Star. — London, England, 1828-05-09 00:00:00

there had been no reason to dread the power of the Pope? why. Sir, even Doctor Doyle himself, one of the titular Batson! the Roman Catholics, has acknowledged that the rope enjoys not only spiritual and ecclesiastical, poM ei these kingdoms, but real authority ; and that these formed part of that f aith which every Catholic, lir as bound to b lieve. All persons know that testamenl. to y causes of Catholics were sent to Rome for decision __but what • have testamentary causes to do with the s piritual supremacy of thePupe ? Besides, the Pope gave d e cisions on questions of the legitimacy of :the chil dren of Catholics, and on doing so made appropria• eons of the hereditary property connected with the ques tion, anJ so exercised a domination that was not merely • atm!, but really temporal. The question then for our consideration is, whether that change of opinion has taken place in the opinions of the Roman Catholics w hich could warrant us in throwing open the doors of e fice to them, without exacting of them any test for the protection or security of the Established Church ? I prove that no such alteration has taken place, but that their religious opinions are still the same as veer, and productive of the same mischief—nay more, I say that the Catholics ask now of us more than ever they enjoyed when theirs was the religion of the land --for there was no time, I contend, no period in our history, when the Bishops were not appointed by the Crown ; but they object to the interference of the Cs own in the appointment of their bishops, as appears from the conduct and declarations of those among them most interested in the question—these Bishops,for I find them, after the Legislature-had intimated a wish to grant their claims on receiving certain securities. I find that,- on . the 27th of May, 1813, the Catholic Bishops - declared is assembly, that the security demanded was inconsis tent e ith the interests'of the Catholic religion. Now, what was that security ? That no person disallowed by the Crown should be appointed Bishop. Nor were the Bishops the only authorities against the concession of that security : they were followed by the parish priests of the diocese of Dublin, who resolved, that togrant the power of appointing Catholic Bishops to persons not Ca holies, was not 'only inexpedient, but injurious to the cause of Catholicy. Now, Sir, I contend that they a k more than they ever did before, unless they place i n hoist of their petition the security which was required • ii 11323. But, Sir, I shall prove that they ask more than ailoeed to Catholics in any state in Europe. And fir s t, it appears from the Report of a Committee, in 1816, that in Austria the Catholic Bishops are ap p•inted by th - Emperor ; in Naples, on the very threshold tithe It man dominions, no Bull ofthe Pope s valid until it I•as teen confirmed by the royal exequatur ; in France, the King a, points to all vacancies, and even in Spain, the strong ho d of Pottery, no Bull of the Pope is valid until it has received the consent of the King, who appoints to ail ecclesiastical vacancies. Even in Russia, where the Greek religon is the established faith, as different from the Ca holic as the Protestant is, and where the Ca tholic Religion is only tolerated, the Cathol c Bishops are appointed by the Emperor, and no Bull or Rescript . of the Pope's is by law allowed to be published unt 1 it his been referred to the Senate, and sanctioned by the Emperor. In Prussia, where the greater portion of the population is Lutheran, and the Jester Catholic, we hive the authority of a liberal and acute-minded man, M. Adams, now chief Magistrate of the United States, tie, Plenie otentiary to the Court of Berlin, who says that the appointment of the Catholic Bishops in Prussia rests with the King of Pi ussia ; that he has declared him self head or all the Churches s ithin his dominions, and the P..pe Vicar-General ender him (a laugh); and that the only appeal from his decision lies (not to the but to a Provincial Synod. Some opposi tion to these (his Majesty of Prussia's) claims to ecclesiastical pester, were at first made by a Chapter, but the Chapter was ultimately obliged to submit. So, Isar, it we should impose securities on the Catholics• that is, in case concession of their claims shall ever be *Aden) thern....we shall find that the Catholics, though they say resist at first, will submit at last—(Cheering). ,Ott is ground. then, I must declare my oppositiouto *elates, of the Catholics: that no alteration has taken 'place in the-Catholic belief; that they have notadvanced • one step in renouncing their opinions. Have they been reaminced by the Church of Rome? If they had been, the Catholics of these kingdoms would bate been glad to publish the fact to us.. Then I say, that up to this time ne ecclesiastical power whatever that exercises h authority over the Catholics, whether Pope,. Bishops, ET Council, has renounced the mischievous opinions . that gave rise to the restrictive laws against them. Sir, I do not allude now to mere theological opinions.. GOD JAW that I should'ever advocate restrictions on my fellow subjects on the ground of those high and mys ill loins points of belief that form the foundation of pre Purely theological opinions. No, I object to them on • •account of their•political opinions—opinions injurious to the union of the Church and State. Our ancestors held • 'the union of the Church and State indispensable tuthe• • sational good,. or as Andres* Martin 'strongly put if in lei, bole, that the Chinch and State were indissolubly •aaited;Xnd that one of them could not stand after the • *hes bad fallen. Now, the Catholics hold that their Church is exclusive; that it is the only Church ; the x Catholic Bishop of K Vila has declared that he con b liders no Bishop out of the pale of the Catholic i • Church as a Bishop. Have the Catholic authori 1 , (es renounced this opinion? Have they altered their opinions on the infallibility and dispensing power of t the Pope? This is the way to examine their opinions, as nu these points we have positiie testimony. I say they 07 have made no change in their opinions. I regret they 14 ' 4 not ;I wish they bad made alterations in them, su loch at least as would allow me to vote for the conces rc son of their claims, bat they have net. Doctor D'An-- d t Professor of Moral Philosophy in the Catholic he Colleg e „f• I aynooth, says, that it the Pope and a io !•'.neseil should jointly declare the Pope to be infallible, ' 11 ''')eld be the duty of the Catholics then to.believe in ? to the inf a llibili ty o f the Pope. Now, though the Catho. h hex pto., ess not to believe that the Pope is infallible, ih• 1 they not, in case we should concede their claims, e 'lleteon a Council th e next d a y an d d ec l are t h e in ' t ~.i biiy of the Pope an article of their faith? When la same person is asked by any one of the Commis he losers, whether, if a Catholic Council should declare a s ettain opinion to be an art i c l e o f the Catholic Faith, s b woul d believe that article, how does he answer?— es. le candidly—not directly—but thus, that he does' g think it necessary to answer the question, as it not likely the case nut could ever be realised. Now, t.bit the answer of an honest man ? Sir, I say it is not !lb a Jesuitical evasion. Further, this witness, on tut b interrogated on the power of the Pope to dispense tes the obligatiOns of an oath, denies that the Pope the dispensing .power, except in cases where the of superiors are concerned. Does not this ac - '.'aiedgment intimate, that the power of the Pope (be a supet for to everyCetholic), is one of the excepted ? Can you then with safety admit to office in the 't Persons holding that opinion ? But when this suns if 'bees is asked, whether there is not, in the class book Vo • by the Maynooth Students,an opinion different from Oh lag doctrine laid down by him, he answers that there is in the class book an exception, to the effect that-the I Pope has not the power of allowing a man to dispense with his oath where the common good is concerned; but in v. hat part of the book does the House think this excep tion stands? Why, twenty pages before the place where the general rule is laid down—thus, by this precedence, giving to the exception the prominent appear ance of a general rule in the eyes . of the Student!. Is this mode of proceeding, I ask the House, candid or honest ? I hold, then, that this proves the Catholic religion of the present day to be the same as in times past, or, as one of their Poets said of it, or immortal (by the way. this was rather too strong a stretch of fancy) and un changed." Unchanged it certainly is. Then look at their aversion to the diffusion of the Scriptures. Even so lately as the year 1824, the reading of the Scrip tares was denounced by one of their Bishops. I wish, too, to observe, that from The moment at which the Jesuits were suppressed, the Catholics were allowed the enjoyment of greater powers, and we may therefore take the time at which the dissolution of that order took place, as the era from which good feeling towards Catho lics had its commencement in this country. The' House will remember, too, that it is only three or four years since the Pope thought proper to re•establish the order of Jesus, stating, in a Bull he published upon the occa sion, that he had been induced to do so in consequence of the daily representations he had received from the Bishops and Dignitaries of the Catholic Church, offering abundant proof of the utility and excellence of the order. It appears accordingly, from various proofs, that the spirit of the Catholic Church is unchanged, and I think that without following the subject further, I have shown enough to convince the most sceptical of this. But before I sit down I wish to remark, that the circumstance of'the securities offered by the Roman Catholics.being diminished from 1818 is not an auspicious sign, and that the tone assumed by the Roman Catholics upon the present occasion, is not of that respectful nature it was wont to be—(Hear, her Their addresses and Peti tions are all written in much,stronger language than they have ever been before.—(Hear). And I do entreat the House to pause on the last general election in Ire 13nd ; and I will ask those Hon. Members who were present at it, whether the extreme dominion exercised over the lower order of Roman Catholics, by their Priests, in opposition to the duties they owed to those who had invariably treated them with kindness and consideration, and whOm they had been always in the habit of regarding with the utmost respect and deference, does not show that if the power of these Priests was more unlimited, it would produce a strong effezt in Ibis House? For myself, too, I must say that I do not at tribute the distress in Ireland to the causes so often al leged, and that are now under consideration. I believe, that if we give the Irish peasantry education—if we encourage the diffusion of the light of the Scriptures among them—if we-promote habits of industry, and so succeed in opening their understanding, we shall teach theirs how to deserve the benefits for which they ask, and at last render them capable and worthy of rece v ing, with proper guards, the gift they so anxiously desire. I have now delivered my opinions fearlessly and openly, but I trust in a manner becoming an indi vidual so humble as myself. 1 shall be alsiays open to conviction, but so long as I conceive I have reason to retain my present opinions, so long shall I consider myself bound to oppose this.petion. Mr. PERCEVAL said, in 4101 y. life he had imbibed opinions conformable to the if stem under which he was educated, and he opposed concession to the Catholics ; but upon reflection he wavered in his opposition. When first he bad the honour -of a seat in that House, and when be was a younger MAN he began to think that she fears and alarms which were apprehended from concession to the Catholics were not founded in good sense.' In consequence of that let ling, he did that which he would never forget, and while he paid the proper deference to the memory of a respected pa rent, he felt it his duty to give a silent vote upon this important question. He mistrusted his own judg ment, as he well might do, and he now felt more anxious to state the grounds on which he did not, rather than those on which he supported the motion. He felt anxious that his adirocacy of this question should not be considered as derived from any the slightest in difference to Protestantism; quite the reverse. He be lieved in his conscience, and he had rather lose the power of speech than not utter it as his firm opinion, that the Catholic religion was a foul pollution of the word of Goo; and_that that which was intended to guide us to Heaven had been profaned while in. the custody of the Catholic Church. He believed that neither in theory nor practice had the Catholic Church undergone any change; but although that was his conscientious belief, he was still bound to admit that she was now controlled, mitigated, and subdued by what was every where to be found around her. if the public mind, if the Protestant mind in thiscountry believed her principles wet e changed. their vigilance would soon4ease to operate upon her. But as long as they believed that her principles and practice continued unaltered, so long would they be, controlled by Protestant principles. The increase of 'Protestant light would diffuse:note knowledge—a p re . testaot atmosphere would, as it were, keep its pressure upon - them, and in doing so would keep those princi.. pies harmless. lf, however, that pressure could be re-, moved—and Protestant-light and knowledge were re moved ; if the darkness of the black ages could be restored, then he was satisfied that the Catholic Church would again put forth her huge bulk to the world ; bur now-a-days, there could not be the slightest chance of any such dismal events occurring. He held that the prosperity of this nation was bound up with her Christianity—and that, again, 'he held to be her Pro testantism—(Hear, hear.)—But if that Protestantism were now worth five years' purchase—if it were not rotten at the core, be called upon the House to support the motion of the Honourable Baronet (Sir F. Burdett). .If there was danger from being with the Catholics, there was greater danger from being without them. If the Protestant Religion was, what he believed it to be, founded on the word of GOD, its existence, for all time to come, could net be endangered—and if they were staunch and true to its principles, they would safely and unhesitatingly grant Emancipation. It should be re membered that a period existed in this country when every Peer and Commoner were Catholics; and even then. truth—the force of truth—dislodged the power of Papacy in this land—and if the same principle was now net at work, its effects would be beneficial in the highest degree. Ile would not go the length of saying that danger was inspossible,but looking at the increasedind increasing mitigation which circumstances threw around Catholic ism, be saw nothing to justify them in withholding the concession which was prayed for. There was no proba bility that any other means would improve or abate the miseries of Ireland, if concession were not previously granted.—(Hear from the Opposition Benches.)—lre land was now completely under a set of demagrigues. inflaming the passions of a disappointed people, and making their misery more mise ra bl e . H e wou ld rescue Ireland from the ruffian eloquence of her present lead ers—and bow could she-be solescued, if, year after year, , the claims of the people were unheeded ? He had only one further observation to. make. He had spoken in terms of plainness of the-Catholic Religion—bin at the same time he begged to stile, that for Many of its pro- . feisois he fel t every respect , an d h e truste d that justice would be done to them. He had • spoken what he be ttered to be the truth. 'and if it gave pain in any guar ter, he could not but regret it. Mr. M. FITZGERALD said, that his Honourable Friend (Sir F. Burdett) had taken so copious a view of the subject, that he would not weaken any portion 'of it by a repetition, but he (Mr. Fitzgerald) wai so in timately connected with one transaction, that he might be allowed to speak to it—he alluded to the motives which led to the measure of Union between the two countries. The Honourable and Learned Member had. Made some observations with a view to weaken the impression made upon the House by the Honour able Baronet, on the subject of the Treaty of Lime. rick; but he was surprised to find that the Hon. and Learned Member had merely confined himself to a rigid construction of a highly penal Act of Parliament. The second article of the Treaty was said to be con fined in its operation to the garrison and inhabitants of Limerick; but, if that was so, it was giving to those who were in arms against the . Sovereign a greater ad vantage than to others, who took no part whatever in the contest. And yet, if the construction were such u the Honourable and Learned Member contended for,' such would be its singular operation. The Hon. and . Learned Member had traced the history of the penal statute down to the Act imposing a certain oath upon the Sovereign ; but, when the necessity for that oath ceased, so should the penal laws cease with it. The dan gers then stated to exist, no longer existed ; and even in Elizabeth's time, when that noble and magnanimous Princess was excommunicated together with her subjects, she did not withhold her confidence from the Catholics. She observed that she always distinguished Papists in religion from . Papists in faction ; and he now called upon the House to act in the same manner. In the year 1789 Mr. Pitt took the opinion of the different Catholic Uni ea skies, as to the doctrines which might affect this Pro testant State; to the question proposed he received the most satisfactory and conclusive answers, and in 1791 he became the advocate of an extension Of civil rights to the Catholics. He (Mr. F.) was now desirous to ad-1 dress himself to the other topic he had proposed. When the legislative union was first suggested, he coincided with the project, believing it to be in the result for the benefit of Ireland. At that time he had to stand the brun of much obloquy ; but he disregarded it, acting as he did with a view to secure the freedom of his country.lt would not now be necessary to consider the motives which led to the legislative union, but it was likely that Mr Pitt's first intention to carry that measure originated in the collision which took place upon the Regency Bill. The mere pressing motives, however, were the conspi racy of the United Irishmen—a body composed of 500.000 men, and who intended nothing less than the overthrow of the British Government, and to unite- Ire land with France. This society was origiaally exclusively Protestant—the Catholics could not be trusted in it. It was feared that confession would bring their secrets to the Priests,Ond as the Priests were loyal, that they would not escape. The next mctive was the threat ened invasion in 1796, when fifteen thousand men, commanded by one of the greatest Generals of his time, made their appearance in Bantry Bay, and could have marched to Dublin almost unrpposed. However, they did not land, and the cause of such a proceeding was not then well known. The next and the most awful consideration was the rebellion of 1798, which was con sidered by the United Irishmen as expedient, after the failure at Bantry Bay. That rebellion took a Catholic turn, and the Protestants of the North of Leland with drew from the Union. There were conflicting dissensions in the North and South of Ireland ; and such was its con dition when the attention of Mr. Pitt was directed to a legislative union. Out of these dangers it arose, and it was intended to remedy those exclusions under which the Catholics particularly laboured. Towards the close of the rebellion Lord Cornwallis was sent to extinguish it altogether, and also to put down a violent faction which for years had ruled in Ireland uncontrolled. Against that system Lord Cornwallis made war, and used every exertion to put down the corrupt faction. The project of the Union was first announced in,a pamphlet written by Mr. Cooke, the Under Secretary for Ireland, a Gentleman who was much inclined to the -Protestant monopoly. However, he stated that it was necessary to hold out advantages to the Sectarians, in order to win them over to the measure of Union. Nothing specific was said, but it was strongly held out that out of the Union an extension of civil privileges would ensue. Mr. Cooke divided his pamphlet into different heads; he classed the advantages to be del ived from it in different paragraphs, in the seventh 'of *Which he stated that an opening would be left for the future admission of Catholics to additional privileges, they then enjoying the elective franchise. Mr. Cooke added, and it was matter worthy of atten tion, that the Catholics then stated, they could not be satisfied as they were. This official pamphlet was circulated throughout Ireland, and particularly in the Catholic districts. The speeches of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Dundas, Lord Grenville, and Lord Minto, all agreed in the principle, that while Ireland had a separate Parlia ment, the Catholics coutd obtain no additional privi lege', and they also agreed that without their support the siseasure of Union could not be carried. They fur ther declared, that in a United Parliament concession could more easily be granted, inasmuch as they would not be encumbered by those resentments and animosities which Lord Castlereagh, in the Irish Parliament, con sidered as precluding the Catholics from further privi leges. But Mr. Pitt and they all declared; that the.. incorporation of the Churches of England and Ireland would soften and abate animosities, and that the claims of the Catholics could then be decided by an impartial Parliament. Lord Castlereagh knew perfectly well, that if more had been said the Protestants might not support the Union, while Dr. Duigenan called it a treacherous project for the admission of the Catholics to the full enjoyment of civil rights. Mr. Dundas was more explicit—his speech, together with those of Mr. Pitt, Lords Grenville and Minto, were confided to him for the purpose of being circulated amongst the Catho lics of Ireland—(Hear, from the Opposition benches.) Lord Mono particularly wished that one of the articles of the Union should mention it specifically; but it was thought that that might hazard the Union, and it was coniequently omitted. The opinions to which he had alluded received the sanction of the English Parliament —they were printed by the Government at the public erpense=they were circulated from the Castle. Mr. Pitts speech was sent to the different Generals and , Commanding Officers in Ireland—and if this was not • authority to show s tint concessions were to be granted to the Catholics, he knew not what was—(Loud cries of , 1 Hear, hear," from the Opposition benches). He had so far taken the liberty of making himself a wit cgs:, and he would have been wanting to himself if he did not say, beyond the power of contradiction, that when the Union was carried it was to be followed up by concessions to the Catholics—(Hear, hear, hear). When be -spoke of a pledge having been given to that .....mr:..m. effect—he did notisay that in terms it was specifically given. Mr. Pitt*errai . blitcirrldix pledge the Eitgliah -• Parliatrieotbut when tiny Minister of the Crown *- pressed himself, as he had. just staled, what could any man of sense understarid by it? A degree of caution was enjoined in the supporters of the Union—and so I great was the violence 'of the. Protestant. Parliament of Irelabd,' that he' was in a minority 01,15 against 300 in the . question of further concession; that again being accompanied by the question of Re form, which was becoming a favourite topic in thu country. All hope of concession was then centred in an. Imperial Parliament; and he would .be glad to know if Mr. Pitt had not at least vistually plesleal himself to it? If he did not, what did he rritara-r. Did •he intend to exclude the Catholics ?—Was that his object? No man could for a moment suppose it. The question, after all was, not what Mr. Pitt intended, for that was put an end to by his invaluable letter, but whether, pending the Union, hopes were ex. cited in the Catholic mind . If hopes were held out to the Catholics, and they were induced by such means to promote the measure of Union, it was impossible that any thing more base could be imagined, than to deprive them of the consideration to which they weresentitled. The Hon. Member here read several extracts from the notes of Mr. Howard, of conversations with Lord Corsa wallis, to show that his Lordship considered the Union would do nothing if concession to the Catholics did not follow from it. All this was stated by the Noble Lord that it might be circulated amongst the Catholics—it was so circulated at his express desire, and Lord Fingall added, that Lord Cornwallis, a prudent,able and honour able man, said he would himself propose the question of Catholic Emancipation in the House of Lords, and that he had sanguine hopes of its success. He asked Lord Cornwallis, if such was the opinion he entertained, and if such were the views entertained by the Ministers,why the relief of the Catholics was not included'as an inter rat part of the Union. The answer he received was, " Yea know that if we were to declare that object as a past of the measure of the Union, we should immediately have all the strong Protestants against it." He further said, " How can you doubt that the measure will f Bow the Union, when you know of what Parliament consists?— There is Mr. Pitt and his Ministry 311 favourable to•the measure, and on - the other hand Mr. Fox and his friends all bound to support it by their own principles of tell. gious freedom. I ask what else remains ?"—(Cheers). Certainly the Hon. Gentleman behind him (Mr. Bankes) would have remained, for he manfully opposed the m!asure of the Union, because it favoured concession to the Catholics. He contended that all this :bowed the relief of tie Catholics to be one of the principles upon which Mr. Put proposed and carried the Union. And if it had not been for that fatality which attended his exertions and arrested his course, he would have come down with a measure in the year after, and have carried it without a murmur. At that time, too, it might have been carried with the least possible effect upon the Catholic Body. There was then a Catholic Aristocracy which directed the Catholic feeling, and possessed its entire confidence. It they now. saw that Al istoeracy no longer controlling the acts of the Catholic. population— if tile priesthood no longer exercised that influence which they had given up to a political laity—to what did they owe it?—(Cheers.) To themselves—(Con tinued cheering). The Right Honourable Gentleman then refereed to two communications received by him upon the resignation of Mr. Pitt's Ministry, in which it was declared that he had retired because he was not able to bring forward the measure attended by circumstances calculated to ensure all its benefits, arid ie:ommending the-Catholics to preserve a . prudent and exemplary demeanour. It had been stated, with a confi dence which hecould hardly have conceived,and gravely put in pint, that Mr. Pitt, in the latter part of his life, saw reason to alter his opinions respecting the Union. He knew that after the Union Mr. Pitt continued to look with anxiety to the object of Catholic Emancipation. He knew that when the question was afterwards sub mitted to the Cabinet, and argued by two of the most able of its members, Mr. Pitt said of the arguments against it, that nothink could be more inconclusive. Lord Castlereagh showed him the argument which he submitted in support of the measure; and ashe consi dered it to reflect the highest honour upon his• consis tency, as well as upon his intellectual powers, he would read it to the House, instead of troubling them with further arguments of his own. Having read the docu meta, the Right Hon. Gentleman said, it had been stated that though the Ministry contemplated concession to the Catholics in that more tranquil state of Ireland which was expected to follow .the Union —now, that violent .doctri, es had been broached, and a dangerous spirit of menace anal demand had arisen, it would be impolitic to take such a course. He did not mean to deny that a dangerous state of society now existed in that country. No man regarded the events of the present day with a higher sense of their importance and dan !ter than he did. . But they had been produced by the procrastinating this necessary and inevitable measure ,sf justice—( Hear, hear). Were not these dangers fore men? He had some time since an interview with Lord Liverpool,. at which he entered into a full discussion - of this subject. He told Lord Liverpool, that if the mea sure were withheld, a few years would find the Catholic Clergy an organised political body. lie would not at. tempt to deny that that prediction had been verified. The Catholic Leaders made it their boast, whether wisely or not it was not for him to say; that the whole Catholic population was organised, that the-Clergy were ioineil • with them in the pursuit 'of political objects, and. that the whole was capable of being moved by the Catholic leaders as one man, fcir any speeifiVpurpose. TWo'yea'r s ago, and this was not. Four years before that:he.prca. phesied that such a state of things must take place in ten years, and it had obtained in six. Twenty'years ago, and the persons who were now the Ctitholicleaders could no more have influenced the Catholic population than the person most distantly connected with them in all' that Elouse.—(Cheers). To whom was this dreadful state of Ireland to be attributed ? To those whO fs adafir • agree for it, C an a d th a o l l l ic its consequences, to 'rhehYa . t awsl 1p the country. And let it be remembered, that those'thaHdous to e still opposed that measure must be prepared to say'th4t this state of things must last for ever, as long as a . pi. pas tholic remained in the country, or they must be. .psi . pared to find a new system of Government.--(Cheers),lf the country was to be left in this condition,. what was to be the state of an Irish country Gentlemati, every moment at the mercy of this power so organised,by which his whole property might at once be involved in destruction? He saw no benefit in preserving mystery upon these subjects, or in slurring over the. real extent of the danger to which the .country was exposed. Ito connection with this state of feeling in Ireland, it otitis be remembered that there had been of late a powerful effort made by a party called the Apostolicals, who were composed of Ultra Catholics, to extend their is fluence aim Europe. That effort had now leeward a check from'publtc opinion; but two years ago it wee actively employed in exciting in Ireland a hostile feel ing towards the govytomept of this country._ Ague dil•• USI•S•a• • • - • Ar. _ ' 'l'.~;. ~~. ~..~