The Press. — London, England, 1856-05-03 00:00:00

THE KARS DISCUSSION. 410 = .. last year The newspapers were crowded. The public could then "judge very well for itself of the position occupied by England in the eyes of Europe, of the prowess of our soldiers, and the military skill of our generals. Now, hot/- ever, there is every chance of the position she has occupied at the Conferences being entirely overlooked unless attention is spc cially directed to it. We propose, therefore, to offer a few comments on the conduct of Lord CLARENDON, and the estimation in which he appears to have been held by his fellow plenipotentiaries. Whatever might be his Lordship's intentions, he unfortunately never seems to have been able to develop them into action. When the state of the territories to the east of the Black Sea came under consideration, Lord CLARENDON proceeded to show that cer tain forts erected by Russia on those countries. and blown up during the war, could not be re established. There can be no doubt of the importance of the question on grounds both of policy and principle. But what is the result ? The Russian Plenipotentiaries " maintain a contrary opinion," and—the ques tion is adjourned, never again to be resumed. In considering the neutrality of the Black Sea our Plenipotentiary commented on the possession by Russia of such an arsenal as Nicolaieff, and seemed to imply. though he did not express himself very clearly, that some guarantee should he given on the subject. To this the Russians made answer that they could not permit the application of the principle of neutrality to the arsenal of Nicolaieff, because it was not on the seacoast—but gave an assu lOttli nee they would build no more ships of war ere than they were allowed to maintain in e Black Sea. With this declaration the int Plenipotentiary of Great Britain ex eases himself perfectly contented. In regard to the light vessels of war which e coast powers shall be authorised to keep oat, the Plenipotentiaries of Russia urged at a clause should be inserted in the Con ntion by which a certain number of trans rts should also be allowed. On this both t WALEWBKI and Lord CLARENDON justly bserved that as such vessels could not be of • o dimensions or armament of vessels of war, with which alone they were concerned, it was • seless to mention them at all, and the ussians accordingly withdrew their clause. ut when Lord CLARENDON further demanded assurance that Russia should employ no transports, Count ORLOFF replied that nsports were always armed, and, " smiling, ' put the question by,"—that is to say, it also was adjourned. - When the subject of the commercial treaties between the belligerent Powers, now, of course, in abeyance, came on for discussion, Lord CI a- RENDON stated that it would be better to make mutual stipulations till new treaties could be negotiated ; and the proposition was as usual shelved. Nor did his Lordship fare better on the question of the Danubian Principalities. The public knows well enough by this time that nothing whatever has been settled on that important subject, but they may not know that their Plenipotentiary's suggestion, which, though not of a very decided character, was still in the right direction, was immediately snubbed by both Austria and Turkey, who declared that it was totally impossible. It is certain, therefore, either that Lord CLARENDON'S proposal, to the effect that steps should at once be taken for ascertaining the wishes of the inhabitants. was, as was asserted, anarchical and absurd, or that he quietly allowed himself to be " put down," though in the right, by the two most interested parties. Passing on from the affairs of Turkey an 1 Russia to those of Europe in general, we find Count WALEWSKI confessing that the occupa tion of Italy by French and Austrian troops is an evil, and that the situation of Naples is much to be deplored ; but, having said thus much of these unhappy countries, he is silent. Lord CLARENDON goes further. He dis tinctly asserts that something should at once he done towards putting an end to this anoma lous state of things. But at the bare mention of any practical movement, Coo other Plenipo tentiaries dissent. Count Boor, pointedly declares that his Government will enter into no explanations eoncerning the probablo period of their occdphney of the Legations and Cotht Wittnwsict replies in some geneftl remarks which lead pretty much to the same practical result, tis to the occupancy by French troops of Rome. Now, if the principle of foreign interference ih the internal adminis tration of independent States is recognised at all, it might be allowed at Naples, where it is required for the good of the governed, as well as at ROme, where it is required for the security of the Government. In addi. tion to which we must remember that eight years' occupancy betokens more than mere temporary disorders The corruption and weakness of these countries must be deep and abiding. The experiment has been fairly tried ; and to say that the question of the removal of the Austrian and French troops cannot be safely discussed now, is only saying, in other words,that it shall never be discussed at all. Lord CLARENDON has tacitly conceded the point, and a great opportunity for settling the Italian peninsula has been lost. We can imagine certain persons observing that England was not in a position to carry matters with a high hand ; that she had done nothing to justify concessions to her will, and that she was obliged to he satisfied on all points with such explanations as were afforded to her. How fur this may be true as regards the actual occurrences of the war, we shall not determine ; but it is certainly not true of her attitude at the Conferences. Will it be believed that this dexterous evasion of all Lord CLARENDON'S suggestions is all we get in return for the greatest concession made by this country since the loss of the Amsrican colo nies—the concession of a right which she has twice gone to war to vindicate, an' twice tri umphantly maintained in the face of powerful Coalitions ? Our enemies' goods are now to pass free under a neutral flag, and neutral goods, except contraband of war, under an enemy's flag. Of the abstract justice of the right of search we say nothing; but we do say that this act of unparalleled liberality on the part of Great Britain—an act too of such unbounded utility t 3 the Empire of Russia— should have been requited with something better than the refusal to entertain a single proposal of our own. Every suggestion of Lord CLARENDON WYCII in any way affected the interests of Austria or Russia was politely acknowledged, and coolly passed over; but as soon as a suggestion was made affecting the interests of this country it was caught up with avidity, and declared to be the will of the Conference. It is high time that the people of England should seriously ask themselves the question— how they wish the foreign policy of this coun try to be conducted. Is it for ever to be talking and writing much, but doing nothing? Is it for ever to be exciting expectations never intended to be realised? What can he more pitiful than Lord PALMERSTON'S conduct to the Poles ? We are not the advocates of their claims. But why, in the name of common honesty, should the Premier promise their case should be taken into consideration, and then never instruct Lord CLARENDON to even so much as mention their names ? Is this " bottle-holding," or is it flagrant political dis honesty ? The above statement of what has taken place at Paris speaks for itself. We have purposely been sparing of comment, for no comment could make clearer the insignificant position occupied by the English Plenipotentiaries throughout the Conference. THE Kars debate has not terminated very differently from our expectation. We did not anticipate that the Ministerial majority would be quite so large, because we did not look for such an entire abandonment of independent opinion on the part of the Liberal members. Lord PALmEasrores speech to them at the " private" meeting at his house on Monday seems to have had a potent effect. He told them in substance that the division must turn, SATURDAY, not on anything about Kars, but on the much more important point whether Lord DERBY or himself was to be Prime Minister. If he was defeated he should resign, and the Liberal party Would lose its oonneotion with the Go vernttlent of the country. The hint was taken, discipline was restored, and the authority of that Laddlitigable and clever little tactician, General ItArun, was cOmpletely re-established. Anothei circumstance swelled the Government majority. Many members on the Conserva tive side were reluctant to treat errors of .jacbg ment, however gross, as involving culpability; and thus the issue was raised, not whether grave faults had been committed, but whether they were of such a kind as, under all the cir cumstances of the ease, were inexcusable, and deserving to be branded with the censure of the House. That faults and errors had been committed was confessed by nearly every one who spoke during the debate, the only ques tion being, whether they were of such magni tude as to call for a vote of censure. . According to Lord PALMERSTON'S Asia, o lr of statement immentn witheve had the la any vrn intention of IndisreGetelyve interfering supporting the Turkish arms in that quarter, while the fate of Sebastopol was in suspense. With this explanation all the acts of his Go vernment are consistent;—as the refusal to sanction reinforcements ; to send surgeons or supplies to Kars ; to afford it relief . in any shape whatever. Its fall was the natural re sult of events—it was a foregone conclusion, and no one was to blame for the disaster, le cause it had in a manner been discounted and arranged. The victory of MOURAVIEFF was, in fact, a testimony to the sagacity of the Cabi net; and we must suppose that its members, from the tone adopted by the Premier, met each other when the news was announced with gleeful exclamations of " I told you so," and "I knew it all along." The ATTORNEY-GENERAL called for a specific charge against the Government. This is the charge admitted by the Prime Minister him self, that Kars was deemed of too little im portance to be thought worth an effort to save. Mr. VANSITTART put the question fairly when he said, that we have done too much, or too little ; we ought not to have committed the name of England to the contest by sending a Commissioner of the Queen to Kars, demanding for him high military rank, or we should have sustained him by material assistance. General WILLIAMS himself plainly thought it a calumny when told that he was to expect no aid from his country; could not believe that he was to be completely abandoned. It now seems that his desertion was part of the Ministerial programme. But while our Ministers thought it quite enough for them to attend to matters before Sebas topol, was not Lord CLARENDON rather too hard on the Turkish Government in insisting that it should do whatever was required in Asia, while it had its armies in the Crimea and Bulgaria to attend to as well? It is nonsense, or much worse, to assert that in war the attention of Government must be confined to one scene of action. Because Sebastopol was of primary importance, does it follow that Kars was of no importance at all ? Because the greatest efforts were quired iu the Crimea, was it necessary than no efforts whatever should be made in Asia. The argument of the Opposition has been throughout, that Kars could have been saved by such moderate and opportune assistan had cy as our Government, beyond all dispute, it in its power to render ; and the ans. wer . re en - turned is, that such aid was never gn because it was never intended to be g iven—.Ra . answer something like that r eturned b) . SHERIDAN, who, when bored by a creditor .fot either principal or interest of a debt, repla.ql that, " it was not his interes t to p a y the pryi " cipal, nor his principle to pay the interes the Go One other plea was put forwa rd by . vern m e nt advocates, and it was this osal w ould the Opposition have sai d to a prop for affording direct assistance to the army ot. Asia ? This question supposes that venot t . m ent must attend less to the requiraem Goents . the public service than to the fear o f Oppo sition, and that it dares not ac t from a sense 410 . THE P R last year the newspapers were crowde d. The any . practical movement (ii public could then judge very well for itself of tentutries d issent. Count declares that his Govern': the pos ition occupied by England in the eyes w into no explanations eer'. of Europe, of the prowess of our soldiers, and period of their occdpithey c the military skill of our generals. Now, hot,- and Codnt Watewsict repliei ever, there is every chance of the position remarks which lead pretty n she has occupied at the Conferences being practical result, as to the occu troops of Rome. Now, if entirely overlooked unless attention is spe foreign interference ih i.he i cially directed to it. We propose, therefore, tration. ofindopendetit State to offer a few comments on the conduct of all, it might be allowed at Ni Lord CLARENDON, and the estimation in which required for the good ot as well as at Rome, whe; he appears to have been held by his fellow for the security of the Golfer' plenipotentiaries. Whatever might be his tion to which we must rem Lordship's intentions, he unfortunately never years' occupancy betokens seems to have been able to develop them into temporary disorders The • action. weakness of these countrie When the state of the territories to the east and abiding. The experimei of the Black Sea came under consideration, tried ; and to say that the Lord CLARENDON proceeded to show that ter- removal of the Austrian an talc forts erected by Russia on those countries, cannot be safely discussed no and blown up during the war, could not be re- in other words,that it shall n established. There can be no doubt of the at all. Lord CLARENDON ha: importance of the question on grounds both the point, and a great oppor of policy and principle. But what is the the Italian peninsula has be( result ? The Russian Plenipotentiaries We can imagine certain p " maintain a contrary opinion," and—the ques- that England was not in a tion is adjourned, never again to be resumed. matters with a high hand In considering the neutrality of the Black done nothing to justify cc Sea our Plenipotentiary commented on the will, and that she was oblig, possession by Russia of such an arsenal as • on all points with such exp Nicolaieff, and seemed to imply , though he afforded to her. How far th did not express himself very clearly, that some regards the actual occurrent guarantee should he given on the subject. To shall not determine; but i this the Russians made answer that they could true of her attitude at the C not permit the application of the principle of it be believed that this dexte neutrality to the arsenal of Nicolaieff, because L or d r, k.LARENDON'S suggestio; it was not on the seacoast—but gave an assn. • return for the greatest tosse s: ranee they would build no more ships of war country since the loss of t there than they were allowed to maintain in nies—the concession of ari .• the Black Sea. With this declaration the twice gone to war to vindic First Plenipotentiary of Great Britain ex- • umphantly maintained in th ( presses himself perfectly contented. Coalitions ? Our enemies' In regard to the light vessels of war which pass free under a neutral the coast powers shall be authorised to keep goods, except contraband afloat, the Plenipotentiaries of Russia urged enemy's flag. Of the abstr that a clause should be inserted in the Con- right of search we say nothi vention by which a certain number of trans- that this act of unparalle ports should also be allowed. On this both ;--, ...-•••-' , the part of Great Britain— Count WALEWBKI and Lord CLARENDON justly unbounded utility to the E: observed that as such vessels could not be of should have been requited the dimensions or armament of vessels of war, • with which alone they were concerned, it was better than the refusal to , roposal of our own. Ev useless to mention them at all, and the lord CLARENDON in in Russians accordingly withdrew their clause. the interests of Austria or li But when Lord CLARENDON further demanded acknowledged, and coolly an assurance that Russia should employ no armed transports, Count ORLOFF replied that transports were always armed, and, " smiling, put the question by,"—that is to say, it also was adjourned. - When the subject of the commercial treaties between the belligerent Powers, now, of course, in abeyance, came on for discussion, Lord CIA RENDON stated that it would be better to make as soon as a suggestion was interests of this country it it avidity, and declared to 1.3 Conference. It is high time that the j should seriously ask themse how they wish the foreign I t to be conducted. Is •l i t alking and writing much, 1 mutual stipulations till new treaties could be Is it fur ever to beexciting negotiated ; and the proposition was as usual . shelved. Nor did his Lordship fare better on the intended to be realised? ' pitiful than Lord PALMERST Poles' We are not the question of the Danubian Principalities. claims. But why, in the The public knows well enough by this honesty, should the Pren • • time that nothing whatever has been tai© should be taken into settled on that important subject, but they then never instruct Lord 1 may not know that their P lenipotentiary 's so much RS mention thei suggestion, which, though not of a very " bottle-holding, " or is it fl: decided character, was still in the right honesty? direction, was immediately snubbed by both The above statement of Austria and Turkey, who declared that it was at Paris speaks for itself. 4f• totally impossible. It is , certain, therefore, been sparing of comment either that Lord CLARENDON El proposal, to the could make clearer the in effect that steps should at once be taken for occupied by the English ,K ascertaining the wishes of the inhabitants. was, throughout the Conference k: , as was asserted, anarchical and absurd, or that he quietly allowed himself to be " put THE KARS DIS; down," though in the right, by the two most _ interested parties. THE Kars debate has nc , Passing on from the affairs of Turkey and differently from our expeci Russia to those of Europe in general, we find anticipate that the Ministc Count WALEWSKI confessing that the occupa- be k quite so large, because tion of Italy by French and Austrian troops is an entire abarelonm an evil, and that the situation of Naples is such '' t much to be deplored ; but, having said thus opinion on the part of th, much of these unhappy countries, he is Lord PALMERSTON'S speec silent. Lord CLARENDON goes further. He dis- " private " meeting at his tinctly asserts that something should at once be done towards putting an end to this anoma- seems to have had a pole louts state of things. But at the bare mention of them in substance that the [IICII V or was leral Go- ken, y of hed. neat erva- adg- lity; !tiler tiler e cir- , and re of been one Ives- agni• ment )n of or of cuter, , ense. s Go- ,al to Ins Or I any Rl re- !r, 1 e- I and as, in Cabi- nberF, ,met with ,nd "1 pecifio is the r him- le 1- ort to fairly much, milted est by een to rank. THE PRESS.