Star. — London, England, 1815-04-21 00:00:00

Jose dable, lie still preferred negotiation to opposition, and censidereef it would be m , 're fur his advantage to retire for a time than to continue to make resist. ance ; and under thew circumstances it might natu rally_, be expec , ett that he would take the fi rst oppor-' tunil ef returning, and resuming his authority. Yet the Noble Lord had said, he went to Elba as an 'in dependent Sovereign, and that the Treaty of Fon tainbleeu gave no right of watching or molesting him till he should set his toot on the shore of France. This, le ,wev er, he (Mr. Abercrombie) could not con skier as having been the opinion of the Allies. He must think that that Treaty was considered by them as it was by him, as giving them a power of watch ing him, an I t rventing his escape. It, however, Daiapatte was to COliOntle, as the Noble Lord had represented him, an Independent Sovereign, he ought to have been treated as such ; and he would now ask the Noble Loid, had t!,.! provisions of the Treaty of lit.tinl,le:l.l been preserved with him ? Had the provisimis ot' ..aty, as respected money, been preserved ? He would ask, if Bonaparte was an in depe.is!ent Sovereti, what authority cculd he ad d:reel for keeoir.p, iron' him, apparently in a state of calniviiv, his kite aoal child? This was highly un justifiable ; bee there :tm , ther and a greater eeeletion of the . l.'reatv in question ; the Duchies of Parma, Placentia, and Guastella, had been secured to the Empress and her son, yet no one could doubt bu -an intention had existed at Congress to give these poaessions a different dispeeition. Another mischief arising out of the violation of this Treaty was, the disgust it was likely to eive the Officers of the army who had obtained this Treaty for their former Com mander, and the strict observance of which was the mily thing which could reconcile themselves to them selves, and to the people. Another act to whic h he must allude, as a violation of the Treaty, was, the apparent intention which was entertained at Congress of retneving B naparte himself from Elba. That such A eroeositien had been entertained at Congress, nu doubt collet exist, if the Publication, called the Defence of Marshal Mernuont, and the statement published in vindication ot Sir N. Campbell, were atelantic. Under all the circumstances of the case, lie ii.euelit sufficient itifiemation must have come to the knot% ledge of our Government to call on them to ad en precete.i..nary measures ; and he trusted the Il"iibe would new call on Ministers to slew that they had taken such measures. It hid been said, that it was impossible to secure Bonaparte in the Isle of ueless the port could have been h er metically. ; sealoei. This assertion leas too ridiculous t o deserve an Anse ei. Was it to be contended, that with the Nevy of England, it was not possible to pre lionapar,e's escape with a body of troops, and several sm of ves3..ls, or to intercept him before he' ehoied lieve re.y.hed the coast of France ? It was esst- si that the instritcti , ats, be they whet teey may, Joillel he I.ld b_lore the House. — With rei.eat their recciviii4 4th:relation as to the probable .I,..sy,ns ot DiJi.aparti.., he bid cy •iti that Nli. tastes.tire .n posst.ssion ot some which ought to Lase placed theni on their guard. He did not place any tiliance ou thc tra:ll of Mr. Pia} fair. 'rite able c.)nclude.l With moving ••••• " Thee an e amble Address be preicv.ted tai the ?sexe cei:ies, e:::racts of any insttuctions to the Nay :1 C. rilma ti..!ers, respecting Boiiapai to aim the I.i.tul i f Llha ; also an'r itiffnmation they may nave received resin:cling' his iatet:ttar. escap. t;.oni rd Ci,STLEREAGH observed, that the Ho rioutabie Gentiem in had drawn his argulaeote trout the ‘l,ctinient which M. Caulincourt had transmitted to this country. With respect to the Treaty or F0:1- tambh...tii, it seemed to be the desite of those Gentle. men who at raigned Ministers, to charge them either vies being too early or too late in their information. 'Without a cistinet breach ot faith on the part of the Allies, it was impossible not to catty tee Treaty into effect. Great Britain had judged' it expedient to lend its sanction to the arrangements which the Al lies had entered inte. The Noble Lord had already stated that the considerations ill respect to the Treaty were such as to justify the Allies in making it, espe cially as the Provisional Government of Frimee . were well disposed towards it, and the danger of carry ing en a protracted war was highly to be deprecated. He condemned the practice of attacking foreign Goveniments, with a view to impugn the conduct of the B; aisle The mode of logic now adopted was, of taking the letter uf• a French General, for the purpese of establishing conclusions which are not teunded in truth. In respect to the annulling of the Treaty, it was annulled after the escape of Bona parte, so fir as it regarded the Empress Maria Louisa and himself ; but there had not been any breach uI faith on the part of the Allies. Great Btietiii was only a party to the engagement respect ing the territorial possessions. There was no idea ou the part of this country, that it was necessary to re move Bonaparte to St. Helena or St. Lucie. Such an idea was quite new to the Noble Lord. The only natural precaution to prevent his escape was by sl,utting him up in Elba ; and that was a proceeding which never ceuld have entered into the n • d of any one —lt the Honourable Gentleman meant to say, that a strict police was necessary. he was prepared to contend the contrary. The Government of France bad - not that view of the subject, for the French na tion once delivered from the tyranny of that person, • coul,l not be supposed likely to support his return. Ii teat was the -view v. Welt the Honourable Gentle. man to .k of the question, and that it was necessary to have a 'level cordon round the island, he, for one, should disclaim such view, and defend the Treaty upon the broad basis of a Treaty with a person pos . - sessing certain tights, and guaranteed in the wee. reigety of an island. Upon what principle then could we land in Elba, and insist upon searching the island, or any vessel which might quit it, upon the Supposition that he was on board ? With respect to the Papers he should object to their production en the ground, that no presumptive censure attached to .Ministers ; and that this was an after-discovery which those Gentlemen who opposed the Treaty now plumed themselves on. ELLIOTT conceived it became a wise and magnanimous nation to provide for security, by strengthening the goyernment ; • which Parliament 154 d done. Ministers had led the country into the danger which was now apprehended. The speech of the Noble Lord had not solved the doubts which he ( Mr. Elliott) had eatasailard I ; or had is me. nuated the misconduct which his Honourable Friend had imputed to them. The Right Hon. Gentleman took a view of the proceedings of the Allied Powers, previous to the Treaty of Fontainbleau, and insisted that the Allies ought to have contemplated the con sequences which follkeeed, and provided accordirtly. Was the Treaty made with the consent of Lord Cathcart ? Did he protest against it ? (Lord Cas tlereagh said, 6 6 He was not there.") %Vas there any diplomatic agent present ? If not, then a stronger case of neglect on the part of the British Govern. ment could not be made out. —(Hear, hear.) —As to the policy of the Treaty—were not the Allies power ful and strong at the time it was made ? and might not such a Treaty have been concluded as should have secured Europe agaiiist the danger which has ensued ? He denied unit Bonaparte was in that strength which Ministers had on a former night con e tenued: Had any precautions been taken to prevent his escape ? None In what situation was Colonel Campbell? Was he a Plenipotentiary ? (It was an swered across the table, 44 that he was in a eolfigissitial We'e then he was in a confidential situa tion, lied yet Bonaparte escaped in an open way was three days at sea, and yet there were no means taken to secure him.—(Hear.) Mr. F. DOUGLAS defended the conduct of Mi. eiaers, so far as their vigilance was called in ques tion. He considered the Treaty of Fontainbleau as the best and most honourable which, under circum stances, could have been obtained. He differed with those who thought that there had not been any con cert between the Allies in respect to this Treaty. On the contrary, lie contended that there had been a very strong one ; for they had combined to take the Government of France out of the hands of Napoleon Bonaparte, to place Europe, thereby, in a state of security. He justified the various stipulations of the Treaty respecting the Duchies of Parma and Pla centia, and the rights of Piince Eugene. Upon thac part of it which provided for the payment of the Annuities, he contended that means were devised for making good those payments. He denied that there were any views on the part of Government to remove Bonaparte to the island of St. Helena, or any other place; the rumour was gathered from one of the public papers. Mr. ROBINSON stated, that Lord Cathcart could not be present with the grand army acting against Paris. On the 19th of Match, the Noble Lord, with Lord Aberdeen and Sir Charles Stewart, were at Chatillon. On that day news was received that Bo naparte had gained an advantage, and therefore it was impossible that the Civil Authorities could re main there. The Diplomatic Bodies Were in dan ger of being taken, as the French army ss is nieving down upon them, and therefore, under the advice of Prince Schwartzenberg, they made off towards Di jon. On the 2.lth they met Lord Cathcart in a si milar situation. It was a measure of compulsion, and not of choice, on the part of his Noble Friend, tea: he could not send his in ;tractions to the grand at my. tie contended, iu respect to the Treaty, Chit it was ilaz racy of tiie Allies to consul( the wishes of the French nation. It ti:e Allies had refused to tran. quillize all France, without shedding nii:re blood, r all circumstances. it would have bred to have 1;:,;:ed a great advantage for the speculitifm of sotne thing which rrii?,ht 11;tVe turned OLt very imprudent. Mr. I'ON.iCN BY thought that Bonaparte at the L7!tie Of the Treaty o: Fontaintaau was in no fortni .2.,llle a; :nude, and the conclusion of the Treaty was ihere:tne, in his (Mr. P.'s opinion) nut justifiable. Ir. had Leen said that the French troop:, had been re fresl.ed by despair. This refreshment was new to hint. A gteit Poet had described despair as a nurse, who " ltustly from couch to couch devair attcuds tlt • ocl ! —But he had never heard the sick bad hien so re fteshed.—The principal question, however, row was, not whether the Treaty WAS good or bad ; but whe ther, after k was made, precautions had been taken for securing Bonaparte in Elba ? To ascertain that fact, his Hon. Friend moved for certain Papers, which be supposed would elucidate the tact. He was far from defending Bonaparte ; but he must declare, that the stipulations of the Treaty were not kept, and therefore the guaranteeing Powers manifested bad faith. The Noble Lord had said there were no in. structions given by the Naval part of the Adminis ? tratiun—E" No written ones," said Lord C.] —Well then !—were there any verbal ones ? If so, surely the Noble Lord would have no abjection to lay, them before the House. It he did not, the House must believe that Government had not given any instruc tions at all. With respect to the information of his intention to escape, did the Noble Lord mean to say that the Government had not received any, either verbal or written, worth attending to ? The Right Hon. Gentleman thought that the information which he had learnt had reached Government was worth inquiring into. A Foreign Minister bad written to Government, stating, that measures were taking for the return of Bonaparte to France, and that Joseph Bonaparte was preparing quarters for some officers.' Was that true ? he hid heard it was so, from a re spectable quarter—[Lord C. denied that any such information had reached Goverument.]—Then the intelligence which he had heard was not true. It might be so. The Right Hon. Gentleman main tained that the char.:cter and policy of this country had been impugned by the conduct of the Noble Lord at the Congress. A motion would be made by a Right Hon. Friend of his, which would give the Noble Lord an opportunity of defending and explain. ing that conduct: Mr. B. BATHURST conceived that the assertion of the Right Hon. Geetleman, in respect to the con duct of his Noble Friend, was not borne out. When the whole of the subject crime under discussion, it would be seen that his Noble Friend had not com mitted the honour of the country. The Treaty of Fontainbleau was the result of military operations ; and this country not being an original party, Go vernment were not bound to the consequences. Many of the points which had been pressed into discus sion were irrelevant to the main questipn. The Right Hon. Gentleman insisted, that nene of the infractions relied on were stated by Benapei to in his Proclama tions as grounds for invading the Fiench territories. He maintained that we had no right to blockade Bo naparte in Elba; because, by the Treaty of goptain. bleat, we and our Allies recognized him as an inde pendent Sovereign of that island: The embarkation of Bonaparte was easil y conducted ; as he bad so few •. • troops that even General Berme* did not know, uti. 01 the eve of his departure, the; it was He wished to know what instreedene wed be Oven to cur Commanders to search vessels going to or Leming from Elba, which we ha d recognized as an independent sovereignty. If the Commanders of our cruizers had met Bonaparte at sea, they would have seized him, provided it bad not been a voyage for an • innocent purpose. For these reasons, he contended, we had no right to exercise any sort of naval police ' over Bonaparte; and therefore he hoped the House would not entertain this motion. Sir JAMES MACK/N . POSH said theease before the House was, whether there was sufficient ground laid for an Address to the Throne, to know where the negligence of this omission, as he would call it, had originated—a neglect and an omission which had exposed the tranquillity of Europe by the advance ment of Napoleon Bonaparte again to the Throne of France. Perhaps this might lead to the renewal of a war as long and as expensive as the last. All this had proceeded from the sailing of three small vessels from the Isle of Elba on the Ist of March last. • " Ibi °nulls ellihus labor." The dilemma wa •, that the Treaty of Fontainbleau ' was an act of imperial madness, or one of absolute and necessary policy. The Noble Lord (Castle. reagh) had rather chose to atoilare it to what he would call political necessity. Then it was evident that the utmost care should be taken to prevent the . return of a man so much required by the soldiers of France, which they must have expected. " iEstuat Wells aiwusta Halite When our victorious army was in the heart of France by a succession of the must tepid victories, and when our councils ought to.have been the main spring of the Allied Powers, the Noble Lord had said that this great country was not even consulted by those who concluded the Treaty of Fontainbleau. lie appealed to his Hon. Friend, Mr. Douglas, if the loudest excla mations were not expressed in the capital nt France in December last, that the stipulated sum was not paid to Napoleon Bonaparte ; and that a large, and not a despicable party was in his favour. It was puerile to say, that because lie was a Sovereign Pinter we had no right to watch Bonaparte in Llba -- we had a right to take care of the tulfistmeet of the Treaty, as long as any danger of its inhection re mained. We wete justified in watching Eloa, f..r the purpose of preserving the peace of Europe. Bin, by the neglect of this, an event had occurred %% loch had shaken Europe to its centre. The difficulty tit retaining Bonaparte in Elba had been thrown on the Commanders of our ships in the Mediterranean ; fur the Right Hon. Gentleman had stated, there was an understanding and an impression, that they should stop him, if he was found landing on the Continent. When Government knew that Bonaparte meditated his return from Elha, they should have called on him to disavow such an intention in the face of Europe. Mt. F. DOUGLAS explained. Mr. C. GRANT said, that if this Treaty was int erfect, the Hon. Gentlemen opposite should have expreeeed their opinions on its sooner. It was impos siole for his Noble Friend (Cestlereagh) from the con tingencies in the war, to know that the great events which thin took place would lead to this I're-icy ; to the dot oils of which lie objected to, as far as he could when it was made known to him And how any one in that House have defended him, it he li.id opposed his opinion to that of all our Allies? parte, though then defeated and baffled, was scut re duced to that abject state of despair as to consent to an I.IIIC3IIditIMI.II surrender. The danger was not in llooap.iite, but in the tinex t -ected perridy of the Marshals of France. Who could have antici pated that men, who had achieved so much renown, would hate eraibited such utter depravity, and ne glect of such sacred obligations ? He contended that no degree of vigilance short of personal violence or constraint, could have prevented an individual like Bonaparte to escap.: from Elba. When we had made by the Treaty his flag to be respected by the Alse ones, were we to be the first to violate that Treaty He contended that the Treaty was one of modera tion and forbearance; and having admitted Bona parte by it into the political circle of Europe, it Was our duty to preserve it inviolate in all its parts. Bo naparte had made no appeal to the Allies of the in fringement of the Treaty with him, which he ought to have done, according to the Law of Nations—end having not done so he had placed hirns:lf out of the Law of Nations, and justified us in going to veal with him. Mr. WHITBREAD begged to remind the Hon. Gentleman who spoke last, wet he and his cuthagu s were the watchmen paid, on this and every occa sion, to guard against any danger to this country and to Europe. The House had never deserted the No ble Lord (Castlereagh) till be bad deserted them.-- He (Mr. .) had found in the Noble Lord, end others, at Congress, imitators of the littlenesses of Bonaparte. He had never called Bonaparte great, because those littlenesses would prevent him from being called great in history. Yet he was a man tit such talents, that he had struck the Noble Lord and his coadjutors with dismay so great, that tle:y were obliged to array all Europe against him. 'those who set on foot the expedition to steal ;he Danish fleet, and justified it on secret information, contrary to the Law of Nations, could not be supposed to be bound by the Law of Nations in our Treaty with Bonaparte. But our Ministers would not listen to any informa tion as to the meditated escape of that person from Elba. He contended, that the Treaty with Bona parte had been violated from beginning to end. Mr. W. POLE said, the whole question before the House was, whether the Treaty of Fontainbleau gave us the power of watching and confining Bona parte er not ? The Noble Lord had candidly said, that in his opinion, and in the opinion to the lokilt: persons who were parties to the Treaty in ceiesti (((( . Bonaparte was an independent Sovereign, and there fore that we had no right to 'watch him, or to sur round the island of Elba, as the kionoprable Gentle man seemed to think we ought to have done. li toe Noble Lord was right, there was an end of the mo tion of the Honourable Gentlemae o -for if we had no power to detain him, no instructions for that purpose could have been issued. Mr. tu. W. explained. E E ß Tkromisltshortly replied, and 911- 11:lervGeed, nt t l h e a m t atom( (Mbr. pspeeniecilt it t t of the p i t t l :g hi lit th H at o w no: n ra ot merely contemplated a contest, but were absolutely committed already. Mr. W. POLE is explanation. denied that the Hp namable Gescliassaa was well founded in the infereuce whech he had drawn from his spseoh.—The Gallery was then cleared for a division, when the nunibat were—For the motion 65—Against it 149. PROPERTY TAX. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved that the report of the resolution of the Corn.. mittee of Ways and Means should be read a first time. General GASCOIGNE did not wish to oppr,. 3 the moti , n, because, although he considerel the P c . titioners against the Property Tax to have objvcird to it as a peace measure, the present critical situ ttiell of . the country required, in his opinion, an extraordinn y ef ort. He regretted, however, ttett the Right lii,r. Gentleman had professed his intention of not se :,, mitting any modifications, as he conceived there ought to be a marked difference made between per manent property. and property in which there wis only a life-interest. A similar distinction onir!,t to be made with respect to income attended with a ii,;. of capital—he meant with respect to property em. ployed in commercial pursuits. If no alter itioo should he introduced by the Right lion. fleiv.i• ruin, he should himself submit some trio.lific Ilion of tl.e measure to the House. Sir JOHN NEWPORT objezteil o. .los tv1 , ,.1e principle . I the measure, as inquisitorial, so: verst e of the privileges of Enplislinten, indiscrimeate le 41 operation, and as arming Government ...itt: pr,w,,,. which, in a free country, it ought not to he eltre.t.tei with. In every stage of its progress he wa:. d,....tr mined to take the sense of the H' use, .is fie cot::d. scarcely imagine any emergency that cot:;.lkistity the renewal of birch :t tax. He was sorry tit.e , e y. lion. Members shot.ld delude thimselres by soppo. sing that any modifications t!!ey nsig•tt propo.,e w. :E id prove successful, after the declorati::% oh d.c Iti.;lit Hon. Gentleman that be sack. no reason for attempt. i it any improvern.qa either in the erinciple, or in its ap i dicat:ee.. Wilt respect to what had tallcn the nii.ht before how an 1 - I.l.tonr,thl • Gektit-trl2ll ( Mi. ii.litke..) ot. the subject of extenditr4 :;. , s itn:.it.tac to In I 'rid, lit' meat observe, that that If .n. Menr;ic: knew but ntle of the country for which he proposed t.c legislate, if he imagined that sucl: a tax c..uld be imposed on Ireland without endangering tine cremec non between the two cou..ti ies. Even in th:., part of the empire, whew public opinion, in some degree, controlled the Officers of Government, the collection of the tax was the source of endless vex aim) ; h ut in le actuAl state of IrelAnci, the assessor would be every thing, and the assessed as nothing. In that country - , too, the feelings which would be thus excited, already embittered by religious differences and other c .uses, might be productive of the most mischievous come. qut nces to the general security of the empire. He moved, as en amendntent, that the Resolution be read this day fortnight. A , ll. BANKES, in consequence of whit had filial from the Right Hen. Baronet, wished to observe, that what he had already stated, he had stated ad. %est:4y, and it was his intention w act in cont , emity to tne opinions he bad expressed. He should, there. lore, take this opportueity of giving notice, that when the Bill should be ietroduced, it •'• es his intention to move the. the ?... and Ireland" be add ti,e t..• oat He was satisfied, from all die (equities he bad made, the. Oleic was no Tait, when duly modified, so applicable to the condition and revenue of fieland, either financially er poiiti. cally considered, as the Tax in q uestion. The poor and labouring classes of the community, who lot rned so large a 111.1j:tray the Irish poptiluion, wooli be exempied, whilst several Taxes on articles :ma whith pressed heavily upon diem, mieht then be removed. it: trusted that Pailiament w, not suffer any iii livideals so far to legi late tor thtni. selves as to say, because they disliked a tax, t!i;-; tax is contrary to our genius and habits, and it w :id be dangerous for you to impose it upon us.—(Hear. hoar.) —The germ y of Ireland were not the la) Lease of the community who took no delight in p‘iiig Taxes.—(4l/ugh.)--Taxes, however, were because sacrifices were necessary to all! WellATe and security of the State ; and be could net bring himself to believe that the Irish gentry would prove more averse titan any other descriptien of his Majesty's subjects to contribute to the exigencies of d,e :.weary. Mr. GRATTAN said, the Hon. Gentienlati'; speech consisted of a string of assertiins, with tete ()ley of which he could concur, namely, that the gentry of Ireland were as welling as aey uoly of inel in the country to assist in promoting the wenare glory of the country. That welfare and ge.ry le, y were teady to defend at all times. boils with their l eo. pet ty and their blood ; but the Income T.ix was a measure which, in the present situation of Ircland, must prove most improvident and most injuirus.— He thought the Honourable Gentlemeu had d•'Le well to give notice of his intentions ; and wbcuL"t he should bring forward his motion, he pledged Line self to oppose it, and to debate the question fully anl candidly. He should then endeavour to prove that the tax was altogether foreign to the habits, contii• tion, and finauci tl situation of that country, av!iich would prefer more productive taxes to the particular tax in question. At present he should say no upon that subject, and merely add, that the measure now before the House had his most cordial disa? probation. Mr. FITZGERALD said, he had no inteutiorr , as theTkx was to be proposed only for one year, it recommending the extension of it to Ireland at pre sent. He did not think it necessary, iheieloie, to 0• press any opinion on the question of how far, under different circumstances, such an extension or the measure might be just or expedient. It was to lx recollected, however, that a considerable time elapsed before this great measure of financ e al t be practically aecommodated to this country. It a had cost both time and labour to render its mechin°! ilt for use. in this part of the empire, the sane t , would be probably attended with similar ortilculty,ie Ireland. He considered it, however, iinti ,ol :l l " 4 that great exertions, when compared wit!, her 1:113::. 641 resources, had already been made ea - diet gee ceil interests of the empire by that Loom , y. After a ft.,* w or d s iron., Mr. Ei.i.toir, the Lott'-; divided on Sir dims Newt.•rte's immidoleat : Mu% 99—Ayes su—Maj'nty 69. On the Gall,r. using reopen d, Mr AldermA ATKINS was speaking on tile subject oi. lacord Tax, which he thought, by prover m oditic etiD , Ln might be rendered comfortable to the country 4: ,Arge. • Mr. W. SMITH did not so much object to the tit, as to tqa system by which it was enturc4.4. brouSli• i I f