Star. — London, England, 1828-08-19 00:00:00

- cowry, and where victory itself is robbed of half its glory. Would that the deeds which we now comme rhotate were confined to the songs sly triumph over a foreign enemy ! With what unmixed pleasure should we Nit tne cup to our lips, and raise the shout of t iumph in commemoration of our noble defenders! Would to GoD that we were called upon alone to record the defeat, the disgrace, and rout of the execrable De Rosen and his French squadrons; but what person bearing the name of Irishman will say, no matter whether a fol lower of King William or supporter of King James — but what man, bearing the common name of Irishman, will say. that he peruses the narration of those scenes, where the glory and the misery of his country are blended together, without mixed feelings of triumph and disappointment? Let us give our utmost meed of, 'raise to the valour, the foitit ide, and skill of Walker —(Cheers). But what man in the exultation arising from the display of national virtue can refuse the same praise to his gallant adversary, Sarsfield—(Loud hisses). If I thought any Gentleman could intend to put me down by clamour, no person should ever see me at a meeting of this kind again. It is right that at a meeting such as this, I should express my opinions openly and fearlessly, and I shall do so despite of every attempt to interrupt me. I am here, Sir, as a servant of the Crown, and no one can blame me for expressing the honest conviction of my mind. I say. Sir, that no Irishman can blame me for bestowing upon the adversary of' Walker that praise to which his valour so justly entitled him—(Cries of " No, no, no"). It it be the opinion of the per-on that we are to with hold our rio-ed of approbation floral Sarsfield, what a pitiful. clinging creature he must he! Both were Irish men—b' th were brave—both skilful—and both have conferred immuital honour on the character of the Irish solder ; but their prowess was proved in the shedding of each other's blood—and though both were heroes, whose personal qualities were calculated to shed a lustre on our national annals, the misfortunes of the times have compelled our historians to paint them according to the biz, of their political feelings, either as martyrs or as traitors. In the struggle between King William and James the Second, the citizens of Derry were the first to show their attachment to the principles of liberty, and to set the example of a devoted sacri fice in defence of the freedom of conscience, and the support of the Constitution against a tyrannical and cruel King. But let it be recollected, amidst all the triumphant feelings of those glorious days, that the enemies with whom our ancestors had to con tend were natives of the same soil—that they adhered to the religion of their forefathers—that they fought in defence of a King to whom they had sworn alle giance—from whom that allegiance had never been withdrawn, and under whose sway they were content to live. Happily in the struggle, the cause of justice and of liberty was triumphant. The whole kingdom has felt the benefit of that glorious trial, and the de scendants of men who contributed so largely to the sal vation of the empire have a right to feel a just pride io the exploits of their ancestors, and to commemorate, ith becoming gratitude, their deliverance from danger. As one of the descendants of the warriors of that day, • not indeed of those who endured the siege in the City of Derry, but of those who volunteered their services to King William, I attend this anniversary. I attend here to mark my approval of the principles of the Re volution of 1688; and since it has pleased the descend. ants of these brave men, even at this late period, to raise up a trophy in commemoration of their exploits, I most willingly contribute the aid both of my purse - and presence to establish what I hope will be a never fading memorial of our respect and gratitude. But, Gentlemen, I wish it to be particularly understood that I do not attend here to mark any ti iumph over my Ro man Catholic brethren; I wish to blot out for ever the recollection that the triumph of those days was achieved 'over natives of the same soil. I cling only to the bless- . ing which we have gained, namely, the enjoyment of a freeConstionion; and I will not diminish the value of such a legacy by a heart-burning reference to national strife, and by teasing open afresh the wounds of civil warfare. I. is a source of the most gratifying pleasure to me to be' able to state most unequivocally, that I see a mark al Improvement in the condition of the people; it is visible in every class—it is corroborated. by a reference to those •tests in which there can be no deceit. If we were to • lielieve the rumours of the day—if we were to be guided by the reports of the public newspapers, we 'might fancy ourselves in a state of insurrection, and in a country where there was no security for life or pro perty. from whence industry had fled, where commerce was extinct, and allele poverty and starvation had • almost completed their work of degradation and des • truction. It is astonishing to see with what avidity the public mind is ready to receive even the most incredible fabrications with respect to Ireland, and how little the real condition of this country is understood. But what are the facts? The English Newspapers teem with reports that, Ireland is in a state of insurrection, be cause a couple of regiments have received orders to • march from England; to replace other regiments that are about to leave this country—they land at Belfast, and the whole North of Ireland is supposed to be in a state of alarm ; but what is the fact ? I will *venture to assert that so perfect is the state of tran quillity in this province, there is hardly to be found a single family which would think it necessary to fasten the latch of their door. But let us refer to more convincing evidence than mere assertion. The Assists areijust finished; there, at least, are to be found the testanf crime and outrage, if they exist in the country : bat when, within the memory of man, have the gaols been emptied with so few evidences of the demo, aliza tion of society—when can we recollect so few instances • of sanguinary outrage, of midnight robbery, or party violence? I heard the Judges declare their perfect • astonishment at the tranquillity of the country, and we heard their congratulations in this city, that they found no crimes on the Circuit but such as must exist in every mixed state of society. is trade extinct? Has commerce fled, and is stariratiott staling us in the face? Look at the quays of Belfast and Derry—look at the numerous steam vessels departing sleety day for pasgow, Liver pool, and London, aad tan any man say that trade is extinct ?—(Cries of " Oh ! oh !")—Look at our fairs and market-, and let us ask ourselves it industry has fled ? More animated scenes of business and activity cannot be found, and no complaint is heard, save the never failing one of the lowness of prices. Where are to he found the proo s of general povert/ and starve . tion ? Fu d is so cheap that it is within the reach of every individual of even the least industry; potatoes vary float four pence to sixpence a bushel, a price which will enable a man to maintain himself for little more than a halfpenny a day, and provisions of all kinds ate so abundant, that the markets cf Liverpool, Glasgow, 'and Bristol are actually overloaded with Irish produce. Such is the condition of this part of Ireland. 1 speak may of this province, with which I am best acquainted, and I will defy any man to contradict, the statement • which I haws made. It may be said that I have exalt gerened.diet picture of our prosperity, and that such a state o things is incompatible with the gerera conies , ion of toe distracted state of 'lreland. lint the elements of prosperity are to be found in the never failing resources of a rich soil, a hardy and indlas• trimis people, and a neighbouring market, ready to receive all our produce. But nub such resources, there is one ingredient which poisons all our blessings, and which, it is in vain to deny it, meets us in ever) station, in every society, and every under taking—l mean the state f our religious and political dissensions, or in other words, the Catholic Question. I have not staid here for a trifling object, such as to drink the " Glorious Memory," or cheer the "'Prentice Boys." It is my duty. as I am here, to state to the Meeting my opinions with respect to that great question, and I beg the attention of this company t s the description of the condition to which, in my opinion, this subject has reduced the coun try. In place of an exclusive devotion to the business f life, and an industrious pursuit of professional occu pations, the only certain road to wealth and Vtninence,l this question has made every man, from the peer to the peasant, a polit;cian—it is the absorbing topic of every man's discourse, and it is in consequence the fruit ful parent of exaggerated fears, of unmeasured pre tensions, of personal hatred, of religious fury, of political strife, of calumny, of abuse, and persecu tion, such as is not to be found in any other part of the civilized world. no matter what your pursuits—no matter what your disposition may be, the subject pursues you in every part of the country. It is the prevailing topic of your breakfast table, of your dinner table, of your supper table—it is the subject of debate among men ; it is the cause of alarm among women ; it meets you at the Castle of Dublin ; it meets you at the house of the Country Gentleman ; it creeps into our Courts of Justice; it is to be found at the Grand Jury; it is to be round at the Petty Sessions; it is to be seen in the Vestry-room; it is to be seen at the markets and fairs; it is to be found even at our places of amusement; It meets you wherever you go. Would that the whole evil ended here ; but we may see what the mischief of such a state of things must be in the convulsed state of society, and the annihilation of all those ties upon which the well-being of society depends. The state of Ireland is an anomaly in the history of civilized nations— it has no parallel in ancient or modern history, and being contrary to the character of all civil institu tions, it must terminate in general anarchy and confu sion. It is true that we have a Government to which an outward obedience is shown, which is responsible to Parliament, and answerable to GOD for the manner of administering its functions, but it is equally true that an immense majority of the people look up, not to the legitimate Government, but to An irresponsible and to a sell to istitined Association, for the administration of 'the affairs of the country. The peace of Ireland de pends not upon the Government of the King, but upon the dictation of the Catholic Association—(Cries of 44 More's the shame! shame! why not put it down ?") It has defied the Government, and trampled upon the law of the land—and it is beyond contradiction, that the same power which banished a Cabinet Minister' from the representation of his county, because be was a Minister of the King, can maintain or disturb the peace of the country just as it suits their caprice or ambition. The same danger impends over every institution established by law. The Church enjoys its dignity, and the Clesgy enjoy their revenues, by the law of the land ; and we know not how soon it may please the Catholic Association to issue its anathe mas against the payment of tithes; and what man is hardy enough to say that the Catholic people will dis obey its mandates. It depends upon the Catholic Asso ciation— no man can deny it—whether the Clergy are to receive their incomes or not. The condition of the land lords is not inure consoling—already they have been robbed of their influence over the tenantry—already they are become but mere ciphers on their estates ; nay, in many places they are worse than ciphers—they have been forced to become the tools of their domineering masters—the Catholic Priesthood ; and it depends upon a single breath, a single resolution of the Catholic Asso ciation, whether the landlords are to be robbed of their resit or not. So perfect a system of organization was never yet achieved by any body not possessing the legi timate powers of Government—it is powerful—it is arrogant—it derides, and it has triumphed over the enactments of the Legislature, and in filling its coffers from the voluntary contributions of the people—(Up roar—cries of " No, no," they are not voluntary). The Osataarmr here interfered and said—You are bound to hear every observation that falls from a Speaker. When the next Gen tleman rises to speak to the succeeding toast, he will, on his legs, have WI opportunity of controverting the statements of my Hon. Friend. But, surely, in an assemblage like the present, common courtesy demands that every Gentleman should be heard to the end. Mr. DAWSON resumed and said—As far as I knew this County, 1 did net think I should have required the interference of my Friend (Sir G. Hill), to procure me a hearing of what my viers were of the present state of the country. What f say is, that the Catholic Association, by securing the voluntary contributions of the people, consolidates to itself a power from which it may supply the sinews of war, or undermine by endless litigation rod persecution the established institutions of the country. And now, Gentlemen, it is time to ask ourselves the ,que.Aion, what must be the result of such a disordered state of thing 4 and such a com plete overthrow of all the relations of society ? Some Gentlemen will say rebellion—and the sooner it comes, the sooner we shall be able to crush it—(Loud cheers, which lasted for several minutes). Now, I entertain a very different opinion—it is not the interest, and I firmly believe it is not the wish, of the Roman Cathol c Lead ers to deism the people into rebellion. We have the best security of the purity of their intentions in that respect, in the stake which they hold in the country. and in the moral conviction that they would be the , first victims of a rebellion—(Loud cries from several voices, " No, no, we should be the first'). If a rebellion should tate place, it will not be from the orders or ex ample of the Roman Catholic Leaders, but from the' readiness of the two contending parties to come into conflict with each other, and from the total impossibi lity of checking the ebullition of popular phrenzy, if the two parties be goaded and exasperated against each other by inflammatory speeches or exaggerated misrepresenotions. But the result will be a state of society far worse than rebellion; it will be a revolu tion... 4 revolution not effected by the sword, but by undermining the institutions of the country, and in tiolving every establishment, civil, political, and re ligious. There never was a time when the whole Catholic body—(and it signifies very little whether their numbers be two millions or six millions)—there never was a time when the whole body was so completely' roused and engrossed by political passions as at present. They halve found out the value of union ; they have put , in prat tice the secret of combination—they feel a con , fidence in the force of numbers—they bave laid prostrate the pomp and power of wealth—they have contended against the influence of authority, and the decrees of the Legislature, and they have enjoyed an easy triumph over both. At present there is an union of the Clergy, the Laity, and the Pet)* Noe, Gentlemen, with such a state of things stating us is the face Iliad I do ndt think that I have overcharged the picture there comes the lag question, what is to be done ? Tile country confessedly cOntains great advantages; it has made a wonderful progtess notwithstanding all these drawbacks; it has confessedly the elements of wealth and prOsperity within itself, but all is checked and counterbalanced by these dishaptiy disco sions, and the invariable conclusion of every speculation on the state of Ireland is, what is to be done? Cos we go back to the penal laws? Goo forbid that such an expert• ment should be made ; it is revolting to common sense —it is revolting to the dignity of man. Can we perse vere in out present system ? The statement which I have made, and the firm impression made upon my mind by an anxious attention to passing events, is, that we cannot remain in our .present situation; something must be done; there is but one alternative,either to crush the Catholic Association—(Cheers for several minutes) there is but one alternative, either to crush the Catholic Association, or to look at the question with an in tention to settle it. Let us eseicise all our inii,enuity— let us argue with all our subtlety .---there is no other alternative; and with such a conviction upon thy mind, I feel myself called upon to exhort my coun trymen—men whom 1 have tie honout of represent ing, to abstain from irritating harangues, to pause. and to weigh well the dangers of the country—to dismiss all personal bitterness from the contemplation Of a whole nation's welfare, and to devise some means with satisfaction to all patties for restoring the pre dominance of established authority, and giving secu rity to the recognised, the legal, the constitutional institutions of society. I speak here as a Member of Parliament, as a Member of the Government, and as a citizen of the world. Is it possible that I can look with apathy upon the state of my Catholic countrymen?-- (Hisses)-1 cannot express too strongly the contempt I feel for the persons who thus attempt to put me down. if the representation of the county depended upon the votes of those who interrupt me. I would not condescend to ask them, though their suffrages would secure my return. I must know, mixing as I do in the world,. and holding the high situation I do, half the interests of Great Britain are wrapped up in the safety of Ire- land. There is but one topic more, before I conclude an address already too long. A threat has been held out that the North of Ireland, and this county in particular, is to be visited by some itinerant .demagogues, to stir up the elements of discord. Let.them undertake this task at their own peril. There never was a time when the Protestant proprietary were mere determined to rise as one man to repel such an invasion. The at tempt will be hopeless, utterly hopeless ; but let them pause well on the consequences. They will meet here a sturdy, a bold, a determined, and if driven to retaliation, a fierce yeomanry—they will be answerable to GOD und man for the floods of blood that may flow from such an attempt; no power can controtd it, and upon them be the responsibility. Let their deluded victims also reflect upon the fate which will attend them. If once the kindly tie which binds them to the landlord be broken, the -result tt will be, not a quiet submission of the landlords, but a transfer of their lands to Protestant tenants ; thou sands a 4 to be found in the county who want such lauds, and the force of numbers will no longer protect them, as it has hitherto done their deluded brethren in the South. I speak these words in kindness and in advice to them. With respect to myself, I shall be found at my post, and ready to make every sacrifice in defence 4" the rights of my country, the character of her gentry, and the support of the Constitution—(The Honourable Gentleman then resumed his seat). The Bee. Mr. GRAHAM rose to put a few questions to Mr. Dawson,but he was interrupted by the CHAIRMAN, who said he would not permit any person to interrupt the regular course of the proceedings. I will, said Sir GEORGE, give you a toast, which I anticipate will call upon his legs a Gentleman who will, I am sure, refer to the speech which you have just heard from my Hon. friend the Member for the County—l will give you, "The Yeomanry of Ireland," and I will couple with the toast, " Health and prosperity to John Schoalts." The toast bating been drank with loud cheers, Mr. SCHOALER rose. and made an animated appeal to the feelings of the Meeting, and concluded by giving, as they had drank the Memory of Walker, and the 'Prentice Boys of his time, the "'Prentice Boys of the present day."—(Drank with the greatest enthusiasm). Mr. GREGG called upon the Meeting to rally roun.l the Constitution and the Throne; to transmit to their children's children their. dear•bolight inheritance, pur chased with the blood of their forefathers; and let the patrint'c cry of one and all be—No Surrender.—(Loud cheers, which lasted for several minutes). Other appropriate toasts, and among them the healths of the Earl of ELDON and Mr. PEEL followed, and the conviviality of the Meeting was maintained till a very late hour. 17" IINNER TO MR..viOußr„ M.P. FOR DUBLIN ISOM TIII DUILIN lIIIRMAN'II JOURNAL. The admirers of this Gentleman's principles enter. tained him at dinner onThursday evening, at Morrison's Great Room. The company began to arrive at half past six, and the Chair was taken at balfpast seven by the Earl of RATHDOWN. Mr. Moos. est at the sight of the CU%Men, and the Right Honourable Wituast Seem to his left. Leith Lonaroan CAD fLEMAINI, GLANDIIIII, and FARNIIIAII oceepied seats near the Chair. A great number of the Board of Aldermen were present, and the medal and ribbon of the Royal York Club were perceptible in every direction. The City of Dublin band was stationed in the gallery: and played during the entertainment. After the usual loyal toasts, The CUAIIMAS proposed the health of a Nobleness, who had born but a short time in this country, but who in that abort time had mainly contributed to raise the trade and prosperity of the City of Dublin, " The health of the Marquis of Anglesey." (Three times three). Tune—Downfall of Paris. " The health of the Duke of Wellington and his Majesty's Minis ters."—(Loud cheering).—" See, the Conqueting Hero contes."-- (Nine times nine). " Genrio Ogle Moore, their Protestant Representative." The announcement of this toast was received with deafening cheers, waving of handkerchiefs, sod every demonstration of regard for the Gentleman whose health was proposed. Mr. Moons then rose and addressed the Chairman and the assembled Meeting. When he saw around him such an array of Irish rank, wealth, talent, intelligence, private *worth, and public •irtue ; men whose heads were sound, and hearts warm to the truest interests of their countiypasseinbled together on an occcasion so flattering to himself, he felt that no strength of language on his part could give adequate expression to bis feel ings. When he looked at the present political state of, Ireland—at the occurrences which were passing daily, nay hourly, under his observation, the extraordinary character of some public proceedings, the political', , organization on the one hand, and the social dis organisation on the other, he could not shut his ' eyes to the fact, that there ikaa in Ireland a system ' of machinery calculated to produce effects avbich it was frightful to contemplate. Catholic Emancipation was put• forward as the ostensible object; the ulterior one was of a most dangerous nature—the destruction of the Pr• testant Constitution aid its establiartinent, and displacing from their natural influence the aristocracy of Ireland, bath Protestent and Catholic—(Hear). They food aaptem iu active operation, *llia bad to effect to leave the constituency of the cotintrr "ride •L., itinton of the Irish Priekthr ori, tnr the strov ,, rt visionary objects of several Pailiimei tar! Reformer,, In the Protestants of Leland, Far k, property, and edit. cation will be found foiemost ; they have been al way i found at their post in the lines ef the Constitution, a n d that Constitution I know they will never abandon—:. (Never, 'levet). They should therefore esercise the pi. vitege with which they were invested as British Citizens, and fi , mly and unitedly resist the devastating poste': which was opposed to them. " The health of Lord RatbdoWn"—(foci and continued cheers.) His LORDSHIP rose and said, that he felt the deepest gratitude for the kind and affectionate manner in which his health had been drunk, in en assembly composed of Oe rank, wealth, and respectability of Protestant Ire. land, and to be thought worthy of presiding over them was an honour for which he was incapable of returning thanks in adequate expressions. His Lordship gave—, " The Exports of Ireland...4os* Who Would subvert the Coo. stitution"—( Nine times nitro.) The following toasts were then given and drank bith loud applause: " The Earl of Longford"... 46 Lord Farnham"—" Lord Castles maine"—" The Hon. General King"—" Mr. Santin"—" Mr. S er . gent ILaforey"—" Alderman Beresford"—" Sir Abraham Kin g " —" Mt. Enis"..—" Colonel Rochfort"—" Sir Harcourt Lees".., " Colonel Irwin," &c. &c. All the above made able speeches in defence of Pro. testana Ascendancy, and were universally cheered. " The Right Hon. Robert Peel, the Leader of the House of CbMinoris bf their constant advocates and ablest supporters." —(Nine times nine).—'Tremendous cheering. Tune, " Protestant Boys."-1 , Lord Manners" and several other absent Noblemen and Gentlemen.—(Great applause). - - - The CHAIR MAN then called on the company to fill high to a toast; which he wac certain would meet are. sponse in the bosom of every Gentleman precent— " The glorious, pious, and Immortal memory of the great and good King William 111. who freed us from Popery, slavery, and arbitrary power, and left the best legacy behind—the Illustrifus House of Brunswick. whom Goa long preserve "—(Cheering). The enthusiasm with which this toast Was drunk defies descrip. tion—it was given with twice nine times nine, amidst waving id handkerchiefs, and the most ardent, demonstrations of feeling oar the part of the company—Tone, " Bayne Water." Several other speeches were made, sod the healths of distin guished individuals were proposed, and the day closed in the most perfect harmony. There were upwards of three !Handrail and fifty persons present. THE EVENING STAR. LONDON. TUESDAY, AUGUST 19, 1828. STOCK EXCHANGE, TWELVE O'CLOCK. We are very dull in the City this morning, owing to there being no rrrivals of the least importance : it is the sante in the Cowl market, and scarcely a bargain has been done to the present hour Comes opened at /37i, and continue at that price, alternately buyers and sellers. The Foreign market is almost deserted for want of business. The Date► steam boat bas arrived, and brings letters and papers to the Hith instant; but they de not contain any information. CITY, HALF-PAST ONE O'CLOCK, The Camel market remains in the same torpid state as in the early part of the morning, at ffif to h for the Account. Some Mete of own men•ofwar have arrived front Lisbon Ind Oporto, but they do not bring any news. More credit is given this morning on Change to the report cf Peace being signed with Beenos Ayres, as letters are in town stating that the Exchange had got up on the afternoon of the 18th Jane, Oaf agd a Half per Cent. PRIOR OF STOCKS AT TWO O'CLOCK. Bank Stock 213 India Bonds 113 13 3 per Cent. Red. Bei 71 Snuth Sea Stock Epee Ct. Cons. 874 1 1 Old Annuitle, 51 per Cent. 961 New Ditto 861 31 per Cent. Red.96l 1 £lOOO Exclseq. T3ills 71 2 ' 4 per Ct. New,lol 1 3 1 .1500 Ditto 71 2 4 per Cent. 1828, 10Sk 1100 and £2OO Ditto 71 3 I.mm Ann. 20 148 Bank for Acct. India Stock 2421 Consols for Acct. 871 FOIIRION FUNDS. TWO o'Cl-itt K. Brazilian Bds. Spec. DnAcct 521 1 Do Acct. 801 1 1 Pruss. Bonds. 5 p Cc 103 Mex.8d5,1825,6p Ct. 383 Russ.fids.lB22, 5 per Ct. Do Acct. 39 8; Do. Acct 95 Neapolitan Bonds, 5 p C. 77 Spanish Bds Sp Ct. NI Portng.Bds.spC. 521 Span. Bds. 1823, 5 p. C. 71 BRITISH AND FOREIGN SHARRS, TWO O'Cl.toett. amine. ►sin. Anglo Mexican 300 9S 271 Bolanos 300 290 2N 290 Brazilian 35 20 64 United Mexican 40 sit 201 Alliance British and Foreign 100 10 °I Provincial Bank of Ireland 100 25 ss The Doke of CLARENCE has not been in town since Saturday, but is still at Bushy, where, we are sorry to say, bis Rsyg Highness is slightly indisposed. Friday Lord STUART tie RcerusaY, the Britsh Ant bassadnr at the Court of France. had an au.lience of the French Monarch, for the first time since his arrival) to deliver his credentials. The Ambassador was re• ceived with peculiar marks of favour: the KING alluded to the satisfaction that had been given to the French Court during Lord STUART'S former embassy, in Lows reign, and said he derived great pleasure on that account from his return to Paris. The KING then, turning the conversation to the posture of affairs in Europe, expressed in the strongest terms his desire of preserving the friendship and confidence of Great Britain, and his sense of the peculiar necessity of that friendship at the present moment. His MaJesrs's concluding wordelwhich we have from the best possible authority) were—" .1 ansfresly persuaded that nothing but the most intimate concord bettveen the KING of EN 6 * LAND and myself can preserve the tranquillity of Lurope. In these sentiments the British Government canna but concur; and it is to be earnestly hoped that no untoward accident may occur to interrupt the good understanding which now happily prevail s b etween t h e R u l e rs of the twp countries. We received last night the Gazette de France dated Sunday, published on Saturday evening. No Morning. Papers were published on Saturday. The only part ct its contents which is at all interesting relates to the pro' jected Expedition to the Morea, which, in consequence of the considerable augmentation it has received, ran' not sail for some days after the period originally fired 4 or its departure. However, all the Generals, including the Commander-in-Chiet; have been at their posts e' ec '-.ince the 9th iLst. As st Teri! artisans accompany ElPeeitiort it is evidei t the Fiends meditate sou e u Greece. The Gazette contsadic s, i th • t poifted of o r ' .he statement th ',Pea rl u. t• e Cons i utiorliteit fat i warm discussi .n had en . e between • vs R9r 1 i i