Star. — London, England, 1828-01-23 00:00:00

BRITISH CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION. Yesterday the usual open Quarterly Meeting of the which was numerously attended,was above A•sociat ion , heW at their Rooms, Thorney-street, Bloomsbury. The chair Iv" taken at half past one o'clock, by JAMBS Wpicacas. Est. BLouNr, as Secretary, read the minutes of the last meeting and a financial statement, from which it a ppeared that the accounts of the Association stood as foilows: Amount of subscriptions up to the 24th Oct. 1627 galAnce in the hands of the Treasurer Disbursements .. . ,ClO4 7 S 118 7 0 .€252 14 5 104 14 10 36127 19 7 As a set-off to this balance there was a disputed bill of £l2O. Th. ltossoN rose to propose a draft of a petition to Parliament in favour of the Dissenters, which being rea d, was put frosn'the Chair and carried unanimously. Mr. WITHAM rose to propose the draft of another Petition to Parliament. It was one praying for Eman cipation from the disabilities under which they them selves laboured. He was of opinion that they ought never to cease petitioning Parliament, for by keeping the ball alive, they might one day or other catch it.— m e . Witham then read a draft of a Petition, calling u pon the Legislature to remove the disabilities under which they laboured. After it had been seconded by Mr. Fitzgerald, The Reverend Mr. *DONNELL of Birmingham, !me. It was, he said, an enactment of the Athenian Los-giver, that any party in a common cause, who s hould remain neutral, would be for ever deem ed infamous. Yes, it was certainly incumbent on men seeking for freedom to come forward fearlessly. If ever there was a time for unanimity of sentiment and a concentration of purpose, it was upon that occasion. I heir enemies were in power—(Some cries of " No, em .")—Yes, men whose oaths had been registered against them. It was a frightful thing to see such men allowed to rule the destinies of this great empire. The Reverend Gentleman alluded to the simultaneous meet ings which took place lately in Ireland ; and con trasted them with the Orange Meetings that frequently °mitred there—meetings that were generally followed by some tile murder. The simultaneous meeting of the Roman Catholics would teach the Ministers - this, that the same cause which made them endure sufferings and privations was_ capable of making them rise en roue at the stamp of one man's foot. On the friends of liberty in Parliament they should still depend; and never at any time had those men a more noble task to, perform. But although he had great hopes from the assistance of friend!, still he must say that the Catholics must mainly depend upon their own resources and their own energies for the success of their cause. The Rev. Gentleman concluded by giving the Petition his hearty support. The Petition being put from the Chair, was adopted unanimously, and ordered to b(entrusted for presenta tionto Loi d Nugent in the House of Commons, and Earl Grey in the House of Lords. Mr. BLOUNT proposed the thanks of the Meeting to' , Lord Rossmore, for his appearance here that day. The motion being put from the Chair, was carried unanimously. LORI ROSSMORE returned his sincere thanks for the kindness they had displayed towards him. Why was he there that day ? Because the voice of a Protestant Bri tish Peer, when raised in Ireland,was unheeded in Eng land—(Hear, hear) He came amongst them to give them a short description of that country to which he belonged. He wished to throw aside the notion that he came to catch their smiles, or please the Catholics as a body. He came to Protestant EnglaWiss cat( upon it to- save every thing Protestant in Mead, There were many propositions suggested for the trans quillizition of Ireland. One was, emigration. Al though he was opposed to the measute, he could not bear to see shoals of his countrymen shipped off from their native country to a perhaps less happy land ; and for what ?—Merely because they spoke as well as eat with their mouths—(Hear, hear, and laughter). This system would not do. Emancipation was much cheaper than emigration—England would have to tranquillize Ireland. How?—By finding employment for her poor. How was employment to be found ?—By capital. Could that capital be introduced into Ireland with advantage? It could. Ireland had been deceived. There had been broken vows on one side, broken hearts on the other. His Lordship, after alluding to this system of packing Juries, and pointing out other judicial im proprieties which he stated to be common in Leland, asked if they would suffer . such conduct to be pursued in England?—(No, no!) No, you would not. It was only in the land of the degraded that such acts could be acted upon with impunity. He thought that the evil genius of Ireland had fled with its Parliament — that the book of persecution was then shut for ever ; bet he was deceived. It was denied that any pledge had been given to the Catholics at the time of the Union. Now he (L-trd Rossmore), had letters horn a Catholic Clergyman, named /hoeing, and a Mr. Bidwell, which noald spew to the Meeting that Catholic Emancipation was generally considered to be a conse quence of tke Union, and that the impression originated not from any speculative opinions of the Catholics themselves, but was the result of communications made to them on the part of Government by its agents Lord Donoughmore, Lord Landaff, Ste. Here his Lordship read the following letters: " Saturday, November, 1827. " My DnAR LORD—Notwithstanding the delay that has occurred in my replying to your letter, yet, believe me when I say, it did not proceed from any hesitation to give you every information in my power. to forward that great measure you've so earnestly and so laudably struggling to accomplish—the embodying the Catholics of the empire in the British Constitution, by giving to th.tt body the full enjoyment of civil and religious li berty,which those opposing them, as falsely as absurdly, they fully possess at present. " Paradoxical as it may appear, yet the fact is so, that , the great difficulty in now proving that Lord Corn wallis employed Protestant agents to procure the sup port of the Catholics to effect the measure of Union, and that he authorised these Protestants to hold out to them their admission, at an early period subsequent to the accomplishment of that measure, to all the rights of the British Constitution.—l say the difficulty to prove this now lies in the fact, that at that period, the certainty that those agents did bold out, and were so authorised to hold out such promises, was undoubted and unquestioned. Had it been otherwise, in the dis putes which such a circumstance would have pro duced, so many facts to establish it would have been placed upon record, that you would not be ne cessitated to apply to sae, or to any other person, ier that information, which would be found mote copi ously given, and better authenticated in booksellers' shops, and in the libraries of every man who collected , the productions respecting that measure, and that pe iriod. But the notoriety of the fact, and the co-operation 01 the Catholics witb the Government to accomplish the Union, peevented any literary collision on this head ; and the points on which the Government was assailed were, the shameful distribution of offices, the legal promotions, the promises of honours, reversion ary grants, episcopal and other ecclesiastical dignities. If it was necessary to establish any fact connected with any proceeding of Government on these points, from my own library alone I could cover yotir table with printed proofs. The Catholics, so often indignantly repulsed from her own Parliament, and (that by the most strenuous of the opponents of Union, who then saw the want of wisdom of their .former conduct), blamed too, and oppressed for the 115 Rebellion, which originated with Protestants, were scarcely censured for yielding to the advantages held out to them by Lord Cornwallis, through the agency he employed at that period ; nor was it until faith was hroken with the Ca tholics that doubts were insinuated of Lord Cornwallis's so acting, and so promising, Yet if it could be expected that men would come forward to divulge transactions affecting the characters of themselves and their families, how many written proofs from the pen of Lord Corn wallis and his secretaries could be produced from the seam archives of the most exalted houses, who in dif ferent parts of the kingdom assisted to forward that most fatal measure! But there are yet living many, who, though not concerned themselves in such an agency, are competent to prove its existence in others. It fell to my own lot to have heard from the late Lords Castle Coote and Llandaff, that they were so authorised by Lord Cornwallis to negotiate with the Catholics. I had a more decisive proof than assertion, for I held in my possession, from the March Assizes of Clonmel, in 1800, until the Summer Assizes of the same year, an autograph letter from Lord Cornwallis to Lord eLlandaff, in which he distinctly stated he was autho rized by Mr. Pitt to state to the Catholics of Ireland, that, after the accomplishment of the Union, as soon as tilt proper period arrived, himself would bring their question before the Imperial Parliament, and he enter tained no doubt of ultimate success. This assertion may startle, and excite surprise, that such a letter should be left in my hands, who was at the same mo ment giving all the opposition in my power to tht Union in the county I resided in (Tipperary); but if, after the facts I shall state in this letter—facts, most of them to be found in the journals of the House of Com mons of Ireland, in the Courts of Justice here, and well remembered by many now living in the counties of Tipperary and the Queen's county, I empower your, Lordship to undertake for me that I will prove the truth of every fact I state in this letter, at the bar of either House of Parliament, by re-asserting them upon my oath; when it will appear, it was to promote their own objects, and not in the way of unnecessary confidential communication, that these Noblemen,whorn I shall men tion, approached me; and also taking into consideration the terms I lived on with theist and their families, the many opportunities I previously had of conferring some obligations, without ever seeking or receiving one in re turn, it will not excite mnch surprise, at all events, in the districts they lived in, that little reserve should be ob served with me i where their own interests and honour were concerned. 4 , To begin with Lord Castle Coote. In the summer of the year 1799 he wrote to me from Dublin, in very urgent terms, to meet him in Maryborough early on the commission day of the ensuing assizes, if I could not do so the evening before. When I saw him there, he explained to me, that he could not get an independent man to act as High Sheriff for the ensuing year who was favourable to the measure of Union, and that it occurred to him, that as Lord Ormonde (with whom he knew 1 was nearly connected) was most anxious to promote that measure, I would have no objection to terve the office of Sheriff for the ensuing year ; and that as a preparatory step, he had my name put on the Grand Jury panel, to be tailed that day. On my re plying, with some warmth, that I neither would serve as 'Sheriff, nor answer as a Grand Juror, assigning as my reasons, that I had but a small estate in the. Queen's County, that I did not reside in it, but above all others, I was most adverse to the measure of Union, and was giving to it all the opposition in my power in the county in which I resided, he expressed much surprise at this, as two measures, for the suc cess of which he had often heard me express myself most anxious, weie to follow the Union, namely, the eman cipation of the Catholics, and the commutation of tithes, or some ameliorating change in that system ; (by the way of parenthesis, until that very day, his Lordship had always expressed himself to me as very adverse to both these measures: however, then lie avowed he was 1 authorized by Lord Cornwallis to hold out theselnea sures to the Catholics of the Queen's County, when the Act o‘Union should pass, in order to secure their support to forward it in their respective districts. I parted with him, expressing my hope that he might fail in all his efforts on the occasion, and, to the honour of the Queen's County let it be told, that he could not,l with all the aid that Government gave him, prevail upon one independent Gentleman to serve the office of Sheriff, who would support the measure of Union, and the late Sir Erasmus Borroughs, a zealous anti-, Unionist, served that office for the year 1800. Pending these transactions, I had the misfortune to be involved in a personal quarrel with Colonel Deering, who com-1 manded the Romney Cavalry, then in Ireland; and Lord Cornwallis thought proper to make the Govern-1 ment of this country a party in that quarrel, by first sending down a King ' s messenger to bring me up in cus tody from the county of Tipperary, merely to give bail to appear the ensuing term to an ex officio infor mation, which he ordeted to be filed against me is the King's Bench by the Attorney General ; and, subse quently, he had my house in the same county surrounded by the Louth Regiment of Militia, and I was again brought to town merely to enter into a recognizance to keep the peace with the said Colonel Deering. While in town on this occasion, Lord Castle-Coote again urged me not to sacrifice my liberty or my interests to my feel ing:; and, that if I would authorise him to say I would support the Union, he would undertake that a vacancy should be made in one of Lord Ely's boroughs,for which I should be returned, that the prosecution should be drop• ped, and if I would exert myself in Parliament to promote the Union, some respectable office should be given me, the moment one should be at the disposal of Government s he did not say he had authority for this, nor did I ask him, as I had not even a momentary thought of acceding to his wish, but he made the offer, and I refused. I was tried and convicted, but I was never brought up for sentence, as my friend, who was also convicted, had previous to the trial got a seat in Parliament to support the Union, and part of the terms which he made on that occasion was, that he should not be brought up for sen tence under that conviction, if it should take place; and bad as the Government of that day was, it would not act so glaringly partial as to punish me and suffer him to escape. So much for the Queen's County and Lord Castle Coote, who, pending the Parliamentary proceed ings on the Union question, got the Queen's County Regiment of Militia, a Commissioners seat at the Re venue Board, and a promise of a Peerage, which he also got subsequent to the passing of the Act of Union. In the panty of Tipperary where I watched with attention all the proceedings respecting the Union, and where 1 saw a document of unquestionable proof, that Lord Cornwallis not only employed Protestant agents to negotiate with the Catholics, but also authorised them to promise the aid of the existing Government of Eng land to obtain those rights they were seeking, the No- blemen who assisted to forward this measure were Lords Ormonde, Llandaff, and Dorchester, who then was sta• tinned with his regiment in that county, and possessed of considerable estates in it. But by far the most able sup porter of the measure was the late Lord Donoughmore, from the energy of his mind, his competency as a am of business, but beyond all other reasons, for his great influence over the Catholics of Ireland generally, and particularly of that county, where they were wealthy and numerous. It was chiefly through his Lordship that Government negotiated with the Catholics, and as heat all times so identified himself with every measure hekvas anxious about, that he considered every man strongly opposed to it as if he was acting hostilely to himself, I did not at that period hear from himself. that nhe was authorized to hold out to the Catholics Lord Cor- wallies engagement of Government support in Parlia ment upon their question, after the Union should be carried, though every leading Catholic in the county then told_ me it was upon such assurance from Lord Donoughmore they assisted, contrary to their own feel ings and opinions, to aid by their signatures a Petition for that measure. But subsequently I heard Lord Donoughmore say over and over again (fpr from the year 1802 until 1818 1 lived with his Lordship on terms of the most unreserved intimacy) that Lord Cornwallis was sincere when he gave such pledges, and authorized by the English Government so to do; but that faith was broken with him as Lord Lieutenant, and that so Lord Cornwallis felt to the last moment of his life. " Lord Llantiaff had both his sons at that period in Parliament; Lord Mathew (the present Lord Llandaff ) sat for the county ; the other (the late General Mathew) for Ballynahinch,a purchased seat. He engaged to give Government the support of both his sons in the Commons, and his own in the Lords, to carry the questio of Union; for which he was to be made a Marquis, and also returned as a representative Peer, no member of that family ever thinking of office. But no influence he could use over his sons could prevail upon either to support the Union. Lord Cornwallis feeling fot his situation, promised If the seat for the borough should be vacated, and subsequently filled by an able supporter of that measure, his Lordship should still have the same terms, though the support of Lord Mathew thrown into the opposite scale was a serious loss to the Government on that que.tiort. On this assurance Lord Llandaf prevailed upon the late Mr. David Waishe, a man possessed of great legal knowledr and acute talents, long a member of Parliament, and well remembered them on many occasions, but more particularly as the man who first expressed a doubt of the sufficiency of the simple :veal of Poyniog's Act, which doubt the late Mr. Flood followed up, twill he raised a flame in the country by his stupendous eloquence, and which led to the memorable quarrel between Idr.,Grattan and himself. This Gentleman had retired from Parliament for many years, and though living in close retirement, WAS sought for by every intelligent man who visited Clonmel, where he resided. He was returned, at the instance of Lord Llandaff, for Ballyna hinch ; but it so happened, when the measure of ' Union' was to be discussed, he was so ill he ce,id not go to town to take his seat, though pressed repeatedly by King\ messengers to do so. It was by one of these messengers Lard Llandaff enclosed within one of his own, that autograph letter I before alluded to from Lord Corn wallis to himself, in order to urge him to come up and take his seat, by showing to him (Walshe) how anxious the Lord Lieutenant was he should do sow-bow much he expected from his advocacy—and ae an inducement, (Mr. Walthe's family all Catholic but himself), an allusion to ;he political measures which were to follow the Union if it should pass. To understand one allusion in this letter of Lord eornwallis, it will be necessary, after suck a lapse of time, to men tion one feature in the character of Mr. Walshe—he was a man of violent temper, which often obscured his great natural talents, legal knowledge, and very considerable information which he acquired by early application, and this failing often led hint to answer the adversary in Parliament, and at the Bar, by sarcasm and insult, whom be could put down by argUment and intellectual power.— ' With this explanation, you will understand the use L9rd Cornwallis intended to make of fdr. Walshe in Parliament; and it was front the reports then very much in circulation that Lord Cornwallis re commended very strong measures to his private friends in forward. ing the Union—reports that seised general credit from Corry's attack on Mr. Grattan. I say it was front this, I was so forcibly struck by the passage in Lord Cornwallis's letter, which I shall now give you as taken from amongst some memoranda I then made respecting the proceedings adopted to carry the Union. " The passage was as follows—Mr. Walshe - was exactly the man he now wished to have in Parliament, front the character be bad established while he had before been a member of it: that ardency of mind, the firmness of his character, universally admitted. ren. dered bim peculiarly fitted fur the present crisis; and his advocacy of the measure of Union would be highly beneficial to the Govern ment, and to the country, and would be most gratefully remembered by me. Do, my dear Lord, urge hint to come up with as little delay as possible. From what I have leatned of his political feelings, I am led to think, he must be anxious to forward the measure of Union, when be will be informed that I am authorised by Mr. Pitt to say, that the accomplishment of that measure will be fol lowed up by imparting to the Catholics the benefits of the British Constitution s and lead to a beneficial alteration in the tithing system in Ireland. " The rest of the letter was nearly a repetition of this passage in more general terms. But neither the letter of Lord Cornwallis, nor that of Lord Llandaff, holding out great private advantages, could enable Walshe to quit his house. Therefore, upon an under. standing that he should be again returned, when his health admitted of it, a great object to Mr. Walsh., to settle his affairs, very much embarrassed, he vacated his seat for Ballynahinch, which was again filled by some friend of Lord Llandaff's. The principle of union then admitted in Parliament, its advocates increasing in number, the peculiar advocacy of Mr. Walshe was not found to be so necessary, and I.ord Llandaff was unable, and I know he anxiously endeavoured to do so, to procure a return for Mr. Walsh', who was pressing it with great urgency. It was after many communications by letter and otherwise, that I was applied to by both, as a mutual friend, to prevent the publics don, by Walshe, of Lord Cornwallis's letter to Lord Uandaff, which his Lordship acknowledged he was authorised to oho* hint, but which he incautiously sent to, and left in his possession. By great efforts, and with much difficulty, I prevailed upon Walshe to leave the letter in my bands until the assizes following, then to be given to Mr. Walshe, and that Lord Landaff would in the interim use all means to satisfy Mr. Walshe which he did in some manner not here necessary to mention, and I at the time appointed gave the letter to Mr. Walshe, at that time clangorously ill. In the county of Tipperary, it will not occur to any one to ask why Lord Llandaff applied to me, and not to his son, on such an emergency ? but it is well known there that his son and his Lordship were scarcely on speaking terms respecting the Union; that f was perhaps more intimate with Mr. Wal.be than any other person, and that I would feel nearly for the Mathews' family at the time as I would for my own.' " I have been obliged to run this letter to great length indeed : but the facts introduced are so uncommon, that I found is ne cessary to give all the details, to establish them as much as I could. I have also been obliged to introduce myself in every line, but annoying as this is, the great object you are engaged in, an d the use you say those facts will be to establish the position you have taken, would be but faintly felt by me, if such trdies were to deter me; and you know at this moment my mind is too ill at ease to indulge in any idle vanity. I shall ask you, who know Ireland so well, and in the midst of all your other pursuits: have been a close observer, do you believe there is one intelligent man la this kingdom who was 21 years old in 1500, that has a particle of doubt upon his mind that Lord Cornwallis employed Protestant agents, and he se authorized them to negociats with the Catholics? Does not the universal support the Catholics give him In their respective districts prove the fact? Was there any opposition from the Catholics anywhere, except a partial one in Dublin? There the reasons and motive for hostility were obvious.; the injury which the Union would bring on their property and business overpowered their feeling to-public rights. The same feeling acting on the Cattio lies and Protestants of Cork in an opposite way, made them enthu siastic supporters of the Union, for they believed that the Union would not be in operation for one year, when the trade of Dublin would be transferred to auk; the citizens of Limerick bad some such idea also. In short, it was by the Catholics the Union was carried ; notwithstanding all the corruption which prevailed gt that day, in despite of the influence of so many leading fanailieslato supported, that measure, yet the Protestants through Ireland were adverse to the Union.at least as seven to three. " I must stop, and if this little memoir of the UtlistP, for such it .~~- is in fact, shall in any degree, itawever little, answer your object I will have all the return I desire _ N My dear Lord, yours truly, " GEO. LIDWELL" a Clonmel, " Lono—l was honoured with your Lordship's ll ip,sivg s cm ; Mid kist. In reply : the High Sheriff convened a meeting of this woozy, to take the sense of the people on the momentous question of the Uniod. The lite Lord Dononkmore took the lead in the dis cussion, and spoke at some length in favour of the measure; and concluded by saying,that the Homan Catholics were much interested in having It passed,as their emaacipation would be granted, and that speedily. A resolution to petition Parliament in favour of the sure being put from the Chair, passed in a crowded court—two di,. sensing voices against it, viz. the present Lord Ligmore and Henry (Moro, Eiq. Lord Domnighmore called on me the neat day, Investing I would (from the altar) impress on the feelings of the Roman Catholics to forward that measure, by affixing their names to the petition in favour of it. I complied with his Lordship's request, and the petition was numerously signed by us. I have no further information on this subject. Your Lordship's speech, and answer to the address I like, as emanating from a good feeling heart. Your Lordship's most respectful servant, ". Lord Rossmore. TB0)1AS FLAN NERT.“ After the readiag of this letter, Lord ROSSNORE said, "Ate we, then, to be satisfied with the sophistry of n Minister, that because the specific article was not writ. ten in so many words in the bond, that therefore it is not binding, when one party has received every advan• tage and keeps the other without an equivalent? Gen. amen, I hope it will be admitted that I have satisfac torily proved, that Catholic emancipation was not only the secret, but the vital article of the Union on the part of the Catholics, and that the Government of England has broken her engagements with our <soon. try. I hope, also, that I have accounted for the pre judices of Mr. Peel—that his speeches on her case contain no statesmanlike argument, are replete with sophistry, and cannot be admitted to proceed from ingenuous motives ; for where prejudice exists in genuous motive cannot prevail. Gentlemen, I hope you now feel with me, that a legitimate union has never been in existence, and that therefore the apt ing in 0 e eyes of Europe, the guardian of treaties and of equili. brium, acc. must be henceforth regarded as an outcast, and not entitled to hereditary succession,—that vows and compacts were exchanged on the altars of our coun try—were recorded in Heaven, but have been broken by man. Is Punica fides, then, to be buried in oblivion, and to be transferred to Britain, the queen of liberty, at the moment that the nations of the unlberse are bowing before the tomb of her Minister, who had established a home and a foreign poliCy that had made her feared, honoured, and admired by the world? That Gomm mot finds it necessaly to govern India by the law of opinion—by *the opinion hindostan entertains of the justice of England. In the case of Portugal, faith must be kept, "conic qui cowls;" but where Ire. land is concerned—where the western island heaves in sight—the land of the proscribed race—of the degraded caste—neither oath nor compacts need be kept with her. Consign her to the bigot, for his residence—to the monopolist, for his prey. Gentlemen, I have done. I have nothing mote to advance befog e you. I cane here. that what I had to say should be proclaimed on the soil of Bli sin—should meet the eye of every B icon, where philanthropy and universal benevolence has chosen her abode. Mr. Qum after pwnonnting a high eulogy upon the eloquence of the stech which had been addressed to the meeting by Lord Rossmore, moved " that the most cordial and respectful thanks of the Association be pre sented to the Noble Lord for his valuable communica tions, and that his Lordship be requested to ct , mmunio cote to the British Catholic Association a copy of his speech, and of the other documents which he had read ' at the meetinr, that the same may be entered upon the minutes." 'ihe motion was carried unanimously, and with loud applause. Mr. M'llontaLt. rose again to complain of certain aspersions which had been east upon the most elevated and influential members of the CathOic body, in a pub lication called the Truthteller. Mr. M.D.tnnell then read an extract from that paper, in which it was stated that a Sub-Committes had been selected out of the General Committee of the British Catholic Association, and were in the habit of holding secret sittings at Nor folk House, where they were negotiating a Concordat with the Court of Rome. Mr. M.Donnell appealed to Mr. Blount, to say if there weretanj foundation for such a report. Mr. BLOUNT indignantly, and at great length denied the truth of the assertion, and said that ht did not believe that any member of the committee, except himself, had been inside Norfolk house for 'the last six mouths, and that the conversation there was alssays upon indifferent topics. • A long' desultory conversation ensued, which em braced a vast variety of topics which had relation to personal differences betueen the members, and were not politically or generally interesting. About seven o'clock Mr, CHARLES BUTLER moved that Mr. Wheble do leave the Chair, and that Lord Rotsmore do take it, when the thanks of the Meeting were given, by acclamation, to Mr. Wheble, and the union 'Meeting separated. " Lord Namoore. Letters and papers from the South Western Coast all agree in describing the storm which took place on Sunday se'nnight as most frightful and appalling ; and OA damage it has occasioned, both at sea and on shore, as most ruinous and extensive. Friday night, a young man, the son of -a miler in the coontry, very imprudently stopped at the Cock and Crown public house, on the Mayland Road, Colchester, and got into company with two women and two meat (trampers), who were regaling themselves, when one of the ladies connived to ease the miller of his pocket book, containing 451. in notes, and a cheque for 601. The miller, aft e r getting about a mile on the road to -1 wards home, discovered his loss, but too late to meet with his fair companion, who, prat her paramour, had decamped; the other pair have beeti taken into custo dy. The pocket book, containing the cheque, was found a short distance from the public house.—Essra Herald. The following is a correct copy of a letter addressed by TALAIA to JOHN NIMBLE : " Paris, 28th May, 1814. " Permettez mot, dear Remble, jue je you. adrese Monsieur Dublin, allanta Loodres pour des if ' de commerce ; mon in tention avast Eta aunt de partir pour Londres ; mars des afraires et .me prudence de conduite darts les circonstances actuate :wont fait suspendre mon projet jusqu' a motive! ordre. Vespolr mini de vows voir rut etre bientAt a Paris, a un pen contribut a dillerer mon voyage, fakes mol done mods names amen id. Que d'evene mens, mon cher, depuis que nous ne onus Nome' vus ! 'routes les royautes de ce monde soot deg royautes de theatre, ors plutot la noire est encore la plus solide! Dieu muille qu'avec le temps nous nous tirions du bourbier au I'on nous a mi.. Le Rot a d'excel lentes intentions, des lumilres et ua caractere feriae, mai. que nous sommes poor et miserables ! Adieu, own cher Kemble, mon plus grand desir est de You Tar et de shake hands witk you. Adieu, a roue de caur " TA LM 4. " My best respects to Mrs. Siddons." CORN EXCHANGE, MARK-LANE, JANUARY 513. We fad but few fresh arrivals of any description of Grain since Monday, still quite sufficient for the demand ; but superfine sairipk a of Wheat fully maintain Monday's currency. Barley continues ra ther slack, although the quantity at market was very limited.— ' Oats sell only to needy purchasers, in same quaatitles and as nearly as possible at Monday s prices. In Beans and Peru the* is no alteration. - 7•T" - `" 7.7