Star. — London, England, 1824-04-09 00:00:00

a Government by which they had been so ill-nsed.— It was worth while to try the experiment of kindness, now that the opposite system had been ineffectually sicced upon for so many centuries. There was nothing' tie people bore so ill as contumely. While it coot;nued to be heaped on them, it was impossible the country could be a source of s trength to th e empi r e. By an op• postte sysoem it might be rendered loyal, powerful, con tented, and happy ; he cohjored 016. - Lordships, there fore, to consider dispassionately whether it would not be 'n*fe th adopt some other mode of Government that :mght afford a chance of producing such happy molts. Lneland owed much to Ireland ; but from the first mo rneoz of her roinuest to the latest period, she treated oer most unjustly. He spoke from the conviction of his heart when be said, that without a change of sys tem it would be impossible to save the country. It was to avert those calamities which he apprehended that he caned on theirLor ddrips to take the matter into their most serious consideration. The Noble Lord concluded by moving for a Select Cononioet to incerire how far the reeulatiens lately adopted by Pailiament,or by his Ma je Mmisters, lord hitherto tended, avpear ed likely to rend, to secine the welfare and tranquillity of that part of the United Krugdom called Irelaud, and to as certain whether any and what further measures might appear to them advisable for the attainment of those desirable ends.—The question being put, Tire Earl of LIVERPOOL said, that under any other circumstances than those under which the present Mo tion was brought forward, he should, before rising to declare his sentiments, have felt anxious to hear those of the Noble Lords who were more immediately con nected with Ireland. But from the peculiarly import ant nature of the subject he was anxious, as early as pos sible, to state the reasons which induced him to come to the conclusion that the motion was not one in which their Lordships ought to concur. If he thought that any possible good could result from the appointment of a Committee, either to the empire at large, or to Ireland itself, he should be one of the last men to resit the pro position. Being, however, most firmly persuadeJ,from all the consideration he could give the subject, that pd good could arise from the appointment of a Committee; believing that all the objects sought for by the motion might be better met by a different course of proceeding;' thinking that, far from being of advantage, it might lead the country into most serious difficulties—lre must on these grounds resist the motion of the Noble Lord. Before proceeding to the topics adverted to in the course of the Noble Lord's speech, he felt it necessary in the first place to do justice to the character of the Irish people. It was true he never visited the country ; he was not, therefore, acquainted with its localities ; but having frequently, both in his private and public capa city, come in contact with the Irish people—knowing how much of the work of London was performed by labourers from Ireland—what numbers of Irish mecha nics were employed in various manufactures—having had ample means of looking into their conduct, he was bound to say, that whatever they might be in their own county, out of it there did not exist a more industrious, a more honest, or a more kindly disposed people. He thought it material to bear thie testimony to their con duct, lest it might be supposed that he considered the existing evils, whatever they ;night be, as arising from the character of the people. Whether considered with reference to their services in the Army, the Navy, or the various branches of industry and labour in which they were employed, there was nor, he would venture to say, a more valuable people to be found in any .part of the empire. Ile would come now to the state of Ireland, as opened to them in the speech of the Noble Lo: d, and in considering this subject it was important at the out set to draw one material distinction, to be found within the country itself, It must occur to every person at all acquainted with ir, that there existed a very mate rial ditfeience between the province of Ulster and the other provinces. Though that provioce, in consequence of the great exertioos the country had been called upon to make, and the expenditure occasioned by those ex ertions, suffered in common with all other parts of the empire, still it could not be denied that it was in a state of growing prosperity. There was no reason ter be lieving that with respect to its apoicultme, its com merce, and manufactures, it was not in as prosperous and flourishing a state as any other part of the empire. In stating this, however, he merely meant to say, that there were advantages which belonged only to this par ticular province, as compared with the others. In con sidering the state of Ireland, and the bearing of politi cal measures upon it, they roust look to it in reference to the policy pursued by the English Government, either in former or latter times. Without undervaluing the general policy of the earlier periods of their history, it could not be denied that, with reference to Ireland, it was a policy of tyranny and oppression, and that where tyranny and oppression might not be traced, the pr incipies of a narrow and selfish policy were applied. It could not be denied, that by this system great suffer ings had been inflicted on the country, but there was another cause from which at least equal evils arose— when they began to pursue a different line of policy, and extend the benefits of the Constitution to the Peo ple. I: wits often done too hastily, when they were not s .rfliciently prepared for such a chaeg, and by that means the good proposed was defeated in no inc3usi .iet able de gree. This was not mere matter of conjecture or theory. lie had the advantage of expenence on de subject, and was borne out by the results of a diffe!ent line of policy in another part of the empire. Scotland at one time was in a noach worse situation than Ire land. li, after the rebellion of 1715, :hey had imme diately giver: tr. S:ctland the laws and the magistracy el England e she never could have arrived at her pre sent state of prosperity. In place of units extending to her suddenly all the benefits of the Constitution, her existing wants were taken into consiudation, and mea sures suited to time gradvaily introJaceii. In legis lating for any country, they should first look at the par ticular wants to which that legislation was to be appiled. He wisned to call the attention of their Lordships to the numerous laws passed in tbe course of the last reign for the relief cf Ireiand. Ile recollected that a Noble BA-on (Lord Glenville, we believe), not now, uttfortu rattly in attendance, and who took a diiletent view fro m I.im.cllvntrue important question couuected with fie- LuAl, ,aia, in the coot se of a former debate, that there ne.er had been so many acts of beneficence done for any country a., had been. for Leland in the course of the last reign. Ile would state to their Lordships what the pa hey of this yamtry was. The Noble Lord who brought this subject forward did not seem to be fully aware of it. No nation, arse the Leg-inning of the world, had ever dote or soul ificed so much for a part of her enoare es. England had for the benefit of behold. In consider hoe, a question like this, the fir s t thing that we naturally lv.oioti to V , as the relsital elihetiht Of taxation. England was now taxed far beyond the atisrage rate of Europe. It was at least doubly taxed. Their Lordships might be surprised to hear that having taken the whole debt of Ireland on herself, Ireland . was now the least taxed of any country in Europe, with the exception perhaps of Russia an I the Sauthern puts of Italy. Considering the relative ansount of population, Greet Britain boie ten times the taxes that Ireland did. Her actual taxation was Live times greater. There was no direct tax in Ireland, at least no direct tax paid to the Government.• - The only thing that could be called a direct tax was the tithes. There was no poor rate, unfortunately as he thought for the interest of the country. Whilst there. fu: e one ccuntry was the highest taxed in Europe, the other was the least. If Ireland paid less taxes, he was aware Oat she was less able to bear them. The very fact of bearing taxes might, he would allow, be a proof that there existed the ability to bear them. What he stated, however, was only a small part of the relation in which the two countries stood to each other, with re ference to taxation. Their Lord-Lips were aware that heavy protecting duties were imposed upon various ar ticles of foreign production. This, whether right or wrong, bad been the„ policy of England from an early period. Their whole Statute book was full of those protecting laws. Ireland, however, that did not pay half the taxes of Ft ante or of the Netherlands, was Iv w admitted into the English market upon the same terms as those ho paid five times the amount of taxes— (hear). He did etat mean to lay any stress on the fact; he stated it for as much as it was worth, but it was right their Lordships should know it. While protecting duties were imposed on the industry of every country in Europe, Irish produce was allowed to come into the market on the same mins as English. Was be not then justified in saying that no nation had ever done so much for any part of her empire as England had for Ireland ? What ever then might have been the former conduct pur sued, there was no ground for saying that in hitter periods the most liberal policy had not been adopted. This view of the question was very material in refer ence to the motion of the Noble Lord. Whatever might. be the effects arising from religion, their Lord ships must see that the evils of Ireland were in no way connected with the policy pursued in later times, but that they must arise from something else in the internal state of the country. He would put it to. their Lord ships whether any indisposition was ever manifested by the Government to institute inquiry when any particle lar grievance was stated to exist? No Liter than last Session an inquiry of a most important nature was set on foot, and some improvements likely to prove highly beneficial grew out of the recommendation of the Com missioners then appointed. The highest credit was due to them for the able and judicious manner in which they probed-the evils submitted to their inquiry, and the.re medics they suggested. He had no objection to inquiry on s?ecial objects, but he disapproved of a motion so genetail as that of the Noble Lord ; because, if agreed to, it • might lead to expectations which it would be found impossible to realise. Another question 'that had occupied the attention of the other branch of the Legis lature was that of education. On this subject the Go vernment was of opinion that much might be done; and they were neither negligent nor unsuccessful. An institution of the utmost importance was now proceed. ing in the most successful manner—not on the con tracted scheme of exclusion, but on the principle of ad mitting Catholics equally with Protestants to all the benefits of it. Ile did not mean to say there were to be no Protestant schools ; such establishments could not be dispensed with in Ireland. The institution was making rapid progress, as would appear from the great number of schools established since it commenced in 1817, when the number was only eight. In 1818 there were sixty-five established ; in 1819, 133 ; in 1820,241; and last year they were raised to 1,122. The applica tions for similar establishments were rapidly increas- ing. In the first quarter of last year the applications were 63 ; in the second quarter, 73 ; in the third quar ter, 117 ; and in the fourth quarter 142—making alto gether 395 in one year. Though some objections at first existed on the part of the Catholics to avail themselves •of the institution, they were in a great measure re. moved. The applications from Munster were numerous. In the counties of Cork and Limerick the number of schools established last year was 103. These institu tions were on the must liberal principle. There was only one condition required, that t f reading the Scriptures- - (icar from some Noble Lord on the opposite side). — The Catholics might use their own version if they pleased. Nearly half the Masters appointed were Ro man Catholics. It might be asked what the effects were hitherto ? Their Lordships must see that instantaneous effects could not be expected from establishments of' this kind ; but, from the best information, he was war- ranted in believing that they were already sensibly felt. He held in his hand a document which warranted him in coming to that conclusion. It was the Report of a Committee on the subject. [Here the Noble Lord read part of the Report, stating that it WAS not reasonable to expect that the effects could be discernible in the adult population ; that the benefits were to be looked for only when the present generation grew up to man's estate ; but that al ready the advantages were great, and that the effects might be traced in the respectable and orderly conduct of the people in whose vicinity these schools were established.] He would not now discuss the measure of Tithes ; but he did not believe that if the whole Tithe system were done away with in Ireland, the people would be bene fited, for they would then have to pay at least a rent proportional to the amount of Tithe—and he also be. Neves' that there were more cruel collectors of rent at this moment in that country, than there were of Tithes. 1k certainly wished as strongly as any man that the Cier,sy of the Established Church would contrive to have their Tithes collected in a less irritating manner' —but he was convinced, that before the grievances of Ireland could be removed, a change of conduct must take place in the landlord. Another source of evil he considered to be, the subdivision of farms into 40s. free holds ; and it was well known that land in Ireland, at Ithis moment, l e i s at a hi g her rent than in England, al th,,tigh there are nu poor rates. He believed there never was a peasantry in such a state as that of Ireland— (nent)—he would repeat—he believed there never was. l'esitions had been presented to that House about the state of fl.e Slaves in the Westlndies, but they had many advantages—those of food, clothing, &c. but in Ireland the poor man has no house, no food, no clothes, no rights. Anozher topic,which he should not now discuss, was, that in his mind, improperly called Catholic Emancipation. This measure, he did nut believe, ii passed to-morrow, would have any effect on the condition of Iceland. lielaud, iu one iespect, ditTered froth every other coun try'. In all others we found that the property, both landed and conrnretcial, vs cot with the bulk of the peo ple; hut not so in Ireland ; there the property was with the Protestants, while the buik of the population was Catholic. 'rue Noble Earl then concluded by express. • ins the strongest_ disposition, on the .part. of Govern ment, to do everything in their power for the advantage of Ireland, and would to GOD they were able to do all wished for the beoefit of that country'; but; hte could see no gored likely to result from the present motion, he must oppose it. The Marquis of LANSDOWN, though he agreed with the Noble Earl who had just sat down oa Borne points, yet differed from him as to the inquiry proposed by his-Noble Friend, which, he contended, was as ne cessary as any that had been called for at for mer periods of our history. Ali the topics treated upon! ranged themselves under two heads, acid they had but to choose whether they would take the view suggested by one of these or the other. The first consider ation was, what made the situation of Ireland an anomaly_ throwing out of their calculation whether or not the Church there established was in unison with the feelings of the people? and the second, whether these Statutes applied to cm rect the evils growing out of that anomaly he had described, and which traveled out of the Con stitution, were calculated to give the population and Government of that country security and repose? — The Noble Marquis, proceeding to discuss those points, contended that the circumstances which rendered Fe land dissimilar to every other country in Europe were .adverse to the real prosperity of the Empire; and ar gued that the measures adopted to guard against the evils thence arising were not such as ought to prevail. Alter all that the Noble Earl had told them Gfflvern ment had done for Ireland, he was not prepared to say that that practical order had been secured, and that sincere attachment tar England which could exempt us from that addition to our burdens which the Noble Earl would to-morrow call upon them to hear when propos ing to them an augmentation on account of Ireland.— There was something then that prevented the measures devised by the Noble Earl for the benefit of Ireland from producing the desired effect. But when told of the generosity of this country towards Ireland, he must remind the Noble Earl of some of the circumstances connected with the display of generosity. Ile would drew that that generosity might be fairly named expe o:liency—expediency founded on an enlarged view of the situation of both countries. If Ireland produced much corn and England but little, was it a favour to allow her corn to be consumed in England on condition that she took our manufactures for the consumption of Ireland ? When they were told of the difference between taxation in England and taxation in Ireland, the reason was obvious. It was because the former was the richest, the latter the poorest country in Europe. The taxes had been reduced in Ireland, but first they had been so largely augmented, that their produce diminished from the extent to which they bad been pushed.— The taxes which had formerly given a million, from being augmented sunk to half a million. Then we be came generous and remitted the extraordinary duties most lelt, and now Ireland was likely to pay a million again. Ireland was reviving on the ruins of those laws under which she had suffered, for to the tyrannical laws which had been in force, he imputed much of that disposition to rebel which had manifested itself in the North of Ireland. He could not bait warmly praise the measures latterly adopted by Government, and express particular satisfaction at seeing the prin ciple of a commutation of tithes admitted. Ile hoped Ministers would follow it up, till the practice of commutation should become general throughout Ire land. There was another question to which the Noble Earl had adverted, and which, in the unhappy situation of that country, must always demand.particular atten tion, he meant the state of the administration of justice. Than this nothing could have greater influence on the manners and feelings of the people. Ought it to be supposed that Irishmen were found residing in all other countries from choice? Ought it not rather to be ascribed to the state of the laws there, and the peculi arities in the administration of justice? On the subject of middle-men, be begged to remark, that such rersons were as much employed by the resident gentry as by the absentees of Ireland. From various circumstances, he was sorry to .say that Ireland had not through many years enjoyed the advantages intended for her in the full and fair administration of justice. Ile however ac knowledged that the greatest efforts had been made by his Majesty's Government, and especially by that part of it which was more immediately connected with Ire laud, to accomplish that Most desirable object. The persons who had been selected to be the agents of the Police had been proved guilty of creating those very disturbances which it was their duty to put down. Hehad received a letter within these few days from Ireland, one passage of which he would repeat; it was this—c , The Assize here is just over; it would have been a maiden one but for the disturbances created by the police." Those men, who had been engaged by Government to guard against a disturbance, had been guilty of going into a fair, and enticing men to drink till they became drunk, and then murdering them, for so he thought he might fairly describe their crime. These men had been convicted of manslaughter by a Protestant Jury, and had received sentence of transportation. To shew the effects of past misgovernment, and to shew how little the people calculated on obtaining justice at the hands of Government, he would state what had occurred on this occasion. The family of the person who had lost, his life was so poor, that it was considered they could not obtain legal advice if left to their own resources. The Government upon this, very commendably and very promptly directed four King's Counsel to conduct the case. Four Gentlemen prepared to obey, and would doubtless honour ably have discharged their duty, but so little faith had the former in the good intentions of Government, that they actually sub scribed to have a Counsel of their own, and Mr. Wallace had been sent to Maryborough, and on his shewing, the verdict and sentence had been obtained. This he mentioned but to shew the rooted belief which prevailed among the people that they were proscribed, and could not hope for justice at the hands of Goven n ment. A resolution come to by the Grand Jury of the county of Roscommon, had been communicated to him, which charged the constables sent down by Govcr a ment with creating disturbances and extorting money, under the sanction of the person at the head cf the po lice there, who had culpably endeavoured to screens them from punishment. Ile stated this as another in stance of the difficulty of adminicening justice, even where the Government were disposed to effect that important object. The Noble Marquis alluded to va rious cases in which individuals had been improperly molested, and where blood had been shed, without its being found prac:icable to bring the authors of such outrages to justice. These things he mentioned as arguments in favour of that inquiry which had been called for by his Noble Friend. He noticed the injurious effects of Orange processsions, and read the remarks of Mr. Bawls M'Clelland in a late charge to -1- a Grand Jury on the importance of putting them lie enial ged on the misconception and consequent (.1).w.-ll tents in Ireland, which k vas his Lordship's belief led !!e peasants, under ti,e impression that eq raljusticewourld mit be dealt out to them, to outrages. bur rings, and nntr.le,,,.. No one could be more favntrrAble than he WAS t' . . - nussions of Inpiry, and he was as ready as the N'‘b . e Earl to bear te,timOny to the ability and intecTrity wi ii which the Commissirniers formerly appointed by Parli i. went had performed the duty imposed upon them ; h ut he thought something more than inquiry ought vow to -take place. Ministers ought to be especially catefai tha: no religious differences should be encouraged in the school, now establishing, or to be established, i!!Ide:. their auspices. It hid been often said that the Catholic Clergy in Ireland were unwilling to allow those under their guidance to receive the benefits of education. i'e felt called upon, as in this he could speak from his o•A experience to say such was not the fact. Under all the circumstances, he thought the inquiry called for by W,.; Noble Friend highly desirable, and he therefore heat 6,y concurred in the motion. The Earl of LIMERICK agreed with much that i:al fallen from Noble Lords on both s ides of the ffoihe he felt it his duty to declare his concur ren,e in the opie: qi which had fallen from the Noble Earl (Liverpool), that notenetit could arise from the ap k ointment of the Com mittee. With respect to Pour rates, they would be ve lf agreeable to the Irish peasants ; for they would never work if they could obtain support without it. The . establishment of a sytem of Poor-rates in lb amid wouli only create six millions of beggars. The Marquis of DOWNSII IRE set forth the import ance of adopting measures to relieve and conciliate the people of Ireland, and hoped 1111Cd115 would be tound of employing the siketfluous capital of Engiand there in a manner that would prove beveticial to both countries. Lord CARBERY defended. the measures taken for more general y diffusing the bles,ings of education among the poor of Ireland, and maimaineti that every care was taken not to alarm their ieligion.i.rejn..i.:es. The Earl of RODEN considered it to be the misfor tune of Ireland to be the tool of party and the dupe at designing demagogues, who wished to set them against English jurisprudence and English connection. Till that superstition was eradicated which now enslaved her, no Permanent good could be effected. He bole .estimony to the general anxiety for education pieva.ent in Leland. Ile praised, in the warmest terms, the Sunday Sellout society in Ireland. That Society had mew estabii,hed 1640 schools, in which there were 12,578 gratuitous teachers, who had weekly to perform the rleasing task of teaching 157,184. children. But it was not the Sun day School Society alone. which thus exerted itself in the cause of education. - The London Hibei nian Society instructed 90,000 children daily, of whom 65,000 were Roman. Catholics; the Kildaic-street Society educated 70,000 children, of 'b.. hum 4.5,009 sere Roman C lies ; the Capehstteet Society educated 19 216, of whom 924.6 were Roman Catholics. The Anabaptist's Society educated 9000 children, of whom 7500 were Romao Catholics. The Tilsit Society educated 3900 children, of whom 3000 were Roman Catholics. The sum total was, these schools educated 319,306 Irish children, of which number 161.,746 were Roman Catholics. He should oppose the motion. Lord CIA FDEN snprortNi tine tn,vion, and contended that Ireland could never be pacified all the Protestants and the Catho lics were placed on a perfect toeing of equality. The Eirl of CA It NA It VON did rot think the changes at pre sent countenanced by Minisceri calculated to effect much; !rut he thought the Government would t}ti itself compelled to go further. Ile thought no beneficial change could be looked for while Ireland retained a Hierarchy of the same persuasion as a small portion of the people,which was rejected if not execrated by a great majority. The Earl of DARWLET replied. After which the House divided, when the numbers were as follow : Contents, 17 I Nnn Contents, 57 I Majority against the Motion, .10. Adjourned at Twelve o'Clock. 11017 SE OF COMMONS. Leave was given to Wing in.a Bill to establish an FgnitL•ble Loan Society in Dublin. Mr. BYNG brought in a Bill to incorporate a Company for lighting the cities of London and Westminster with Oil Gas.—lteal a first time, and ordered for a second reading. Mr. I'. WILSON brought in a Bill to amend the Laws relating to the Custody of Pauper and Criminal Lunatics.—Read a first time, and ordered for a second reading. Petitions were presented against Slavery, from two Parishes in Lancashire, by Lord STANLEY ; from Standish, by Mr. Cuawco ; and from Chipping Wickham—Severally laid upon the table. Sir A. CA MPBALL presented a Petition from the Dean and Procuratots of Paisley against the Attendee 811. A similar Petition was presented from Wigton, both which were laid on the table. Mr. LAM BTON presented a Petition from the Merchants and others of the town of Darlington, in favour of the County Conics Bill.—Laid on the table. General GASCOYNE presented a Petition from an individual, and another from certain inhabitants of the town of Liverpo 1, against the County Courts Bill. The Petitions stated that there were Courts already existing in the County of Lancaster that were fully adequate to all the ends of justice. The gallant Member gave nixief that be should move a clause in the Committee for exempting the county of Lancaster from the operation of the ICI. Lord Atmolt P wished to ask the lion. General how mall signatures the Petition contained? General GASCOYNE said there were about fifty signatures, principally those of lawyers—(hear, bear).—The Petitioes weir laid upon the table. Mr. DEN ISON presented a Petition from the Trustees of the East Smithfield lioatis against the St. Catherine's Duck Bill. The Petitioners were ordered to he heard by thema Ives or Counsel be fore the Committee on the Bill. Lord A I.TIIOIII I moved the committal of the County Co i rts Bill.—The Bill went through a Committee, the Report was re ceived, and ordered to be. taken into further conaideretioa on Monciay next. Mr. LAM BTON fixed his motion relative to the Press in India, for Tuesday, :he 25th of May. Mr. K. DOUG LAS presented a Petition from the Sheep Farmers of the county of Dumfries, praying for a repeal of the tax uputt Shepherds' Dees.—Liid un the table. Also a Petition front the Magistrates and others of the Burgh of Dumfries, preying an inquiry into the Salmon Fishery Laws.—He ferred to the Committee. Mr. 11. G. BENN icrf presented a Petition from the Inhabi tants of Newton and another ylece against the proposed grant of 1 . 500.000 for the building of New Churches.—Laid on the table. Loz d A. 11.17.m.T0N nnnced fur a Ileturn of the Fees chareed by the Magiscretes and Town Clerk of Inverness, on the discheree of any ptiauiter under the Act of Grace.—Ordered: Mr. S. E ICE moved for leave to bring in a Bill to re:elate ti.e holding of Petty Sessions in Ireletal.—Leave given. The s.:me lioneurehle Member moved that a Select Committee be aro:Mite:l to iniyeire into the local taxation of Dublin.—The acireed to, and the Committee appointed. Mr. HOME moved fur a Return of all Slaves, the property the Crowe, it: of the Colonies, stating the number meter -et years of :lg.!, and the number over that age.—Ordered. The A TTOI:NEY-G P.NE It A L obtained leave to bring in a 13: i to amend the. Acts relative to the British Museum. Mr. 0 U LBU RN moved for leave to bring in a Bill for drain ing and improving the Bees of Ireland ; a Bill to amend the County of Cork Division Bill; and a Bid. to amend the Civil Bill Act 4 Ireland.—Leave given. Mr. PY M presented a Petition from Leighton-Buzzard, :pin , : the window-tax. MANCHESTER GAS BILL. On the Motion of Mr. CURTI:AS, the standing order was real, directing that all Petitions should be signed by the Petitioners, an I that the contrary was a breach of privileze. Ile then, in purs.i atice of the t.otice he hid given, moved for the production 4): t zi.inutes ut evidence taken before the Manchester Gas Committ whiLla were token before the Cohunlttee appointed by that Hon • • [Of have 11 blr. better than tl Mr. produi Mr. should The was 124 uus prig torsi: men was 31 111141 W It MI be m Al ports have tion N form DI the • flow • • duce Lear saws Were oda oft! lit id was k ey hi t DO 11 Iced Intel Si Sur I with A halo 1 Mao and e TII4 11 Cm r 1 wiw rev 07711 oh e . 1114 aloe 's ors ti 24r rf Bill the a / 2 be: ffts Sul nil 15 I Oj till W 4 la: Ca tin pet t• 1.,441 tat tie