Star. — London, England, 1828-01-30 00:00:00

111#110.1 . \ V.~ imemmeetu5agra.......„........... a future day for people io office at home to reject or sanction ? No ; he governed Ws condwt by the object and spirit o' his instri tions. IN . t hesitate, by the foren•of the British * to resist and repel those whose object was aggressiona-t .ose whose aim was the infrac tion of a solemn compact. What, he would again ask. was the course pursued by. Lord Torrington? He sailed at once to Gibraltar, lent 'a messenger to Madrid, with a statement of his force, and gave to Cardinal Alberoni 48 hours to- consider whether he would obse(ve the terms of the treaty, or expose himself to the attack, which the British Admiral was in possession of means to make with suca signal effect. Alaeroni was at that, time. end-avouring to revive the national spirit, and . renew the drooping vigour of the country whose affairs he administered; he delayed the messenger for some days, and in the mean time, contrived to forward an armament to the destination for which it was origi.i sully intended. The British Adm i r al shortl y after found, to his peat vexation, that a considerable portion of OW troops had been landed in Sicily. and that the naval power of Spain was standing into the shore, prepared to support them. What did Lord Torriagton then do? Just what Sir E. Codrington did on the late occasion with Ibrahim Pacha—he sent aaimilar communication to Gee. Lacy—he proposed an armistice. The General replied that he had his military instructions, but no authority to negociate or conclude a truce—that he was a soldier, not a diplomatist. The British Admiral at once perceived that the object was to subdue Sicily ; he took his measures accordingly ; he advanced to the Spanish fleet with an aspect of defiance; pursued and came up witb them, he destroyed—he annihilated the Spanish fleet, and gained one of those splendid. victories so fre quent in the alinals of the British navy. The parallel was perfect, the cases of the two Admirals were quite analagous—way, even it could be carried much further —for at that time it happened that there existed in the country an exasperated faction of Tories, who had long been in the possession and the abuse of power, and who, writhing under the loss of it, would gladly have sought a victim on whom to expend the force of their disap pointment. Opposed to them were some of the great est among the Whig names that then adorned the coun cils of the nation—there were two ex-ministers in that day--amen who bad long basked in, but had recently been expelled from, the sunshine of Royal favour—men whose. doctrinesi he trusted, had passed away for ever biggotted legitimists, whose watchword -was, that •Motearchs reigned jure divino —. whose object al ways was to support and upheld hereditary despo tism wherever they found it. A cry was raised in Parliament, but in vain ; there was no man ac quainted with the history of that period especially, but must be well aware how that cry was met and resisted by the feelings of the people, which never fail to be favourably excited by the announcement of a naval victory; and it would be in vain that any party in or out of power should seek to cast upon the Ad miral who acted as Sir. George Byng had done tormerly, and as Sir Edward Ceelrington had _done recently, the responsibility which should rest alone upon the Go- vet amens for the time being. Royal approbation from two quarters foliow ed this splendid exploit, with prompt and gratifying testimonials. George I. and the Emperor of Germany lost not a moment in writing to Admiral Byng letters abounding in eulogium. All Europe hailed him as having acted up tq,,lhe spirit rf his instructions —as having acted•as a Mitch seaman, in such circum stances, always might be expected to act and to distin guish himself. Well, then, it was evident that the parties were perfectly satisfied—thet all Europe was satisfied in both cases, and more especially in the latter, as the enemy of Christianity as the party beaten, though it happened I. be convenient, on the present oc casion. to call him our ancient ally. A Secretary of State —one of the greatest ornaments of England—one of the brightest names in English literature-a-one of the wisest and most virtuous of men—he meant Mr. Addi.' son-a-had declared that Turkey was a Power adverse to Christianity, and with England could neither prudently nor honourably maintain alliance. The frequency of political disctissions at that time were adverted to, in the number of public journals then inacirculation. There might be, in some quarters, still as great an objection as then to indulging in the public the itch for political discussion; and it would be little matter of sot prise to find the fiends of the Talks, and the enemies of free publications, united in tl.e same parties.—The Noble Lord then adverted to the opinion of Lord Chatham, in the year 1770, respecting the nature of our relations then, and at previous periods, with the Ott 'man Porte, and contended. upon his authority, as well as that of other great Statesmen, that it was most erroneous to re gard that Government in the light of an ancient ally of England. Mr. Pitt entertained the same sentiments; he could have lean bed no other doctrines from his father. But iewas not only said that Turkey was our ancient , ally ; it was contended that she was too our faithful; ally. What, faithful! In the short space of seven years to break througleevery article of a solemn treaty. He seeeated that Mr. Pitt could have learned no doctrines from his father but such as were in full unison with the opinion of public men in this country, from that pet iod to the present. He (Lord Chatham) had said that a new system had been established in Europe, and that it became necessary for.us to pursue the course we had done in order to prevent the aggrandizement .of Russia at the expense of Prussia. That was the opinicn of Lord C.. ea.liam. Another great man had held similar senti ments ; bet of him .he would not speak. He. would come to an authority as high at any in the political world—be would come to the opinion of Mr. Burke, expressed, trio, not in his liberal days, but subsequently to the French_Revolution—alter he had imbibed that Sinus horror of liberal principles, which, on the present , cccasion at least, gage such weight to his sentiments— always important as those of a man of genius and vast , political knowledge—and his opinion was, that alliances with Turkey were.calculated to destroy the balance of . Europe—that no communication should beheld with infidels, whose object was the destruction of holy reli gion, and the-maintenance and extension of a cruel and savage despotism. Strange language this respecting our ancient and faithful ally !—His Lordship then proceeded to say, that he did not quote these mho shies for any other•purpose, than in the manner of a lawyer, to give.evidence and proof that at no period of our history did public men regard Turkey in the ligla of an atetient -ally, or, indeed, of any ally at all. • Thus had he shewn that, as an ancient ally, the Porte could metier be considered, seeing that the first treaty of alliance was within his own recollection t h at a faithful ally that Power never had been, as the treaty was broken within three mouths from the linnet. its ratification—he had shewn historically thee, en public ruin in England bad ever sanctioned the laiewage that : 7day adopted in the Speech from the Throne. He had --ahewn, too, that whatever compacts of peace antimony - egland bad entered into, they had,in no eassamoutued -go alliances, previous to that seven year's , treaty. :to which be had found occasion so often to adisinto Fi nally, he had shewn that we never were allowed to ne relate with the Turks upon terms of equality, every thing being granted to us as a boon. Having done so 1110 Ch, however, b: would not fisrthee pursue the die cussion, nor enter into the general question, until all the papers were before the House. He artily lamented that words 'should have been used in the Royal Speech which were not perfectly clear, or which might have !seen used in i sense which he did not fully apprehend. There was one term to which he felt great objection, if it were so explained as most people would be likely to understand it—he alluded to thew ord untoward—some one had taken the tronblito look out for it in . " Johnson's Dictionary," and had am found in the, definition, the words froward, perverse, vexatious. If, by the use of such a term, it was meant to convey any blame or imputation upon the character of the Gallant Officer who commanded at Navarin, he, for one, begged to express his, most decided assent from it. Nothing could be more base and infamous than to throw out any insinuation derogatory from the cha racter of that distinguished Admiral—(Hear,, hear.) If by the word untoward, regret was meant to be ex pressed for the effusion of blood at Navarin, he ,was quite as ready as any person to join in such regret: if regret was meant to be expressed at the failure of efforts for the,benefit of Greece, no one could more sincerely . lament such an occurrence. It was impossible not to feel the deepest interest in the fate r.l a country to which we were indebted for all that embellished life. It was to the ancestors of the present inhabitants of Greece that they were indebted for the power and the skill to debate their interests there that night. With such recollections, it would be impossible not to lament any circumstance that constituted an obstacle to the final adjustment of the affairs of a country with which our best and-most ennobling sentiments were associated. —(Cheers). Lord KING said, after the more elevated subjects to which their Lordships' attention had been called, he would now ad dress them upon a mote homely subject, and in more homely phrase. The subject to which he wished to call their attention, was that of the Corn Laws. It was said that the new Administration was, in reference to the Corn Question, composed of three different parties —one opposed to alteration, one favourable to it, and one indifferent. It was said also, that certain Members of the Cabinet, who be longed to the present Administration, and who belonged to the last Administration, and who would, probably, belong to the next Ad ministration, had made good terms for their own principles on the subject of fret trade. Now, he would ask,what security had they that those principles would be respected? forsooth, the Right Hon. Gentl eman who was President of the Board of 'Trade, in the former Cabi net, still continnes to bold that office—this was, indeed, but a slender security, under a Government which bad at its head one who united in his own person the highest civil and military authority in the State, and one, too, whose conduct last year afforded a tolerably unequivocal indication of his sentiments on the Corn Question. la the same way as in the case of our commercial regulations, it was l contended that our foreign policy would undergo no change, because the Noble Lord at the head of that department had not been re moved. The security in either case was, he conceived, of no sort of value, for the presiding power of the Cabinet was no longer the same. The head of the Government would necessarily attract within its own vertex all the subordinate Members ; he hoped or wished it might prove otherwise, in which he should leel a most pleasing disappointment. The Duke of WELLINGTON--.I f there be any one subject more than another on which the country Is agreed as one man, it is, that there should be a complete settlement of the Corn Question. I have, therefore, very great pleasure is being enabled to inform your Lordships, that it is the intention of his Majesty's Government, at an early period of the present Session, to submit to the consideration of Parliament a measure relative to the Corn Laws, and for regulating the importation of Corn, founded upon the principle of that which had been introduced last Session. — I regret the necessity fur it, but I hope your Lordships will permit me to say a few words upon part of what fell front a Noble Lord who has jest spoken—l mean, in r-ply to his assertion that the Ottoman Porto was not an ancient Ally of this country. 1 know not hew it can he denied that that State has been an Ally of ours—an old Ally—and, what is of infinitely more importance, that alliance is essential to the balance of power in Europe— (Hear, hear, hear)—and hot only that, but the preservation of en amicable understanding, nay, even of an actual alliance, between that country and this, was of the highest importance to the well-being both of Russia and of England, especially since the changes of possession and revolution that have on cuffed In that quarter of Europe within the recollection of all wise bear me. It is also a matter admitting of no doubt, that the late war in which the European Powers were engaged, would not have terminated in every respect as it had done, and, least of all, would the settlement of 1812 have been effected, but for the alliance existing, and happily preserved, between this coun try and the Ottoman Porte. It may be perfectly true that the treaties upon which this alliance is founded are not of a hundred years standing, but they assuredly are very old treaties. No man can question that the Ottoman Porte has been an ally of ours, and an old ally. There is one other subject to which, with your Lord ' 'ships' permission, I shall briefly address myself, I mean the sense ' in which the word" untoward" has been used. It was' intended by untoward, to convey that the events referred to were unexpected —were unfortunate. The sense In which the word was used was this—that under the treaty, which Is not yet regularly before the House, and to whiclh I do not at present desire more particularly to refer, it was much to be regretted that events, such as the word untoward bad reference to, should have occurred. Until that treaty has been more regularly brought under your Lordships con sideration, it may be better not to enter into the question further, than merely to observe, that the parties to it did by no means con template having recourse so hostilities. I say,then, it was most unfor tunate that such an event should have oecurred,nor was a consequence of that nature for one moment anticipated by the last Government, who, as well as the other parties to the Treaty, never regarded It in the light of one that could ever lead to hostilities. I must therefore say, that when the measures took place which have occurred, and ' when hostilities have been bad recourse to, instead of peace having been attained, that such a termination must be considered as an ua-, toward remit. There were also very considerable difficulties ex perienced at Constantinople after the intelligence of the battle of Navarin bad reached there, and even a prospect that the end must be war, which must also be considered untoward; and although his Majesty in his Speech informs us that this fear is in a great degree dissipated, and that hopes are entertained of every thing being finally settled, yet still that capnot prevent the occurrence from having the character of an untowbrd event. Then it is asked whether is is meant to make charges against the Admiral? I say no, cer tainly not ; I have no tight to make a charge against him, neither has the Government, :nearing, as it does, tnearry the Treaty which has been made into execution. The Sovereign and the late Govern ment have full credit for all the blame, if any attaches, and no one has a right to say or insinuate that Admiral Codrington has not fully done his duty to his Sovereign and his country. The British Admiral stood in every delicate and peculiar situation; he bad the command of his Majesty's ships ' acting conjointly with those of nther nations, and his conduct has been such as to acquire their con fidence, antrinduce them to be led under his command to victory, and I should hold myself unworthy of the high situation I hold in the country were Ito utter a word against his conduct in the battle of Navarin, which was alike hotmurable to himself and to his country —( Loud cheers). The Earl of ELDON said it was the duty of his Majesty's Ministers to pursue such a line of policy as would best secure the peace and tranquillity of Europe. With respect to the subject which had just been alluded to, he would not now enter into it, feeling as he did that it was not fairly under their Lord ships' consideration. Goo forbid that he should cast the slightest blame or imputation upon the gallant Admiral by whom that vic tory was achieved._ Judging from what they bad all read publicly, it appeared that Ministers intended to pursue pacific measures, and that was their wisest and their soundest policy. A war, if entered into at present, would be productive of the greatest danger, as it would in all probability run to an extent, and extend to a duration, to which it would be impossible to set bounrds--(Heu).--Enter talning these views, he gave his suppose to the Answer to the Ad dress, but protesting against giving his assent to the documents which had been alluded to by the Noble Lords who had spoken behest blen. • Lord LONDONDERRY concurred in the greater part of twat bad triton from the Noble Lorih who bad gone before 'bins. - NW appealed to the Noble Earl opposite (Earl Grey) whether •he (Lord Londonderry) had not predicted the downfall of the late a Ministry ; and be neer asked their Lordships whether they battitio seen it dwindle Wee The Noble Earl (Grey) had. forth* occasion, very properly told thests, that a want of confidence in the head of the Ministry was a good ground for opposing It 4.;-tEs) country bad now full confidence in the Noble Duke at the head of the Ministry, and that was the mood upon which they - were de. tertnined to support it. The present Premier had acquired a name -which was estimated not only in this country, but throughout Europe. lie owed it to his Noble and Gallant Friend to say, that he deserved and enjoyed the t ; fulles confidence both of the King and of the country;, and to add, that no instance had he failed to accomplish any thing he had undertaken--(Hear, hear). Earl GREY rose merely fsr the purpose of setting the Noble Karl (Londonderry) right as to what had fallen from him (Lord Grey) upon a former occasion. The Noble Marquis (Londonderry) had mistaken his meaning, if he understood him to say that a want of confidence in the head of a Ministry was a ground for opposing it. What he did say—and he believed it was in the recollection of their Lordships—was, that a want of confidence in the head of the Ministry was a good ground for refusing to accede to that Ministry. lie objected to the Ministry of last year, not because of any objection to the Gentleman at the head of it, but because he perceived there was a want of stability in it generally. This was the ground. and the only ground upon which he de clined supporting the Administration last year, although there were some Members of it with whom he fully concurred upon, general questions of politics. Such had been his conduct last year, and he now Nand himself nearly in the sante situation upon certain points. One word with respect to what had fallen from the Noble Lord on the eras bench. He fully concurred with the Noble Lord in considering the affair of Navarin an unto- ward circumstance, nay more, an unfortunate calamity. But in saying this, he was very far from eastinw i t shadow of blame aeon the gallant Officer who commanded upon that occasion. He had known Sir E. Codrington long and intimately, and he felt proud at being able to call him his friend—(Hear, hear).—A better or a i Officer never was found even in the Navy—(Hear, hear).—' No one could doubt but the gallant Officer risked himself in what he supposed to be his duty to his country. That the event itself was untoward and unfortunate could not be denied; but it was to be hoped, from the pacific tenour of his Majesty's Speech, that any thing like a disturbance of the peace of Europe would be avoided. A comparisos bad been mad. between the late affair at Navarin and that which took place a century asp under Sir J. Byng ; but if Noble Lords would take the trouble nt inquiry, they would find several points of distinction between the two cases—(Hear, hear). 'lbis however was a matter which would come more fairly under dis cussion when the necessary information was laid before their Lord ships. There was one other topic upon which he was anxious to say a few words. The Noble Duke (of Wellington) had told their Lordships that Ministers intended to introduce, in the course of this Session, a Corn Bill, similar to that of last Session. He far one thought that the Bill of last year was one which required many Amendments, and he trusted that, in that about to be proposed— The Duke of WELLINGTON observed, that the Bill proposed to be introduced was not that of last year, but one founded upon the same general principles. On the question having been again put from the Woolsack— , Lord DARNLEY moved, as an Amendment, that the words, " our ancient AUy," should be omitted, for the purpose of inserting the words, " a country in a state of peace and amity with us." Lord FERRERS asked a question of the Duke of Wellington relative to the office of Commander in Chief of the Army. The Duke of WELLINGTON replied, that when his Majesty bad done him the honour of directing hint to form an Ad ministration, he felt some reluctance to resign that situation in which be had achieved so much honour to himself, and, he trusted, be might be permitted to add, advantage to the country—(Hear, hear). But having obeyed his Majesty's commands, and finding it difficult to appoint a Premier, and also thra his Colleague, were unanimous in thinking that he ought not to retain the office of Commander in Chief, he at once resigned it—(Cries of Hear, hear). The Marquis of LANSUOWN said, that after whit had been stated in the course of that night's discussion, be felt him. self called upon to declare, that there was no one act of that person (Six E. Codrington), and more especially connected with the trans.' action which had been the principal subject of conversation that evening, which lie should feel himself more stongly called upon to defend,than his conduct at Navarin. His Noble Friend at the head of the Foreign- Department or who immediately represented the person who was at the head of it, would, he had no doubt, find himself well able to defend the system he had pursued, Irons what ever side of the House the attack might proceed. • He felt confident that even were his Noble Friend not able to do so, lie (Lord Lens down) could satisfy the House of the sound principles on which the negotiations had proceeded. lie could now assure their Lordships with perfect confidence, that no danger of war had been unneces sarily incurred by his Majesty's Ministers. He was not only bound to make this declaration, but he felt it his duty to say, tbat, in rela tion to the recent conflict, if any blame did attach anywhere, most assuredly it was not on the Gallant Officer who commanded the fieet--( Hear!) Although he felt with the Noble Duke, and with other Noble Lords who bad spoken during the debate, that the oc currence at Navarin was of an unfortunate description, inasmuch as it involved the destruction of life and those unhappy consequences which contributed to alienate friendly Powers, and to establish hos tilities between them, he .hould be ashamed taut to say, it was childish to expect any armed interference with some risks pf war, without some chance of those hostilities, which be concurred with the Noble Duke in thinking that every man would wish to avoid.— He should regret the conflict alluded to, if the great object aimed at by this country and her Allies could have been accomplished w i t h ou t it. The intereerenae of the Allies was part of a pqiicy, which he had not yet learnt by that night's debate was to be departed from. If that policy were to be changed, it behoved the Noble Lords to avow such intentions; and if they were not avowed, he had a right to assume that there was no change in contemplation; If such were the sound policy of the country, no blame could attach to the Officets who were instrumental in carrying it into execution. Although he was anxious that the present Motion should be carried without opposition, and above all, with his acquies cence, he could not have given it hie support without the expla. nation from the Noble Duke with respect to the term untoward, as applied to that gallant Commander who had presided over the allied fleets in the conflict. When every document con nected with the subject was laid before their Lordships, they would be convinced that, wisely understood, the flaUaut Officer had fairly exercised his discretion, under the circumstances in which he was placed. He trustedethat these documents would hereafter be produced, and he had 'Act apprehension that any Noble Lord could maintain that they did not fully justify the conduct of the Gallant Admiral. When he (Lord Lansdown) had first heard Of the event, he had applied for information upon the subject. It was freely supplied ; and having investigated every thing relating to the transaction, he felt satisfied that the Gallant Admiral was not only above censure, but fully entitled to the approbation of his country—( Hear, hear). He was prepared to give every further explanation of his views and sentiments upon this occasion when ever lie might be called upon to do so; but in the meantime, he could not give his vote that night without protesting to the House, that the Gallant Admiral was entitled to the approbation of every individual who possessed a particle of British honour. Lord GODERICH said, that as it had been his lot to form one of the Adntinistration when the Noble Duke signed the Protocol at St. Petersburgb, and as it had moreover been his Int to be a party to that Treaty which the Noble Marquis had de fended, he felt himself bound, -N justice to his own character, to say, that he subscribed entirely to the reasoning which his Noble Friend had used. When the time came in which he should be called upon to take a part in the discussion of these measures, and to vindicate the course of policy in which he had had so prin cipal a share, he should do it with the sante fearlessness with which he now expressed his opinion, that it would not be difficult to chew that there was nothing in the transaction inconsistent with the ha -1 none of the country, or with its best interests. That proposition he should always be prepared to maintain, and he was convinced he should be able to establish it, not only to the satisfaction of that House, but of the whole country. tie concurred with the Noble Marquis, and likewise with the Noble Duke on the opposite Bench, that the Gallant Admiral alluded to had exercised a sound, discretion. and had ably supported his own character, as well as the honour of his country. He had been placed in circumstances of no ordinary difficulty—he had performed his duty like a man. He (Lord Goderich) was prepared to support the Gallant Admin.); —not upon the mere principle that it was the duty of a Govern.. ment in general to uphold those who executed its orders ; for it. was his firm and deliberate conviction, that the Gallant Officer was justified in the course he had taken. He was happy to say that the British Admiral had not in the least tarnished his own previously acquired fame, nor had he sullied the honour' and glory of his country---( Hear, hear). The Earl of DUDLEY rose, and said that Govern ment intended to adhere to its former principles in relation to Turkey, and that he was ready to uphold the conduct of •the Gal lant Admiral—The Address was then carried nem can. The usual Motions at the corumencement of the Sessions were then put and carried. The Duke of WELLINGTON, after a few lauda tory observations, ruined, " That the Earl . of Shaftesbury be ap pointed Chairman of Committees on Putilleind Prkvite Bills." Lord ELDON eulogized the Noble' Earl,' end the Vote was carried without opposition. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY espresseditls sense of the vote, and said, that this was the thirteenth these& had been appointe4 Chairman of-the Committees of that Houk. " • At Karam o'Cscci the House adjourtipl to Tyr May /14147. 14 . '•• • • • . .*t • • ;I. HOUSE OP COMMONS. The House Met at two o'clock precisely; at & s quatter past two o'clock,.Sir T. TTRITHITT appeared to summon the House to the Lords, whither, accordingly, the &manr, followed by all the Members present (about thirty), proceeded to hear the Royal Commission for the opening of Parliament read, and his Niajesty't Speech communicated to both Houses by the Lords High Com missioners. At half-past two o'clock the Speaker returcsed,token the House adjourned to four o'clock. At ten minutes to four o'clock the &TAME took ft Chair'. The House was then extremely crowdedi—Mr. Pr.awra and the Soxi moo GENERAL were the only representatives of the existing Adolf. oistratiop present. Mr. Baouomast resumed his seat upon &lisp: position benches. The Hon. Member sat beside Local Nuomi and Mr. CHARLES WYNN. Sir F. BERDETT and Dr. Lueurmixoe also took their seats upon the opposition side of the House. The SreAxas informed the House, that pursuant to the 24th of Geo. 111. he hid caused warrants to be issued for New Writs foe the following places :—For the City of Carlisle, vacant by the death of Sir P. Musgrave ; the Borough of Yarmouth, vacant bI the elevation of Lord Binning to the Peerage; for the Town and Port of Seaford, vacant by the death of the Right Hon. George Canning; for the County of Lanark, vacant by the death of Lord Archibald Hamilton; for the Borough of Malden, vacant by the death of the Hon. Mr. Winn; and fur the County of Cork, vacant by the death of Lord Ennismore. Mr. Waxxacz the Irish Barrister, and two other' new Members; then took the oaths and their seats. • THE A DMINISTRATION OT THE LAW. • Mr. BROUG HA NI gave notice, that upon Thursday se'nnight he would move the House to take into its consideration the present state of the Law and its Administration in the Courts, for the pur pose of correcting the abuses Winch had crept into it through the lapse of time. toner or CHANCERY. Mr. M. A. TAYLOR gave notice of a motion for the 14th of next month, for the production of certain returns connected with the Court of Chancery, and upon which the Hen. Gentleman said it was his intention to ground a specific motion. NEW WRITS. On the motion of Mr. PLANTA, a New Writ was issued for Mar. with, vacant in consequence of Mr. Holies having accepted the Office of blaster of his Majesty's Mint. New Writs were also issued for the following places r—for Liverpool, vacant by the promotion of the Right lion. Wm. Hut. Almon to the Office of Secretary for the Colonies ; for the Univer, sity of Oxford, vacant in consequence of the Right Hon. Robert Poel having accepted the Office of Secretary of - Srate for the• Home Department; for Inverness-shire, the late Member. the - Right Hon. Charles Grant, having been appointed Treasurer of the Navy and Preside:it cf t' e Board of Trade; So . & City of Armagh, vacant by the appointment of the Right Hon. Henry Goulourn to the Office of Chancellor of the Exchequer; for Monmouth, vacant in consequence of Lord Granville Charles Henry Somerset having ac. cepted the Office of Treasurer of the Exchequer of Great Britain and Lord High Treasurer of Ireland; for the Borough of Ennis, vacant by the appointment of the Hon. Thomas Fran land Lewis to the Presidency of el* Board of Trade ; for Haslemere, vacant by the appointment of Sir Juhn Becketh Barr. to the Office of Ad.' vocate General; for the City of Durham, vacant by the appoint. meat of Sir H. Hardinge to the Office of Chief Clerk of the Ord , nance ; for St. Gerrnain's, in the room of the Right Hon. Charles Arbuthnot, who has been appointed to the Chief Commi.sionership• of his Majesty's Woods and Forests; for the Borough of King'i Lynn, in the room of Lord W. Bentinck ; for Enniskillen, in dor room of Richard Magennis, Esq. and for Richmond, in the room of S. B. M. Barrett, Esq. they having accepted the Chiltein Hun dreds. Writs were also issued for Weymou t h, in the room oltbe Right Hon. Thomas Wallace, wbo has been promoted to a Peer. age ; for the Borough of Ripon,in the room of Sir Launcelot Shad well, who has been appointed Vice Chancellor ; and for Cork Castle, in the place of J. Bond, Esq. who has accepted the Chilton Hundreds; for the County of Durham, vacant I y the promotions' J. G. Lambton, Esq. to the oilier House. CLANDRSTINS OUTLAW RISS. The Clandestine Outiawries 13111 was then read a first and so; coud time, and committed. 3011011011 or PINRYN. Lord JOHN RUSSELL gave notice, that on Thursday next he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to Disfranchise the Borough of Penryn, and to transfer the franchise to Manchester. CORPORATION AND TRSYACTS. Lord JOHN RUSSELL gave notice of a Motion for Thum day, the 21st of February, for the Repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts—(Cheers). The &macro then read from the Chair his Majesty's Speech (for which see THs &ma of yesterday). THE ADDRESS. Mr. JENKINSON then rose to move the Address. He commenced by claiming the kind indulAence of the ouse, by remarking, that althoLth he had had the ho.. nour for some years of filling a seat in that House, he had never before ventured to obtrude himself upon their notice on any public occasion. It was tree that he was not 1 young member of the House, and the mention of ibat fact recalled his mind to circumstances which could not but awaken in his breast feelings of sort ow and regret ! He had the honour of being closely COQ. netted with a statesman whose name could hardly be announced within those walls without exciting the uni• versal sympathy of the House—(Hear). While hti no% ble brother held the situation which he did at the head of affairs, it might be justly said of him that he was net only the Ptesident of his Majesty's Council, but a Minister who fully enjoyed the Confidence of the country—(Hear, hear). His views were not those of party or faction; his sentiments and principles were always conformable to the purest standard of pa. triotism. He possessed likewise powers of eloquence to w hich he (Mr. Jelikinson,) could never aspire, to give ex t ,ression to his feelings upon public matters, and to enforce every measure which his compio hensive mind considered to be calculated to contribu e to the greatness and welfare of the empire—(Hear.) He had introduced this mention of his poor brother, because he was aware that his name possessed de'served weight in that House, and because he was anxious to communicate his brother'sAentiments upon a subject highly important and inteMting at this time to the country at large—( Hear.) There was another 'subject to which he could not but advert upon thisocesision— he meant the death of that great and eloquent states man the late Mr. Canning, whose splendid powers had , frequently elicited the admiration of that House, and who had. gained much of the confidence of Lord Liver. pool. • Lord Liverpool had often expressed his great admiratioubf the talents of that lamented statesman. Their eatry recollections and their close and intimate friendship 6eund them together. He (Mr. Jenkinson) never could forget the many eloquent displays with which - that distinguished man had often delighted and surprised the members of that House. -(Heal). 'paving now disposed of two great persons—for he might, he thought, be allowed to call his brother a great man— (Hear), and, in fairness, no one would dispute the ap .plitation of such an epithet to the late Mr. Canning— he could not but allude to the Administration which had been lately formed—(Hear). Indeed, due cosi. 4eration of that subject was naturally suggested by the mention of his brother's name, is the present Admiaio riltloll imbodied the sentiments and ptinciples whisk had for such a long period charactetixed his brother's Government—(Hear). Under this view of the matter be trusted that the House would not consider that he bad, in the allusion 'to his brother, trespassed too upon their attention—(Hear, hear). He had done so, I actuated by those feelings of affection which might be 1 supposed to animate a brother's breast ; he conceived • himself doubly called upon to do so, from his respeCt to this House, and the country at large. who were no doubt anxious to ascertain the sentiments and feelings expressed by his brother regarding the pie seat state of affairs--(Hear) With the otstril for mation of the Administration, for the return Or whose Members writs had been this day moved, Lord Liver- pool's sentiments mainly accorded—(Hear), •He cow sid id t IP di $1 N th of * tti SI 11 VI • it V 1 d' al h; ft 11 it • h tl ( r. i 4 ti It tl a is tt 1.• Lt. jl ti es ip be . F 61 n. be 8 t.r.• td- rte TS of • C K he isti s t] lA. I I and ea Me i the I be. a 'lir i IN '4 I iek ow j I be mg. oo: !ad 4 ROt 4 it I the 4 of 4 ere pa. ate 4 10 4 rb t u at.) reJ to