The Press. — London, England, 1857-10-10 00:00:00

THE PRESS, OCTOBER 10,1857. named in the proclamation. But such a course would have savoured too much of " religious equality " for the present guides of the Roman Catholic Church in this realm. With respect to the doubts of Arch bishop CULLEN, or any ono else, as to the true liberality of the " Indian Relief Committee," it is enough for us to draw attention to the fifth rule of the Committee, after a meeting held on the 28th of September, before Doctor CULLEN'S Pastoral appeared—" That relief, " according to their principles, be given, without distinction of " religion or nationality, to every person, of whatever rank, who has a just " claim on the sympathy and assistance of the British people." Among the Agricultural Meetings of the week, which may be fahly regarded as indications of public opinion upon the present crisis in India, the Headingham meeting deserves a very prominent place. It was satisfactory to know that Maldon is not Essex, and that the Conservatives of that county have not been affected with the Palmers tonian epidemic. But we confess we regret much to find that Mr. BERESFORt has joined that clique which, professing to prefer their country to their party, prove at once that they are ignorant of the true interests of their country, and entirely misconceive the character of their party. We confess that we are surprised, and as grieved as surprised, to learn that Mr. BERESFORD considers that! in order to be a true patriot he must cease to be a faithful Conservative. No leader of that great connection, nor even its humblest' member, has ever given occasion to its opponents to impute to it that unscrupulous partisanship which is willing to realise "political capital " out of the sufferings and disasters of their country. We recommend Mr. BEM:S -IVE!) to read again the sentiments of those eminent men upon whose sagacity and integrity the Conservatives of the kingdom repose with loyal confidence; and we are sure that the regret he will feel at the injustice which he has done to them will in no way be compensated by the approbation of the Ministry or the adulation of their journals. It is refreshing to turn from Mr. BERESFORD'S speech to Mr. Du CANE'S, which we have inserted so far as our space will permit us, and to find that so able and promising a Member of ithe Conservative party has had the courage to vindicate its conduct, its motives, and its character. Though strongly opposed in politics to the late Lord FITZWILLIAM, We admired his sincere and honourable character, and the virtues which added lustre to his race. Mr. COBDEN said truly in his pam phlet of " 1793 and 1853," that " the Fitzwilliams were always honest," and they paid for their independence. If rumour be true, a portion of the Whig aristocracy were averse to the Sovereign's pleasure being taken as to whether the Marquisate of Buckingham should be revived in the Fitzwilliam family. In fact, the Fitzwilliams were too inde pendent and highspirited for the narrowness of mere faction. In 1793 the father of the late Peer left the Foxite Whigs, and gave power ful support to Mr. Pm. Twenty years after the same Earl became obnoxious to Lord LIVERPOOL'S Government, because he actively demonstrated his convictions that the war having ceased, " Reform' should commence. In l S3l the late Earl was a powerful supporter of the Grey Cabinet, and he gave a general but discriminatory support to the Whig Ministers ; but our readers must recollect that the Noble Earl offered a decided opposition to the policy of the China war We must say, that amongst the adversaries of " Con servatism," Lord FITZWILLIAM was always distinguished by fair and manly conduct. He was an ardent advocate of " Free Trade," but he opposed its doctrines being made the means of introducing a system of plebeian politics into the working of our " Constitution," and he was averse to all " class Liberalism." He was as independent (and some would say as " crotchetty " in his politics) as the late Dr. ARNOLD ; and we think it not unlikely that the Marqui sate would have been given to his family if the Fitzwilliam connection had been less independent. The Grosvenors have received since Is3o a Marquisate and a separate Barony; the Psnsonbys (relations of the Greys) have got an additional peerage (besides the " Viscounty " to the late Lord PONSONBY) ; and many other Whig families received promotion in the Peerage. But the Fitzwilliams remain "as they Were." In territorial power and social importance the Fitzwilliams rank extremely high in the Liberal connection, and they bear the lustre of old Parliamentary associations. They always used their boroughs in past days to introduce talent into the House of Commons. Their political history is extremely interesting. Their social con sequence is derived from the fact of their possessing the vast estates in England and Ireland originally acquired by the famous and unfortunate Earl of STRAFFORD. The Com mons, although they impeached WENTWORTH, did not confiscate Liss estates, which went to his next heirs ; and EDWARD WATSON, f . s.sond Lord ROCKINGHAM, married ANNE WENTWORTH, one of their children, and assumed the proud name of Wentworth. The vast estates of Wentworth, in York, came into their family on the death of the last Marquis of ROCKINGHAM, in 1782. In Ireland the Fitzwilliams own an enormous territory, lying along the western and southern sides of the romantic county of Wicklow, and on it still stand the four walls of the great castle (never roofed) erected by STRAFFORD, and still called by the peasantry in the neigh bournood "Black Tom's House." For many years the Fitzwilliams nominated the two members for the county of Wicklow. GRATTAN, about the time of the rebellion, had withdrawn from the House of Commons ; but when the Union was pro posed, a seat for him was wanted suddenly, a vacancy was made for Wicklow, and at a few hours' notice GRATTAN entered the House of Commons again as Member for Wicklow. In England, at . ter BURKE was driven from Bristol, he sat for th e rest of Ins political career as Member for Mahon, one of the Fitzwilliam boroughs ; and after the Union, when it was resolved to bring the Catholic Question " forward as a Whig subject in the English House 989 of Commons, the two Irish orators, GRATTAN and PLUNKET, were intro duced as Members for Fitzwilliam boroughs. Possibly it was the recollection of facts like these which stayed the uplifted axe in 1831. For in Malton and Peterborough the Fitzwilliams reign with great away, if not absolute control. They influence powerfully the Yorkshire county elections ; and the present Earl has sat for the last few years as M.P. for the county of Wicklow, his colleague being Mr. ‘VILLtANt WENTWORTH FITZWILLIAM HUME, a stanch Conservative in spite of his name. Many regret that the late Earl did not live long enough to enjoy the intended honour of receiving her Majesty at Wentworth. It was in Yorkshire, and not in London, that the Fitzwilliams exhi bited their splendid living, for of late years their connection never aspired to any Ministerial ambition. We have reason to believe that the republication of that v•ry striking article upon " India and its Army," from the Edinburyh Review of Jan., 1853, will shortly appear•, with the permission of and with a preface by its talented author, the Rev. U. R. GLEIG, M.A., Chaplain-General to her Majesty's Forces. The tenor of this remark abie article, which attracted much attention at the time, and the fore bodings of which have been so terribly and so speedily fulfilled, was to the effect that the Government of India could not continue in its then existing state without sooner or later bringing about an alarming crisis. The defective state of the organisation and discipline of our native army, its inefficiency and its untrustworthiness, together with the dangers arising from the rapid and continued extension of terri tory which every day diffused that native army over a wider extent of country, thus proving that our sovereignty depended alone upon that army, and rendering the application of a remedy most urgent, were pointed out with great sagacity, and the day when the importance of the question would be forced upon us was predicted to be " not far distant." We trust that we shall have an cpportunity shortly of bringing this pamphlet more fully before our readers. The Government have at length adopted the proposition of the Earl of HARDWICKE, and have despatched the first i►istalmeut of troops overland; 250 officers end men of the Engineers embarked at the close of last week on board the Peninsular Company's steamer for Alexandria. To he sure, the necessity for this step, which was urgent in June, is materially modified in October. The detachment will arrive at its destination much about the same time as the first troops despatched by the Cape. But what a painful reflection it is that this nation, with all its boasted resources, requires six months after a rebellion has broken out in India to p►•epare for the conveyance of 250 soldiers by the shortest route to the aid of our struggling fellow-countrymen ! We must not be told that the " inconvenience and expense " of the measure have re quired a consideration of four months before the step could be defi nitely decided on. The country will not be deceived by any such vague excuses. If ever in the history of this country an emergency occurred which called for prompt. and vigorous action it was this revolt in India. Each wasted day cost us thousands of treasure and torrents of blood. And yet, with this appalling hazard staring them in the face, the Government declared that it was not only a more safe and certain measure to despatch the reinforcements entirely by the Cape, but that it was positively more speedy, that they should be despatched in sailing transports in preference to steamers. They would not even employ the resources which the skill and invention of this country and the improvements of civilisation had placed at their disposal ; but, blind to the necessities of the moment, selected the slower and more expensive route, and put by the cheaper and more rapid for future consideration. After four months' deliberate discussion they resolved to despatch two hundred and fifty men "upon trial !" According to the latest news from America, Filibusterism would seem to be at a discount. General WALKER, driven out of Nicaragua, has failed in his attempts both upon Mr. BUCHANAN and Mr. JENKINS, who distinctly disavow all sympathy with his designs, and of whom the latter has given orders to intercept an expedition started by filibustering adventurers. All this sounds well. Yet it is unques tionably a matter for doubt whether the roving spirit of a certain class of Americans has received any decided check. It would be impossible, naturally, for Mr. BUCHANAN to do other than openly discountenanca such characters as General WALKER ; yet it remains to be seen how much deference would be paid to his decree if a filibustering expedi tion were again to be set on foot. The so-called " Monro " doc trine is still the pet doctrine of the Yankees. And the Supreme Government is treated with contemptuous disregard whenever it interferes with a popular crotchet. Independently of which, it is not a settled question that WALKER and his followers aro the ruffians which they are often represented to be. Some persons, whose opinions deserve respect, have held that the period of his domination in Central America was one of comparative law and tranquillity. It certainly could not be much worse than the period which preceded it. But, however these things may be, we should ourselves be very sorry to see WALKER re-established there. It must infallibly lead to em broilment with this country, and bring on, perhaps, a premature arrangement of a question not yet ripe for settlement. It is stated in the Irish papers that the Lord Chancellor of Ireland, with the concurrence of the Lord Lieutenant, has directed that in future every magistrate in Ireland shall, upon his appoint ment, be required "to disclaim all connection " with the " Orange institutions," The Evening Mail can scarcely credit the announce ment. Taken in connection with the recent inquiry at Belfast, and which, by the way, is still pending, it does certainly appear a most extraordinary step. This absolute manner of prejudging a case cannot but be regretted, and will, we fear, lead to very serious cum plications.