The Press. — London, England, 1856-12-20 00:00:00

1212 THE WEEK. EUROPS is threatened with fresh disturbance. The note of the French Government in the Moniteur raises the Neufchatel question into importance, and indicates that its settlement will be one of con siderable difficulty. The Federal Government of Switzerland has declined to comply with the recommendatioa of the French Cabinet that the prisoners should be liberated, and France retires in anger, plainly saying that henceforth her sympathies will he on the side of the King of PRUSSIA, who has shown a sincere desire for amicably settling a delicate question, and has manifested a courteous deference for the political situation of Prance ; while;the Swiss Government, on the other hand, has exhibited lamentable obstinacy, exaggerated sensi bility, and a complete indifference to the counsels of France. The conclusion is, that the King of PRUSSIA will meet with the moral sup- port of France in whatever steps he may take to assert his rights of sovereignty over the canton of Neufchatel. At the present stage of the dispute, it is not easy to see how either party can withdraw. Had Neufchatel been left to itself'. an accommodation with the Prussian Government might easily have been arranged; but the troops of the Federal Government entered the canton, acted against the royalists, and it is now the Federation which is opposed to Prussia. The King, it is plain, cannot withdraw his protection from the royalists who hoisted his standard, without resigning all claims to sovereignty over the canton, while the Federal Government cannot now liberate the prisoners without an acknow ledgment of Prussian rights. Wars have arisen from less serious causes, though the peaceable disposition of the Sovereign of Prussia, and the moderation which he has hitherto displayed, encourage the hope that some kind of compromise may yet be devised. The proclamation of war against Persia, issued at Calcutta on the Ist of November, has reached this country. The war is grounded on a violation by Persia of the Treaty concluded with that kingdom by Colonel SHEIL in January, 1553. By that Treaty, Persia engaged not to send troops to Herat unless troops advanced towards that place from Cabul, Candahar, or other place ; there was a stipulation, how ever, that Persia should have that right of interference in the affairs of Herat which she exercised under the rule of the late YAK MAHOMED. What that right of interference was, and how far Persia may justify her movement against Herat by refer ence to it, we have yet to learn. One stipulation of the Treaty is remarkable. It is said that should any foreign Power, such as the Affghans or others, attempt to take possession of Herat, the British Government, on the requisition of the Persian Ministers, " would not object to restrain such foreign Power by friendly advice." Perhaps the Court of Teheran might not unreasonably suppose that, as it had only " friendly advice " to expect from the British Govern ment, should a hostile force take possession of Herat, it had nothing more than the same " friendly advice" to expect, should Persia think it necessary to advance against that place. Such an interpretation of the Treaty would appear to be justified by its terms, and from the looseness of its stipulations it is very conceivable that Persia may be able to advance plausible grounds for the course she has taken. There appears now to be no doubt that Herat has fallen to the Persian army, and it is said that the British proclamation of war has been answered by a like proclamation on the part of Persia. The intentions 01 the Russian Government have not 3 et been made known. The Brussels organ of the Russian Court, Le Nord, has published some able and conciliatory articles on the subject, directed to show that for a number of years past England and Russia have successfully acted together to prevent war in Central Asia, and to preserve Persia as an independent kingdom between Russian possessions in Asia, and the Asiatic empire of Great Britain. There is a report that the good offices of France will be employed to arrange the quarrel between England and the Court of Teheran before actual hostilities are engaged in. The principal point for the people of this country to consider is, the anomaly of their being engaged in a war in Central Asia which may expand to great proportions without their knowledge or consent, simply by the fiction of the war being undertaken by the Government of Fort William. Lord CANNING has for the occasion become the Richard Roe of our Imperial Ad Judge HALM:WOWS address, published in the Times of yesterday, is not without considerable truth in its way. Our true policy is to knit our colonies to ourselves as closely as possible, and to make them, or keep them, as English as we can, both in feeling and in institutions. At first sight, no doubt, the proposal that our colonies should be repre sented in the Imperial Parliament, will recommend itself as sensible and straightforward. The rapidity of transit which has brought dis tant lands so much nearer together lends plausibility to the notion. But has any one considered what the colonists themselves would be likely to call a fair representation ? Would two, or three, or four mem bers, for instance, be considered a sufficient representation of Canada, with its three millions of inhabitants ? Yetlif this number were much increased, and the representation in any degree approximated to that of the United Kingdom, it is clear that the House of Commons would he totally revolutionised. In fact, the colonists would be obliged to sit in a separate house of their own For these reasons we are ;nclined to believe that the existing system is the better one. The Colonial Parliaments, under the presidency of an English Governor, seem to work well, and certainly are likely to become much more pop u• SATURDAY, lar with the people. It may, indeed, be worth consideration whether delegates from these assemblies might not attend in the Imperial Par liament, for the sake of affording information and correcting blunders on colonial subjects. But the scheme of actual representation is, are think, more specious than practical. The President's Message, though couched in diplomatic language,. contains a bold and intelligible expression of opinion. He speaks• the sentiments of all that class in the United States who would have , us look upon the Abolitionists as a set of vulgar innovators and revo lutionists—they wish to disturb the existing conditions of society, and to carry out their own wild theories through any amount of blood shed and snarchy. As to the right or wrong of slavery, or even the expediency of removing it at sotue future date, he is totally silent. This silence is ominous, and the effect thereof is not much lessened by the language of his successor. Mr. BUCHANAN, to the students of the Franklin and Marshall College He would harmonise, he says, all sections of the Union. We all know what this means. He would put down the anti-slavery agitation. The progress of the American navy, though but slightly glanced at in the President's Message, is not the least interesting or significant part of it. The Americans are evidently becoming awake to the necessity of being always in a position to resist European intimidation. Mr. PIERCE'S language on the subject of privateering is manly and straightforward. He en tirely adopts Mr. MARCY'S view of the subject, and what course of conduct it may best befit the honour and interests of this country to pursue in the matter. There can be little doubt that from an American snch language is consistent and statesmanlike. Dr. LIVINOSTONE'S return to England revives the question of com merce with Africa. It is now universally admitted that the only means of effectually destroying the slave trade is to open a trade for more legitimate purposes. From Dr. LIVINGSTONE'S account, the native tribes in the interior of Africa possess a peculiar aptitude and desire for trade and commerce, while they are generous, hospitable, and friendly towards strangers_ The resources of the country, too, are enormous. Indigo, cotton, and sugar can be cultivated to an incredible extent, so prolific is the soil; while fibrous substances, sarsaparilla, senna, wax, coal, gold, and ivory are abundant. The Government, we see, have resolved to fit out a new expedition for the Niger. We trust that due liberalit) and care in the selection of goods will be shown. Everything plain, simple, and good should be sent. No intricate agricultural implements—nothing that the African cannot easily comprehend the use of, and everything that will conduce either to his comfort, his advantage, or to the extension of trade. If the natives can once be induced to grow cotton and sugar. there is no limit to the trade we could open. The English, too, according to Dr. LIVINOSTONE, are held in great esteem by the Africans; so that if we can only open up a communication with the interior, we have a fair opportunity to establish satisfactory relations with the native chiefs. Dr. LIVINGSTONE, we see, returns shortly to prosecute his labours in Africa. Since his presence in London he has been listened to on every occasion of his delivering a public address with much interest by crowded audiences. The Lords of the Admiralty have issued a remarkable memo randum. So much " mismanagement and extravagance " have lately characterised the messes of different ships, that My Lords call the attention of the ward room officers to the fact, and request that in future the ward-room mess be maintained with" credit and comfort, but free from extravagance, thus setting a becoming example to the junior officers." The midshipmen's mess is of course not let off so lightly. With a view of putting a stop to their irregularities, My Lords limit the mess entrance to Si., and the monthly subscription. " including all extras," to not more than thirty shillings. Their Lordships further desire " that no wine, except port and sherry, or wine of the same class and " price, and no spirits, except the ship's allowance, be used in the gun room messes." The entrance at Si. is well enough ; but what monstrous folly and injustice to limit without distinction► all the members of the gun-room in every ship, under all circum stances, to an expenditure of thirty shillings a month for his eating and drinking. The gun-room of a line-of-battle ship usually holds some thirty members. Of these ten or a dozen are youngsters ,the remainder are four-years' midshipmen and passed mates, young men from eighteen to thirty years of age. Now, the notion of limiting young men of this age to an expenditure of thirty shillings a month for mess is absurd, and injurious to the service. At that price no man can ask a friend on board to dine with him, or entertain the brother officers of a foreign ship of war. The consequences are obvious. Expensive dinners will be given, instead, at hotels on shore, and the very evil the Lords of the Admiralty seek to check—extravagance and pecuniary irregularities—extended. And then the folly of limiting the mess to " port or sherry !" We confess we cannot exactly see the wisdom of limiting the mess to " port and sherry, or wines of that price " and class," without specifying the price. These sumptuary laws are very useless things We do not mean to deny the extravagances of midship►nen's messes since the good old days of Sir PULTENEY Mitt.cor.m, when the midshipmen all washed together in a tub, and lived upon ruin, pea-soup and biscuit. Great changes have taken place, and the other extreme has now been reached. Various efforts have been made to check it, but without success; and until one mess is provided for the captain and his officers, the extravagance of distinct messes never will be controlled. Let the midshipmen, lieutenants, and captain enjoy their separate cabins as at present, but let them mess together. 'l'l►e presence of the superior officers woLld curl) any tendency to undue indulgence on the part of tho youngsters, and any extravagance on the part of the oldsters of the gun-room. This plan, we THE PRESS.