The Press. — London, England, 1855-07-21 00:00:00

ti l i/, -W t e-ez- I, b No. 116.—VoL. 111. pt V rtss. LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY 21, 1855. THE division on Thursday night will, of course. be treated by the Government officials as triumph and as a proof of confidence ; but wo are persuaded that neither Lord PALMERSTO! nor any one conversant with party tactics i, the House of Commons views it really in an: such light. The motion was Mr. ROEBUCK motion; he sustained it admirably, and is wel entitled to the thanks of the country fo► having brought it forward. Still, it was Mr. Roebuck's motion; and it cannot be denied that there were several considerations in , volved in it which naturally disposed som , among the Conservatives to hesitate in sly porting it. It related to bygone transactions, and was represented as conveying a personal censure, amounting to ostracism, upon honour able men. We do not admit the force or .justik. of the argument ; but, such as it was, it was calculated to create a feeling, we might call a prejudice, against the motion. The amen, merit was picoposed and seconded by an avowed member of the Opposition. General PEEL, the mover of the amendment, went the length of declaring that he was ready to join in a direct vote of want of confidence, and that he thought the time was come when Lord DERBY ought to be called upon to form a Government. The amendment itself implied a modified censure upon the Government. We are not aware of a case until now in which, on a vote of censure, the Government had re course to the miserable expedient of supporting the previous question—moved, not by a friend, but by an avowed political opponent. These two considerations naturally influenced many Conservatives, inducing them to prefer a modified expression of disapproval as regards Government, rather than a direct censure, affecting not only Lord PALMERSTON and Sir GEORGE GREY, but extending itself to Sir JAMES GRAHAM, Mr. GLADSTONE, and Mr. S. HERBERT, who had already voluntarily sub • mitted themselves to the penalty of their Ministerial delinquencies. Under this im pression, we find some of the most consistent members of Lord DERBY'S party voting for the previous question :—Lord BARRINGTON, Lord CHELSEA, the EGERTONS, Mr HORSFALL, Mr. LIDDELL, Mr. TOLLEMACHE, Mr. REPTON, Sir JOHN WALSH, Lord ROBERT CECIL. With such men voting against Ml. ROEBC:X'S motion, the division certainly cannot, under the circum stances we have stated, be considered either as a Ministerial or as a party triumph. And the debate ! We scarcely remember a debate more damaging to a Government Those on the Treasury bench, from the Pre mier down to that wretched clique who excited their patron, actually shrank under the in dignant denunciations of Mr. BRIGHT. Sir JAMES GRAHAM, too, gave expression to Opi nions respecting his late' colleagues, not, we think, calculated to make them feel comfort able in their seats ; while Mr. DISRAELI and Mr. WHITZBIDE exposed the miserable and LO instability in our councils which the Minis terial changes of the last few months, and the unsettled temper of the public, had tended to create. He dwelt on the evil of such in stability in a marked manner, and argued that it should, at a time like the present, be avoided above all things. " I believe," he said, in by far the most impressive passage of his address, " it would be a very great misfortune " if any change were to take place in the " Administration, unless it were a total " change to the men who are now opposed to " her Majesty's Government." A week after these words were spoken, the change which he deprecated was brought about by an intrigue among the inferior members of the Government. The Cabinet was overawed — the Premier was unable or unwilling to con trol his subordinates—and a striking example was given of that " instability " which Lord Jour; viewed as a great misfortune, aggravated by every circumstance which could add to its injurious effect. The Noble Lord is a con stitutional authority of some weight—he must be supposed to know something, from personal experience, of the damage done to a Govern ment by frequent changes in its leading members—and, according to his recorded judg • ment, it would be better at this moment if the places of the Opposition and the Ministry were reversed. _ In this instance we can detect a principle in his speech which will hear examination. Any Government, to be strong and respected, must include the most eminent members of its party. This is a rule absolutely without ex cept►nn. The party may be numerically small, yet the party which represents it may be vino rous while the circumstances last which secure its ascendancy. But changes which have the effect of extruding from office the most dis tinguished men of a party, while the party in an opposite sense, and is ready to say or do anything to keep the Conservatives out. Ge neral PEEL believes that the time has come when a better Ministry could be formed from the Opposition side of the House. By the ad mission of Sir DE LACY EVANS, Lord PALMERS TON has been wanting in the energy expected from him, and has taken no efficient steps for increasing our military force Mr. COBDEN regrets that vote he gave which contributed to overthrow the honest Administration of Lord DERBY, and to plunge us into a most destruc tive and wasteful war. Yet the Legislature, while declaring, by the lips of its most eminent members, that it has no confidence in the Go vernment, hesitates to strike the blow which would expel it from power. The secret of this inconsistency is to be found in the composition of the Ministerial majority. It is principally made up of men sho profess democratic principles that they may carry their election and thenceforth be free to make unsparing use of their political position to push their fortunes, and of men who dread any practical interference with existing abuses. These classes unite in sup port of a Ministry and a system from which they have everything to hope and nothing to fear. While breath can be kept in the Govern ment they support, its instability gives them no concern. Its weakness is their opportunity. They settle on its sores, anti draw nourish ment from its infirmities. This tendency to corruption in our re presentative system, if there be not virtue enough in the great body of the people i 4) check it, may be destined foundations of our power. that for the last two years country have been grossl‘ one doubts that the pr' weak and inefficient. tolerance of its shortcomings question between the welfare ' _...--.-......-.- - -...+ . .2. L- ..- ... ~.t, t rt , 1 . NDON, SATURDAY, JULY 21, 1855. STAMPED .... ST SIXPENCE.E UNAMPED..FIVEPE NC. pitiable position in which his reckless ambi- itself retains power, and of filling the stations tion has now placed the once popular Lord to which they have legitimate claim with PALMERSTON. mediocre talents, never can be lasting or safe. There is nothing, we repeat, in the debate They directly necessitate other changes. It is • i , . or division on Mr. ROEBUCK'S motion calculated not in the nature of a people to submit wil- to dishearten the Conservatives, or to lead to the lingly to the rule of Governments they despise, supposition that there exists among them any nor of superior minds to remain content in division or want of unanimity, and nothing, obscurity. Every change which has taken certainly, calculated to inspirit or give permit. place in the Ministry of L(ird PALMERSTON w , nence to this rieketty Government. On the since its formation has tended to lower its a contrary, the debate cannot fail to add character and reduce its aggregate of ability. still more to the disgust which is becoming Majorities cannot in such a case compensate ,ve the strong feeling of the country as regards for inherent weakness more than crutches can )N Lord PALMERSTON and his Government. impart vigour to the debilitated frame which in In the Lords their position was even more is compelled to use them. Instability, from ny discreditable and humiliating. The Scotch being an accident to which all Governments Education Bill, almost their only measure for are liable, lies at their very root, and becomes S the session, carried after frequent divisions a vice in their nature when an attempt is ell through the House of Commons, was actually made to prolong their existence by a sacrifice 1 or repudiated by the Government itself. They of their strength. The Sangredo system is 1 , as had not courage to support it, and were driven not more rational in policy than in medicine. A ed to the disgraceful alternative of voting against But, unhappily, while the Cabinet is wasting their own measure. Will the LORD ADVOCATE under the phlebotomic treatment of its chief, n- resign? it is we who are the sufferers from its ex- ne haustion, and at the same time have to pay all Ico LORD JOHN RUSSELL ON MINISTERIAL the demands of the quack who occasions IS, INSTABILITY. the mischief. In the House of Commons there has lately ial Fr will be in the recollection of all who heard been expressed, with wonderful unanimity, a ur- Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S speech of the 6th of July, conviction that the Government is destitute ice of principle, ability, or vigour. Lord JOHN , that the reason he urged for his retention of as we have seen, holds that it ought to resign it office after the proposals he brought from office, as a total change would be better than a id- Vienna were rejected was, that his resigna- succession of partial changes—though, to be an tion would have confirmed that opinion of sure, when he is brought to the test, he speaks -1 :... ~......-i t A% C...1A OTICI is TPiltIV to GISIV Ill' tin .7 ined to undermine the men No one doubts )ars the affairs of th ill 4k - ,s s 1 y mismanagecta . • ir esent Governmffst Ll' . -11 • - v ) But to what poha, nings to extend? r - lei ---, L elfare of the . . . ' I vw No ...4 1. 41 ‘ 16 A 4- fr if Aild6) i