The Press. — London, England, 1855-11-24 00:00:00

eir4 (7 , t 4,4 vt,46s No. 134.—V0L. 111. (TL)I tVrtss. LONDON, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 24, 1855. THE country must be on its guard against the false statements which are industriously cir culated respecting the War and its political aspect. It is asserted that a continuance of the War is inevitable—that Russia will make no concessions—that no opening for pacific negotiation exists. The reverse of all these representations is the truth. The Court of St. Petersburg has communi cated proposals of Peace to the Emperor of the FRENCH, and the Emperor, in introducing them to the consideration of her Majesty's Government, has declared his opinion that the contemplated terms are satisfactory, and that the spirit in which they are offered by Russia is sincere. We are credibly informed that a large party in the Cabinet has . per.eived these proposals by no means with disfavour. Yet, we regret to say, it appears probable, that through ad verse influences they will meet with discou ragement, and perhaps ultimately with abso lute rejection. A difference of opinion between the Govern ments of France and England on so vital a point must be regarded as extremely unfor tunate. It is essential to the success of the great object for which their alliance was formecl that they should continue to. act together with one mind and one wilt. In approaching the consideration of the princi ples on which they respectively act, passion must have no place. The conjuncture is of that grave kind which demands the exercise of unprejudiced reason and of temperate judg ment. It is the policy of the French Government to solve the question which occasioned the War, .by removing all points in dispute be tween Russia and Turkey, and by forming a solid barrier against Russian aggression. It is the policy of the English Government to continue the War, after the objects for which the War \vas commenced have been attained, for the indefinite purpose of humbling Russia, or of effecting some change in the territorial arrangements or poliiioid relations •of the Continent. It is not for us to pretend to be acquainted with the terms offered by Russia, and deemed by the Emperor of the FRENCH 'to be, with their necessary consequences, that foundation for " a prompt and durable Peace," which he has expressly declared he wishes to see established. But if, in addition to the con cessions already made at Vienna, we find that the freedom of the Danube, the independence of the Black Sea, 'the security of the Danubian Provinces, and the nationality of Circassia, are to be guaranteed ; the Bosphorus and the Asiatic frontier fortified under the direction and inspection of European Commissioners, and perhaps at the expense of Russia, that indemnity being returned with interest which she extracted from the Porte in 182 S ;—that, in our opinion, would be a solution of the ques tion worthy of the Western Alliance, and of the Emperor of the FRENCH. LONDON, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 24, 1855. If, on the other hand, the system of Lord PALMERSTON is to prevail, and we are to con tinue the war for objects foreign to its original purpose, we shall find ourselves committed to a contest of uncertain duration and extent. Russia is not to he beaten in a year or two. If we pledge ourselves to a war of extremity against her, we may seriously endanger our alliance with France, and find ourselves in a position from which it will be impossible for us to withdraw without dishonour, or to advance without exhaustion of our resources, and the prospect of continually increasing embarrassment. Our character for moderation will be lost, and our policy be regarded with jealousy and suspicion by the world. The cost of a war is never to be weighed when the independence of our country is em perilled, or when our honour, without which there can be no independence, is at stake ; but the cost of war becomes art important con sideration when we have taken up arms for a political object, and that object is, or can be, obtained. The war expenditure of France at this moment, is one million and a half sterling per week ;—the war expenditure of England is one million and a quarter sterling per week. This enormous expenditure is wholly unpro ductive ; it is a continual drain upon that capital Of the two countries which should be employed in works of beneficent progress, and in adding to the wealth, the comfort,.and im provement of the people. It forms moreover, in the aggregate, a permanent burden on the industry of the two nations. When the illu sions are dispelled which now tend to render the War popular—as dispelled they assuredly will be—and when that vast expenditure ceases which now contributes to make increased taxation tolerable, with what sentiment will our public view the additions made to their debt, as they awake to the consciousness that the War 'vas continued for no really national object ? We have endeavoured to extricate this ques tion from the strife of factions, the passions of the people, and the " reckless rhodomontade " of . journalists. Peace and War are solemn things, and to be approached in a reverent spirit. Their conduct and safe conclusion demand the highest qualities of men, both of intellect and disposition. Two years and a half ago, when we seemed on the verge of an inactivity as ignominious as the fatal period of —2B, we did our best to enlighten our countrymen as to the real intentions of Russia, and to the necessity of defeating them. It was in these columns that the first intimation was given of those secret communications of the Czar which were denied at the time by the Government dependents, but which, a year after, the Government were forced to confess and to disclose. When the Prime Organ re iterated that the diplomatic embroglio was •arranged, and there would be peace, we replied that the Pruth would be crossed and there would be war. That \car was a necessary war ; and had Europe shrunk from the challenge, and lost the great occasion, our posterity would have justly cursed us. Notwithstanding a thousand errors, thti. occasion has been seized, and has been rightly used. Let us reap the fruits of our courage, our endurance, and our foresight ; and if Russia offer terms such as Louis XIV. in his direst hour never assented to, let the Western Powers in a spirit of wise magnanimity pt acce them, and employ t he long interval which will probably elapse before Europe is again -~ STAMPED SI XPFNCE. UNSTLMPED-FIVETENCE. disturbed in the consolidation of the now Eastern barrier, best secured by that develop ment of the material resources of the emanci pated countries which can alone bo obtained by PEACE. MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. WE have reason to believe that her Majesty will summon Parliament to meet for the despatch of business on the 18th of January next. SWEDEN. OUR contemporaries have been for some time indulging in speculations on the conduct of Sweden, and especially on the real object of General CANROBERT'S mission to the Sovereign of that country. According to them here are more than hopes of Sweden joining the Western Alliance, as the French General is now engaged in maturing the details of an arrangement, the outlines of which had been previously agreed on. There is not the isiightest foundation for any of these rumours and speculations, which emanate from no authority whatever, and are simply the crea tion of the restless invention of men! jour nalists, and of "Our Own Correspondents." There is no prospect whatever of Sweden changing the attitude which she has so long maintained, or departing from that neutrality which the Western Powers have sanctioned. There is another class of rumours also rife respecting Sweden of a different kind, more refined and exclusive. It is, that his Majesty the King of SWEDEN has consented, or is to consent, to become MEDIATOR between the Allies and Russia, and that the negotiations for peace are to be transferred from the Gorman Powers to the less odious agency of a Scandinavian Prince. It is suggested that certain proposals may prove less unpalatable in this popular form. All this i 3 highly ingenious and extremely . interesting when whispered in confidence, but unfortunately there is no kind of truth in the scheme. This class of rumours has its origin chiefly among second-rate diplomatists, who are too well informed of affairs in general to credit the monstrous assertion that Sweden is about to join the Alliance, but who, not being really in the secret of wha t is taking place, have made, with regard to what is occurring, what may be styled a professional shot. It has not, however, hit the mark. The mission of General CANROBERT to Stockholm has for its object precisely that which has been publicly announced, nothing more and nothing less. The chances of peace are at this moment in the ascendant, but any negotiations that take place in consequence will be carried on at Paris and London ; and to originate or to regulate those negotiations, the interference of no second-rate Power will be solicited by -•?.- \t the Allies. • -------- ,•,( . MR. SECRETARY LABOU • ' ' .i , .. 4 • 4 ;,..1 N 'N r ..., : .. 4 .,.,_ THE nomination of Mr. LABOUC 'S 8,- . 91ft '2 ...Z = of the appointments which' , r . , ~ ) .. - )J ;. .. department of the State has nl', .k matically consigned to mediocki,eiliffrkili. ~ . . ship than the Colonial • office' i rstfi it, %., b . 4