Star. — London, England, 1828-10-25 00:00:00

the real `reserve. I believe in it, you do not—what matter is it to me VI beit you helieve, and what manr►'i it to you what I beltere? Lori Winchilsea sps, toa my religion is the relig of slavery. I shall re. fare this charge against that Creed, which was pro• lesser], as Cobbett, in his most eloquent vindication nt the religion of your forefathers, has said, by the men ri whose flesh and bones make up the earth for many feet deep in every one of your Churchyards." Come) my Lord Winchilsea, let us ()pen the pages of English history. One fact is worth a hundred argument', and I have a host of facts on my side. Where do you find the elements of your Constitution? Alfred gave you the body of your common law, your Judges, your Ma gistrates, your Sheriffs (you hold your office, Sir, and have called this great assembly by virtue of his institu tions), your Court, of Justice, your elective system, and the grand bulwark of your libtrties, the best and most useful, as well as the most glorious of your rights, the shield of freedom—the trial by Jury. Does the Duke of Newcastle think that Alfred was aProtestant ? or that the Barons of Runnemede were Prot •scants? Bin to touch upon a case that appertains snore nearly to his Grace. Who was it that gave the people the power of self-taxation, and fixed, if he did not create, the representation of the people? Edward 1. Oh, my Lord Duke, there were no rotten boroughs then. The= House of Commons was not returned by a set of Nobles, who, talking about liberty, opposed all reform. There were no great men, in those times of Catholic slavery, who seat in ten Members to the House of Como mons, and, when a corrupt borough was cut off, con trived to get its still more rotten substitute into their pockets. The House of Commons was then a perfect mirror of the people, which was unstained by the breath of an Oligarchy. Give up your ten Members, my Lord Duke, and then you will talk of liberty with a better grace, if not to a more useful purpose. h was to the first Edward that England was indebted for her Parliament, and her pecuniary controul over the Crown;, and the third Edward gave perfection to the system by holding annual Parliaments. He, too, passed the great statute against constructive treason. Englishmen, with these facts 'reline you, how can you listen to the men who tell you that Popery and slavery are nevem'. ray allied? Englishmen, when you peruse the an cient Chronicles of your glory, do not your hearts beat with a sense of exultation, are not your emo tions deeply stirred, and are not your natures highly kindled ? Where is the English boy who reads tne story of his own great island, whose pulse does not warmly beat at the contemplation of all the renowned names, and all the lofty incidents, with which them() annals of his country are splendidly studded ? Is there one of you all who bath not almost fallen down to adore the memory of Allied? Have you turned ido 14tors to the memory of the immostil Edwards? Who is there that bath not thtilled at the name of Ronne onede, and whose soul hails not swelled and alined at the remembrance of the scene, when Langton, with a Catholic mitre upon his head. extorted Irons a tyrant your mighty, and I trust in GM), that it will prove your eternal charter? Little did you think (and yet how could you forget?) when you experienced, as you muse, this generous national exultation—little did you think that it was at the altars of religion, which you are en. sunned ti consoler as the hand maid of oppression, that the great progenitors of liberty knelt down—you may write damnation upon every grave which bears d re before the year 1521 ; but in the face of clear and indiso potable evidence, with Alfred And the Edwards, with ' I Trial by Jury, with Parliament and with Magna Cherie before you, do not denounce the religion of your frue lathers as the mother of slavery, and visit it with all the execration that s'toold pursue the parent of so detestaroe a child. Englishmen, 1 have spoken with warmth, I can not help it, but that warmth &Minot carry me too far--it is enough for me to defend my religion, without animad verting on yours; but it I were disposed so to do, might I not turn the leaves of history upon you, and after you had charged my creed with its servile tendencies might I not ask, whether the cradle of the Ref'ss a nion was not rocked with a bloody and an iron hand? Whether Henry did not trample upon liberty, and his base Parliament did not mike him a voluntar) release and surrender of the Constitution ? Did liberty exist in thureign dfthat precocious Theologian, &loofa, VI, or under the auspices of the virgin of the Refrma tion, who took infant Protestantism under her armoire auspices.? You night say t, ere. if I were suificieutly bold to press these conaideratious, that I should nut re for to such remote events—on the very day that Lord Russell perished on the scaffold, the University, the Protestant University of Oxford, she seat of reformed Christianity, the throne of English orthodoxy, published its declaration in favour of passive obedience. But let us travel "a little out of England. Protestantisin, it is said, is the inseparable companion-of liberty; they arefound walking arm in arm together, in their march for the im. provement of mankind. It this be so, how does it happen 'that Prussia is a Protestant, and Prussia is a slave; and Sweden is a Protestant, and Sweden is slave.; and Denmark is a Protestant, and Den mark is a slave; and half the German' Scam; are Pro- . tenants, and are also slaves. Turn now to Cath , lie Europe. Look at Italy—not as she now is, but as site was long before the name of Luther was ever uttered— look at her when the Catholic was her religion, and liberty was her glorious practice. I call up her crowd of Republics as %snots es in that cans* which I air. thus j daring enough to piead before you. Venice, Catholic Venice, rises up from the ocean, with all tier Republican glory round about her. Venice fell at last into an oligar-J, chy ; but Venice was for .500 years a noble and hity democratic Government. I nest produce as witnesses So my favour Genoa and Florence, and all the rest of those free States in which Popery, liberty, kerature, aid the ants, grew up and flourished tgether. Turn to SY , user- land—shall I not find evidence in her Alpine values its my favour? Look to France—has not France'a Clatter, a Parliament, and a Trial by Jury? • From toe old I o ill travel to the new world, and produce to England bet pupils in democracy—the States of South America —Republic after Republic is bursting out through that immeasurable continent, and the fire of liberty mounts Lite a volcanic flame from the summits of the Andes. arid with its wide and vast illumination lights up one the world. Well, my Lord Winchilsea. what say you to all this? Is Bolivar a slave*, and are these facts to be enc:untered by such trash about Popery as we !save heard to-day ? I dismiss the charge with all the, sc.in w hick it deserves, and turn to the main question before you. Look at Ireland—what do you behold? a beautiful crldntry,with wonderful agricultural and cons. rner cial advantages—the link between America and En rope—the nrurtar resting-place of trade in its way to either hemisphere—and inhabited by a bold, i ntrep id, and, with all their Limits, a generous and . enthusiastic eopie. Such is natural Ireland—what is artsficral Ireland —l7.ch is Ireland as GOD made her—what ni Deland as England made her ? Look at her again. This fihe country is laden with a population the most miserable in E .rope, and of whose oretchedness, if you are the srobors, you are beginning to be the victims. Alt the pest commercial lercitie, of the country ate lost.the .leep rivers Nit s) tielJ circulate opulence flow to the nte•n is ithintt a/Along a boat or turning a wheel—and he wave breaks e silent magniiicene of deserted and .hiple•t place of being a source of wealth and revenue to the empire. Ireland cannot defray her own expenses, or pay a tingle tax ; her discontents cost millions of money, and she hangs like a financtal mill stone round England's neck, in place of being a bul-' walk and a fortress; she debilitates, exhausts, and endangers England, and offers an allurement to the speculators in universal ruin. The great miss of her enormous population are alienated and disso. ciaied from the Sate—the most ferocious passions rage from one excre , ,,ity of the country to the other— hundreds of thousands of men, arrayed with badges, gather in the south, and the smaller faction, (Kith disci-' pline and with arms. are marshalled in the north—the country is strewed with the materials of civil commo- tion, and seems like one vast magazine of power, which a spark might ignite into au explosion, which would shake the whole fabric of civil society into ruin, and of which England would not only feel, but perhaps never recover from the shock. And, gracious GOD I (for I cannot refrain from the exclamation) i. this horrid, this appalling, this accursed state of things to be permitted to continue? It is only requisite to present the question, in order thAt all men should answer—some hing must be done. Well, then. what is to be done? Are you to re-enact the penal code? Yo►u were cmiiged rrl;x the penal code whin theCatholicf were only 1000.000; and now that they a. e 7,000,000. , ill you iay on their charms again? Are you to deprive the Catholics of their propertie., shur up their schools, drive them from the bar, strip them of the elective fralichiee, and reduce them to a state of Egyptia'i bondage? You will scarcely have recourse to this expedient. What then is to be done? Whet. yt.o coma t) consider what ought to be done in this emergency, surely you will nut dismiss trim your recollection that the greatest, the wisest, and the best Statesmen and Legislators oho have fur the last fifty years oirscted your council., sod conducted the business of this mighty empire. all concur red iu the opinion that without a concess.on i f the Catholic claims. nothing permanently use:iil and effects'. ally sanative could be done for lieiand. Withow going through the cat .logue of splendid names which stand afro aged in the cause ••1 - emancipation, I shall select only t•ltee, Buike, and Pitt, and F ; they w, re all &Eine, t in habit, in character, and in th toy, ver this question th, it great minds met in a deep conflux. Burke., the toe to 'evolution, Fax, the as-ertot of popular righl, Pitt, the stay and prop of the prirrogatiar—th-. grand triumvirate of legislation concurred in this single opinion. See to what a conclusioe you must arrive when you denounce the advocates of ernancipatloll the foes and the enemies of their country. T. whom will your anathema reich? It will take in one-hail of W stutinitet Abbey—and is not Vbe vet . ) dust in which the tongues and hearts of Pitt, and Bathe, and Fox hare moulJereJ, better than the living hearts and loop s et those who have 'ou tlived them ? Yes, I will put it on this tat—if you were to try the question by the venerable authorities of the illustrious dead. and by those voices which may be said to issue from the grave, how would you decide? lt, instead of counting votes to St. Steitheu's, you were to count the tombs in the mausoleum betide it, bow would the division ot the great departed .tared ? Enter the sacred aisles winch coutam the ashes of your greatest men, and ask your. selves, as you pass, how they felt and sp o ke when t h e y h a d emotion, and they bad utterance in chat senate where they can be heard uo more? Write , ' Eniatotpator" on the grave of every treat advocate, and its coutiter-epitaph on that at every opponent of the peace io Ireland. and will there not he a majority or sepulchre' an our favour? But pass from authority—Aid cashier ..how such • system as that of exclusion ought to work. that he a wise and puha. 'course of governme:o, zenith orates nut an Aristocracy of opulence and rank, and Weil, hut an Aristocracy in retie. ; • and places seven millions of peooe at the feet to a few huudred thousand? Try this a Aldan n/ government by a very obvious ter and mike the case your own. If a tew tioiolred thousand Pre.by • tettans stood towards you in else relation whirl. the Irish Pro. meteors stand towards theCathi•lios, how foroulti you encore ? Arr Irishmen and Homan Cathipitc.s se/different.) , comer uted from your. wives, that they are La behold Domini sat me r til i gs, in $ System which ybs would look upon*. at mass ot unendurable wroog? Pro testants also Englishmen, hooey. el you may teem our !OW try, and boweser slavish you may 'eget d nor religion, believe nie that we nave enough of human Galore kit witum us—rewash of the spirit of manhood, all Irishmen as we are, to resent a usage of this kind. You would not bear the y. k. for a moment. We Ate gored and galled by it, but we do i.ot thiow 1: off. You are told that there is no national calamity in the excludes of a few Gentlemen Com Parliament, and a iew lawyers front the present amnia the bar. How narrow a view of the case is this! Don't you (eating this very exclusion throws degradation act r the whole ut the do. franddsed community, and that the mint which is devised from that political uisbonouring of a whole people, must rust through ail the'departments of society, and must be baneful indeed? A bract: I. stuck upon the forebrad of the country. and it festers there. The nation is divided into two castes. The powerful and privileged few are patricians in rtligion,andtrample spore and despise the plebeian Christianity of the minions who are laid prostrate at their teet.Evet y Ckaageman thinks himself a Catholic's totter, aid everyOraneeman feels himself the member of a privileged corporation that must be protected—thew Judges, their Sheriffs, their Crown Counsels and Attornies. their Juries are Protestants to a man; what confidence can a Catholic have in the admiaistration of public justice? We have the authority of an eminent Irish Judge, the late Mr.Fkitcher, who declared, that iii the southern comities the Vrotestants guilty were uniformly acquitted, and tbe Catholics innocent were as tuss deviatiugly condemned. A body of armed Orangeaseu fall upun and murder a set of defenceless Catholics—they are put upon their trial, and when they raise their eyes and look upon the Jury, as they are commanded to do. they see twelve of their oiethten in ntawacle empannt lied Ito their trial; and after this I suet, be told that all the evil tot Catholic disqualilicatiota is in the stuff gown. ot lawyers, and the disappointed longing of some doen Gentlemen after the liaise of Commons. No, it is the -halm, the diserac-, llbi his, the opprobrium, the stigma the brand, the contumely, lbe Wee of mask and dishonour, and the scasidatous partialities, the Write., lusts and perjured reining% and the mt.*? roue and hydra headed injustice, that ammonite the grand anti es.eaual evils ot the country. Aud you think it very wut.derlui—(you, torsooth. 'that cut off the bead of a K.ng for imposing an Wesel tax open Yoe)—that we shoulsi be ineltgrant at .11 this. You Iwo eels and , re astonished, an,. thitik it prodigious, that we are horned by a sense of these iniutics into rise u e ot rash and vebe ttseaK but are we the only individuals who have forgotten Ulf dictates of temperance am: of charity, and bAllt• our opponents been always distinguished by their meekness and forbearance? and have no Cilicrtitlll4 rapprewwte , anti 110 galling taunts, and no fierce sarcasms, and no ferocious suen.ces ever escaped from them ? lAA, look, I pray you, to the ilutissinek orgies of Ireland, and behold, not merely the torturers of Ninety eight—who, like retired butt-ben, feel the want of their own occupation, and tong for the political shambles again —but look to the Ministers of the Gospel. pouring out their votive libations to the Moloch of Ascendant y, and cheering their demon with the promise of betacumb of blood.— Unglislonen, l implore you to make some allowathe for the excess into which with much prove/can= we may be burned, and pardon we when you recollect how, under the sans: circumstances', ymi would in all likelihood feel yourselves. but perhaps yea wit* say. that while you ate conscious that we have much to suffer. you owe It td your own safety to exclude us from power.— Englishmen, we bare power already—the power to do nus chief--eive is that of doing good. Utatrray us, dissolve us, Neak up out confederacy, take tram the law (tor tt is the great ounspitator) ha combining and orgatuswg qoality—make us equal. and we shad pokier.: be united by the ban chain of slavery with each other, bet by the natural bonds so allegiance and of content. noon with you. lint you tear our influence in the House of Cu.m mono—elon't you dread our actual influence out of it ? We are °My Catholics mat of the Mow of Commons, we should be culla* within it. If Catholics had the will, would they have the power to overthrow the Cutistitutiou ? What! some twenty Catholic* overwhehn tbo Ho rash Moues of Commons? but it is suggested that they will aim at the annihdation of the church. Why should they be actuated by any such solicitude, when the chard' will no longer affect their individual interests, or statist in the way of their personal ambition? The Presbyterian. of Ireland are a powerful body. They have as sooty a political nouns for distaste towards the establishment as the Catholics; arid before they were emencipse4 cfur they have been long Asia pitt upbO i level *Mt the medbers of Use Mtablistiment), it Was kidded that their vitalisation wend( hod to the lir senseden of the legal religion. The direct contrary has been else result. The Presbyteriaos are piefesredly indifferent a the shines of the establishment, and they care 11.4 Otte iyi whether a Lord or a Bishop. whether ea "bootee truss Ireland or from Maven, has eh 0001. a year in hi s command. You allege, huer. ger, that we', Catholics would be anxious to raise our Church upon the ruins of yours, to strip your Clergy of tithes and CO possess narrowly'', ei the gorgeous upsnence ed an anti-apostoik and anti scriptural e.ts blishment. Never was there a mute uterooneled intonation Tin• whole body of the Irish Cetbolks look upon a wealthy pee ham' with abhorrence. limy mot only do not desire that time Bishops should he invested with rootlikel gorgeous tras and prelatic pomp. bet whets a Bill was introduced in order to maks a small, and no more than a decent provision for the Catholic Clergy. did they Dot themselves repudiate the other. and .prefer their himourable poverty. and the affections of the people, to the donations of Crown? And bow did the people act? Although a provision fro tin priesthood would relieve them from a trarden.did they not deprecate their connection with power? The Catholics of Ireland wahine, . that if their Clergy were endowed with the wealth of the establish meat, they would become a corrupt and profligate corparation key churchmen, bloated with insolence, pampered with luxury, swelling with sacerdotal : ptidc, and presenting in their lives .sad persons a monstrous contrast with that simplicity and poverty to which they are now as well the practisers as the teachers. They well know that in place of being the pious, active, and indefatigable instructors of the peasantry—in place of being their consolers in of fiction. their resource in calamity, their preceptors and their model, iu religion, the trustees of their interests, their visitors in sickness. and their companionson their beds of death—they would be a vale, supercilious, reckless, heartless troop of abaudoned prudigates, equally insolent to the humble, and sycopbat.tic to the great— eatteretrat the noble's table, and grinders to the poor man's hovel - sit acious in retortion, styes hi politics. and tyrants in demeanour, who from the porticoes of Palaces *odd give their instructions ion humility — who front the banquets of patricians would prescribe their lessons in anstinence.—wbo from mitred charities would pro nounce injunctions against the pride and pomp of the world, and from the prittirote path of dalliance would point to the steep and thorny way to Heaven. The Catholics of Leland well know that this would be the character of their IllTestbood.if their Church was ever raised on the ruins of the Establishment; and 119.19V199911 as the opulence of that Establishment now is. they would rather be hold the wealth of Protestant Biellops increased tenfold,and another taillike of acres added to the episcopel territories. than behold their pure and simple priesthood degraded trunttheir poverty into °pe lmet, and sunk from their noble humility to that dishonourable and anti-Christian ustentati.m.which, if it were once established, would be sure to characterize their Church. I should have done, and yet before I retire from your presence, indulge me so far as to permit me to press one remaining topic upon you. I have endeavoured to show you that you have tont...lira the character and political prim. cipies of my religion; I have endeavoured to make yes sen sible of the mi.erable condition of my country,—to impress upon you the failure of all the means which have been hitherto tried to tranquillize that unhappy country, and the necessity of adopting some expedient to alleviate its evils. I have dwelt span the concurrence of great OliellOrkka in f of amosesko. the little danger that is to be apprehended from that concessies, sod the great benefit which would Erie* from the estabilshateat (to use an expression of the Duke of Wellington) of religiose peace in Ireland. I might enlarge upon those benefits, sad show pas, that if factions were reconciled, and the euhrtantial cause of adiessity were removed. the fierce passions which agitate the Otuntry would be laid at redt. English capital would, In mood, flow in and fertilise Ireland—liaiglish habits would gra &tally arse—a confidence in the adininistratioa of justice weeds' stow up—the people, instead of appealing to arms foe redress, would look to the public tribunals as the °lily arbiters of right 1110 obstacles which now stand in the way of education would he recnoved--a reciprocal sentiment of kindness would tale place between the two islands,—a real unim, not dependieg ors acts of Parlianteut, but upon mutual interest and ammo% wadi be permanently esiablithed—tbe empire would be cenoildiond, and all flingers front the enemies of Great Britain would dlssprear for ever. 1 might also point out to you, what is obvious 411•440, that if Ireland be allowed to remain as it now is. at no &mat ra liriod the natural foes of Great Multi may make that unfortunate (sentry the field for some tremendous speculation. I might draw a picture o the dftadtul consequences which would arise, if as estormous population were to be roused into a easement sad 4 niultaneoas movement. But I forbear from presslossuch anode derstiotis upon you, isecause I bad much rather rely wpm year am Magnanimity and lofty mindedness, than upon any Ipannil rm. sible evil and terrible contingency. I therefore depot k yam s that independeittly of every consideration of expedites", kk 11111W1111‘ thy of you to persevere Ina system of practical religions imoderanoo, which Roman Catholic States, who hold to you a finempnellpkinahh regard at least, have abandoned. Lord Winchilsea aelf e llat the as thulic religion is a persecuting religion. To be sure it was, mod se was every other religion that was ever invested with maths*, I might retort on you the charge of persecution. I might remind yea, that the early refusers who set up a claim to liberty of camcisses for themselves, did nut indulge any others in a similar luxury. I might tell you that Calvin (the Rev. Mr. Pluniptree is ace of his disciples) having obtained a theological masterdom in Geneva sot the to the faggots to which Servetus was &mud, and offered up Ibis screams and grottos as a sacrifice to that peculiar orthodoxy of which he was the founder. 1 might tell you that even your own *ewer, who was himself a martyr, had fi rst inllicted what he afterwards suffered; and that this father of your church bad, even is the reign of Edward the Sixth, accelerated the progress of here. tics to immortality, and sent them through fire to heaven. But I will not adopt this course of recriminatiour the truth is, that both parties have. in the paroxysms of religious insauity, committed the most execrable atrockies, and it might be difficult, if their mis deeds were to he weighed, to adjust the hokum of ferocity be tween them. But both Catholics and Protestants have changed, and with the alteration of time we ourselves have undergone a salutary reformation. In the streets where the massacre at It. Bertholoniev) took place, the Huguenot walks in friendship with the Catholic ; and even in Rome itself, the simple catetrinuks oh your reliyiun are undisturbed by Catholic intrusion. Through the whole Continent religious distinction, have begun to *ankh, and freedom of consciet.ce is almost universally established. How does it happen that England should be almost the only country where rehgious disqualifications ate maintained? Protestants, who age use the Catholic religion of intolerance, compare the conduct 111 • Boman Catholic France with your owe. In France, where the religion of the &ate Is that of Rome, all men is admissible go pwer, and no sort of sectarian distinction is instituted by the law. Ilse third article of the French Magna Charts provides that the Catholic religion shall be the established one, but that every French citizen, no matter of what denorumation, shall be capable of holding every office in the &ate. The Chamber of Derides lie idled with Protestants, who are elected by human Catholics and Protestants have held places in the Cabinet of Franco.— You charge our religion with intolerance. Encounter these nmoriuus facts if you Call. Look to other Catholic States. In Hungary, an the year 1791, Protestants were placed by a homes Catholic Government ou a perfect level with their fellow,dtiaens. In Cathode Bavaria the same principle of toleration was adopted. Thus the Catholics of Europe have given you a splendid example. and while they have refuted the imputation of intokrance, have held out to you a practical reproach. Away, then, with the charge that nay religion is the patroness of oppression, and away with the isle boast in which you vauntingly indulge. You are behind almost every natiot in Europe. Protestant Pollak has emancipated her Catholic subjects, and &testa is tree. In Germany, the churches are used indiscriminately by Protestants and Catholice--theLin heron Service in a happy succession follows the Catholic Nieto • or the Mass, according to Lutheran or Catholic emmniences follows Lutheran Service. Hanover itarif—(mark it, &mimickers) —Protestant Hanover has made a proclamation of teligious liberty, and the Hanoverian Catholic Is free; and shall the trials Catholic re main the branded and degraded wretch which you; penal laws have made him, while the Hanoverian Catholic stands before his Illectoe without a chain? I. this just dealing towards IMAM? How can you reconcile with your own magnatiinsity this bard and cruel treatment of my unhappy country? Will you. can you, with such examples before you, bring yourselves to offer up a wanton hivocatton to the legislature to rivet the fetters of your Catholic iellow•citizens ? Ellishmen, do not undertake so ungenerous an office. I do not call on you to petition for my liberty, but I implore you not to raise up your arms against it. This is all that I aak. Leave the legislature in the uncontrouled semis of its discretion, and do not tell the Parliameot that the fetters of your fellow.citisens must be more strongly bench On behalf of my country, MI behalf at unfortunate !rebind. I conjure, I supplicate you, not to interfere for the haw-hearted purposes of oppression. It is ungenerous, it is alnsoat unmanly, it is unworthy of you. Men of Kew, you have never been conquered, yet you .ball he conquered to-day, but the victory shall be obtained by yourselves. Conquer your prejudices, obtain a masterdom over your antipathies, be victors of your passions, vanquish your Edam sides. and put your antipathies to Sight. Conquer yourselves, and conquer us. This, this is the way to subdue as ; this is the way to obtain an empire over our affections, and to make our hearts your own.—( Mr. Shit' NM down amidst the reiterated cries of " Arden gise for what you said of the Duke of York"—" Remember the Duke of York"—" lie's paid by the hour, so let him go on"—" Go down, Mr. Mountebank"—" Be off, you Merry Andrew"—and the loud 11CC14014110119 of his frlends.l Mr. LARKIN,. 01 Canterbury, expressed his surprise on hearing the A:sumacs addressed by the Constitu tionalists. Before the requisition was read, be had no idea that any set of melt considered the Cvastitutiou ia limit he thoeghe there ins little Whir for the Codo tettutian. The Noble Lord (Winchils-a) had said it was in danger, but they had all heard the prognostica tion of that Noble Lord brfore; re remembried the Noble Lord saying, some time ago, that two 'wattle .stionster were rding over she counts y—Sedition and thsspbetny I I however appealed, upon inquiry, that he two monsters had vanished. The Noble Lsird had .0 dumb' said tithe monster, In wor t h found in Matbdh. as When shall we three meet again ? In thunder. beton'', and in rain." (Laughter). In the new Brunswick Dictionary a great alteration had been made in the missing of words. They should road fee the word" Constitution," ' A ktocracy and the CI •rgy." The eeople were wholly left out—(liere one of the treeholders ex claimed, Knock it doe/NC:balky ! yes are an auctioneer, and know how to do k). It was nonsense to tell the people of the odes/naps hey derived Irma the Constitution. They ought to go to Neweastle and Modalities, to see who really did gain by the Coontortion. WA, there one among all the pretended supporters of the Carotins tion who had done one liberal action for the country? Who were thew new supporters of the rights and liberties of the people? They were new tangled pigmy nobles—(A laugh). The freeholders of the comity would 'sever he degraded by supporting each men. Those who called upon them to present a Petition against Catholic ineiancipatiou were the men who would cry out, taus and tithes for ever ! The Constitution of the country was established upon the rights of the King, Lords and Commons. The Crown and aristocracy had their rights, and the people their'it. The at istocracy were afraid the palely would become too enlig htened. The Cows stkution of the aristocracy 'might be said to be le danger. They sw it could not last. and therefore sought to strengthsn their be tercet by trampling on the risks of the people. The attack marls on the rights of the people was made by Serougbineeters.—(Hole a Freeholder called upon the speaker to aniline himself to the quss. two). Mr. Larkin then said, Oh: are you tired of bearing me ?+ (Theo, drawing a bottle from his pocket, be drank their bealtb.)-es lie never could admit that the principles they bad beard that day were the principles which placed the House of Brunswick on the Throne. Ile called upon those who heard hint, and who loved their country and hated humbug, not to be done thus by thole Brunswick monsters and tither-eaters. The Duke of Newcastle and those Brunswickers, or those Cumberland, ur thaw WmcMla a Clubs—be did not know what to call them would skew the blecting if they listened to them, that tithes were beneficial, and taxes a blessing. They woold tell them they would return again into the pockets of rise people. SU the fait was, they got into, and rentabied in the pocket, of the lew—(Lodd stile of question, questidet). He wanted the Meeting to look to his. tosy and the Constitution of the countrra. He moan the Constitution to be found in tht it dictionary--thi- King", Lords, and Commons. The Conititutien be had always been zealous to maintain had been upon the principle, that the King should enjoy his prerogative...a Peers their privilege' s and the People their right.. His coughed= was that of England. as it was established. and as it is. and which he wished to maintain in its purity; but their intnitioa was net to maintain it in its purity—they were afraid, the popish. Yom had become too much enlightened fur !hem, and they only some forward now with alluring speeches for he purpose of teatime the meeting astray. Their Constitution was indeed is danger-se (Meat). They had found the people would not be humbugged any conger—(Bear). He, however, ( Mr. Larkin) bad often wet this freeholders of the county, and they had always found his naked Mk the liberal side—that ot reducing tithes and taxes--(Cries of hear, hear, and question). Ic has been said, that the Constitution was attacked; but cer.aiely, if it were so, it was not by the Roam Catholics ; were it subject to no °her attack than the one made fir them, Do one need to be afraid ; bit the fact was, it was att.cked by bore ughmungers and tithe ea era in the ':.ape of liruttswkkero as-(lmmense applause). Having explaint dto the Meeting the mistake many present bad laboured under, . e felt cert.ni there would be ao more Brunswick Clubs. He admired the Clergymen of England as they ought to b: but no: as they were. He admired the Church, and only compLi ied of its abuse; the Church, ash was intended at the Revolutio I, was the Protestant Church as it ought to be. Did the distinguished it.dividual, who finned the Church at the Revolution, ever contemplate in the order of things that which now tested? Did they ever suppose that Church property, as he would cal it. was to be appropriated as it was —that six livings, for example, were to be given to one mom for doing nothing, and that those who worked were to MN ocithing? He appealed to every thinking man—to every hewn present, whether the tithe system was not a system of the NOM coenelete dishonesty and oppression? If the voted in favour of the Brunswickers, he assured Bum they do it for no other purpose than that of increasing the pressure of tithes; and in aiding with the Brunewickers they teem coed be more mistaken than in supposing that that was a course eakulated to support the present Royal Family on the Thnune. The prindpies of the Brunswickers were the same that destroyed the kingdom In the person of Charles the First—that destroyed the hierarchy, and cut off the bead of the Sovereign. In Scotland there was so Bieber' or any established Clergymen, such as there were in Englindi sad yet a more loyal and industrious part or the empire was not to be found--( Hear, hear). He said thus for the purpose of showing that it was not absolutely necessary for the mistence of a King, there should be &shops. If ever the Church of Rogl.ted was b into disrepute, it would be by parsons mounting waggons in= pulpits—(Great applause, laughter, and cries of question). He thanked the Meeting fee the patient attention which se had bad. Sir 8 Keenest:Lt. then stood forward amidst loud cheering, to address the Meeting. Mr. Centre roes at the same time, and refused to give the Hon. Baronet the opportunity of speaking first. The Haan Suaturr intimated that Mr. Cobbett might be Mewl Ant, in untie that Unnecessary contention might be avoided. Mr. Hcansoma. a Magistrate, said it was indecent to prevent their Representative from addressing Ms constituents. Mr. COMM still refused to give way. Sir R. Knoscrausaa—l request the High Sheriff may decide who is entitled to be heard? The Freeholders exclaimed, No, no! We will hair our own Member before any man. Alter some further hesitation. Sir Eon. ICaTcnauLt. roes, in apposition to Mc. Cobbett, who refused to give way, and said—" Fellow Freemen I lam ready at this occasion, as I have been on every other, to appear before the freeholders. I have pro. seated myself before you late fa the proceedings of this day. became lam snakes to be apprised of what N the opinion of the Free. holders of this county, on the important questiou Dow before us, Geotienien, the Lord Lieutenant of the County, who has addressed you, appease antious that harmony and good understanding Say prevail. Nothing I shall say will have a tendency to Interrupt that harmony and good understanding which, I am happy to say, I have bog seen observed in this coon: y. Gentlemen, I appear before you, not es an Irish proprietor, but as a freeholder ot the county of Kest. I do more than that, 1 appear before you alum, and as one of your Representatives io Parliament. If the proceedings of this day are a matter of importance to the county, I treat rill will consider that I must be peculiarly enxious on the sultpkt. appear before you for the purpose of ascertaining whether, skim I had the honour of representing yu In Parliament, I have Isithtully and honestly done my duty?—(Loud cheering. sod a cry of you have). In meeting you on this occasion I was aware that I should have to encounter some difference of *aim, and that it would be expressed, but I elpected at least, that the differeoce of opinion would have been among the freeholders of the county—(loud cheers). I did not suppose Gentlemen who take a view of the question different front my view, would have called in the aid of persons from the other side of the water... (Cheers). As a freehablet of this county, lam booed to pro. test agaitot that course of proceeding. That mode of proctor*" I will protest against tiers, and wherever I go ; but I ask the freeholders who are now assembled here, to decide on this important question, whether they will suffer themselves to be swayed io their judgment and feelings by those who are not known to you, and who are nut honoured with your conlidence? I call on the hidependeut freeholders of this county to decide that the allowance of such interference is dangerous—(Cheers). On the mein question brought before you, I must ask for your unequivocal opinion. Hitherto I have, as your Representative in Parliament, alined that yolk feeling was distinctly, decidedly Protestant; and I 0100 ask you whether it is so or not 1? (Cries ot, It is, it is. The declaration was made with the waving of hats and busses). Gene tkriten, the reception I meet at this moment convinces me that the assertion I made respecting your sentiments was right and tree --(It wrs, it was). During the last twenty years, oa no Ostellakiel has there appeared so large a meeting as that which is now preteen. trust, when this question is again agitated in the House of Com. mom, you will instruct me to repeat the sentiments which I have so often expressed. I come not here to dictate to you, ben to know your will—( Loud cries of. [kayo, bravo, bravo)....) There Is only one point now which I wish to touch on. I hope those Gentlemen who have come from Ireland on this occasion, to ascestaln what the feeling of this county is on the Catholic Ques. don, will clearly understand that the decision is against them. I implore them, when they return to their country, that they will state it was cartied against them. sod when the fact is told, let the Catholics of Ireland know, that while the freeholders of the county of Kenr are almost unanimously against them, we entrees they will add, that there is nu angry feeling on the part of the free. bidders of Kent to their Irish brethren. It we are called on to deny that which is asked, it is because we are prepared to say it cannot be conceded without the greatest injury to the Consutudesoao I ant not one to be biassed in the House of Commons by any other than the principles I have always advocated. 11 it should be Gotta *Wend fumble W coocnle to wer Irish foliow-citiono, shot