The Press. — London, England, 1856-02-23 00:00:00

''- ... . . .s. ...-- _ /4 57 ( . 7 -, . --" . • 1 1 J ci , , I ( 1 bt . LONDON, SATURDAY , FEBRUARY 23 , 1856. STAMPED .... SIXPENCE. UNSTAMPE4.FIVEPENCE. No. 147.—V0L. IV. Cy rtss. LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 23, 1850. IT is not often that the minds of men are so composed as to estimate at their just worth and no more the events with which they are brought face to face. There is a disposition sometimes to exaggerate, sometimes to exte nuate their importance. Very trivial occur rences have been attended with great pomp, and have served to excite the hopes or fears of powerful communities ; while the most momentous transactions on record have been gone through . in a spirit of carelessness or buffoonery. It would be otherwise were re sults more fully open to our view than the tan gled skein of human affairs permits. If it be true of individual life that each act is the parent of so long a train of consequences as that no ohe can possibly foresee the end, how much more true must it he of those large political arrangements which affect the dead nies of States and the whole current of the world's fortunes ? We are in the midst of a grave political epoch. England is called on to bear a leading part in Conferences which have for their object a new definition and settlement of European power. Much must depend ou her sagacity, her firmness, her moderation. On the eve of her action, it is well to glance for a moment at the past and the future, that we may the better understand the attitude which is most consistent with her true policy, and comports best with her dignity. The War arose from a division among the great Powers of Europe. This is so obvious that the statement is a truism. The division was, however, less sudden than it seemed. It was occasioned by a variety of causes, among which a prominent place must be assigned to the restless and uncertain action of our Foreign-office. When, through the growth of Russian power in the South, and the decay of Turkish influence, that question of the inde pendence of the Black Sea which had, at different periods in the last century, engaged the attention of statesmen, became ripe for solu tion, the Courts of Europe could not be united into an authoritative tribunal for its adjustment, This disunion was the element on which the late Emperor NICHOLAS mainly relied for success in his designs. It was openly avowed by him in his conversation with Sir HAMILTON SEYMOUR ; it was sufficiently apparent in the general course of his policy, and in the pains he took to secure first the adhesion, and afterwards the neutrality, of Austria. Had Russia known, in the first instance, that she would have to contend, not with France and England alone, but with Austria and Prussia also, it is certain that she would never have dared an appeal to arms. It has been one of the main objects of the Western Alliance,—with some. diversity of sentiment and action, but still with a strong bias to the principle, —to restore to the Courts of Europe that concord which, with rare exceptions, has existed on all European questions for the last forty years ; and the wisdom of that course has been justified by events. An opposite policy would have arrayed against us at the present moment the three great Northern Powers. with America ready to throw her weight into their scale. France and England might still have been victorious in the contest, but no one can doubt that the strife would have assumed much mightier proportions, would have endured for a longer period, and would have taxed the resources and endurance of this country and of our great Ally to the utmost. As it was the disunicn of Europe which tempted the late Czar to dare the fortune of war, it is the growing strength of the Alliance which.has compelled the present Czar to close it. On this point we are not left to conjecture. In a recent Circular of the Russian Govern ment it is expressly stated that the Emperor accepted terms of Peace because he saw that the coalition against him was extending its range and' influence. If for coalition, in this case, we read European concord, we are fur nished with a key to the actuating motives of that change which has come over the spirit of Russian policy. 'Whenever the tranquillity of Europe is next disturbed, it will be owing to the same cause that has led to the present War. The perma . nenee of Peace must depend on the. union subsisting among the proponderating States of Europe ; and whatever tends to weaken or dissolve that union must tend in an • equal degree to produce disorder and conflict. It rests with the Paris Congress to deter mine whether the Peace which we believe to be at hand shall be an armed truce or at last ing settlement. If Russia only desires repose for a time—if she looks forward to a day when under more .favorable auspices she may be enabled to pursue the policy on which she has steadily acted for the last century and a half— it must he her first object to prevent that union which would oppose the firmest barrier to her designs. To sever Germany from the other Courts at this juncture would immensely increase her influence, and would pave the way for a northern Confederacy at a future date. We could not serve her object better than by throwing Prussia into her arms; and if that Power do not take her place in the councils of Europe, she can expect political importance only by drawing closer the bonds which unite her to the Court of St. Pe tersburg. We cannot, in this matter, separate the Prussian Court from the Prussian people. If we alienate the Government, we alienate the nation Whatever power it possesses from natural causes—from its position, resources. population, and character—cannot be lost or even neutralised by diplomatic arrangements. Its substantial strength will exist, whether we determine to recognise it or not. Practically the only question is, whether that strength shall be enlisted on our side, or handed over without reserve to our adversary? If, through any of those paltry motives which are never suffered to interfere with great principles of policy but to degrade them, Prussia is ex cluded from the Paris Congress, the settlement will lose all the weight which would be de rived from the co operation of the great Ger man body, and the diplomacy of Russia will achieve a triumph sufficient to recompense her for all her disasters in the field. Her position was skilfully taken. If Prussia were admitted, a concession would be made to Rus sian influence ; if excluded, an accession would be given to Russian strength. An inti mate political alliance would thenceforth be inevitable between the two Powers, and all Germany would be brought into their league, or submitted to their influence. The difficulty would be best met by frank statesmanship. A recognition of the right of Prussia to take part in the Congress, as the representative of German interests, would detach Germany from Russia, would wean her people from the notion that the Allies have any selfish aims in view apart from the gene ral welfare of Europe, and would engage them heartily in support of that one great object. To exclude Germany from a Congress intended primarily fur the limitation of Russian power, is to forfeit one of the best securities we can have for the security and permanence of the Treaty contemplated. Why should there be this jealousy of a State whose neutrality arose, not fram inte rests opposed to those of the belligerent Powers, or from separate aggressive designs, but from the peculiarity of its position, and its friendly relations with both sides? The questions to be discussed are of European, or more tharrEuropean, magnitude: The tido o.' civilisation ha 4 flowed froin East to West. ' There is no reason 'why it should not turn The Countries bordering the Black Sea present a fruitful field for European enterprise ; and it is desirable that the great Powers of Europe should unite to concert the terms by which the internal security and commercial freedom of those countries . can be best secured. RUSSIAN DIPLOMATIC APPOINT MENTS. WE believe we may state with confidence, that, on the conclusion of Peace, Count MEDEM will be oppointed as the representative 'of the Court of St. Petersburg in Loudon, and that Baron BRUNOW will be c.ccredited as Russian Minister at Paris. RETIREMENT OF THE AUSTRIAN MINISTER. WE announce, with sincere regret, that his Excellency Count COLLOREDO, the Minister of Austria, is about to terminate his diplomatic relations with the Court of St. James. His Imperial Master requires, we understand, his Excellency's services in another scene of sur passing and enduring interest, and perhaps, we may add, difficulty. We will not dwell on the subject at this moment further, but only express what, we are sure, will be the general feeling of sorrow that English society is about to be deprived of the presence of an eminent individual, who, throughout his career in this country, has his thorough himself to all complained necessarily ' the truth of that all must Minister ev, by his integrit • Liqifulness, gentlern • cp?,(1447, eAdvared ill classes!/- 1/ 4 44) nines that CotitTri ez- I un I reserved. P l l + l se this object!! 7t,,, two .. ure Ist ackno ,At: t' igu r ver yet p lea