The Press. — London, England, 1855-11-24 00:00:00

. '11140*424.4m*, - - 1120 THE WEEK. THE epeech of the French Emperor has produced an undeniable effect upon Europe in favour of peace. In England, as in every con tinental town, the great question of peace is now canvassed. There is no denying the assertion ; in political circles, in social gatherings, and, still more significant, upon the Stock Exchange, the possibilities of peace at this juncture are freely discussed. Louis NAPOLEON, by later communications to Lord PALMERSTON'S Government, has clearly declared that he is satisfied' with the sincerity of the inclination now shown by Russ& to conclude an honourable peace. This question is the subject of debate in every Cabinet Council; but Lord PALMERSTON is inimical to a peace. He has blustered so much and so often for a war of extermination against Russia thathe is unwilling to allow that the moment is propitious for peace. The French Emperor has expreased in unmistakeable :terms his desire for a " prompt and durable peace." The whole tone of his late speech at the Exposition was eminently peaceable ; and, despite Lord PALMERSTON'S opposition, the time is certainly at hand when the solution of the question upon which the war originated may be pronounced. As the period of the visit of the King of SARDINIA to this country draws near, rumour and speculation is rife as to its object and result. There is no doubt that nothing would be more suitable than a closer alliance by marriage between the Royal Families of England and Sardinia. It is well known that with the Government and people of Sardinia the desire that the future Queen should be a Protestant Princess is pre-eminent. The noble st and the King has made against the aggressions of Rome, his excommunication, his close alliance with England, and the position of a young, graceful, and accomplished Princess of our Royal Family, have excited ardent hopes which may possibly be fulfilled. The din of Babel is nothing to the strife of tongues which arises when the question is asked, " What are we fighting for?" Last week we noticed that one authority expressly answered, " to weaken Russian influence in Germany, and to rouse the Teuton States to struggle for political liberty ;" a second replied, that " Sardinia might have the Crimea, with a yearly subsidy from England to hold it ; " a third asserted, "to raise the banner of Polish independence ;" and now up starts a Member of the Government, Sir ROBERT PEEL, to furnish a new solution of the question. We are fighting, says he, "to avenge the crimes of the Empress CATHERINE." This is to reach the very climax of absurdity. While we confine our views to raising a solid barrier against Russian aggression on the side of Turkey, we can plead that we have a practical object in view, and one in which British interests are largely involved. But if we extend and prolong the war for any purposes of continental change, we may be sure that we shall reap a bitter harvest of disappointment. Are the people of this country so silly as to be willing to spend their blood and treasure for purely foreign purposes ? Are they so blind as to suppose that with all their efforts they can to any perceptible 'extent change the condition of the continental nations, or give liberty to people who are unable or un willing to fight for themselves? If they embark in so chimerical an enterprise, they will only load themselves with debt—and end, in all other respects, very much where they began. Our relations with the Continent are in fact so tangled and confused, and in the policy of the continental nations there is so much that must disgust every British mind, that we are only safe while we keep from intermeddling with their concerns, and confine our attention to the great work we have in hand. The Austrian Concordat must do much to dispel the illusion that we are fighting for " liberty all over the world." The " war-to-the knife" party were never in so much danger as at present of. cutting their fingers with the implement they are so fond of. While their cry is for foreign objects, ours is for British principles and interests. To war for the regeneration of the Continent, would argue a degree of folly which it is impossible to believe the people of this country would ever sanction. The state of our army in the East is yet far from satisfactory. Floggings, extra drill, and every minor punishment which the ingenuity of colonels can contrive, fail to check the increasing curse of drunk enness. The army threatens to become thoroughly demoralised. The men are daily dying from the effects of this vice. Some blow out their brains in fits of delirium tremens, some fall senseless and die stupified from excess, while others become maddened, never recover their reason, and die in a few days. The example is even affecting the usually sober French soldiers, and drunkenness is now almost as rife in the French camp as in ours. Can no regulations put some check upon this lamentable state of affairs ? The ration of rum has been reduced one-half in quantity, but it is not upon or from their own rum that the men get drunk, stupified and die; it is from the Greek canteens where adulterated and poisonous alcoholic compounds are freely sold, without let or hindrance. The only check we can see to this abominable practice is to establish at Kamiesch and Balaklava some limit to the importation of ardent spirits. Let stringent, restrictive regulations upon this point b e framed, and the sale of beer or spirits at the same time be placed under the control of the authorities. The want of occupation, super fluity of means, and unrestricted access to drink, are the main causes of the increase of this lamentable vice in the army. Let the authori ties bestir themselves in time. Flogging or other punishment only THE PRESS SATURDAY, gives a regiment a bad name, and does not eradicate or even tem porarily cure the evil. Establish a head-quarters bank, where money saved can be deposited ; restrict the imp ortation and sale of s p irits ; put the heaviest fines and punishments upon sly grog-selling ; create occupation and amusement for tho men ; and drunkenness will soon decrease in the English camp. The expressions of opinion on the war this week comprise a most manly and high-principled address of Lord HARDWICKE, from which we have been compelled to content ourselves with an extract, though every word of it well deserves attentive perusal. Lord HARD WICKE, rejecting all the nonsense commonly uttered to gain a cheer from thoughtless hearers, adopts the plain principle that the war ought to end as soon as its original purposes have been accomplished. Regarding the successes achieved by the allied armies and fleets in the Black Sea, he thinks it possible that a "prompt and durable peace" may now be effected. This opinion is of the more weight as coming from an officer of the highest reputation for skill and courage, and who has served with distinction in her Majesty's navy. Such men as Lord llAnnwicxx can atlbrd to oppose a reckless war-cry; as, above all suspicion of weakness or favour, it is impossible to attribute their conduct to any other motive than honest conviction and genuine love of country. A Polish Legion is to be immediate!) formed, with the avowed expectation that its ranks will be abundantly filled by deserters from the Russian army. Is the country prepared to accord its support to this startling measure—startling, as it must inevitably tend to aggra vate the ferocity and cruelties of •war? In the event of the Russians capturing any of these deserters, they would be justified by the laws of war in shooting them. How could we save them, though wearing our uniform, acting under our orders, and receiving our pay ? Should we threaten retaliation? It would be disregarded. Should we carry our threat into executic•n? To what would that lead, but a general massacre of all prisoners on both sides. England, Christian England— boasting of her superior civilisation—justly proud of her humanity, is on the point of taking a step which the world will unhesitatingly pronounce to be odious, cruel, and barbarous ? To whatever degree it is successful, it will tend to give to the contest a shocking character of a servile war. We doubt its success; the Poles in England are cer tainly not of a character to make efficient soldiers, and it is question able whether we shall find deserters so numerous as we expect. But whatever may be the result in this respect, it will be a lasting blot on our name, and lay us under the reproach of being driven to the most unworthy expedients to maintain what we justly boast is a righteous cause. We can only hope that the country will prevent, by its remonstrances, this scheme from being carried into effect. Lord NAAS made a vigorous speech this week to his constituents at Coleraine. The Noble Lord is one of the most rising members in the Conservative connection, and Lord DERBY nominated him as Irish Secretary. His Lordship spoke at considerable length upon the war, denouncing the conduct of Russia, and retrospectively justifying the contest ; but, at the close of his speech, Lord NAAS declared himself ready to entertain the question of peace, if made upon sure and honourable conditions. We do not observe any particular differene• bete► een the main sentiments of the Noble Lord's speech and the general view of the war which we have recently submitted to our readers. As author of an interesting volume on St. Petersburg, the speech of Lord NAAS deserves additional consideration. It is stated that the Duke of ARGYLL is to be the new Po3tmaster- General. It is but a small post. and his Grace is equal to it. He has long tried to be a man of science in a small way, and he may now set up for one of letters on a great scale. The Premier took good care not to offer the Colonies to the Duke of ARGYLL. That would have been too serious a joke. That porcelain cup which Mr. HAYTER received at the last white= bait dinner was a fatal present. Wells is still " the happy Wells, while its Whig Member, with a Tory colleague, is now the unhappy HAYTER. Brittle as his testimonial in crockery has been the sway of HAYTER over Wells. Those " choristers " whom he promoted into all the public offices must now tune up their voices, not to " Oh! be joyful," but to " Oh! be Joliffe's." The electors of that borough have long been drilled in the virtue of subordination, and of course they never could have preferred " Sergeant" KINGLAKE to " Captain " Jo- LIFFE. Even the whipper-in could not flog them up to such a breach of etiquette. By a telling majority,the electors chose the Conservative candidate. They selected the Gallant Officer in preference to the spouting harrister,and preferred a real country gentleman to a legal hunter after office. They did not want to be used as the electors ( f Bath were by Mr. PRINK. Under the circumstances, Mr. HArrEa's friends ought to give him now another testimonial, but on this occasion, instead of crockery, they should take a hint from Southwark, and present Mr. HATTER with a hat, but, in order to make it quite appropriate, it should be of that mouldering kind known as " the shocking bad." Such a het could alone symbolise to Mr. HAYTER the last electioneering nevk s from his no longer " happy Wells." • The Report of the Hyde-park Riots Commissioners weighs all the pros and cons of the case with judicial gravity, but seems to have a great dislike to plain speaking. It gives the impression of having been penned with a studious desire to conceal the Commissioner,' real opinion. "It is satisfactory to find," say these Gentlemen, " that none of the crowd came armed in any manner." Satisfactory ! Is it satisfactory to find that one can walk along the Strand without being Thugged? What We see no cause for satisfaction in the matter. Can an Englishman of ordinary common sense conceive the r