Star. — London, England, 1824-02-04 00:00:00

tk on - -Peaii*Out of Spain could not have it in their power to judge of, or the degree of support which the Constitu tion' system should receive from the Affections and 'Habits ottlie people. This was the very principle.. on . Which weabstained from-interfering in the war. I d. not desire, now, to point out the.facts which led us to entertain' doubts which events have shewn to be well founded, whether the Constitutional system would meet with zealous support from the people; the obvious un fitness of many parts of it for the nation for whom it was constructed, the impossibility of many parts of it 'ever, by any 'practicable . alteration, being adapted to Monarchical and Catholic Spain. That system has failed, and Spain has CCMe back to another system, which it is not for me to characterize, but of which it is, at least, gratifying lot me to Say this much—That, in re-esta blishing it, no British blood has been shed, no British treasure has been expended (Hear!). The Hon. and Learned Gentleman (Mr. Brougham), however, tells us, that we should have given to the Spaniards not armsoilly, but unaninsity, and zeal, and a strong spirit of adherence to their cause, qualities which strangers are, every where, the. least capable of infusing. And 'does the Hon. and Learned' Gentleman think, if that radical evil existed in Spain—if the people mere not attached' to the Constitutional system, that any external aid could hare done more than stemmed the tide of war ?—any thing but protracted that issue -which sooner or later WAS inevitable? But the Honourable and Learned Gen tleman connects the question of Spain with another question not yet practically before us,. in relation to- the colonies of Spain; and with all his powers of disc: imina• tinn,_he professes, that he can find no such distinction between the two casesohat .we, who would set up no, barriers againit the invasion of Spain, should , be enabled to set up a barrier against the subjugation of those 'colonies. Why, Sir, precisely on the very same prin ciple on which we strenuously deprecated a war in be half of Spain, because the case was not one in which a regard for our interests called for our interference, so shall we act between . the mother country and .the colo " There never has been a case of difterences, be• tween colonies and the mother country, -where other Powers have not claimed a right to exercise a discre tion in' recognising those colonies: Undoubtedly, colonies have no. right to call on other Powers to re cognise them ; undoubtedly no State in amity with a mother country is justified, by the law of nations, and the rules of good faith, in giving to a colony, which is breaking its connexion, that premature recognition which may be considered, not an ac knowledgment, but an encouragement; undoubtedly, it is a nice point to declare at what time, or in what particular state oT things, this recognition can take place without injustice, but it is a question which is not to be determined by the state 'uf Spain. It is a ques tion nor between the arbitrary power which now exists in the l'eniusola, and the mitigated democracy, for such was the system which existed under the Constitution; but whether the time has come, or when it may come, for the recognition of their independence, • must be jedged of withuut reference to the internal concerns of Spain, or the condition of the Colonies themselves. If we .siere prone to deal with others as others have dealt with us, we should not be so extremely nice— (flear !) We may look back to the hiss rif our own Americas, and see that other Powers were' less seru vuloirs in recognising the independence of our Colonies, , and in follua mg ircogni' ion with alliance. But instead of doing as we have• been done nab, we have followed the better rule of morality and politics, in aging as We would be done unto; and if we have kept behind others in an act to which events and the course of nature seem tolead us, our delay has served to shew, under varied circurnstiinces, the consistency and honour of our na tional poliCy. The Honourable and _Learned Gentle, man . has adverted in terms of praise to a document which has made its appearance on the other side of tire Atlantic. With some parts of that document I entirely agree; with others, I unequivocally differ.— I agree with it, and long before that Message appeared I expressed the same principle, in the assertion that no foreign State should be suffered to interfere in the con test between Spain and its Colonies; but I cannot agree ill the assertion that the parent State has not a right to recover by (trice those Colonies—Elt was here suggested, we believe, to Mr. Canning, that there was no such as sertion in the President's Message].—l understand that on a passage of the Message, which is in itself rather equivocal, the Honourable and Learned Gentleman puts this construction, and praises it on that very ground. I am clear, fur my own part, that foreign nations have no tight to interfere; I am clear also that the mother country has a right to regain them, if she can, by force; and, however it may be physically iMpossible or morally improbable that she should do so, we should act unfairly, unjustly, and ungenerously (if I may use the term in reference to politics) by rashly acting on this conviction. While Spain was overrun by a foreign enemy, or ra ther while a civil war raged, one of the parties to which had called in a foreign invader to its aid, it would have been ungenerous to make an inroad on her Colonial possessions. Even if the time and opportunity had been lost by a delay, I should not regret it, for I hold it to be a debt to justice and good faith to see Spain in as full possession of her powers as after her internal dis traztions she can be expected to be, before this country should decide whether her Colonies were separated from her-for ever. Ten months ago it was stated, in a paper that was laid on your table, that time and the course of events appeared to have substantially decided the separation of the Colonies fr. m the mother country, although the formal tectgnition f those provinces as Independent States might be hastened or retarded by various !sternal circumstances, as well as ley the more or less satis factory progress in each State towards a settled Government.— Jitter the lapse of ten mantle, in which Spain La, been restored to as full a possession of her powers as she can be expected to enjoy, comes the speech from the throne, telling you that his Majesty has reserved to himself an unfettered discretion to be exercised as the c i rcians t a sms of those Colonies and the interests of his own people rosy require. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman knows as well as I do that his Majesty has rejected propositions for the joint . consideration with other Powers of the Cutiftel to be pursued as to SllOOO Colonies, reserving it to himself, according to the interests of his asses people, and t his own sense of his rights and his dudes. What snore can the country require than this? I will appeal to any man here, the most eager in the wish that those Colonies should be recognised, and I will ail him whether, in his conscience, he does not believe that we have acted wisely, as well as generously, lor gds time to Spain, during which she may have the grace as w an as ime advantage of setting the example of that recognition to whisk in nations must come at last? In the one of the ca nies a ses to to the Colo Visfolititch a course may lead, we shall carry beck onsglt u reater than our separate recognition ; on the oiler baud thou Spain not follow the line which wisdom may dictate) we lay nuke .car recognition more valuable, more effectual, be tame more deldracatt auk spore juatifsable. A prorositiou ((ma 11111' - biedly, tints •- always a . .atickg Aircum- ataultt•in determining the poliCy which bis Majesty's Blioisters thought it.their duty to adopt; that it was aiwiejs felt by them that the success of the Constitu- *kVA cage would depend' op circumstances, which :_ •. . • . •.• . • • rose j tlNan , hatjaalettally Mirky Spahr the an swer to ra‘is en itawsy mollindaill,inad when ihe.re ply shall he.. be.. enesived Eton chow, tlw *leerninart will bk able to sneak amen espllelifyo6 the assiteet. . nip topic, lie, is so ouch the swat prenthailit hi the feelings and whites if the cotintty, fiat I have not been 'able to avoid putting it forward in the little I have bad to address to the House. At. to the general station which this-country holds in Europe and in the world= I say Europe and tike world, not now as empty surplusage-a-in Europe and in -America-in the old world and in' the new if I can not with propriety join in the praises which the Honourable .Seconder has, perhaps, lavished on the Government; I am, on the :alai hind, justified in repelling the assertions of the 'Honourable •Learned Gentleman, that England has fallen from her high station, and has sunk to a second-rate Power. England, I again assert, stands in a situation as able to defend her just rights, as much respected for her power, as much courted, her good opinion ai mach desired by other Pow ers, as ever. I agree, indeed, with the Honourable and Learned Gentleman that she is not precisely in the same relative situation as to the balance of power in Europe as in the other times of history to which he has referred. But this is because Europe is divided among preponderant powers of more predominant authority than those which existed in former times, and that having to deal with them we do not possess the same rela tive power which we once enjoyed. We are taunted with the in ternal abuses of the despotic States, as the Honourable and Learned Gentleman calls them, as well as with not holding the balance of power. I desire the lion. and Learned Gentleman to look back to those periods when we did bold the balm& Of power—ahe reigns of King William or Queen Anne, to which he referred; and to see whe ther at that time, when we made an alliance with an Emperor of Ger many, or whoever it might be, we then ever thought of inquiring into the internal abuses of the States of our Ally? We are obliged to live in the world as we find it, to deal with the elements that pre sent themselves. We cannot form another world, "of one entire and perfect chrysolite." If we are to live in amity only with those States which have free institutions, let us look around us, and we shall find, that we must very much contract the numbers of our Allies (Hear!). Let us look back ten years, and ask, how, without the aid of despots, we should have been able to overthrow. that colossus of despotism, before whom republics and despots were alike proptrated, end at,whose overwhelming power, the blood of the fated' of K gland curdled and ran cold—(llear, bear!) The lion. and Learned Gentleman has given an account of some cri minal proceedings, which have taken place in Austrian haly.— Though I am not aware of many of the facts Mentioned by the lion. and Learned Gentleman, I know enough of the proceeding, which have taken place in that country, to suppose hr alludes to the trials which have been carried on et Milan. The accusations might hive been false ; the conspiracy might have been feigned ; the judg ment Might have been corrupt; I know net whether some uf, the circumstances might or might not have been are they were repre sented by the lion. and Learned .Gentkrnair ! But,, supposing all this to have been true, were we on that account to -break oi all communication with the great Power of Austria. and amt against her because Same of her citizens had been the victims of in justice? This is surely too absurd and extravagant s proposi tion. Let us rather maintain all our , external relations,- anti prey serve our connection with the great Powers of Europe, with re ference to the corpus imperil, on broad and general principles of state policy, without too minute an examination into abuses which may exist in foreign Governments, or Into practices which our better government and happier institutions -enable us to cri ticise with asperity, or denounce with abhorrence—(Hear, hear !) - I believe, however, that the Honourable and Learned Geutlenian has been greatly misinformed in some of the cirainistances to which he has adverted. I perfectly well know, that about twenty of the chief persons concerned in the conspiracy at Milan, on whose guilt or innocence I do not pretend to offer any opinion, were convicted and condemned to death upon their own confession; .and I know also, that the Emperor of Austria extended.tO them his mercy, net without a struggle against the opinions of some of his advisers, who thought that the interests of his empire would be endangered by that extension of mercy. As to the particular statement made by the Honourable and Learned Gentleman, with respect to the relation of one of the culprits, I can say, with all sincerity, that I am ignorant of the transaction to Which hi alludes; but ff he im putes to the Austrian Government any undue severity or harshness in the administration of the law on that occasion, Ido conscientiously , believe that he is mistaken. The Fiumserable and Learned Gentle- , man proceeded to allude to other malpractices which existed in the AuetrianGovemtnent, and to comment with much severity on the cruelty of extorting confessions; but the Honourable and learned Gentleman does not seem to be aware, that by the law in that eoun s try sentence cannot be executed un a criminal unless he confesses, , To us this may seem a very absurd law, as it is constantly the pracs tice in this country to hang criminals who die protesting their inticsa cence, and we do not think confession necessary ; yet on the flat statement of the law, as it exists in Austria, it cannot be denied' that it seems to be rather a humane provision than otherwise. I be lieve it to be an absurd provision, because the confession must either be unfairly extorted, or if the proof is sufficient without such con fusion, it is unnecessary. I do not, however, think it was quite fair dettate the fact that these persons were goaded on to confession, without also stating the fact, that by the Austrian law sentence cannot be executed on a criminal without such a confession. Ido not wish. to be considered as advocating the expediency of such a provision. I du not deem it a part of my duty to vindicate the laws of a particular State, with which we are polititally connected. I do not fed it to be my duty to make myself master of the details of a particular trial which may have taken place in that ,State. But if other nations were to judge of us'as the Honourable and Learned Gentleman is now judging of the Emperor of Austria, with what barbarity cud coarseness of feeling might they not charge us, when they referred to what we have all witnessed lately with so much dis gust?-1 allude to the trial and execution at liertfurd. What imputations might they not cast en the national character, if they judged of us as &ideally as the lion, and Learned Gentleman is now judging of the Emperor of Austria, when they read the eulogium which had been published in this country on. a hardened, uncon (ruing, convicted murdei et ?—( Hear, hear.)—Would it be fair to make use of this transaction as an argument to impeach the na tional character of this country ?. What would the honourable and Learned Gentleman think, if, as a panknit to the picture which he had drawn of the trials at Milan, the transactions at Hertford were to be critically commented upon in a foreign Assembly, and converted into an argument against the character of the Bri tish people? Such an argument would be quite as fair, and quite as much to the purpose, as the argument which had been em ployed by the Honourable and Learned Gentleman—(lieer).— The honourable and Learned Gentleman again referred to a ques tion which he put to me in the last Session on the subject of Swit zerland. I can assure the lionotu able and Learned Gentleman that I answered his question in perfect sincerity, but he says, I ought to have been better informed, especially by so' well-paid a mission. This is an argumensuns ad huniiiient, and I may answer it therefore by saying that on the Honourable and Learned Gentleman's own principle I have a right to be deficient in information, for I have re duced the mission by half!—(A laugh). Whether the mission were Well or ill paid, however, Ministers were not without information : for the fact is, that scarcely a quarter of an hour after the Honours able and Learned Gentleman put his question, on guing to my Office I found papers containing the same detail of !acts to which he had alluded, and coming probably, though he did not know it, from the same source through which he had derived his intelligence. With regard to the insinuation as to the views entertained by Austria of obtaining Switzerland for a Prince of her own, I have no hesitation in stating my conviction that there was not a shadow of a foundation for any.part of the story. It is true that remonstrances were made by Austria, on the ground of Switzerland fusterug persons who had been engaged in a con spiracy against the Austrian Government. lam no champion•for the propriety of those rebionstrances, because I cannot undertake to vouch for the truth of the :sensations; but this I will say, that if the accusations were true, those remonstrances were jus . . I be lieve that both I and the Honourable and Learned Gentleman have been very much misled, with respect to. a great number of stories which have been industriously circulated through Europe by same very ill-disposed persons, who have been defeated in their own factious views in Switzerland, sense of wham were, at. a for mer period, sufficiently known to me in this country to convince woe of what they were capable. A great number of rumours which have been circulated on the subject of • Switzerland are to be ascribed to the misrepresentations of persons who have dis seminated unfounded statements of the interference of the great Powers, acid who are known to have proposed their plans for the regeneration of Goveraments to all the Tabinets of Europe.— With respect to Germany, here again I ant no champion of the Ger man Constitution. I cannot well conceive a more inconvenient or cumbrous system than that of the Germanic Diet, by which external interference is exercised over the internal affairs of an independent" , State. It is a part of the Caisiltution of the Germanic Confederaa don to allow a corporate interferruce in the internal concerns of an independent State. This is undoubtedly a bad institution,- and it may have been applied unwisely or" oppressively with respect to a particular, Newspaper yt one of the German States. But surely this is a question over which this teuerry has no jurisdiction, and in which we are not called npanto insarfure. If there has been an improper interference with a ISfewapapet in one of the smaller Ger man States, are we for this reason to lookbut for fresh Allies/a-- Are we for this reason to take armsagalust the interfering Power, and endeavour to blot it out from the snap of Jilorope? bly refer Is simply this: 140 Dot think it for the interest Of tilt country to take such a course, and as I know no conoldiration whisk *wild 43vertule that of interest, except duty, I do not think it nre limy to erect the standard of perpetual war, and lay the foundation Oar the disturbance of all F.erope--(Hear !) The Immediate consequence of each a proceeding would be wax, and the disturbance of Europe would be the ultimate consequence of that war. Europe bss .wits messed at different times Wars of different characters; but of all the wars which have brought desolation in their-train, wars of opinion are those which have most afflicted the human race-.(Hear, hear !) If this principle, which the Honourable and learned Gentleman would apply to the Monarchies of Europe, were to be brought into action-against ourselves, this country must rescue itself, and in res cuing itself, the sparks which would be kindled throughout free Europe would raise a general conflagration, and the contest would be continued till one or other people were extermitettetl. This should not be the course of policy—this should not be the rule of conduct to be laid down by a Minister of Great Britain. Let us rather keep in harmony with the Powers of Europe, whether their internalin stitutioas be more or less perfect—let us move,on steadily in our own orbit, not in obedience to say of those PoWers,lsut wholly inde pendent of them ; and while -we form a.prt of.a great and coma prebensive system, let us not look with ton scrutinizing an eye into the glory or the magnitude of the other rotifers by which we are surrounded. Let it suffice that other Powers strike not against us, and let us keep within our own orbit.; let the. light of our example, and not our interference, lead others to a participation of the bless ings which we already enjoy, and let us not adopt a crusading system by endeavouring to inflict our institutions on. other States, and by that mode of infliction convert our blessings into curses—( Hear). —This is the true policy of England—this is the policy which Ministers have been anxious to • phesue. When a Just occasion occurs for asserting the dignity of the country, let its dignity Ile asserted. We do not seek an occasion for difficulty, but whenev--r that occasion may arrister,it will, not find us unprepared ; on the contrary, our entrgies.will be rather invigorated than impaired by our previous repose. lam not aware that there i any other topic adverted to by the Honourable and Learned Getftleman on which lam directly called upon to make any observatiOn. The Honour able Seconder of the „Addle, concluded his speech by expressing some sentiments with regard to the state of Ireland, its which I heartily concur. I retain the same opinions which I have ever en tertained on the great question to which he adverted, and I still retain the conviction, that, sooner or later, thOae opinions will prevail in this House. Difficulties undoubtedly exist, and I inn not sorry that the observations which fell from the Honourable Seconder afford me an opportunity of saying a few words on. this subject. There is no word which, in Parliamentary warfare, is so often bandied about as inconsistency. Generally speaking, it will be found, wised a charge of this kind is made, that the accus r dovs not measere the individu d impeached with himself, but with some arbitrary standard which he has biotic!: raised up. it may be a very absurd opinion to hold, but I certainly du hold it, that, in the present state of public opinion in this country, the Catholic Question, as it is called, cannot be carried as a Govern meta question; and that public men, as they are now constituted, do nor afford materials fur a Ministry united in their opiraiotie hi to this measure. This may be a misfortune, supposing my opi nion to be well founded. Alt opinion may be a very absurd one, but at any rate it is neat an opinion of to-day. i have alwayi held thi, opinion whenever this question has been brought for.; ward, and I have never therefore been inconsistent;. for Meath*. teary is not differing in opinion from others, but differing from one'sself. It has been at te mpt e d by th e Honourable and L earned Gt.:Orman, on a former occasion, and by Follies in another place, to tz.sten upon me a charge of inconshrencyrestomy opinions on this great questiom / remember particularly *t ic .* another place, by a whimaikal chOice i that period of my.ylplith.fife was Elected, in which 1 had the best opportunity of shetrafroiiiistlnctly What my opinions Wete with respect to,the subject-on -Whicli It Is , attempted to fasten Upo n me a charge of inconsistrocy. it hat b een said, that as I was Willing in 'the- year 1812,- to form .part of ass Adminietratinn, consisting of Lord Wellesley and inytelf, united with others who might agree in opinion on the Catholic Question, it was idconiisteni in me td act with any Government oiherwise constituted. Now, whatever the history of this transaction might have been, it must be. admitted to be unfair to bring forward:one passage in the history and suppress another. When his• Majesty, then Prince Regent, was gracinusly pleased to instruct the Marquis Wei 'italoy and myself to Lorin au Administration, and the Marquis Wel lesley stipulated that he should make proposals t 0 some Ilan. Gen tlemen opposite; I immediately proposed to make a similar overture to Lord Liverpool. This at least proves that I was then of opinion that a combined Cabinet might exist, entertaining, different senti ments on the Catholic Claims, and that I held this opinion, wheal 'was called upon not to join, but to choose an Administration. It is - true that the E.irl of titerpool and his friends declined at that tine to belong to the Cloverntneist, and that" their declining did not induce me to think that the formation of an Administration should •be. abandoned ; hut the fact proves that I then entertained an opinion, which still remains unaltered, that the Catholic question Is not to be considered as a Government question, and that it is most likely to be carried under= Administration composed of mixed elements. This may be a very absurd opinion, but it is an opinion which. I have unitormly held, and I confess, that its concurring with a Go v.eninient constituted as it is, of some of its ablest hlembers differ ing Irons me on this great'question, I still retain the hope and the expectation. that the prejudices of this country with respect to it may be in time reasoned down,and that it may at length meet with a support-here, which, I am sorry to say, it dues nut at present find. I am glad of the present opportunity of stating, that in whatever shape, or at whatever time this great question may be brought for ward, it will always receive from me, whether •in or out of office, the best support I am able to give it, and that I still entertain the opinion winch held in the year 1812, that it is not to be carried as a Government question, and that the means do not exist arpresent of forming a Cabinet united on this great questiOn, and also concur ring in all other great questions of policy on which the interests of the country no less essentially depend. I purposely abnain'thom en tering into one most important topic, not because I underrate its importance, but because an ample opportunity will be afforded of discussing it at a more convenient period. The Ilan. and Learned Gentleman confined himself to general discutsive topics, which I have endeavoured to explain, I trust, to thesatisfaction of the House. With respect to the foreign policy pursued by the Government, I trust I have shewn, that without any compromise of the national safety ; without any loss of the national honour ; without any dimi nution of the national resources, but, on the contrary, with a great and happy augmentation of them, we have brought the country to the state in which it has this day been represented to the House. The Speech from the Throne is an account of our stewardship since we last met; and though we do not challenge approbation, I trust we may meet criticism without apprehension—( Hear, hear). Mr. DALY explained. . . Mr. BRIGHT protested against being understood to concur in the system of policy which hail been adopted with respect to our West India Colonies. Mr. CANNING said, that the language of the Speech from the Throne was, of course, to be understood as comprehending the sen timents of Ministers on that subject, and that the whole question world' be open to discussion at'a future opportunity. : 31r. PEEL said, the Honourable and Learned Gentleman (Mr. Brougham) had seemed to imagine that there was an intention by the Government to recommend to his Majesty some measure with rreipect to the Catholics of Ireland. There was no ground, he begged to say, for any such inference. As the Right Hon. Foreign Secretary (Mr. Canning) had adverted to his opinions upon the Ca tholic question, he (4i. Peel)• could not puss the subject without' observing, that, its the sentiments which he bad always entertained upon it, he was equally confirmed. Mr. HUME complained that there was no distinct statement in the Speech fr im the Throne as to what taxes were to be taken off, end what amount of relief was to be afforded to the country; but he trusted the Chancellor of the Exchequer would state distinctly whe ther it was the intention of his Majesty's Ministers to take off any -taxes, and if so, what were the taxes from which it was proposad to relieve the country ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, it was his intention, at * very early period, probably hi the course of the next fortnight, to give to the House a thorough explanation of the views of his Majesty's Government as to the state of the finances of the country, and the course of measures which they should feel it their duty to recommend to the adoption of the House.— 'Under these Circumstances, he trusted neither the Honourable Gentleman nor the House would consider that he was wantiug in proper re-pest, if he declined at present entering into any specific 'statement of the measures which it was his intention to submit in so short a period, and which he trusted would prove satisfactory both to the House and the country. The question on the Address was then put and carried, and the Hon* adjourned at twenty minutes past Seven o'Clock. The Coroner's Inquest held yesterday on the body of Mr. Pisecs, of Bristol, returned a verdict of ~ Found Drowned.' There is no doubt of hii death having been accidental.. CORN FACMANGE, MARK-LANE, FEB. 4. The arrivals of all sorts of grain this week are moderate.- Wheat 4,700, Barley 3,500,1)84 3,000 quarters ; Fleur 7,700. sacks. The quantity of flour is eaniiderable, and war Millers pause in pur chasing, so that the wheat trade is reported dull, at Monday's eur coley. Barley does not stidw so freely as Con laserliarket day. In Beassind 'Peas there is* skeration. 'Mete are but few Attest =Acts =dna Wei*, tisti nude. obtain the terms of Monday. THg EVTSING STAR:. . . , • ~. , - a . • • . I;OVDON. WEDNESDAY, FgBRUA4Y 4, 1804. Tlft FUNDS. -• , STOCK EXCII A NW/. TWSIATR O'CLOCK. Consols opened this morning at 901 to 91. There. was a gr eat bustle at the opening of the Market, ell anziaus to know the Ent price at the opening. They became heavy, and gradually declined to 901, j. At present they are 90f, Ij, foe the Account, and uni to 1 for Money, with a heavy Market and little doing. ONE- O'CLOCK. Consols opened this stymying at 90i, I, for the Account, aad f„ t blussey 90k, 4, but have since gone down to 901 fOr the Ate°mu ; 90i for Money, with very little business doing. FOREIG N FUN OS. Very little business is doing in the Market this morning. 'Spanish opened at 94k to 3,4, at which price they remain steady. Current Prices :—New Spanish 17, Old 24* 3, Colombian 64t to 65, Austrian sa, Chilian 78 to 79, Russian 90i, Mexi.st, I'll ICE OF STOCKS AT ONE O'CLOCK.: Bank Stock 238 1 h 1 / 4 : 3 per Cent. Reduced 91 1 / 4 9 ,1 78 . 1 ., S per Cent. Cons. 901/ 2 1 / 8 3 1 / 2 per Cts. 100 V 2 3 / 8 1 /,-4 per Cts.Old 10 1 4 1 / 4 101 A 4 per Cts. N.106 1 / 8 A 104—Bank Lg. Ans. 229.1(1 India Stock 274—India Bonds 83s. 84s. Etch. Bills 545. 575. s. 544. 575. 555. Consols for Account 907 8 :/8. If the Public was not already sufficiently convinced of the wisdom of that policy which his . MAJESTY'S M - nisters have observed since last Session of Parliament, the Speech of his MAJESTY, given in the STAR of yes. terday, and the proceedings in ParHament last evening, would be sufficient to convince the atost sceirtical, if not blinded by prejudices. Well :plight bia Maury re gret his inability to congruhute., the two ..Routes in person, " on the prosperous. c,onditibo of the country," when 'node and Conurtetee..sire 7 Eitkiding them selves both at home and abroak and ac tivity pervades almost every branch of mantifiCture;" when Agriculture is " re / assuming the station to which its importance entitles it ;". when the Revenue not only sustains public credit, but diffuses comfort among the great body of the people; At .peacewith all the world, with a cheerful spirit of order in the country, and a con fidence that " our internal prosperity and improvement will not be disturbed by any interruption of tranquillity 'abroad," his MAJESTY may justly feel proud, and hi s Ministers, to use the language of Mr. CANNING, may give an account of their Stewardship without fear.. , On the subject of Spain, as there is no person hardy enough to contend that we ought to have involved our selves in a war, for her sake, it is not necessary to dwell. Every person must led, in the 'language of his MAJESEY's Speech, " that in the strict neutrality which he deteraiiild to observe in that contest, he best consulted the true interests of his'people." With regard to the West Indies, a question of grea t delicacy, we art glad to find the Government does not shrink from its sirowed policy of ameliorating the, con. dition of the Negro Shires, and promoting their moral improvement, by an extended plan of religious instruc tion. His MAJESTY'S Ministers, feel: fully aware, that it is a subject of the utmost difficulty', which requires to be treated with calmness and discretion. On the subject of South America, the Speech. is quite as explicit as was to be expected. It noticeethe. appointment of consols, to protect our ,trade;.atid that the opinions of his NIAJESTY ha . ve been at all times frilltly avowed to Spain and other Powers. Thine ppi- . nions which have long been known -.to the Publie,.ate, that Spain has a right to recover her Colonies, if ;she can ; but that we shill. resist the interferyn . ciof every other Power.. His MAJESTY reserves to himself, "an unfettered discretion to be e . „Tercised, as the circum stances of those countries; and the interests of his own people may appear to. his MAJESTY as require." The Speech, which is a fair expose of the policy of Ministers, was so satisfactOry to both Houses sof Patliament, that no Membe r was found even to pro pose an Amendment to the Address, which was moved in the House of Lords by Earl Someßs, and,seconded by Lord LORTON, and in the Commons by Mi. HILL, seconded by Mr. DALY. The speeches of the Earl of LIVERPOOL and the SECRETARY of STATE for Fo reign Affairs, are eloquent amplifications of the Kuso's Speech, and contain a fall, explicit, and honest detail of the conduct of the Government; and itt views. The speeches of the Marquis of LANSDOWN and Lord lior.Laaur and that of Mr. BROUGHAM, by their poverty of objections and their scantiness of grievances, were necessary to show how difficult it is to make a case against Ministers, either in their foreign or domestic policy. Mr. Minoan/At ranged both hemisphere; for something . like a complaint, but could muster nothing tangible, and he was . compelled to huddle together French Invasion, the Conspiracies at *Milan, the death of Raw, and the spirit of the Speech of the Ameri can Fermata., but all would not do to hazard the proposal of an Amendment to the Address. Ile talked about France occu.. pying the ports of Spain, and invading Ireland, as if the French could build ships as easily as they could make an Omelette, or that a Navy could be created without our knowing of it. The best an. swer to the speech of the Learned and Hon.Gentlearan is the able, lu minous, and eloquent speech of Mr. Secretary Cranium, to which we refer as the beat exposition (for we will not say defence) of the conduct of Ministers, since no one presumed to attack it, that can be given, and such as, we are sure, must be highly gratifying to the country at large. This forenoon we received advices from Madrid, via 'Bayonne ; but neither the letters nor the papers contain any intelligence of importance. In the provinces of Andilusia, Murcia,Nalencia, and Gallicia, it is said the ConstitutionaHsts have begun to assume an attitude which excites some uneasiness. - The French and Royalists are also said to be on bad terms in Biscay. The French Papers of Sunday and the Etoik of Mon- day, have been received. The latter states, on the authority of let ten from l i isbon, that the Poi tuguese Government is prqMfing an expedition of io,cuo men for Br a zil The Garda de Corps Will remain at Madrid until the Ist of March. Colonel Bvasuri Saw Macon. has arrived, along with Aix other Maw as Prisonfi's of war, from Agen. - - 'LONDON : Printed and publicised by Laval Kssr, Piclutt• rime. Tenspie-Licr , • • I 1 ti I ( . 1 .4 1 v!: *