duty to appear as an independent man, and state, that at the proper time this question ought to be conceded. Lord DAIRNLILY next addressed the meeting, but was for some time inaudible owing to the noise. He said, that not only as an English, but also as an lush pro prietor, he stood before them ; and on behalf of the lat ter country, which he stood there to represent, he so- lemnly protested against the substance of the Resolu tion which had been proposed to them. He was nearly and dearly connected with Ireland, and he would ask, if that country was not already sufficiently inflamed, without having a meeting called of the freeholders of Kent to throw an additional firebrand into that mine of gunpowder ?—(Cheers.) He called upon the meeting to weigh well the question before they came to a decision. The Resolution was couched in rather general terms, but the purport of it was to call upon the Legislature to exclude for ever their Catholic fellow-subjects from the benefits of that Constitution of which they so much boasted. You are called upon to act upon false pre tences—(Cries of No, we do not want the Pope). The Catholics have errors of faith, as I believe; but then they conscientiously believe in those errors—but what of that, if they are possessed of as much devotion, and as much loyalty, as the rest of his Majesty's subjects— (Cries of No, no, they are not). The Noble Load bad told them that he had advocated the cause of Catholic Emancipation for a period of thirty years, and he (Lord Darnley) had done the same; and GOD forbid that he should lose any opportunity of stating shortly in con viction, that they, the men of Kent, were deceived— (Cries of No, no, you are deceived). You believe, be cause it might have been necessary to exclude Catholics from the full benefit of the Constirsilion at the time of the Revolution, that the same necessity exists still; but such was not the case, for at that period the Catholic raligion was intimately connected with arbitrary power —(Cries of we don't want faggots). Much had been said of the cruelty and intolerance of the Catholics in the time of Mary, but be felt bound to deny that the Catholics of the present day entertained such feelings ; they no longer entertained hostility to civil and religious liberty—(Cries of they do). One point he must draw their attention to. It bad been said that Emancipation would be dangerous to the Constitution; but he knew something of Ireland, and he would ask the meeting, it there was no danger in driving the Catholics to mad ness ? Was it not more dangerous to do that than to adopt a measure by which, perhaps, one half-dosen (cer tainly not more) of Peers would be admitted to the House of Lords, and about 15 or 20 to the House of Commons? Allusion had been made to the power exercised by the Catholic Association, and by the Catholic Priesthood; but he would ask, why it was that the Catholic Asso ciation and the Priests possessed this power ?—(Cheers.) Because they had no other resources to obtain a re newal of their civil rights—(Cheers). It was the people led the priests, and not the priests the people—(Cheer ing). Let the people then be restored to their rights, and property would resume its natural sway, if they were admitted with a good grace; but it they were re tained until they were compelled to restore them, the consequences might be vet y different. He was persuaded that the Catholics could not abuse the power that would be granted them it they would; and he was equally persuaded they would not if they could—(Cheers). Ire land was now quiet, and why was it so? It was be cause of the exertions of that very Association which they had vainly attempted to put down. He told the Members of the Legislature, if the grievances of Ireland were not speedily settled they would have to conquer Ire land again, and then they must look to their pockets: the Noble Earl appealed, not to their fears, but their justice. The Roman Catholics asked for rights to which they were entitled—(Cries of "No nor) Those who were In Ireland in 1792w0u1d know that Government pledged themselves to remove the complaints of Ireland. Six months after Dumonrier invaded Holland, and the Ca tholics enabled the Duke of York to oppose him. A freeholder bad told him there was danger in making concessions to Ireland ; but was there a man in his senses that could believe that to be the f cc? E igland and Ireland united might defy the world—(So we col now.) The Noble Lord said he was in the discharge of an important duty, and he should say that it. was dis graceful to those who set on foot u.ese unfortunate Clubs, for so he must call them. He gave his Noble Friend credit for the purity of his motives ; but be thought that the Constitution would be best preserved by gibing civil and religious liberties. His hope was, that the Mewing would consider well what was asked— (Cries if We have, we have !) Where did these Bruns wick Mb, take their origin ?—From the Jacobins of Fi ance—tFor shame, my Lord). The Noble Duke at the head or has Majesty's Government would act wisely in conceding the ci .ems made by his Irish countrymen. The Earl of %.% i•CHILSZA then touk off his hat, and bowed to tire Mt rung. He was received with an owe,- powering shout o! rii , pfause, and by the waving of hats and houghs from a vast majority of the Meeting. His Lordships reception seemed to strike the opposite patty with confusion, and they only ventured a few hisses, winch were instantly drowned in the renewed acclama tions of the people. As silence was about to be restored, it was observed that Mr. Spiel was . attempting to make himself heard, and it was not until some rn.siks of in dignation began generally to be expressed, that he gave way. The I.arl of Winchilsea then proceeded to speak as follows Men of Kent, and Brother Freeholders 1 II am standing before you this day in , the Proud charne -1 ter of a freeholder of the county of Kent—(Cheers) —a county which. I will boldly assert.-(Here some hetet itiption occurred., and his Lordship sa id, inet at Chit a+ he other side had met with a fair and pat had no doubt he should experience the same treatment. All be asked was Oat ;and he assured any Gentleman op posed to him that be would use any little might possess to insure the same attention to any thing he might wish to address to the Meeting). fits Lord. ship then prnceeded :—I stand here as a freeholder of county—notwithstanding that it is charged with il lib-rality by Gentlemen *Too:lie—second to none for high .minded principles, and for the m " st liberal prac tice in all its dealings—(Great cheering). And I trust and believe that the county of Kent will this day show by its almost unanim , us voice, that as it was formerly the last to surrender the liberties of the country to the arms of a victorious foreign Monarch, so they will now he the first to stand up in support of that Constitution whose basis is founded upon civil and religious liberty, and whose blessings this country has now so long and so happily enjoyed—(Cheering). In offering the few observations which I am now about to submit to you. I desire distinctly to state, that in withholding my vote from any proposition for granting political power to the Roman Catholics in this empire, and thereby enabling them to legislate for a Constitution which, both in its temporal and spiritual character, they were bound by the principles of their religion to use their utmost efforts to destroy—(Cheers)—l so. lerunly protest that I, should be influenced by no feel ing of personal hostility to the members of that church, either collectively or individually—(Hear, hear). How could I entertain any such feelings? With many of the members of that church I am living on terms of intl. macy, and I do hope that the sentiments of cordiality which exist between them and me will not be lessened by any thing which may pass here this day. Brother Freeholders, my opposition to any concession does not arise from hostility to the members of the Roman Ca tholic Church, but to its principles—(lmmense cheer ing)—which principle,, by denying to a man the right of exercising private judgment, militate against the very essence of all civil and religious liberty—(Loud cheers, and waving of hats). To those principles I al ways have been opposed—to them I am now opposed, and to the last hour of my lice I will contend that the members of such a church shall not be allowed to le gislate fur the free and liberal institutions of this coun try—(Cheers). I will not occupy your time here by referring to the darker pages of our history for exam ples of cruel bigotry and intolerance to which the prin ciple; of the Roman Catholic Church has led. And when I allude to those records of past deeds, far be it from me to impute that a similar spirit of intolerance now animates the hearts of those who are favourable to the measure of Catholic Emancipation. I will not waste your time, nor do I wish t r harrow up your feelings by recounting the many melancholy scenes of cruelty and oppression which marked the period when political power was vested in the hands of the followers of that ' Church. 'lf I wished to do so, sufficient and ample testimony could be found in that part of our history which intervened between the early struggles of the Reformation, down to the period of the glorious Re volution of 1688, to show that political power never could be conceded to the Church of Rome without sa crificing the freedom or the security of the Constitution, and that the result of all such experiments ended in the expulsion from our shores of the bigotted family of the Stuarts, and in placing the sceptre of these realms in the hands of the House of Brunswick, whose members, I trust, w ill never abandon that Protestant Constitu tion. or endanger the existence of those principles of religious liberty which they have bound themselves upon the altar of their (ion conscientiously VI maintain. I have been accused of incorporating myself in a Club which presumed to dictate to the Government the line of policy which it ought to adopt and pursue. I can honestly aver that such a charge is neither founded in fact, nor justified by any thing which has emanated from the Club of which I am a member. All we have said, and all we say that we admire, we love, we re vere our Protestant Constitution, and that we will do every thing in our power to preserve it entire_(" We will, we will I") We are charged with intolerance, and the great body of the freeholders of this great county, and of the empire, are to be charged with intolerance for this, because the Constlution excludes Roman Ca tholics from political power. If any one will- prove to me that political power is the inherent right of every subject, independent of all qualifications, then I shall be ready to admit that I am guilty of refusing Ihe Roman Catholics their just rights when I support their exclusion from certain offices in the State. But is there any one who will ease. t that such tight can be admitted in any system of Government? and do we not all know that all trusts of char nature must be held under certain conditions, which provide for the security of their exe cution ? And if any body of men refuse to comply with chore conditions, they are excluded with strict jus tice ftonn holding places of trust and office under a Government to which, it it is natural to believe, they are unfriendly or opposed. The Roman Catholic and the professor of any other religion, is left in this coun try in the rift enjoyment of his religions opinion, of his liberty, and of his wealth and property If any law excluded him from these, I would be the fist man to stand leeward in support of its tepeal —(Clii ers).— When I hear of intolerance, I am contented to appeal to those who are beat acquainted with my character, and to ask them in what I have ever showed myself an intolerant person ?—(Cheering).- -I will appeal to those who are about me and under me, and I will challenge any man to point out an act of my lite in which any man ever received from me a greater or a less share of favour on account of his reli gious opinions—(Loud cheers, and cries of " Never"). I have conscientiously opposed this concession, and will oppose it until the Church of Rome shall have aban doned those principles so hostile to our free Constituticn —until its followers have renounced that allegiance to a foreign Power,.spiritual though it be—and I know that there can be no spiritual influence which does not in some degree extend to temporal affairs as well—un til that change has taken place, I never can consent to' change our Constitution—(Veliement cheering, and cries of " No, nor will we; never, never"). These are the grounds, Gentlemen, upon which I have always been the opponent of Catholic Emancipation—(Cheer s). And let no man deceive you with the vain assertion that the Church of Rome is different to what it formerly was, and that its principles are changed. If so, lit those who make the assertion now come forward with the proof of it. Let them show me by what act they have renounced those doctrines and principles which are in compatible with our liberties, and I am prepared to meet them upon the point. Where is the evidence ut such a change? If we look to the state of Spain, do we find the proofs of such a change there, where the people are kept down in ignorance by as dreadful sytem of bigotry and intolerance as ever existed on the earth? If I look to the thraldom in which the Irish peasantry are kept by the Catholic hiestbood, do I find the proofs of such a change there ? No. no"). No Gentlemen, there is no chAnge, for these principles are unchaingeable-s—(" None at all"). Let me also caution you not to be deceived by the idle that pay measure of concession to the Catholics will give trans quillity to Ireland. Let me ask you, would the admis sion of a few person+ in the higher ranks to a few offices give food to the miserable and starving population? Would it give clothing to the naked ? 1 say that this is a deception attempted to he practised upon you and upon the people of Ireland, to keep from you and from them the real causes of their suffering. Let those who advocate the cause of Ireland come forward with a measure calculated to afford her relief, by compelling all who possessed property there to circulate at least a part of it in the country where it is producei, and I will give that measure my most cordial support. Gentle. men, we are charged with disturbing the peace of the country, and with increasing the bitterness of patty feel ing. But what has been the state of the Protestants of Ireland long before the establishment of any Brunswick Club whatever? 1 will refer you to a paper, and it s'tall be circulated amongst you, which was in existence before the Protestants were roused to a sense of their danger, by meeting it upon their very threshold. I hold in my hand a paper, which two years ago, long before any Bs unswick Club was formed, was distributed in the town of Drogheda, in Ireland; and it is a list of those persons with whom, they being honestly opposed to the concession of their claims, no Roman Catholic was permitted to deal, under the pains and penalties of his religion—("Shame, shame" and groans). Does this mark the tolerant spirit of the Church of Rote?— (Loud cheering). If it does, then I am mistaken in my understanding of its meaning. Gentlemen, I can con scientiously state that I have come here to-day with the desire of supporting the most moderate Petition which we can send to Parliament, consistently with the dig charge of our duty. And regretting as I do the dif ference of opinion which exists between my Noble Friend (the Marquis Camden) and myself, whose friend. ship I hope to possess to the last hour of my life, I am really at a Is as to conceive upon what grounds he rests his opposition to this Petition of my Honourable . Friend, which simply states our determination to sup port the Protestant Constitution of this country—(great cheering)—t.sat Constitution which has raised it to the highest pitch of earthly prosperity, and made it the envy of surrounding nations—(loud cheering)—that Constitution which I trust we, the honest, the just, the loyal, the liberal Men of Kent—(vehement cheers)— , are this day met to support, and that we shall now finally declare our determination to resist every attempt to take that Constitution away from us-4 , We will, we will !") There is one word more which lam desk ams to add. Liberty has been amply enjoyed under our Constitution by every man in this country, whatever his religion may be. A measure has lately been car ried by the Legislature for making that liberty more secure. No man was more ready to support that mea sure in principle; no man was mote anxious for its success than I was; but it was catried a litde furth,r than I wished—(Lausbter and hear from the opposite party). I will explain why I did not wish it to go so far. I wished to exclude no man whose opinions came within the doctrines of the Christian Church, but 1 did not wish to go further, and admit Mahomedans or in fidels upon the same footing. For the Dissenters I have a respect—(Cheers and laughter from the Whig side). For the Dissenters I do entertain a resoect, and I rejoice in their enjoyment of their rights; and I say let all sects of Chi isrians, as well as those of she Established Church, unite this day in support of that Polestant Constitution by which alone their rights and their religi-us liberties can be secured—(Great cbee:ing). I now thank this great Meeting for the kind attention with which they have heard me, and any Gentleman who now wishes to address it, may depend upon any influence which I pos sess being employed to procure for him the same amis. live hearing.—(The loudest cheering and waving of hats from about nine-tenths of the Meeting followed his Lordship's conclusion..) Mr. SHISL then presented himself t s the Meeting, and at the same moment an English Gehtleman, a Mr. Slue, addressed the Sheriff. The Undet•Sheriff an nounced that Mr. Shoe was in pos essiun of the Meet ing; but, from the singularity in the sound of the two names, the Meeting was in doubt as to which of the two Gentlemen the Sheriff wished to have heard. The assembly seemed determined that then, whatever they might do afterwards, they would not hear Mr. &lie!. Mr. Shee appeared not to be so objectionable t' them as was the Irish orator. The noise soon waxed great, And for a time all attempts of either Gentlemen to ob tain a hearing plowed perfectly fruitless. The cries for silence were incessant, but for a time altogether unsuc cessful. At length the Under Sheriff stated that Mr. Shee, having first caught the eye of the High Sheriff, was entitled to precedence, should it appear that he possessed any claim to be heard at all. Ile wished t) learn from the Gentleman then endeavouring to speak bow he was connected watts the county of Kent? Mr. SHBE-1 rejoice at the opportunity thus afforded me of standing forward to explain the motive of my connexion with the county of Kent, and afterwards the grounds of my claim to be heard by the assemblage whom I have the honour to address—(Voices in the crowd, " Are you a tie-holler ?") Mr. Sbee—Upon my honour, I am a freeholder of the county of Kent—(Tre mendous uproar, and cries of proof, proof). The noise and uproar centinued during the whole of Mr. Shire's speech. Ile was, therefore. for the greater part, in audible, and, when heard, little more than fragments of sentences could be caught. Alt, r he had been fur a consist-rabic time addressing the multitude. The UNDER SHRKIII interfered, in the hope of pro curing him a better hearing. He assured the Meeting that it was not Mr. Shiel, but Mr. Shee, who was ad dressing them. The Gentleman was intitled to be heard. He had declared upon his honour that he was a free holder of the county. Mr. Sine resumed—Tell me not, said he, that Ca. tholics are deprived of their rights—th.ey are robbed of their undoubted, their invaluable rights—(Then the up roar began with renewed violence: From the gestures of Mr. Shee, it might be infetred that he was address ing the assembly; but it was only at rare intervals that he was at all audible, the Under Sheriff all the while making appeals to the multitude, and praying them t. give the Gentleman a hearing). Amongst the tew pa sages of the speech which reached our ear, we under s•ood him to advert to certain en.iowments s t Ai: S ,uls' College in the reign of Henry the Filth, and Inc proceeded to call the attention of the Meeting to the circumstance that the descendant of the iisclividual by whom those endowments were made could not take a L;e gree in the university that had beenenriched by his liners tors. Nut only did Catholics lab. ur under such disadva:.- rages, but they were excluded from filling the meanes offices in the country. There existed not in Iris Ma je.ty's ct men better eiststled to rho savour of Go. eromer.t, and the privileges and imniu.is la tish British subjects. Was it fiitiog that the fahbols he Howard,, the Cliffor a d d s, ii ti l l u e m sti in tzro th in e s, thL r Undelid-MinleS that b Fate I English history by deeds of chivaloy and cy y,! ‘ oulJ live for eget —( I renseii.li us iiptf, 4 ,, ,„ 0 Down with him ! down with hini !I Gei.c e ,,, dn. you believe it—(ienewed uproai)—Gentlero.. n. l do that it is not to he borne that, in the heteslit 4il ten of the nation, the son of a limner and the st, of a e fitter should be s mear the e s cut c h eon or t he Dolt: 4l j Norfolk. It is said that the Catholi cs iut to pull down the Etablished Church. 1 totally the charge. They are perfectly sensible of th e , 7 utility of a church establishment. 'l hey, in comm e 4 4 , other intelligent Christians, think that an outwa r d du ' visible symbol of the pure and i nte ll ectual faith 01-; Christian are essential to true religion. They agree ad most of the rational and well•intornied men who h d ; thought upon the subject, :hat the founders of the e ,. tional church took jester notions than their desce nd , . if the present day are disposed to attribute to NZ' They foresaw that, unless religion were surrounded with the temporal advantages which wealth and di gs ,, confer, that the scoffer and the infidel would spit 44 het humble garment. (Cries of q ue s ti on , que.tion, ,4 hear, intermixed). I do not deny that some t ei rsis , exact their tithes with a severity which may b ee4l sidered oppressive. (Considerable disapprobation o ases , pressed on the mention of tithes, and several voice s 0 , 14 our, " What have we to do with tithes here ?') I 4, r 4 deny that part of the enormous revenues of the Ifid„ ea might be advantageously adapted to other purpose s . T it income of the Bishop of Durham might well be e , rs k eit duction—(Shouts of disapprobation). Vl.en you, the Irish, I do assure you you are moot error ; and when you give credit, and reaction, r. 4 support, to those in Ireland who call theni,elr e , testants, you are not less in error; they are no mere Protestants than I am—(Hisse,). I will tell jo t m idt those called Protestants did at Wexford in the we d 1797, previous to the rebellion—Ruction, q., e . i , d44. The gallant soldiers who had bled and fought tau* country in foteign wars were, in the year 1797, vaaie instruments for goading the unfortunate natters ot rte sister island into madness and rebellion—file Me, here became quite tumu;tinnis. Shier, during * whole of Mr. Shee's speech, stood uncoveted, for an opportunity to be heard; occasionally techeiv t d Mr. Shee, who continued for sonic tsn.t iongtr to od dress the Meeting, but frrm the unceasing " were unable to discern the purport of what fell hoe him ; but from some of his ge tures, it wasconjetun e d that he described the use of pitched cape by some old ie contending parties in Ireland during the rebe,iinii. Mr. SHIER. thin addressed himself to the High Sherd. be elk uproar mid groaning totally prevented his bring heard. Mr. Comet also came forward, and attempted to spea,b u t without sueemo. the ote It ml foi fa The Ummia.SH I r y theft said, that Lord Teynhsrn had Nair a con,iderabk tune &serous of addressing the Meeting. and isms hoped that the Freeholders would give kis Lordship a fur Lett % Lord Ta:sinaat then proceedril to speak, white Mr. kW 4 vaneed his claim, and tremendous uproar ensued. all the *Lk tis High Mend' and Under-Sherilf endeavouring in vain co rums order and quietness. Lord 1 EYNHAM then proceeded to congratulate tit freeholders opposite to him upon the glorious appear ance which they presented, whereupon the uproar be. came quite deafening, (Mr. Shill, at this time, es, addressing himself to the Meeting, and thus the Noble Lord and Learned Gentleman were making speeches together). At length, however, on the interference cf the High Sheriff, Mr. Shiel desisted, and the Under Sheriff announced to the Meeting that Lord Teynhaa was to be heard, and requested that he noght be heard with order and decorum. His Lordship thee proceeded to say, that, with all due humility and with perfect defferenee to the better judgment of his brother freeholders, he must say, that he thought the best intere, ts of the empire depended t; pon a liberal treat ment of the Catholics of Ireland. He entreated the Meet. ing to take care that the report which their High Sheol shy uld have to give of the proceedings of that day should prove one not discreditable to the great county of which they were ft eeholders. He could safely us. dert.ke to prove, in the most irrefragable manner, that the participation in the pclitical tights which the Ca. thoiic seeks cannot be attended with. any evils to Ike State, and that concession to them was not only expe dient but right and necessary. It was undertaken at the time of the Irish union. England stood pledged to it, and in honour, as well as for her own interest, was bound to redeem the pledge. It had been pro. mired to the Irish people, and hitherto that promise had not been performed—fa other words, it had been br ken—(Cries of " No, no. What I George IV. break hes promise r'—Groans—hturas). His Lot d.htp then called upon the Meeting to reflect upon the ill consequences of not making concessions to the Catholics. He called upon them to look upon the foreign relations of thii country. Such was till situation of the Dube of Wellington, that he timed not go to Iv sr w ith the most petty and insignificant of foreign Powers. Portugal, for instance, might effect its blockade con trary to the laws of nations, and yet might do so with impunity, a. far as England was concerned.— His Lordship entreated the freeholders of Kent act to decide a question such as was that day submitted to them in any other than a cool and dispassionate manner; but he entreated them, at the seine time, not to lend their sanction to a system which curtailed and crippled the resources of the country, and left its Government powerless; a system which, if much longer persevered in, would aid in the destruction of national honour and security, and the gradual loss of all our Colonial possessions. They would drop off one after anctEer. His opinion was, that Catholics ought to be admitted under wise and tensible restrictions, to equal immu nities with Protestants. Thus alone would the pacific &ea of lt eland be effected, or any approach made towards the satisfaction of all pat tie's. It be had but succeeded in convincing Noble Lords and Hon. Gentlemen opposite, that the Title he took of this momentous question sere founded on reason, and in tact, he would gladly unite with them in a modified petition to the two Horses el the Legislature. He would recommend them to retire and modify their petition—t Cries of, no, no). He con cluded by calling on the Men of Kent to set an example to the rest of the country, and to prevent civil war be tween Great Britain and Ireland. Mr. Sum once more presented himself to the Meeting amid the most (anions uproar. The Hum Sumer acknowledged that Mr. Shit' was the text of right to speak. The Usura•Suestirr—Sir, I awn directed by the High Sheriff to inquire in what manner you are connected with the county et Krn. ' Me. SHILL-1 i,m a Freeholder of tbr cuuuty ut Kent (A !..4 1, * The I:741)1M SHIM/I—This 6entknian bring a Frrrho.,..: Of the county of Kent, the High Sherse begs that he may be IssteneJ to attrinivtly. The High Sbersil alga re.,ues!., that as the O. advancing, 6tntlensets who addiess the Alt:vatis will ettscastat 11! :se as concise as possitik. The limit &ratrr here forw. - ad, and eartn.sey in:reared the Nlettmg to Lt.'s. 'lc. ::.utas. qui tly anti impartialt . Sti IL!. pp% ei:de tl Lu alai vet a aiseeet:, W:.:(1: was met ;a, led alnwat every sentence by louu I:wes .1 4 woos:, Crc us ca n t pasty and equally vehement plan.::s ! * rons t ., t` lie s:tid, 1 st•st tut intruder !Jere—you .11. .s enlisted to atijuthtntc Upoli tights• -YOU oze adieu toge.l.er up,i: a mattes Mss.:ll afl . ty‘ts my itite• e.ta. Lnglithructl, l hat c nut come here to enter IMO U 3 dilstst.itititta with you. It isnot in the year IS.'S She a we aliould eater talltO a at.hoiiiniC contromy ufull fee tbt « i fee cast, bit I 1 tbt tt s bt tic es the . 1) Of 111 . to tb H 14 T tr p ol L bw to P al tl CI i b ti tH 0 14 • It • a 11 1. 7 e. Is 7 le 8 es El tl a be et rd is 1 he t. at- g ley sty 41~ bat g the t Pe' b tea • red eKa e la I lift KO ha I led co He cos !of ;he un- -141 to to !et ; !nd led erit red Ind tial :et. ted 3U- Ica the lia ite, ere Cl :ire