The Press. — London, England, 1856-12-20 00:00:00

THE PRESS. 1206 foreign i,orresponbeitre. BRT'SSELS, Dee. 17. Is the debate; on the educational question the Li berals had a marked advantage. They quoted the encyclical letter of Gregory XVI., issued in 1832, as an authority in support of their accusation against the Ultramontane press of having adopted and pro mulgated the principle that a representative system of government was contrary to the canons of Roman Catholicism. This letter—made famous by its de nunciation of the liberties of conscience, of worship, and of the press—admonished Roman Catholics against the sin of constitutionalism, based of neces• sity upon these three cardinal errors, of a nature sacrilegious and blasphemous. Holding the infal libility of the Pope to be a primary dogma of Romanism, albeit it was described by a Belgian Ul tramontane to be " tine histoire surannee," it must follow that an obedience to this political axiom, made spiritual by authority and thus becoming an article of Raman faith, is imperative. An unreserved alle giance, therefore, to a form of government in down right opposition to the absolutism of this spiritual law cannot be by a Romanist either sincere or pos sible. The strict terms of the Papal mandate forbid any other construction than that a Romanist diso bedient to the principle would be committing sin. Not sufficient stress was laid by the Belgian Liberals upon this point, although M. Frere Orban estab lished the authenticity of the encyclical letter and the matter it contained. The proof was ready had the fact been disputed. So far the Liberals were in the right ; but it was incapable of denial that the Belgian professors, both in the schools and by pub lished works, had taught doctrines at variance with the truths of revelation. To offer a philosophic code of morality as a substitute for religious faith, and to concur inferentially with the official journalist of Geneva in the advised opinion that Christianity is a worn-out creed, must challenge the disapprobation of all parents having due regard to the spiritual education of their children. The infidelity of Ger many is mainly attributable to latitudinarian pro fessors ; and no religionists, be they of what persua sion they may. would wish to propagate a similar evil, or hesitate to protest against the " Life of Jesus" by Strauss being made the text-book for the religious instruction of youth. M. Dedecker, with sound judgment, interposed between the excess of the two parties. Together with M. Vilain XIV., he upheld the authority of Government to prohibit rationalism from sapping the foundation of Christian faith, leaving full freedom to the teacher to inculcate the lesson of science without verging upon premises fatal to the cause of religion. It was a flagrant error on the part of the Liberals not to accept the Ministerial definition of the duties of Government. They should have taken the declaration of M. De deek,-r at its just value, and have supported a line of official conduct that was true in principle and honest in practice. A befitting target for their animadversation was offered in the acts of M. Nothomb. The Minister of Justice, in answer to the complaint of an im proper, not to say illegal severity, in exiling a Bel gian not proved to be guilty of crime, and not legally subject to punishment, calmly replied that he was in ignorance of the facts of the case, although the alleged grievance bad been committed by his special authority; and he added, by way of apology, that being in the habit of signing from 400 to 500 orders of exile every year, "sans cnnnaissance de cause," and apparently without inquiry, it was impossible to be answerable for any particular case that might be made the subject of complaint. It is not necessary to criticise such preposterous conduct, or to expa tiate on this unblushing avowal of a person styled a " Minister of Justice." MM. Verhaegen and Frere Orban are not likely to permit official tyranny to be exercised with impunity. Free trade and the cur rency have been discussed in and out of the Cham bers within the last week. Little progress seems to have been made towards a practical solution of these subjects. The discussions prove the accustomed selfishness of the manufacturers in dealing with their especial article of produce—that is to say, each nominal free-trader would deny to the produce of his neighbour the supposed benefit of protection, always exempting his peculiar manufacture from the action of commercial freedom. This exceptional policy—and it is a line of conduct precisely similar to that pursued by many of the Radicals in the House of Commons at a former period —causes commercial members to league together in a " politique de clocher;" and thus, by a tacit understanding be tween themselves, offensive and defensive, whilst • tnsenting to the principle, they will effectually mar any endeavour to diminish the burdens upon the springs of industry. The absence of M. C. de Brouc kere, the most enlightened free-trader in this coun try, from the Chambers is sensibly felt. There are no symptoms of an amicable settlement of the Neufchatel feud. The memorial of the Federal Council claims the canton as an integral portion of Switzerland, " per fas ant nefas," making use of the following language :—" By its history and national antecedents, Neufchatel belongs to Switzer land (par son histoire et sa vie toute entiere, Neufchatel appertient a la Suisse)." This version of history is manufactured for the occasion. In every chronicle of reputation that treats of the affairs of Switzerland, where a list of the cantons is given with their respective modes of government, Neuf chatel is invariably said to be subject, more or less, to the King of Prussia. It is stated in the last edition of " The System of Universal Geography," for the use of schools in France, compiled from the works of Malt Brun, that, "The sovereignty of the canton is vested in the King of Prussia, who is bound by the Constitution to maintain all its ancient laws, cus toms, privileges, independence, and religious tolera tion." Subsequent revolutions do not affect the " litera scripta" of history, to which the Swiss memo rial appeals wrongfully, and in vain. The document further says, " Il ne lui appertient pas moins par la situation geographique." This is treading on dan gerous ground. Is Switzerland prepared to lay claim and to wrest Ferney and the " Pays de Gez," within the natural bounds of the Jura mountains, from France, on the plea of geographical position ? or to lose the German portion of Schaffhausen, north of the natural limit of the Rhine ? Again, geogra phical propriety would give Bellinzone, Locarno, and Lugano to Lombardy ; rejecting the non natural and imaginary line of demarcation that crosses the Lago Maggiore from Tronzano to Bartolomeo, and that of the Lago Lugano from Portresa to Morcole. A State paper more loosely drawn up, and more wilfully incorrect, than the memorial of the Federal Council, was never published. To falsify history, and to advance absurd pretensions, in order to gratify democratic spleen, is an act act neither beneficial nor respectable. The Nord has been refused admittance into Aus tria. In the differences subsisting on the interpre tation of the treaty of Paris in regard to Bolgrad and the Isle of Serpents, the Russian journal has used the language of commendable moderation ; but in treating of overt acts and recorded occurrences in the Principalities and elsewhere, it would have failed in its public engagements had such matter been inten tionally omitted. Its version of the Danubian and Moldo-Wallachian tales was true, and was not palat able to Austria. The prolonged occupation of the Principalities has been constantly maintained by the Nord to be contrary to the stipulations of the treaty of Paris. So said the Times once upon a time. The succession of intrigues by which Austria sought to suppress the general desire for a Moldo-Wallachian reunion, was patent to every one cognisant of Mold°. Wallachian affairs; and if the Nord had trustworthy intelligence of the insidious strategies of its former petitioner for protecting grace, it had fuil right and ample reason to reveal the delinquencies that were also an infraction of the spirit and an absolute vio lation of the treaty of Paris. Moreover, its record of Austro-Italian policies and Austro Italian misad venture was always correct. The prohibition of the Nord by Austria proceeds from an incompetency of defence against unanswerable accusation. It is a tacit plea of guilty. The private marriage and exile of the Grand Duchess Marie of Leuchtenberg, eldest daughter of the late Emperor Nicholas, notwithstanding even• effort to keep the transaction from obtaining pub licity, could not be concealed. There had been sundry disagreements on the subject of conduct during the lifetime of the late Czar, of whom she was the favorite daughter. On the accession, however, of the present Emperor, those misunderstandings in creased, and the displeasure of the present Empress was of a nature effectually to preclude every hope of reconciliation. The Grand Duchess, with her morganatic partner, Count Stroganoff, has taken her departure from St. Petersburg for Berlin on her road southward. The capture of Herat by the Persians has long been anticipated. Religion was made an active agent in the conflict, a circumstance not unfrequent in civilised States. The Persians, it is welt known, are Shiites, or worshippers of Ali and his sons Hus sein and Hossein, whilst the inhabitants of Herat and the Affghans belong to the more orthodox and Mussulman congregation of Sunnis. A correspon dence was secretly established betwixt the Shiites of the town with their co-religionists in the besieging camp of the Persians, and it was concerted that when Issa Khan, the Affghan leader, and his chief officers were engaged at their prayers in the Mosque a body of Persians should surprise and take posses sion of the Khouschk gate, and the tower of Khodja Abdoul Mit which guarded IL On the 29th of August the attempt was made with success, and the gate and tower were taken by a small detachment of Persian troops, but the main army hesitated to SATURDAY, advance in their support; it remained inactive, and gave time to lssa Khan hastily to collect his soldiers, when he drove out the Persians with great slaughter. The Shiites of the town, conscious of coming punish ment for their treachery, fled in every direction; some few succeeded in reaching the Persian camp, others were captured and executed with every excess of barbarity. Two hundred women failed to make good their escape ; their hands were tied behind their backs, and attet their breasts were cut off they were hanged. A proclamation was issued on the follow ing day, commanding that all the Shiites of the town, friends or enemies, should be put to death, and their wives and property confiscated and dies tributed amongst the orthodox servants of Islam. " God is great, and Mohammed is his prophet," exclaimed the true believers, and with this pious exclamation commenced a series of murders and every possible atrocity that lasted for several days. The exasperated Shiites, unable to avenge their wrongs, waited patiently in the Persian camp for the hour of retribution. Success has at last placed the means of vengeful redress within their power, and mercy certainly does not dwell for the moment in. the Persian camp. The withdrawal of the sequestrations from the estates of the Lombard refugees in Piedmont will apparently place the Courts of Vienna and Turin in more friendiy relation. This political clemency is not completely satisfactory, as it is accompanied with several drawbacks. Among others, a sale can not be effected without the sanction of the Austro- Lombard Government, and, as the owners still re main under police " surveillance," the possession of the respective properties is regarded in the light of a security for future good behaviour. In case of a rupture betwixt Austria and Piedmont, it is easy to conjecture what would become of these estates atter a police order to their owners to return to the Lom bard territory. The amnesties also are limited. Political prosecutions have been going on at Mantua, and some of the accused have been already sen tenced. The " avvocato " Ronchi, one of the most distinguished Liberals of Upper Italy, has died in , prison after severe suffering. Several young men have been sent to the galleys for life, and three have. been condemned to death ; others have been arrested at Milan for having meditated an attempt to enact a " Vepres Siciliens" against the Austrians. They are. accused of having intended to massacre the Aus trian officers in the theatre " Della Scala," and the revelations of a spy gave timely notice of the danger. Amongst the number of arrests appears the name of Count Crivelli. Modena is not altogether tranquil, and in Tuscany some of the suspected have been placed in prison. In order to vary these insurrectionary doings, it has been announced at Florence that Lo:d Nor-- manby is on the point of publishing a history of WI embassy to Paris during the presidency of Louis Na poleon, with explanatory notes, and an appendix ot* official documents of the highest interest. The assassination at Ravenna of Count Fran cesco Lavatelli, the brother-in-law of Prince Chigi, has caused the greatest consternation. He belonged to the Liberal party, and was well known for his constitutional opinions and his negation of republicanism. In 1848 he retreated Into France from Jesuit persecution, and in 1848 he was nomi nated a Roman peer under the constitutional regime of that day, and filled th• office of Governor of Ferrara. Being a person of talent and eminence, strong and continuous attempts were made by the Mazzinian party to secure him to their cause, but they signally failed. Since that time, although of amiable manners, personal worth, and sound political views, he has been regarded with malevolence by the Republicans, and with distrust by the Papal Govern ment. He was entering his house in company of his land steward, when an assassin quietly approached and shot him. He lingered until the evening of the sth. This is only one of an expected series of Republican assassinations. A marriage was projected last year, when Count Lavatelli was in Paris, between his son and a daughter of Maria Christina. The Sicilian insurrection has been nominally put down : the ramifications, however, are more extensive than the Neapolitan journals are willing to allow. They extended to the Abruzzi, where many have been im prisoned on suspicion. Baron Bentivegna, the leader of the insurgents, was in 1848 a deputy in the Par liament of Palermo, and not long since was brought before the Criminal Court of Trapani on a charge of political conspiracy. He was acquitted from want of evidence, but was sent under charge of the police to Calense, where he was detained. He escaped from this place in concert with his cousin, Count San Marco, and secretly returned to Palermo. Here he assured some of the rabble that he was certain of foreign support; and having embodied about thirty lazzaroni malcontents, he directed his steps to Mez zojuso, where he broke into the town-hall, stole 480 ducats, and liberated twenty footpads, who of course joined the patriot band. They then ransacked the mail, on their road to Tillafrata, and by the wayaidtt - _ll._-____ - -- ---- -- - - -