The Press. — London, England, 1856-02-02 00:00:00

FEBRUARY 2, 1856. in certain counties and boroughs, to abolish passing tolls, to amend the shipping acts, to refortn the law relating to burials in Ireland, and to provide for the better erre and regulation of juvenile offeniers in I r eland. Mr. STAFFORD gave notic% of his intention, upon a n early day, of moving for the appointment of a committee to investigate the system of the army medical department. Lord J. RUSSELL gave notice of proposing in Marclt a bill to extend and improve national education in England and Wales. Mr. J. B. SMITH gave notice of an early motion upon the uniformity of 'weights, measures, rnd coinage. Mr. BAILLIE, on Thursday the 14th, to move a condemnation of the course pursued by the Govern ment in the enlistment of foreigners. Sir CHARLES NAPIER, on Thursday the 7th, to move for certain papers connected with the Baltic opera tions between Feb. 1554, an I Dec. 1855. Sir DE LACY EVANS gave notice for an early day to move the abolition of purchase in the army. Sir W. CLAY on an early day to bring in a bill for the abolition of Church rates. The SPEAKER having read the Queen's Speech, Mr. BYNG moved the Address in reply. Sketching the leading events of the war, he submitted that its results were highly satisfactory ; and that, with respect to peace, if the details of the terms corre sponded to the outline already presented, an honour able and secure peace lay in prospect. Should peace, u .happily, not result from the negotiations about to open, the course of this country an l her allies was clear. In conclusion, the hon. member asked for tse patience and moderation of the house and e tuntry while so great a stake was trembling in the b dance. Mr. BAXTER seconded the Address in a congratu latory speech upon the internal condition of the country, and upon the unanimity of sentiment which characterised most classes in the conduct of the war. The negotiations, he contended, should be under taken by us with the s.vo►d in our hands, and no relaxation made in our warliko preparations until peace was definitively concluded. Mr. DISRAELI Baia : I am confident that I only echo the unanimous opinion of the house when l say that I must agree with the hon. m over of the Address, who has spoken to-night with such c inspictions ability, in expressing the satisfaction and the gratitude which we must all feel to her Majesty for inform ing us this day from the throne that she has acceded to coalitions which she hopes may prove " the foundation of a safe and honourable peace." I think, too, lam not mis representing the feelings of the house when I venture fur ther to say that it is with no less satisfaction that we have heard, in the gracious Speech from the Throne, that her Majesty, in conducting the negotiations which must be the conseg ietices of her !idyllist acceded to those conditions, will ti..i lose sight of the objects for which the war was un dertaken. Sir, I do not feel that I am at liberty at present to at tempt to enter into any criticism of the conditions which are referred to in the gracious Speech from the Throne. We have indeed—notwithstanding the slight intimation which has been given us of their nature by the lion. mover of the Address—no authentic information before us at the present moment on the subject. There certainly has transpired in an irregular manner some information which no doubt has excited gre t interest; but, at the same time, we have been told that the conditions there stated are imperfect, and that much is intended which is not there communicated. Under those circumstances, it would be not only indiscreet, but, I must confess, it would be impossible for me to enter into any detailed criticism of what, after all, is only a political hypothesis. lam not intending by these remarks in any way to impugn the conduct of her Majesty's Government in not communicating to the country in an official, authen tic, and complete manner the nature of the conditions upon which they intend to insist, in order to secure the objects for which the war was commenced. I take it for granted that they have acted, in the position in which they are placed, with the wisdom which becomes so great a responsi bility For my own part, I must express a hope that the House of Commons will, under these circumstances, exer cise that prudent but bigh-spirited reserve—( Hear, hear ) which, while it shrinks from embarrassing a Minister on whom is about to devolve the fulfilment of so difficult a duty, will at the same time watch with the utmost vigi lance—l will not say suspicion— the course of all his pro ceedings. And, sir, though it may be at the present mo them impolitic and, perhaps, impossible for the House of commons to enter into a protracted discussion of the im portant subject of impending negotiations, yet I will at least say for myself that I think no little advantage will be gained in the prosecution of these negotiations from the fact that the Parliament of England is in session. 1 Hear.) Although we may feel it our duty not to eater at this mo ment into a discussion of the terms upon which it is the duty of the Minister of this country, or of the allies of her Majesty, to insist, I cannot but feel that the fact that Par liament is assembled will exercise a salutary moral influ ence on the conferences; and I ant sure that no Minister either in this or in any other country will, if we be silent, mistake our forbearance for indifference. (Hear, hear.) There is another reason why I feel much satisfaction at assurance which we have this day received crone, that in the attempt to conclude a peace out of the purposes for which the war was will be the object which her Majesty's Govern 14* to attain. We have on that subject had so ~\. L the it; ei 0u5 ... ; from the Thron the carrying oui . . undertaken will tam win desk . . . . THE PRESS. many statements of a different character, and of a dif ferent spirit from individuals in office—and some of them in the highest office—that it is to me a source of great satisfaction that when confe,ences are about to be opened in auspicious circumstances we have in a docu ment of such august authority as the, which I have before me a definition of the business which will be conducted at those conferences, more tending to the satisfaction of sober minded persons than many of the statements which have heretofore been made by persons high in authority. It is but a short tine ago—it was in the late session of Parlia ment, but that is no long period when we are considering matters of such grave importance—it is but a short time since that in another place a noble lord made a speech the professed object of which was to set forth the objects ot' the war, and that noble lord assured the other House of Parliament that one of the objects of the war was to vindi cate the cause of the oppressed nationalities of Europe. ( Hear, hear.) What happened then ? In a few days that noble lord was invited to take one of the highest places in her Majesty's councils. Of course, it is now obvious that the object of the noble lord opposite (Lord Palmerston) in giving that invitation to the noble lord was that he should have his too fervent enthusiasm sub jected to the cooler atmosphere of Cabinet society—(a laugh I—but, unfortunately, the people of England and, I fear, those oppressed nationalities of which the noble orator was the advocate on that occasion drew a different inference from his high promotion ; and a misapprehen sion which might have led to very serious calamities has been prevalent throughout a great part of Europe. I shall make no reference to more recent statements respecting the objects and purposes of the war which have been made by members of the Government not occupying SJ exalted and responsible a position, except to say that I deeply regret them ; and 1 think that those who have been so rash and inadvertent as to make the declarations which have recently been promulgated on this subject will, after listening to the Speech which has been graciously deli vered to-day, if they find themselves in similar circum stances, in future be induced to take a more temperate and moderate course. (Hear, hear.) Sir, I regret that there are some gentlemen, both in and out of Parliament, for whom I have the greatest respect, who, after having taken a sound and satisfactory view of what should be the conditions of peace—viz., the accom plishment of the objects for which the war was under taken—have still been induced, by what I cannot but feel to be a deplorable hallucination, to regret, while confess ing that the objects of the war may be accomplished, that war is not still to be prosecuted ; and this, too, on a ground which appears to me to be scarcely one which can recom mend itself to the sober consideration of any public man. We are told that, although we may have attained the ob jests for which we embarked in war, still it is expedient that the war should be continued in order to sustain or to increase the lustre of the arms of England; or rather, per haps, because in the struggle that may, and which, I trust, will soon cease, we have not achieved exploits so striking as those which illustrate some portions of our history. Now, sir, the abstract principle that we ought to continue a war after having attained its objects merely to gratify the vanity or to support the reputation of a community is, in my opinion, one of a very questionable character—( Hear, hear)—but I deny that in our present circumstances any application of that principle is possible. 1, for one, will never admit that the lustre of our arms has been dimmed. t Genersl cheering.) I cannot easily find words to express the admiration which all must feel for the great qualities which have been ex hibited by our troops throughout this struggle. (Hear.) I cannot easily describe the immensity of the resources widen we have at our disposal, and the energy which we have already displayed. But to lay down as a principle that the great leading Lowers of Europe should never engage in a war unless they are certain and predetermined to achieve great victories, which may figure among what are called the decisive battles of the world, is really one of the most monstrous propositions that was ever addressed to a people. To suppose that France or England is never to go to war unless she can be certain of achieving a victory like Rocroi or Blenheim, Austerlitz or lA'attrloo, is totally to mis understand the object for which great States should go to war. Instead of their being the vindicators of the public law and the conservators of public order, you degrade them into the gladiators of history, anti these very brilliant achievenients only lead to the ruin of the country. There fore, I cannot at all admit that the principle that we ought to continue this war in order to obtain extraordinary and brilliant results is one which we ought at all to sanction ; and I am afraid that those in this country who fall into this fallacy are too much induced to do so by the taunts of foreign critics, who are themselves the persons most per suaded of the substantial increase of the power of Eng land. (Hear, hear.) If you look to the authors of these statements respecting the decline of the prestige of Eng land—whether they are journalists who have become statesmen, or statesmen who have become journalists—(a laugh )—you will generally find that they arc the persons who are most competent to estimate :he importance of England, ant: who are really the least Inclined to underrate it. They play upon the too easily excited susceptibility of this country, and I will say of them as was said of a great sceptic, that when they attempt to depreciate our achieve ments and Vie resources of our position they really " tremble while they sneer. - (Heat, hear.) Sir, there is another paragsaph in the Speech which I am sure will meet with the unanimous approval of the House. It is that to which the hon. mover of the Address adverted with much eloquence, in which we express to her Majesty our admiration of the " persevering constancy and the daring bravery " by which the stronghold of Russia in the Black Sea was reduced. I hope, sir, that whatever may be our political differences, there will never in this house be any difference as to the sentiments of admiration with •ahich we view the achievements and the exertions of our fellow-countrymen when they are support ing the honour and the interests of her Majesty's realms. (Cheers.) I think that there is another siege not ass die. tinguished by persevering constancy—(cheers)--tud by daring courage and undaunted bravery—(renewed dicers) —tilthou,g6 that'constancy and that courage did net reap the reward which in the case of Sebastopol was fo:cibly acquired. I think there is another siege which, on a light like the present, it would ill become the House of tom. mons to suffer to pass unnoticed and unnamed. •Inud cheers.) I sin not anxious on this occasion to call upoh. the Government for that explanation which of 'course viii hereafter be demanded as to what were the circumstances which led to the serious catastrophe of Kars—( loud criesot " Hear, hear" )—but I hope they fully understood that that is a subject upon which this country and this house will expect and will require the mutt ample explanation. (Great cheering.) Let us at least, whether there he peace or whether there be war—let us axpress our admira tion of those who, although they may have been unforte nate, were not subdued—(cheers)—let l e express G ar sympathy for an energy, perhaps excessile, and for a courage which we know was unsupported—(etteets)—wK' at a moment when se are called upon, and rightly called upon, to express our admiration of the great actibereaaast which has rendered the names of the allies the Black Sea—let us vindicate the conduct of those whe, though not crowned with success, were at least crowhed with glory in another place, and let us make our absent countrymen understand that it is the man who deserves, and not the man who achieves, success that is honoured by us. (Loud and protracted cheering.) After the Address from the Throne to-day—after th e gravest expression on the part of her Mnjesty with regard to the impending negotiation, it is impossible to resist the conviction that the prospects of peace are most favorable. (Hear, hear.) It is true we may be disappointed* 4 true that on this, as on previous occasions in our histery, we may find that when the cup has reached the lip t h e draught may vet not be swallowed. (A slight laugh.) All this I admit, but we have at least the satisfaction of knowing that if hen Majesty fails in the negotiations which are now about to be carried on—if the conditions of peace of which the noble 'lord is cognisant, bat with wkich we are unac quainted, may not affect that great result which is now generally expected, and generally desired—we have the satisfaction of knowing that her Majesty may appeal with confidence to her Parliament to support her in a renewed struggle—(cheers)—and that there is no sum which Parliament will not cheerfully vote, or her people cheer fully raise, to vindicate her honour and maintain the independence and interests of her kingdom. (Cheers.) It is with this conviction that our negotia tors will enter upon their important duties. After the intimation from the '1 hrone, the prospect ci peace is one which I trust will not be dissolved. (Cheers.) The hon. gentleman who seconded the Address referred to the exhaustion of Russia as the best security for peace at this moment- Under these circumstances, cannot but hope that we shall soon Lave it. upon authority, announced that a general treaty of peace has been success fully negotiated ; and that it will prove to be a treaty that will accomplish the objects for which the war was under taken. (Loud cheering ) Lord PausnusroN complimented Mr. Disraeli upon the course he had taken, and concurred with him that it was not the duty of the Government tit, persevere in war if its objects could be obtained b 7 negotiation. He submitted that any discussion upon the pending negotiations would he highly inexpe• diem,. Su soon as any definite step was taken, the house should be duly infocined. Although, from the spirit and condition of the country, the future chances of the war were greatly in our favour, wa should not be justified iu rejecting overtures which held out a prospect of a safe and honourable peace In the negotiations no principle the couutry was enti tled to stand by would be foregone, while a spirit ot conciliation would be shown. lloneucit denied that Parliament should not discuss the treaty until it was concluded. The noble lord had not told them what course he was about to pursue. The war had been disgracefully conducted, and it was the duty of Parliament to see that it was not disgracefully concluded. He did not believe that the peace would redound to the honour of Eng • land, or attain the object of the war. Din another campaign we drove Russia out of the Crimea and erected Bessarabia and the Principalities into a sepa. rate kingdom, we should obtain a better and more effectual guarantee against the aggressions of Russia than the present terms offered. Sir Dt•: LACY EVANS thought the prestige of Eng land was materially injured, and he not see in the proposed terms any security for peace. Lord Jour/ MANNERS would express no opinion in favour of the termination of the war, unless th• eastern as well as the western territory of Turkey were secured by the treaty. After some Enid' observations from Sir Henry Willoughby, Mr. Hadfield, and Mr. Scully, th• Address was agreed to, and the house adjourned. THE SUFFERINGS OF THE CHINESE LABOURERS em ployed in digging guano on the Chincba Islands, off Callao, are said by a correspondent lately arrived from the spot to be of the most frightful character. They are literally worked to death by their task masters, and, if refractory, subjected to the most terrible punishments. THE AUSTRIAN FORCE IN THE P it, is reported from Vienna, will shortly reduced. Count Coronini returns • corps to the Austrian territory ; one mains, under Count Paar. iortly be materially ms with the main Ine division only re-