The Press. — London, England, 1857-04-04 00:00:00

APRIL 4, 1857. SIR JOHN PAKINOTON, last week, upon his return for Droitwitch, addressed his constituents at some length. The right hon. baronet declared his utter want of faith in L9rit Pairnerston's foreign policy. Lord Palmerston, it was true, had closed the war with credit, but the peace he obtained was unworthy of our position : I think the negotiations at Paris were marred by three blunders, which are very d;screditable to our representa tives at those conferences. The first of those blunders was their utter neglect of the Asiatic side of the Black Sea, having taken no steps for the security of Turkey on that side ; the second was that no security was afforded to the Circassians, who had struggled through prolonged con• tests with Russia; the third blunder to which I allude was, that no effectual means were taken for providing that the Russian forts in the Black Sea should not be re-erected. I hold that the negotiations at Paris were further marred by the attack which was made upon the freedom of the Belgian press—an attack to which no British Minister ought to have lent himself, and by the most unwise, unjust, and unpatriotic abandonment of those maritime rights, in regard to countries engaged in war with England, which have always been regarded as one of our greatest bulwarks. Upon these grounds [ am of opinion that we owe Lord Palmerston no thanks for the negotiations which took place at Paris. But peace having been concluded, we all lighted our bonfires and sent up our fireworks, and rejoiced that, war being at an end, we should at length be able to attend to our domestic affairs, and to make rapid strides in the way of social progress. Alas, we found that our fire works were hardly extinguished before we became involved in three new quarrels. We have a quarrel with China ; we were engaged in a most painful negotiation with Naples, in which we have only escaped uar by eating dirt ; and we were involved in a war with Persia Do not these facts justify the opinion that under the administration of Lord Palmerston we cannot hope for the enjoyment of anything like permanent peace? Sir J. Pakington then referred to questions of domes tic policy and social improvement:— It is perfectly idle to talk in British institutions of any like finality. I hold that Conservative opinions are compatible with the improvement and progress of those institutions. If I thought otherwise, I fur one should not profess Conservative opinions. In these days of the steam engine and of the telegraph, to contend that British states men alone ought to stand still appears to me to be absurd. The line by which the two great political parties in the ountrl seem to me to be separated is, that in the one party f see, or think I see, a tendency to unnecessary de mocratic innovation ; while in the other I perceive a love of the monarchy, a love of the Church, and of that principle of local self-government which I think ought to be adhered to and extended in Eugland. To no detailed arrangement which shall carry out those three great general principles shall I, for one, offer any serious objection. When I speak of an extension of the franchise, I must frankly tell you I never approved of that change in the suffrage which was effected by the Reform Bill of 183'2. It operates, in the arrangement of local districts, to too great an extent in favour of the party by whom it was brought about. As to the further extension of the suffrage, I can cnly say that there are many classes upon which I think it ought to be bestowed that do not now possess it, and to which the ex tension of it would be a step rather in a conservative than in a democratic direction. Upon the other hand, I am strongly opposed to dealing piecemeal with this great sub ject, and I for one am not prepared to disturb the act of 1833, unless great practical advantages should seem to me to he likely to be the result. I shall, however, give no pledge that would fetter me hereafter in the consideration of any change in the suffrage which I may think would really tend to promote the general interest of the country. With respect to church rates, the right hon. baronet observed that the opposition of dissenters was founded upon false grounds:— Church rates are almost invariably described es a heavy tax upon dissenters, but they are no more so in reality than tithes, or any other impost of that character. Church rates are a tax upon the land, and not upon the individual, and from time immemorial the property of England has been subject to their payment. There is not a dissenter who does not purchase property subject to the tax, and, therefore, lie has no more right to ask to be relieved from it than from the poor rate, or any other rate which is levied in support of any one of the great institutions of the country. At the same time, in order that those dissensions which exist with respect to the payment of church rates might as speedily as possible be put an end to, I should be glad to see such a compromise of the question effected— such a compromise, for instance, as would operate as an ahandonment of the rate in the case of things which could nut be regarded as essentials, while it would continue it fur the support of the fabric of the Church. SIR EDWARD LYTTON, at Hertfordshire, made the following remarks upon public affairs :- - - • - I think it would he rather incaution, in a politician to may at once, viithont knowing in the least what Lord Palmerston's policy is, that he will give to Lord Palmers ton himself an unqualified support. I can only say this, that the country has decided that Lord Palmerston shall have a candid and impartial trial, and that I think it the interest and the duty of every party that that trial should be afforded him. (Cheers.) Mr. Cowper, with that transcendent genius which he claims for himself and his party—(a laugh) —not only doubts the wisdom of the Conservatives, but conside.-s them very flinch behind those great Whig gentlemen who, when out of office, hove always promises Olk their lips, but when fixed in li ,, wning•street always contrive to break them. (Cheers and laughter.) Gentlemen, if you will refer to the part I took in common with the Conservative body for the revision of the income THE PRESS. tax, by which I proposed a distinction between the profits of precarious industry and incomes derived from realised property, you will find that in the division I was sunported by the whole body of Conservatives ; and I think it was the friends of Mr. Cowper who opposed the motion. (" Hear," and laughter.) You will remember, also, that I proposed a reduction of half the malt tax, and that the go a-head friends of Mr. Cowper aiso opposed me there. (Cheers and laughter.) You will remember that I asked the consent of the House of Commons to pledge the country to administrative reform. If you will consider, also, the part which I, in common with all Conservatives, took to press upon Minister after Minister, Cabinet after Cabinet (and in every one of them Lord Palmerston held a place), vigour in the prosecution of the war and honour in the terms of peace, I third( that candid men will allow that whatever may be the faults of Conservatives, they are not obsolete politicians; that they do not the less love the people, because they revere those institutions which have won fur the people their liberties and renown. (Loud cheers.) The right hon. baronet considered that the house had been dissolved upon a false pretence : If the Government at the time had told us that they were about to send forth a plenipotentiary to China, of the just and humane principles for which Lord Eight is dis• tinguished—there would have been no majority against them, and no neees.ity for dissolving the House of Com mons. ( Cheers.) If that resolution was the conse quence of our vote, our vote is vindicated. (Cheers.) If, on the other hand, the Government were predisposed to send out a plenipotentiary, they should have acted frankly and generously, and told the house so, and, f say again, there would have been no majority recorded against them. (Loud cheers.) What is this House of Commons, thus unfairly treated and hastily dissolved ? ( Hear, hear.) Why, that House of Commons which stood so steadily by the Crown and the people throughout the whole of the Russian war —which kept Ministers firm, not Ministers it—that House of Commons which poured out our resources with no stinted hand. ( Hear, hear.) It is that House of Com mons along whose benches, a few months ago, you could not have looked without some warning of a son lost in defence of England. ( Cheers.) It is this House of Commons which has been branded and insulted with in• difference to the national flag. ( Hear, hear.) Is it honest, it is ingenuous, to make an appeal under these circumstances? And can Lord Palmerston fairly appeal to the country gentlemen and Conservatives of England for their support, when he could—in a moment of haste, I am sure—insinuate that they could desire to make the degradation of their country the stepning•stone to power ? (Loud cheers.) Lord HENRY LENNOX and Mr. J. A. SMITH, the late members for Chichester, were re-elected last week without opposition. Lord Henry Lennox addressed the electors in an ahle speech. 11 lying referred to local topics, Lord Henry stated he was glad to find that his honourable colleague had adopted his creed of peace, economy, and retrench ment, for he feared that he (Lord Henry) was the greater Liberal of the two. The most orthodox dogma of the Liberal creed was, that as Parliament was the representative of the people, and the people paid the wer bills, Parliament therefore had a right to be consulted before war was entered upon. What was the case here? The Liberal (?) Premier had actually declared, waged, and concluded a war with Persia, without vouchsafing one syllable of informa tion to Parliament, while the Chinese war was els) begun without the sanction of Parliament. After entering into the question of the Chinese war, and justifying his vote upon these grounds, the noble lord observed:— And for these at best paltry pretexts we, the nation, that above all other nations aspires to liberal and Chris tian views, have cast destruction and desolation among an unoffending and unwarlike people. At the smallest coin putation, and in the suburbs alone, 30,000 beings have been shelled and turned out of house and home. lint it is not the charred and deserted villages, not even the narrow streets of Canton, teeming with death and reeking with the blood of all ages and sexes, that is most pitiable to contem• plate. To my mind there is another picture more sicken ing and more hateful to the eyes of every Englishman, and that is the spectacle of an English statesman, not only palliating the acts of unworthy subordinates, but identify. ing the hitherto unsullied purity of the British flag with the disingenuous prevarications of Sir John Bowring and Mr. Parkes. Lord Henry Lennox, alluding to the charge of" coali tion," pointed out the fact that the last five confidence votes had been carried by so-called " combination." In 1846, when Sir It. Peel was turned out on the Irish Arms Bill • in 1852, when Lord .John was ousted on the dfilitin Bill ; in 1852, when Lira Rd mersion joined Lord Aberdeen's followers, and every section of the house coalesced to turn out Lord Derby; in 1835, when all sections joined and ousted Lord Aberdeen on the Sebastopol Committee ; and, finally, the most glorious and least factious vote of all, last month. With respect to the Liberal mea sures of the Government, Lord Henry Lennox stated that he was glad to hear his honourable colleaque say the Liberal party would not trust Lord Palmers ton if he did not give them ballot and a strong Reform Bill ; for that, to his (Lord Henry's) mind secured Lord Palmerston's downfall : Writers on constitutional history agree that no Go. vernment was so dangerous as one without definite prin ciple or policy. I agree with that principle, and I would 333 feel less alarm even at Lord John's accession with a strong Liberal Government, than at the present makeshift un• practical set. Lord Palmerston is not a Liberal, all allowed; he is not a Conservative; he is neither fisb, flesh, nor fowl. Firebrand abroad, and do nothing at home; ultra - Evangelical in England, and raging ultramon tane in Ireland. In conclusion, the noble lord rapidly glanced at Lord Palmerston's financial and domestic policy, pointad out the pressure of the increased tea and sugar duties, and insisted u p on th e necess i ty o f a re d uct i on of pu blic expenditure, in order to obtain a remission of taxation. The noble lord, who had addressed the meeting for upward: of an hour and a quarter, retired amidst the hearty cheers of both parties. LORD STANLEY, at King's Lynn, of whose speech we give but a brief abstract last week, expressed his opinion as follows upon parliamentary reform : Recent attempts to introduce a Reform Bill have not been so successful as they might be, but it is certain that the question must. be brought forward, and at no distant date. There is the question, however, of lowering the franchise, and the question of dist r ib u t ing i t more equa ll y over localities. These are distinct from each other. It is not very easy to say where you will fix the imit of the franchise, without reference to what may be proposed by party leaders. There seems to be no limit unless tou come to universal suffrage, which I am not prepared to assent to. (A voice—" How about the ballot?") I think that some extension hat become inevitable and necessary, and in all probability it is a question which will be sari. only discussed in the next Parliament. I have be n questioned in private as to my vote on Mr. Locke King's motion ou the county franchise. I voted against that motion because I did not think it possible that under present circumstances it could end in any practical results. Gentlemen, this subject of Reform requires to be treated as a whole. It must not be treated bit by bit, but, as in the case of the finances, in its integrity. I have already in this place advocated a greater approximation to equality in the distribution of the franchise among the various localities. We have still some rotten boroughs, which are a mere mockery of the representation. We have, on tl.e other hand, under represented districts in the north if England ; and I confess I do not see what danger to pro- perty could arise from such a nearer approximation to equality in the distribution of the franchise. I cannot understand the language of a man who says, " It is right that property should have a certain amount of influence, but I would not give influence to wealth or property created within a hundred years." I confess I see nothing unconstitutional or revolutionary in so changing our in stitutions as to bring them into harmony with the altered electoral representation. The noble lord further expressed himself in favour of the abolition of the paper and insurance duties, and that in 18(10 a house tax should be substituted for the income tax. Upon the point of expenditure, the noble lord expressed himself strongly in favour of a wise economy in the naval and military esti mates, while he would eagerly promote legal reform. Ma. S. ESTCOURT, at North Wilts, upon re-election addressed the electors, observing that his cour , e had hitherto been and would continue to be that of a Conservative. He had thought it his duly to givo his general support to the present Government, believing they were the men best calculated to carry on the affairs of the country. He should go into Parliament unfettered and bound to no party. With respect to church rates, he did not think as many did, that they were a burden to dissenters, nor could he listen for a moment to the question of their ad• justment. All that was required to be done in the way of legislation with respect to church rates was to obviate the disorders and the scandal which took place in the voting at vestries, and to limit the amount which any man in one year should be called upon to pay. Willi respect to the national Church, he thought the State should allow it to draw up those rules for its own management which were indispensable to uniformity of system. He was opposed to the ballot, but, with respect to the elective franchise, he cared not how low the qualification was carried, provided the voter possessed such a permanency of tenure in his occupation that he was not liable to be turned out of it. Sin GEORGE GREY, at Morpeth, gave a slight indi cation of t?ie future financial policy of the Govern ment : A great deal had been said about the income tax being kept up at sevenpence instead of fivepence. With regard to that he had only one observation to make. They were now at peace, and paying the debts contracted during the war. The people ot this country, he thought, were too honest not to pay those debts. A course was taken by which the burdens of the people were largely increased in order to pay the money borrowed within a stipulated time. The taxation was kept up solely for the purpose of paying off that debt incurred in the war which was to be paid elf in a given time. The Government had, therefore, no desire to keep up the taxation of the country beyond what was necessary. The right hon. baronet also freely expressed the views of the Government upon electoral reform. Alluding to the extension of the franchise, Sir George Grey said ;