The Press. — London, England, 1855-10-27 00:00:00

OCTOBER 27, 1855. many thousand pounds, a reprint of the entire miscella neous and voluminous writings of that eminent, but sceptical and unpopular, author. He printed the Latin and philosophical works in five handsome Bvo. volumes, including all the " obsolete mathematics "; and subse- quently he also printed and published, uniform, the 4 , English Works," in eleven volumes—all accompanied with numerous expensive plates and engravings. His intended bio graphy of Hobbes , we believe, was far ad- vented, but it rem aina in manuscript uncompkled. For both classes of Hobbes's works the editor compiled with groat labour excellent and curious indexes, invaluable to the scholar and philosophical mquirer. Another of his panegyrists in the daily press speaks of him as the "munificent editor of the only com plete edition of the works of Hobbes," and asserts that his labours conferred " lasting benefits on ow national literature." His labours were of that kind which are doomed to find their only reward in them selves. Hobbes failed to become more popular through Sir William's championship of him, and his devotion to the " Philosopher of Malmesbury " ex cited some ridicule. But a gentleman of Sir Wil liam's large estate, who chooses to devote himself to the rising side in politics, may always fairly presume on gaining some distinction. Belonging to the advanced section of philosophical Radicals, Sir William made one of a party who be lieved that it was reserved for them to revolutionise our political system and government in a perfectly regular and scientific manner. Their immediate ob jects were professed to be household suffrage, triennial parliaments, and vote by ballot. The Reform excitement gave prominence to this class, among whom, with Sir William, may be enumerated, Mr. Grote, Mr. Leader, and perhaps Mr. Roebuck. But one by one the men of theory dropped off, leav ing the stage to the men of action ; and Sir William is noted as one of the last of his class, if indeed be could be said to belong to it lately. He still talked on the hustings of household suffrage, and voted in Parliament for the ballot ; but he seems in both cases rather to have had his eye on the uncontested representation of Southwark than to have cared for the succesi of the principles to which he still nominally adhered. He distinguished himself in Parliament principally by his elaborate speeches on colonial policy. His memory was excellent, and the practice which he took up in early life of first writing his speeches and then acquiring them by rote he retained to the last. He never had the faculty of speaking without long preparation ; and the last time when he was pro minently before the House of Commons—and he was called on to vindicate there the charge of faction against certain members which be had made on the Southwark hustings—he became so embarrassed that the anger of his opponents was lost in pity for his evident confusion. On the dissolution in 1837, Sir William got re turned for Leeds, but did not again coma forward for that borough in 1841. He remained four years out of Parliament, engaged in political studies, but when he again appeared in the house, as member for Southwark, in 1845, he was scarcely so active as he had been previously. His most elaborate speeches were delivered while he sat for Leeds. The repre sentation of Southwark, after he had once fought • the battle in 1845, and proved the strength of his supporters, was not again contested with him. To metropolitan constituencies must be accorded the credit of being generally faithful to their choice, when to station and ample fortune is joined the pro fession of radical opinions. Sir William married, in 1844, the only daughter of Mr. Bruce Carstairs. The lady was a widow, having previously married Mr. Temple West. Well calcu lated to shine in society, she probably stimulated Sir William's ambition. But for the fortunate accident of this marriage, it is probable that his reserve would have conquered his desire for distinction, and that like many of the friends with whom he commenced, political life, he would have withdrawn to the seclu sion of learned leisure, and have completed his life of the " Philosopher of Malmesbury." The formation of Lord Aberdeen's Coalition Government was the great epoch in Sir William Molesworth's life. It was the object of that Coalition to include all parties; and, as Mr. Gladstone was the representative of the High Tories, and Lord John Russell of the Old Whigs, Sir William was chosen as the fittest representative of Radicalism. We have since learned that his political friends re garded his accession to the Government almost in the light of a desertion of them; and, according to the parliamentary explanations, Sir William stated at the time that he regarded Mr. Cobden as the re presentative of the political section to which be belonged. Sir William, however, seems to have thought the opportunity a fair and honourable one of entering upon official life. He was made First Com missioner of Public Works, with a seat in the Cabinet, and thenceforth shared in all the delibe rations of the Coalition Cabinet. The part he took has never been much com mented on. It is understood, however, that he gave a cordial support to Lord Aberdeen. The ouly THE PRESS. member of that Cabinet who appears to have thought that the management of the war was not quite satis factory was Lord John Russell, but even he saw no occasion for withdrawal until the storm was about to burst. Sir William—so far as can be learnt—re mained a contented member of Lord Aberdeen's Cabinet, seeing nothing to disapprove in its constitu tion or proceedings until it was violently dissolved by the vote of the Commons at the commencement of last session. When Lord Palmerston formed his Cabinet Sir William was content to resume his old place at the head of the Board of Works, though his friends always feigned indignation at his capac►ous ability having no wider field for its exercise. But when Lord John Russell reluctantly yielded to the hostile demonstration of his party, Sir William was promoted to the Colonies, and suddenly became, not withstanding his evident want of administrative vigour, "the right man in the right place." Sir William must be a loss to the Cabinet. From the time when he determined to abandon theoretical politics for practical ends, he seems to have played his part in a steady, business-like manner, which must have been perfectly satisfactory to his party. The reasons which rendered him ineffective in Par liament, perhaps, made him acceptable to his colleagues, and had he remained in office it is probable that his time would 'have passed in labo riously devising schemes for Colonial government never destined to see the light. Sir William left no issue. He is succeeded in his estates and title by a cousin, the Rev. Hugh Henry Molesworth, rector of St. Petherick Minor, in Cornwall. One of his sisters is married to the accomplished Mr. Richard Ford. LORD WHARNCLIFFE, formerly President of the Board of Trade, and a nobleman of high scientific attainments, died on Monday last at his seat, Wortley-hall, near Sheffield, in the fifty-fourth year of his age. His lordship bad for a long time past been labouring under disease of the lungs, and for change of climate passed the last winter in Egypt, but unfortunately on his arrival in England he caught cold, and about a month since became seriously affected. The family medical advisers were in constant atten dance upon him until he gradually sank and expired. The entire of the family and relatives of the noble lord, including the Hon. James Wortley, the Recorder of London, who had left town specially, were present at his death. The deceased baron is succeeded by his eldest son, the Hon. Edward Montagu Granville. The noble lord was the cause of that useful clause known as the "Wharncliffe Clause" being introduced into the Railway Consolidation Act. MR. FREDERICK LUCAS, M.P. for Meath, after a lingering illness, died on Wednesday last, at the hou°e of his brother-in-law, Mr. Ashby, at Staines. Frederick Lucas, the second son of Mr. Samuel Lucas, a member of the Society of Friends, was called to the bar of the Middle Temple in Easter Term, 1838, and in the following year became a member of the Roman Catholic Church. The grounds of his con version he gave to the world at the time, in the shape of a pamphlet, called " Reasons for becoming a Roman Catholic," especially addressed to the ' Society of Friends. As a Roman Catholic barrister he took an active part in the proceedings of the Catholic Institute, and started the Tablet newspaper in London in 1840, for the purpose of disseminating the most ultramontane doctrines of his Church. He also was a frequent contributor to the pages of the Dublin Review. In 1849 he removed the Tablet newspaper to Dublin, and has continued to conduct it there since that time. He was also one of the secretaries of the Irish Tenant League during the brief period of its existence. In 1852 he was elected, through the influence of the Roman Catholic priesthood, as member for the county of Meath, in the place of Mr. Henry Grattan, who had represented it for many years. He has always lived a life of political and religious strife; and having advocated in the Tablet the right of the Irish priesthood to interfere in politics, and being rebuked by the Irish Roman Catholic bishops, he went to Rome early in the present year to prosecute his ap peal against Dr. Cullen's decision. The appeal was decided against him, and the result was the entire prostration cf Mr. Lucas's physical system, and his premature death at the early age of forty thiee. Mass was offered on Wednesday morn ing in all the Roman Catholic chapels of the metropolis for the repose of Mr. Lucas's soul. In private life he was a most worthy character. He leaves behind him a widow, the daughter of the late Mr. William Ashby, of Staines, and an only son. PROJECTED SUBMARINE RAILWAY BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE. STARTLING as the project of a submarine railway— by means of a tunnel—between the coasts of England and France may appear, the project has been seriously set on foot. For several weeks past some able hydrographers and engineers have been em ployed in surveying the coasts in the neighbourhood 1023 of Boulogne and Calais on the French side, and of Dover and the South Foreland on the English side of the Channel, and taking soundings, with a view of reporting as to the feasibility and advantage of form ing a communication between the two countries by means of a submarine tunnel and railway. M. L. Fevre (Niort, department of Deux Sevres), the distinguished French engineer), has published the details of his extraordinary project. He states : Our project consists in a tunnel of about thirty kilo metres in length, formed under the sea, and offering as much security as a railway under the open sky. I. The tunnel will be pierced in a manner so that the bed of earth which will divide it from the sea will never be less than twentriive metres, even at the greatest depth of the Straits. 2. The tunnel will be lined with a double arch, the first to be of granite and of impermeable cement, the second of thin iron plate, pierced in different places in order to dis cover the least. filtration. WELLS OF THE ruinirs. We now come to the consideration of an important question in connection with our project. The difficulties which appear insurmountable in a work of this kind consist not only iu the extent of the tunnel, in the tediousness of the operations—which, however, can be undertaken at both ends at the same time—but also in the clearance of the dibria, which would seemingly have to be carried to the opening at either side. In order to surmount these obstacles we have established in our project " wells " constructed at different parts of the Channel, which will divide the subterranean works into sections of tunnels of less than a myriametre in length. These maritime wells will facilitate the formation of the tunnel at many different places at once. The works, there fore, can be carried on at the same time in the gallery at the coast of France, in the gallery at the coast of England, and in the galleries of the wells. Besides, they will afford the means of casting the incumboring earth into the sea, and of forming little islands around these wells. It is to-day demonstrated that the sea has no percep tible action upon the massive rocks, covered with huge blocks, underneath the sea at low tide. Above this point will be built up a construction to form powerful blocks, capable of resisting the force of the waves. It is then pos sible to construct these wells, which are, we confidently say, a new idea in connection with our project—an ides, however, which will secure the easy realisation of the tunnel. With these wells we can give to the works that celerity with which it is so desirable to carry them on; we can also ventilate the tunnel, and create islets along the coast. With the aid of this system it would only take five years to complete the tunnel. As to the cost of construction, I will now give what I consider a minute calculation : Franca. 30 kilometre s of tunnel under the sea 60,000,000 4 kilometres of tunnel under the shore 8,000,000 5 maritime wells 5,000,000 4 kilometres of trenches 2,000,000 2 stations 2,000,000 Extraordinary and unforeseen expenses 23,000,000 100,000,000 " Shafts " would, we imagine, better render the meaning of M. L. Favre in the above extract than "wells." M. L. Favre then discusses the probabili ties of traffic ; the course to be taken by the tunnel, which he thinks should be in a direct line from Cape Gris Nez to Dover; the strata of the bed of the Channel, and the mode of locomotion, which he pro poses should be the atmospheric. The journey between England and France by means of this rail way might then, he says, be made in twenty-five minutes. He concludes : We are impressed with the conviction that we hare proved, not only that this project is possible, but that it will be comparatively easy to construct a railway under the Channel. We have now developed our system of maritime wells, which would divide the subterranean tunnel into different sections. Our plan of a double vault would give as ample securities as any of the ordinary railways pos sessed. The tunnel of Pas-de-Calais would set aside the arm of the sea which separates France from England. It would bind upon the most solid foundation the Continent with Great Britain, which is at present isolated from the rest of Europe. It would unite the two peoples in the most inti. mate and familiar relations—peoples who are to-day placed at the very head of civilisation, and who, according to the current events, seem,by the community of their itentimenta and their interests, to form but one great nation. Our project has been received everywhere with the most lively sympathies, and an Anglo-Freneh company will be immediately organised upon the most powerful ' basis to execute the railway of Passie-Calais. 1... FAIRE. The esperience we have bad in this country of the Thames Tunnel is not favorable to the success of so gigantic an enterprise, especially when it is considered how far greater must be the pressure of water at the deepest part of the Channel. This enormous pressure would, we imagine, form the greatest difficulty in the way of the enterprise, but much would depend on the geological formation of the bed of the Channel. The increasing communi cation between the two countries, the evident utility of the project, and the advanced state of engineering science, recommend M. L. Favre's plan to favorable consideration. Should its practicability be demon strated, the capital would ad doubt be easily raised.