Star. — London, England, 1825-02-23 00:00:00

N~* • •1 . - The case of Tuam occurred next There the CatheijA was the parish Church in many pt es. The Cath b edrAs and Churches had often been suffered to go to decay ; when the Incumbents ought to have devoted part of their salaties to keep them in repair. In the case of Tuam, the Cathedral was in the town, and not at a (s.-, tance. The expenses of its repair had been thrown for many years past on the parish, and not on the Digni taties. This Cathedral was not-oray - the patish Church of Tuam, lint of five other parishes also. The effect of this had been most iraprorer, and very injurious to the Mt/blies. The items of expense were such a; could fairly he applied only to the Church when in repair, and nftt when out of it. The rate had been raised from two rence farthing to sevenpence an nor, since 1812. Now, nr some parishes there mere not more than five or six Lotestants; and was it fair dint such a hai.drul of per sons should I4x the whole Catholic population? In St. Peter's, Drogheda, the charge for wine was raised since 181'2, from 'lO/. to 36/. a) ear. The organ •t received 50/. a year, his boy 5/. and the otgan•tuner 101. a year. The other items were in the same extravagant ratio, and vfforded a fair specimen of the way in which these rates were appropriated. The charges were not less exorbitant in themselves than the api•topriation was unjust. There was no sort of mitt oul over - the imposition and employ ment of these funds. Some engulf y ought to take place. The consequences of the abuse *ete felt throughout the country. This was manifest in the case of St. George's Parii.h, Dublin. There the estimate for building the Church was 16,000/. and the cost had alleadyl!mounted to 157 ,000. So, in otht.r instances. 'the I ion. Barunet shortly explained some of the provisions of his Bill. These were, that a Vestry appointed for building or repairing a Church should Ilia proceed to any other business ; that persons of every reli gion should be admissible to such Vestries, and that the Pa rishioners should have a right of :ippeal to the Petty Sessions and Assistant Banisters. The Honourable Baronet concluded by making his motion. Mr. GOULIMIIN said he did nut vi ish to oppose the motion, but would give it ail his assistance. It was probable he should differ on some of the details of the Bill. As to the cases cited by the I lon. Baronet, he was not prepared to explain or deny them. Ile was well aware of malty cases where . the rates had been improperly appropriated. Whatever tended to . remove all cause of complaint would be agreeable to the Protestant Clergy, and he, on their part, was ready to consent to the motion— ( Hear). Leave gratat 1. LAW OF LANDLORD AND TENANT. ~~ t f 4 I 1 • r Sir H. PARNELL rose to move for leave to bring in a Bill resliecting the Landlord and Tenants' Law in It eland. He did not wish to affect the question ()item or the interests of landlords, but to bent fit the popula tiou of the country by putting some check to the great evil of mildly ided farms in Ireland. At present the Wages of I,,bour did not exceed 4d.a day,whilst it was itn possible tot a man to live tor less than one shilling a day. Whilst the farms were so greatly divided as at present, it was impossible that wages ever should be sufficien! for the maintenance of the 'about er. In It eland there was a tendeacy in the population to increase, far beyond what the capital st °old justify. The difference between the yopt.lation of Ireland and other countries arose from ti e su division of lands, and the great facility of raising th . at article of food on which the increase of population de. ended. lie referred to the opinion of Mr. Blacker, an eminent lawyer, given before the Committee last Session, which went to show that the law of non-alienation would have great effect in preventing these evils. lie was, however. of opinion that this law was discountenanced by Juries, and not countenanced by the Courts. The subdivision of tarns, provided merely for the existence of : people, aud :Rioted nothing to their comforts. Some legisla tive measure was r, Tared to meet the evil, ond he would there f ore move for leave to bring in a lhll to regulate the sub-letting of tenements. _ _ _ Mt. N. CALVERT seconded the motion. Mr. HUM E protested against any jute' terence as to thy distribution of property between the landlord and tenant, which would be a compromise of the principle that the House of C.immons had laid down. Sir J. NEWPORT denied that this was any such in tet Terence as the lieu. Member had supposed; on the contrary, it was a measure to enforce the performance of contracts between landlords and tenants.—Motion agreed to. JUSTICE OF PEACE IN IRELAND. Sir H. PARNELL said, he had again to trouble the House upon a subject connected with Ireland. It was not h.s intention to go into any detailed charges against the Magistracy of Iceland, but it was very well known that many persons in the Magistracy wete wholly unfit to fill that situation. His object was to give full effect to the excellent mea.mie of the Marquis Wellesley tog compelling Magistrates to act at the Petty Sessions. To rtridtor that measure effective and really beneficial to the cotairry, it was necessary that some further steps should be talt•n tot inure the appointment of more capable persons to the office of M 461r:de. There ought to be a further revision of the blagistracy, and some principle adopted which would ensurithe fu ture respectability of a tribunal so important to the fair administra tion of justice. lie moved fur leave to bring in a Billto regulate the • Mice ■ of Just ict of the Peace in Ireland. Mr. GOULBURN said, that he should offer no op position to the introduction of the Bill, bat would not Fledge himself to its future support. He admitted that some such principle as that which seemed to be the object of trie Bill, was highly desirable. The only reason why the Government had not taken further measures upon the sukject was, that it was not conai dered expedient with regard to time. That, with other questions relating to the state of Ireland, was under the consideration of the Committee up stairs, and some rtcommendatiou might be expected from them relating to it. He was not aware that the revision of the Magistracy had not been so cuniplete as had been desired. The Lord Chancellor of Ireland had used all the means in his power to render the Magistracy pure -aid adequate to the proper discharge of its functions. From time to time, as cases came before him, he would not be backward in completing a duty which was not less important than invidious in its nature. $ Mr. S. RICE said, he understood it to be the object of the Bill to introince a stipendiary officer to preside or . assist in the Courts of Petty Sessions. • He should resist any such principle in the outset ; for the appointment of such an officer would imply that the Country Gentlemen were not to be confided in, and 11111 A compel them to retire in disgust. Alt. GRA" TAN thougiit the Hon. Baronet had not b. en sufficiently. explicit in det.iihug the 'wore of the Bill. Air. CA It EW ex pi essed his tihjectiota to the introduc tion of a paid officer to the :llagistracy. PARNELL explained. \li. L. FOSTER said, th.it if a paid officer were to lse nal oduced, lie should vices thime,tsure with distrust. Lord MILTON objected to the principle of leaving aii) measures which %sere necessary, to the Committee u , stairs. Such a princirle would place the whole Government of Ireland in their !lanes. Tie agreed with the ob jections to the introduction of stipendiary officers. Captain O'GRADY s..i'J, that if paid officers were to be introduced in these Courts, the Bill would not he a Bill for regulating, hut suppressing the office of Justice of the recce. Every Gentleman wad.' retire in disgust. Tae motion was then put, can hid without a diTibi.oo. ASSOCIATIONS Iv fit NO : Mr. HUSKIziSON mt.vt.ti the Order of :he Day lot the lionw going into a Committee viva the friar Unlawiul Aaao. elation, Bill. The Order of the Day having been read, Mr. GouLauito moved that the Speaker do now leave the Chair. Mr. IIUME sv:s. desitous of submitting some obser ' Riuse before The speaker left the chair. 'From its first introduction he had viewed this Bill as most objectionable in every respect, and as a most un just and cruel act.towardit the people of Ireland. One' ofihe greatest proofs of the disjointed state of that un happy country, was the number of •Bills constantly brought in for the remedying of some particular evil. On ail sides Members were :tasting up with Bills, one to cure-this, and another to patth up that, while it Was the duty, as it was in the power.of Government, by one swee l ing measure, to strike at the root of the evils at once. During the course of their discussions, he had .heard no one Member ulna would venture to say that the measure would be effective, if passed. All the statements of the advocates of the Rill were contradic tor, and oppoed to each other. Some said that Ireland was in a state of great alarm, and on the eve of convul si"n, while others declared that the civil law had never been so pat amount and efficient. This was nothing mote than a new penal law against the Catholics; for it was an insult to them to speak of the Protestant po pulation. The Howse was bound to consider and act for the majority. It was a common saying, " Put a man down, and keep him down." Su the people of Ire land were kept doveivand he would say to the shame and disgrace of the people of England. It was not from teligious motives that the Catholics were kept out of their just rights, but only to preserve to their enemies the monopoly of all the offices and emoluments of the State. To shew the proportion in which these offices were distributed, he held in his hand the return of the comparative number of Protestants and Catho lics in the Irish Excise and Customs in 1822. In the Customs, the number of Protestants was 296, of Catholics 14. In the Excise there were 36.5 Protestants, and six Catholics. He strongly reprobated the con duct of the Cabinet with reference to this question.— In forming a compact not to advise his Majesty to do justice to his Catholic subject, they betrayed the inte rests of that body, and violated their oath in not advising the King for the good . of his people. Ile agreed with his Honourable Friend the Member for Westminster, that this was not an Irish but an English question.— England had to pay a load of taxes for the purpose of keeping down Ireland by the bayottet. Three millions and a half, or four millions, were paid by this country for Ireland ; and her military establishment alone cost a million and a half yearly. Setting aside, therefore, the question of rights, it affected the people of England most deeply, as a question of revenue. By the course they were now pursuing they would drive the Catholics to despair,•and cmpel them to look elsewhere for jus tice. If lie were a Catholic, it should be a matter of calculation with him, whether, as a good Irishman, he had a better chance of succeeding in freeing his country from her oppressions, or being hanged ?—(if laugh ). — This had been the conduct of our ancestors under si milar circumstances. They watched their opportunity, and be hoped Ireland would do the same ; and when it arrived, they drew the sword and conquered their liber ties. Such must be the conduct of that country if the House persevered in the present system of withholding its rights, and adding to its penalties. He denied that the pi esent Bill was directed against the Associations on both sides in Ireland ; and if it were, there was not the smallest similarity between the two cases. The Orange Associations were bound together by secret oaths, and held secret meetings ; but the conduct of the Catholic Association- had been the reverse. He held the profes sions of the Government to be hollow and hypocritical. It they had been in earnest, they would have dismissed all office-bearers who belonged to Orange Lodges. It was one great peculiarity of a free State that Societies should arise, by which the people might be enabled to judge of the acts of the Government, and to know how to conduct themselves asgood subjects and free men. All the acts of the Catholic Association were legal, and yet this Bill was directed against them, and not against the illegal Orange Associations. It was his intention to move an instruction to the Committee, for inserting a clause to provide, that every person now in office, or hereafter taking office under the Government, should make oath that they did not, and hereafter would not belong to any Association declared illegal by this Act. He could not conceive upon what grouqd this motion could be re slated. He might be told that it was not customary to administer such oaths; but that could be no objection because it was already the practice to require oaths to be taken by those who entered upon many important offices. The Honourable Member then banded a motion to the Chair, to the effect which he bad stated. The SPEAKER suggested some objections of form, and after a short conversation, a motion, the sante in substance as that we have stated, was put. • Mr. GOULBUIIN said, it was unnecessary for him to go into the general measure after the manner in which the House had expressed its opinion. With regard to the particular branch of it now raised by the Hon. Member, he considered it not only not calculated to effect the object which the Hon. Member had in view, but as being extremely objectionable in point of prin ciple. The principle which it involved was that of calling upon every person holding or accepting an office under the Government to make oath that he had never been guilty of a particular offence against the law, and that lie never would be guilty of such offence at any other period. If the principle were to be admitted, why were such persons to be exempted from making oath against other crimes of greater magnitude ? In his acquaintance with the English law, he knew of no instance where such a test was required, and he saw no reason why such a one was necessary now. The Honourable Member had stated that perms in office still belonged to Orange Associations, notwithstanding the law formerly passed. But how was this ? Be cause those Societies had so changed their form and proceedings as not to come within the operation of the law. One of the objects of the present measure was, to supply a remedy for such evasions. With these impressions on his mind, he should oppose the motion. Mr. G. LAMB denied that any analogy could be shewn between the requiring oaths against belonging to an illegal association, and against the commission of ci rotes. He contended that the administering the oaths under the Test Act was a sufficient precedent. They had heat d much, two years ago, of the desire of Go vernment to give a triumph to neither party in Ireland. He regretted that they heard little of it now, but if the proposition of his Hon. Friend were adopted, this otherwise obnoxious mea sure would go forth to the people of Ireland with, at least, the as surance that such a sentiment was stilt entertained. Mr. C. HUTCHINSON said, that although Minis ters dared to continue to force this atrocious measure through the House, and were not to be frightened or terrified from their desperate put poses he should repeat what he had before said, arid continue to hold them up to the execration and reproba!ion of the count! y. The lion. Member complained that the question respecting the Association had not been sufficiently discussed. The Ministers appeared satisfied with the declamation be stowed nit the subject ; but they knew at the same time, it they spoke again on the hated measure, his Hon. Friend, for he was surrounded by talent, would put them down. ilia did not wish to speak with disrespect i of majorities, but he knew how historians would speak of them if they spoke truth. Corrupt majorities had been the ruin of Ireland, and they had brought Eng land to a state of danger. Corrtipt majorities had for merly driven the people of Ireland tb`rebellion. He was not to be brow-beaten bp majorities which did net feel for the degradation anctoppression of Ireland. He bad lived there in time of her ptosperity, but he had seed• woeful instances of the misery of his country. He had seen his countrymen driven to rebellion by opptes ision ; he joined in putting that rebellion down, because he considered any state better than the desperation of men in arms; but, at the same time, he opposed the system of cruelty and oppression. An Honourable and gallant Friend, who was on service in Ireland, knew well that the rebels were not the most offending parties. When the French invaded Ireland, he opposed them ; he took a French officer prisoner, and when asked why he, who had expressed sentiments of hostility to the Government, did not receive them with open arms ? his answer was, " The Government is bad, but I will never take a change from the points of French bay onets." He considered the measure before the House was one of insult and irritation. It was calculated to produce the greatest injury in Ireland, by exciting deadly animosity. The day of retribution must come, not a day of violence, but the moment when all would feel the injustice of withholding the Roman Catholic claims. There never was a body in Ireland which pos sessed so much of the confidence of the Catholics, as the Association to be put down by the proposed mea sure. So long as that body continued to act, the popu lation would be peaceable and quiet, from a knowledge that they were promoting their interests. He disap ovcd of the measutes adopted during many years with respect to Ireland, and must raise his voice against the odious Bill then before the House. If he could not terrify Ministers, he would shame them ; and should they not consent to abandon the Bill, his hope was, that they might receive the reprobation of the country. He should support the motion of his Hon. Friend, and follow it up by moving that the House go into aCommittee on the Bill that day six months. Mr. PLUNKETT said he would not detain the House many minutes. He begged to call back the House to the original question. The Honourable Member for Cork could not blame him if he did not follow the long statement of transactions in Irish history. His Ho nourable Friend had complained that the subject had not been sufficiently discussed, and that satisfactory rea sons had not been offered in support of the Bill. He could not say whether the criticism of his Honourable Friend were just or not, but he believed the House were not disposed to press the argument further. With respect to the motion of the Hon. Member for Mont rose, he was persuaded it was not one that could be listened to. The lion. Member proposed that a per son coming into office should take an oath that he was not a member of any Society made illegal by the Act before the House, or any other. What was the situa tion of a person called on to take that oath? He was called on to swear that he was not a member of an il legal Society without knowing whether such Society was illegal or not—whether a Society was illegal must depend on a question of law, of which the party could not be cognizant. If the motion of the Hon. 111 ember should not be carried, his confidence in the Members of Government would lead him to believe they would nut suffer any one belonging to an improper Society to hold office. Mr.DENMAN felt some objection to his Hon. Friend's motion, because it went to impose a test upon coming into office which was improper. He thought, however, that it was necessary to prove to the people of Ireland that this was an impartial measure. It was necessary they should see the Orangemen placed on the same footing as the Catholics. The Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman appeared to think a man could not swear to an act of which he might not be cognizant. That was a correct view of the question, and that objection might be applied to the Bill. A man might be fined and im prisoned because he became a member of an illegal society, whether he knew they acted illegally or not (A cry of No, no !) He found certainly a qualification in that respect, which he had not before seen, but still he considered the Bill bad, and if the House went into a Committee upon it, ke should support the motion of his Hon. Friend. Mr. Secretary PEEL really thought the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who had spoken last would do well in future to attend to the advice which he had that night received in respect of this Bill, from his (Kr. Denman's) Hon. and Learned Friend, and to read Bills before he discussed them; for it was quite clear—after making a most vituperative attack upon it however—that the Honourable and Learned Gentleman had not read the Bill of which he had been speaking—(Hear). He (Mr. Peel) repeated what he had stated, and was sure that he had heard an Honourable and Learned Gentleman who sat near the Member for Nottingham (Mr. Denman) say to him, when he was contending that there was no qualification in the Bill, that in such a clause he would find his objections answered—(Hear, hear). Surely it was not too much to ask of a Learned Judge, like the Honourable Member, at least to hear the defence of a prisoner before he pronounced his condemnation.—lt seemed to be complained that Government were de-irous of passing this Bill without sufficiently discussing it.— Now, to be sure, after it had already, during five nights, been largely discussed, and every Honourable Gentle. man who had risen to oppose the Bill had been regu larly followed by some Hononrable Member who was friendly to it, the course that had been pursued did not very much indicate a desire to evade discussion. But the Honourable Member opposite (Mr. C. H. Hutchin son) had said, that if he could not terrify or shame the Government out of this Bill, he would do something else—( Hear, hear). Without following that Ho nourable Gentleman in the vehemence of manlier in which 'he had expressed himself, but with a firmness that he (Mr. Peel) hoped might not be doubted by rea son of the mildness of the tone in which he chose to speak, he did apprize that Honourable Gentleman, that nothing which he could do or say should ter rify him (Mr. Peel). His conduct, or his motives, as a public man, it was quite open to that Ilonoto able Gentleman to question and at raign ; but he did assure the Honourable Gentleman, that no language which he might make use of would ever deter him (Mr. Peel) from pursuing that line of conduct which he might think his duty to his country, as a Member of that House, and to his Sovereign, as a servant of the Crown, demanded of him--(Cheery). The Honourable Gentle man had also talked about " corrupt majorities ;" and yet, in two sentences afterwards, be had declared that he relied on the enlightened wisdom of that house to remove the disabilites of the Roman Catholics of Ire land—(Hear). Now, if the Honourable Gentleman did rely upon the enlightened wisdom of that House, he (Mr. Pub would ask him whether he supposed that the Houle would be so influenced by corrupt motives to pass a penal law affecting the Roman Catholics ? ( Hear). Could tiny one really believe that this Bill would be supported by " corrupt majorities?" He too much respected the gbod sense of the Honourable Gentleman himself and the character of Parliament, to pnt this question any further. lie should now confine himself to the proposition of the Honourable Member fot Aber deen ; but the futility of that proposition 1,a,1 t"en ah ready so well exposed, both by his Right Hoe. and his Right'Hon. and Learned Friends (the Sect etar y and Attorney-General forlreland),that it was a'most um:recess sary for him to offer any further observations on heltdia ject. If the Bilt inAttestinh sh - Oal d be passes into a law, the laws that would affect societies in Ireland would be these—that there should be permitted in I eland-net:le. cret societies, bound together by secret and illegal oaths that those who might thereafter enter into those snys-,. tericius engagements should become liable to certain punishments. To the penalties of this Bill? No; but to transportation—(Hear). Now, the Hnn: Gentle: tleman's proposition went to make a man swear, on en: tering office, that he did not belong to any secrets, : ciety. Whyl if he could not swear this; he would nave already exposed himself to the penalty of the other is sv, making connexion with a secret society so punishable.: Suppose, then, he should swear he was not so connected; could any great reliance be placed upol that person's oath, seeing what must ensue if he declined to swe a r? If, belonging to a secret society, be should conceal that fact, he would commit perjury, and be liable to all the penalties of that heinous offence; but if he should re , fuse to swear, and admit his connexion with any illegal association, then be would have offended the law in question, and might be transported—( Hear). But then it was said— suppose he should prove to belong to an Orange Lodge ?—(Hear). Why, upon that point, he (Mr. Peel) could find no difficulty in saying, that it would be the duty of Government to remove from his office an . ) , body who should be in such a situation—((heers.)— He could have no hesitation in stating that that would be their duty in the case of a party's belonging to any society whatever that was declared to be illegal— (Hear, Deer).—The proposition of the Hon. Member (Mr. Hume) he opposed upon principle; because.he op posed tests, generally on principle; but he thought that the Honourable Gentleman must see that his own mo.. tion would not effect the object he had in view ; and therefore, he did hope that the lion. Gentleman's good .ease' would prevent him from pressing the matter to a division. Mr. HUTCHINSON explained. The Hon. Member said he had used the word to terrify in a Parliamentary sense. Lord ALTHORI' could not suppose his ll.,notirable Friend used the word terrify in any sense nor Parlia,- mentary. It was to.shew to the House the danger of the course they were taking. The Noble Lord did not think it was an expression whieh should meet the ab horrence of the House. With respect to the motion before the House, he was glad it had been made. He was happy to find the Ministers of the Cr ‘‘ I WO not employ persons who held high situations in Orange Lodges. It had been declared in terms that such persons should nn longer have the support of Government. When those persons found they could derive no good effect front exclthive loyalty they would abandon it. Sir R. WILSON defended his Hon. Friend the Mem ' her for Cork. Having been referred to with respect to the rebellion in Ireland, he was prepared to say the rebel who attempted with his feeble pike to defend his country, was not so guilty as those who had drive,. him to desperation by oppressive measures. His Honourable Friend did not suppose he could terrify any English Gentleman, but had used the word terrify in a poli tical view. He might ask the Right Hon. Gentleman, whether he was prepared to withhold the Catholic Question, and produde thereby a civil and religious war in Ireland ? This was s luestion which ought to tertify any man—( Hear, hear, hear). The Gallery was then cleared, but no division took place, and t the clausc was negatived. On the motion for the Speaker's leaving the Chair, Mr. HUME, adverting to the statement of the Right Hon. Secretary of State, with respect to men in office not being members of societies, observed, that several men high in office, among whom he particulArized Lord O'Neill, had been at the head of son.e of the Orange Societies. The House then resolved itself into the Committee, in which the blanks in the 13111 were filled up. Mr. SPRING RICE protested against his friends and himself being precluded by their silence from future opposition to the principle of a measure, which no modi. fication of a detail could render tolerable. The House then resumed, and the Report of the Bill was brought up, and ordered to be taken into further consider.tion on Thursday; and the Bill, as amended, was ordered to be printed. SUPPLY. On the Order of the Day for bringing up the Report of Supply, Mr. NUMB objected to receiving 4 so late in the evening. On the question for bringing up the Report, the House divided. Ayes . 50 Noes . 9 Majority —4l The Report was, consequently, brought up and agreed to. FINANCE. Mr. HERMES, for the Chancellor of the F.achequer, postponed the Finance Statement from Friday to Monday. ARMY ESTIMATES. Lord PALMERSTON gave notile that he should move the Army Estimates on Friday. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a Qua um To Osa this morning. LIST OF MINORITY AGAINST THE SECOND READING OF THE CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION BILL, ON THE 21ST FEBRUA RT. ' Abercromby. Hon. J. Grenfell, P. Philips, G. IL ion. Althorp, Viscount Guise, Sir B. W. Power, R. Anson, Hon. G. Gurney, R. H. Price , R. Benyon, B. llamilion, Lord A. Parnell, Sir IL Birch, J. Heron, Sir R. Pym, F. Brougham, If. Hill, Lord A. Ranisden, J. C. Browne, horn. Hobholisr, J. C. Rice, I'. S. Bury, Viscount lionYwoods W. I'. Ridley, Sir M. W. Byng, G. Hornby, E. Robarts, A. W. Benett, J. I toward, H. G. Hobart., G. J. Bentinck, lA. W. Hume J. Robinson, Sir G. • Calcraft, J. H. Hutchinson, lion. Rowley, Sir W. Calvert, C. C. H. Rumbolds C. E. Carew, It. S. James, W. Robertson, A. Carter, J. Johnson, W. A. Scott, J. .. Caulfield, Hon. H. Knight, R. Sefton, Earl of Cavendish, Lord Kingsborough, Lord Smith, J. G. A. H. - Lomb, lion. G. Splint. G. Cavendish, C. Lambton, .1. G. Stanley, Lard Coke, W. T. (Nor. Leycester, R. Stuart, Lii. P. J. folk) Loshington, S. Sykes, D. Colborne, N. W. R. Leader, W. Somerville, Sir M. Crompton, S. Moberly, J. Talbot, R. W. Cradock, S. Mainaly, W. L. Tierney, Rt. Hoo. de Davies, T. 11. !Macdonald, J. TownAelid, 141. C. Denison, W. J. Mackintosh, Sir J. "%Vali, C. 11. I)undas, Hon. T. Marjorihauka, S. Warre J. A. Ebrington, Viscount Martin, J. Webbe, E. Ellice, K Milton, Viscount Whitbread, S. 6 Evans, W. Mahon, lion. S. Whitbread, W. 11. Fitzgerald, Right Martin, It. White, S. Hon. M. Newport, Sir J. White, Colonel Ferguson, Sir R. Nornianby, Viscount Wilson, Sir R. French, A. Ord, W. Wood, M. Folkestone, Viscount Osborne, Lord F. 0. Wyvill, M. .. Glonorcky, Viscount O'Brien, Sir E. Toccatas 'Graham, S. Palmer, C. F. Nugent, Lord Grattan, J. Philips. G. sett Calcralt, J. The Wot ti entitled "Tremaine ; or, The Man of Rcifite mod," suppose] to be written by a distinguished political periotiacat ig to be dedicated, we hear, to the Right Honourable 13 Y, Sinless &vitals, M.P. F t Mr. IIUME •aliens to the • I ir