The Press. — London, England, 1856-07-19 00:00:00

cardinal may be left in Rome. What w.ll be the conse quences of that? The two great Catholic powers of Europe—France, whose Emperor bouts in these proto cols of being the eldest son of the Church—that ally with whose beneficent co-operation Italy is to be emancipated— and Austria will pour her legions over the whole peninsula. You will have to withdraw the British fleet ; your admoni tions will be thrown into the mud (as they deserve) ; and your efforts to free Italy from the occupation of foreign troops will terminate by rendering the thraldom a thousand times more severe, and by aggravating the miseries of the unfortunate people whose passions yon have fired, and whose feelings you have this night commenced to rouse. But is that all the evil? If the movement which com menced at the Conferences of Paris is to be followed up; if the protocols are to be succeeded by speeches of the noble lord the member for London while Parliament is sitting, and by admonition and written lectures by our foreign Ministers and by our representatives abroad during the autumn, in all probability you will again have Italy in flames, and you will again crush that progress which has been always going ou in time of peace, and when we meet again we may find the position of the peninsula infinitely worse. But do not suppose that that is the whole of the evil. What I have said I consider—so far as the future can be certain—to be the certain consequences of the policy which you are pursuing. What lam now going to refer to are merely possible results, but they are results of so terrible a character that it is my duty to refer to them, though I do so with reserve and some feeling of awe. The secret societies are not confined to Italy, as I have ventured to remind the house. They are at this moment more numerous, more active, and in a higher state of organisation in France than in any other State of Europe. If Italy be in flumes, if the Italian secret societies be successful, do you think that it will have no effect on the French societies? They are of course always in a state of excitement and ready to act upon every occasion. Par liament and the country have confidence, and have justly confidence, in the character of the great prince who now rules France. He is a man of rare sagacity, he has been schooled in adversity, and he is a man who is at this moment at the head of a numerous and triumphant army devoted to him. You may therefore allow Parliament to be prorogued with little fear as to the consequences to France of the system in which you are now about to en gage in Italy. But we all remember another great prince who sat upon the French throne, whose sagacity during his reign was also proverbial, who was never mentioned in this house but in terms of panegyric on both sides of the house, who also had been schooled in adversity, and who was also seconded by an army which he and his princes had themselves formed, which was fresh and flushed with victory, and which was lead by great generals devoted to him and eager to prove their devotion by the assertion of his rights and the maintenance of his throne. But that great prince fell suddenly, and he fell solely and en tirely by the action of the secret societies. That I ap prehend is a fact which no man acquainted with the events of 1848 will deny. No doubt that terrible cata strophe was assisted by a great misfortune which then occurred to France. In 1847, when a member of the British Cabinet (whose career I have commemorated in this house already) was sent to give advice and counsel to the Italian princes, there happened to be a season of un exampled want in Europe, and especially in France. At no time within the following year were the means of sus tenance and of employing labour so deficient. What is the condition of France at this moment? A terrible visitation has fallen upon that country. The charity of more than one nation and the admirable measures adopted by the ruler of France co mitigate the consequences of that visitation may enable the next season to be passed without that misery which fell upon the country in 1848. But the prospect, in a material point of view, is very grave, and if you commence another campaign of Liberalism— the expression of sympathy without being prepared to support it by acts—a policy convenient for a Minister or • public man who wishes to make a political demonstration, is:- to an ambitious monarch who wishes to increase his t rritories, but one which a wise Parliament will hesitate t, sanction with its ratification—if you once embark in t'tis scheme of raising the passions of the Italian popula. t on, as the best means of ameliorating their coalition and mitigating the political evils of their country; and if the consequences of that policy should be concurrent with a period of great agricultural distress in France, it will re qu►re all the sagacity of the most sagacious prince and all the resources of his army (however numerous and how ever victorious) to guard against the danger; and fortu nate will it be for France and fur Europe if they escape the moat fatal results. I have touched upon these points because this is no holiday question. We are now in the very lees of the ses sion, and this may probably be the last day on which there will be assembled so large a number of members as were present when the noble lord Lord J. Russell) addressed the house. The noble lord has to-night commenced a course which, if not watched with vigilance and care, may involve the country in proceedings the consequences of which it Is difficult to foresee. I certainly find en couragement. in the language of the First Minister. Not withstanding the proud protocol of the Conferences of l'aris ; notwithstanding this despatch if the 27th of March from M. Cavour, which must have been delivered behind the scenes, and which appears in the papers as a speech of Lord Clarendon ; notwithstanding all the details of the protocols, it appears to be the calm, the well con sidered. and the solid determination of her Majesty's Ministers to do nothing. I believe that the noble lord, profiting by the past ( Hear, hear) remem bering his experience of the years 1847 and 1848, has made up his mind not again to be seduced into a position so difficult and so dangerous as that which he then en countered. I will also say that I have such confidence in the wisdom of the Emperor of the French that I feel per suaded that, as maids the strain of Italy, he is of the same THE PRESS. opinion and determination as the noble lord the First Minister. I hope I sin not wrong in this antici pation, but it cannot be inadvisable when such a sub ject as this is brought before the house to meet it fairly in discussion. Let us not as on former occasions be met with the poetry of politics. (Hear, hear.) I can feel for the condition of Italy as keenly as any gentleman in this house, whether he be a First Minister or an ex-First Minister. I hope and believe that the time will come when in Italy there will be neither secret societies nor crowned despots ; but these are questions for the closet, not for a practical and popular assembly. We have to deal with the facts before us, and if we raise up an agitation against Austrian rale without a distinct conception of the objects at which we aim and the line of conduct which we intend to pursue, we shall be arresting the progress of Italy and aggravating every misfortune which has been brought under our notice. (Hear, hear.) It is impossible to conceal the fact that the great power of Italy is Austria. Both the noble bids have admitted that, unless we are prepared to enter into an internecine struggle with Austria, our object ought to be to render the Austrian rule as mild and beneficent as we can. At least we ought not to encourage those who are prepared to con spire against that rule, butwho are prepared to do noting else. I was in Italy long before the affairs of 1848. the Government of Austria was not that Italian Government which poets would imagine in their dreams. It was not a system of government under which Petrarchs were crowned with laurels in the Capitol, but it was distinguished from the other Governments of Italy by an immense expendi ture of Imperial—not Italian—treasure upon great public works, by the light taxation of the people, and by the progressive material improvement of the country. That was something. It was good to have a country with roads unrivalled, with means of communication yearly increas ing. That is not, it is true, the only object of life, but I need not impress upon hon. gentlemen that material comfort is a basis upon which you may, and in time probably will, establish civil and political rights ; that the richer a people become the more anxious they are to guard that wealth ; and that, whatever we may say of the Austrian rule, it was, so far as Lombardy was concerned, a rule under which at least the material character of the country was greatly improved. I have not been in Lom bardy since that unfortunate year, 1848, but I have heard that the picture of society is now of a very different character. I hear that in consequence of the affairs of 1848 taxes have greatly increased, the public works have been arrested in their progress, and that the material development of the country has much diminished: there fore by the course we took in 1848 we have not im proved the condition of Lombardy. That leads me to my last point, our position with regard to Sardinia. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord the member for London (Lord J. Russell) laid it down as a principle that, although there may be in the treaty with Sardinia no formal stipulation that we will support that country against other powers, vet, after its allegiance to the great alliance and all that has occurred since, we are hound in honour to give it that support if it should be attacked. The noble lord the First Minister (Lord Palmerston) seemed not to question that position, but rather urged upon the *mention of the house that there was no fear that Sardinia would attack Austria. Now, I think it unde sirable that a man of the great character and influence of the noble lord the member for the city of London should in this house volunteer engagements to other countries which the lilera scripla of the treaty does not authorise; but I certainly agree with the noble lord that any attack upon Sardinia by any power in consequence of the internal policy which she pursues would constitute one of those grave conjectures which would demand the most serious consideration of the British Government, and could o?.rtainly not be encountered by a despatch or an admoni tion. Let me, however, remind the noble lord, who says that there is no danger of Sardinia attacking Austria, of what occurred in 1848. It was Sardinia that attacked Austria. It was when Austria was supposed to be in distress and in despair, even while negotiations of a not unfriendly character were going on between the two Courts, that the King of Sardinia made, as it were. a nocturnal attack upon his Austrian neighbour, and commenced the war which ended in his signal discomfiture. I hope that the present King will profit by that experience, and will feel confident that if he, within his own dominions, pursues tlr policy which he believes to be for the advantage of the great body of his people, he will retain the respect of Europe, and will be safe from any unjust attack. I should deeply lament that any occupation of Sardinia by Austria should take place. That would indeed be a conjuncture which would require the deep consideration of this house. To judge from the past, 1 cannot bring myself to believe that any danger of that kind exists ; I cannot but believe that the King of Sardinia is safe so long as he remains within the limits of his own dominions, and pursues that policy in the management of his kingdom which he has a right to follow. If anything can give to him power to develop his whole reditical system it is the maintenance of peace in Italy. lam persuaded that, if the policy recommended by the noble lord the member for London is followed, you will have the position of Sardinis endangered —not by Austria, hut by the revolutionary element, exercising its sympa thetic influence upon the secret societies of Piedmont; and that throne will fall, not by the hand of Austria, not by :he interference of foreign occupation, but by the efforts of men and bodies of men, who have in view far other objects than the constitutional improvements which wisely engage the attention of the Kiag of Sardinia, and the subversive career of which will be accelerated by the motion made by the noble lord to night. The noble lord the First Minister tells ns that he can not consent to the production of the papers now asked for. I can hardly suppose that the noble lord the member for London expected them to be granted ; but he has had an opportunity of placing before the house and the country SATURDAY, the policy which he advocates. I entirely dissent from the views of that noble lord. (Hear, hear.) I say, if you will interfere with Italy, you must interfere with fleets and armies, and be prepared to meet the consequences. If you interfere in Italy, you must make up your minds fora war of prolonged duiation—a war that will tax your resources to the uttermost, and which, once it is commenced, you must continue until you have fully ac complished the objects fur which you embarked in it, and have in tact reconstituted the map of Europe. That is the only mode in which you can interfere in Italy. If you are not prepared to do that, for the sak e of the Italians, for the sake even of liberty and civilisation, you will avoid stirring up the passions of the population of that peninsula. I am confident this view is right, although you may smile at the association of the words " liberty and civilisation" with Austrian rule. We are told that we can expect nothing from Austria. Let me impress on the house this point—that Austrian statesmen are among the most enlightened men of the present day. The present Prime Minister of Austria and the present Minister of Austria at the Court of Rome, and recently at this Court, are the two most distinguished pupils of Prince Metter nich. That Prince is a statesman distinguished above all others for his freedom from prejudice and passion, and most interested in good government. He must feel that, if Italy were tranquil and undisturbed, Austria, being a powerful nation, could afford to be clement, to trust, and confide. It is the King of Naoles the little sovereigns teased with constant conspiracies, who, rather trout a feeling of panic than any natural cruelty or arbitrary disposition, are driven to those excesses which we all equally deplore and desire to see terminated. No man can wish to fill dungeons with his own subjects. I remember perfectly well that when Lord Minto went to Italy in 1847, and at the request of several of the northern Courts tendered his advice on the part of the British Government, the same King of Naples, who is now depicted to us as quite a Caligula, was so anxious to establish some form of constitutional govern. ment in his dominions that he applied to our Government for their good offices towards that end ; and Lord Minto, at the King's express desire, repaired to Naples, and for a considerable period I believe entertained the most sanguine expectations of success. It was the sudden outbreak of the French Revolution which put a stop to the arrange ments then in progress in Naples. For these reason, although there can be no division to night on this question, I hope the house will refuse to sanction the course recommended by the noble lord-1 hope it will arrive at this conclusion :—if we agree to inter fere in Italy, let it be a real interference ; or, on the other hand, if we are not prepared to act, if we are not prepared to give effect to our policy by force, then the best thing for us will be to remain silent; not to rouse the passions of the population ; not to upset thrones—a policy which can only end in aggravating the thraldom of Italy, and may lead to consequences still more fraught with disaster to Europe. (Cheers.) Mr. BOWYER atrongly deprecated the course taken by Lord John Russell. Mr. WHITESIDE observed that Lord J. Russell, in reading over the protocols, was justified in asking what the Government was going to do. The First Minister, however, had made no explicit declaration of his policy ;he was going to go nothing—a shuffling, miserable policy, which all must condemn, and which would exasperate the feelings of the people of Italy. Lord Palmerston had certainly shown that he pos sessed the first quality of a Minister—he could speak eloquently and gracefully without saying a word on the subject under consideration. The motion was negatived without a division. PARTNERSHIP AMENDMENT (No. 2)13u.L. This bill was read a third time. Upon the question that it do pass, Mr. J. G. PHILLIMORE proposed to add the fol lowing proviso to clause 3:— Provided also, that no such loan shall be deemed to be protected by this act. unless the lender thereof shall within fourteen days after the same shall have been advanced cause to be inserted in his own name in the Gazelle of London, Edinburgh, or Dublin, according as the princi- pal place of business of the borrower may be in England, Scotland, or Ireland, a statement of such advance, exhibit ing the amount thereof, the person to whom an I the term for which the same is made, the portion of the profits which the lender stipulates to receive on account thereof and the nature of the business by which such profits aro intended to be acquired. Mr. LOWE oppose I the proviso. Mr. CARDWELL and Mr. BARING supported it. The house divided, when the clause was carried against Government by 108 to 102. Mr. Low, said after that decision the Government would not proceed with the hill : If hon. gentlemen will excuse me for one moment, I have one word to say which diminishes my regret for the result. Since I brought in this bill 1 have had laid before me an opinion, signed by Mr. Justice Willes, Mr. Baron Bramwell, the Attorney-General and the Solicitor-General, and Sir Fitzroy Kelly, and one or two other learned gen- tlemen of eminence, to the effect that moneys which are lent on the terms of receiving a portion of the profits by way of interest, or services which are given upon the same terms, do not make the parties liable as partners. ➢lr. DISRAELI : Perhaps the right hon. gentleman has no objection to lay on the table not only the opinion to which he hah re• (erred, but the case also. As a nee , principle has been in troduced into our business, and we are to be consoled for G