The Press. — London, England, 1855-12-08 00:00:00

•ilk•' .:• No. 136.—V0L. C4t Vrtss. FRENCH is satisfied of their sincerity. Hence we are disposed to augur favorably of the nego tiation, and to believe that with judicious management it, may be brought to a successful conclusion. The failure of the last effort affords no ground for discouragement. The time was unseasonable and the circumstances adverse. The persons principally concerned in originat ing the negotiation were removed from its conduct—the Emperor NICHOLAS by death, and Lord ABERDEEN by the dissolution of his Government. By the Emperor of the FRENCH it could never have been regarded with favour, as it would not have been possible for the Allies to have withdrawn their forces from before Sebastopol without grievous injury to their military reputation. It is questionable whether negotiation should have ever been entered on while an enterprise undertaken with so much pomp remained in suspense The abrupt ending of the Vienna Conferences may be attributed to other causes that' the impossibility of solving the third point in a satisfactory manner. The great difficulty which then existed to the establishment of Peace is now removed. The negotiation will be opened on new ground, and in all probability with a clear understand ing between the Powers concerned of the points which must be enforced on one side and conceded on the other The Emperor of the FRENCH will feel his honour concerned to bring to a successful issue an arrangement which ho has taken a llading part in originat ing ; and under his firm and skilful guidance, we may reasonably hope that in the discussion of the proposed terms whatever difficulties occur they will be overcome. To save Europe from a grave scandal, it is above all things necessary that now, at the very commencement of the negotiation, the several Powers should declare their senti ments with perfect sincerity, and prevent, as far as in them lies, all chance of future mis understanding. We desire negotiation,—not for the sake of negotiation, but for the sake of Peace. It is not to be tolerated that any Government should take part in it with the view of creating obstacles, or of watching for opportunities of dissension. Better, a thou sand times, that no pacific discussion should take place, than that it should be conducted with duplicity and marred by chicane. If, in the opinion of the belligerent States, the time for Peace has not yet come, and, in the present state of affairs, it is impossible to arrange their pretensions, of what avail will it be to amuse their people with idle hopes of a cessa tion of hostilities ? Each failure of the kind will tend to weaken public faith in tutu re negotiation, and thus bring into disrepute the only means which exist of terminating the calamities of War. The Allies on one side, and Russia on the other, now thoroughly understand each other's position, can compute their respective forces, and know with tolerable precision what are the objects in dispute. If the desire for Peace be mutual, and the outlines of a settlement be arranged, ordinary good faith with ordinary prudence on the part of the negotiators can scarcely fail of being attended with success. They will play a perilous game for themselves and their countries should they venture on falsehood, for no punishment would be too great, and no execration too loud for the diplo macy which sacrificed the peace of the world to the attainment of its own sinister ends. LONDON SATURDAY, DECEMBER 8, 1855. STAMPED . . ..SIXPENcE. UNSTAMPE..FIVEPENCE. _ _ THE PAST AND THE PRESENT. THE support which this Journal has received from the public, and the confidence with which it has been honoured by the Conservative pint of the community, render it necessary that we should distinctly explain the principles which have guided our course on the War Question and that we should guard every step we have taken from misrepresentation. It is the more necessary that we should do so, as, since we expressed opinions favorable to the practicability of Peace, we have received many strong remoostrances from persons whose opinions are entitled to the highest respect. It was impossible for us to answer those communications in detail. We could only trust that the character of this Journal would sustain it through a period of doubt and uncertainty, and hope that the course of events would justify our foresight and policy. Now, as heretofore, we appeal to the calm good sense of our readers. The main are ment is of far too much importance for passion or prejudice to mingle with it. \lre have already stated, that when Lord ABERDEEN'S Government hesitated whether it should oppose the aggressive and warlike action of the Court of St. Petersburg, we de cisively declared that the time was coins for resisting encroachments —at one time insidious, at another violent, but at all times systematic and menacing and for affording to Turkey not only moral but ma terial assistance, that the danger which threatened Constantinople might once for all be met; and that the Eastern Question might be brought within the scope, and settle by the principles, of European policy. W. condemned the indecision of Lord ABERDEEN'S Cabinet, and we blamed the miserably ineffi cient scale on which the War had been com menced ; but the War itself received our earnest support It was necessary to our safety, our interests, and our honour. Had Russia succeeded in her objects, not only the balance of power in Europe. but the veil' principles which have guided the Courts of Europe in their policy for the last two centu ries at least, and have confined the most powerful nations within definite limi ts, would have been overthrown. The schemes of uni versal conquest imputed to Russia would have received a kind of sanction and authority from the pusillanimous action of other Powers, and the continued dread of Muscovite aggres sion would have weighed like a nightmare on civilised Europe. This was the danger to be met. It was perceived by the Conservative leaders, though not by Lord ABERDEEN. And when the sword was once drawn, we urged that it should never he sheathed until a firm, settled, and effectual barrier had been raised on the side of Turkey against Russian en croachment. This was, in the view of statesmen, the real object of the War ; and the only subsequent consideration was, at wik-' of events that object could be attar It appeared to us that and the entire destructil fleet in the Euxine mark( point in the War. It was military events which are the attitude of belligere• to which side belongs vhat stage of events fined. the fall of Sabaatopol tion jf, the liutioan ...1 ked Cdecisive turnhsg- .4 as 0 0 of thole wreot?tr T calculated to ebillits i y i -- f ent ssops, by g -. the 710,4411110cfr of t Vi LONDON, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 8, 1855. Tux information which THE PRESS was the first to communicate to the public, that a pacific negotiation, directly sanctioned by the Emperor of the FRENCH, was in progress, is now universally known to be correct. After four weeks of mysterious silence, occasionally broken by impertinent doubts and equivocal denials, the truth is admitted by the organs of Government. But they are careful to leave the transaction in obscurity. We are not told what the proposals transmitted by the Emperor of the FRENCH were, nor in what spirit they have been considered by our Cabinet—nor what has actually been done with respect to them—nor what probability there is that they will lead to a satisfactory result. These dark oracles only inform us that a negotiation is in progress, and that Austria is the mediating Power; they leave us to guess the rest. We believe we may affirm that the pro posals have in substance been sanctioned by Lord PALMERSTON'S Cabinet ; that they have been returned to the Emperor of the FRENCH ; and that direct communication upon them is now opened between the Courts of Vienna and St. Petersburg. It is hinted by the Ministerial journals that Russia has not yet been in any way a party to the negotiation. If they intend by this to discredit its sincerity, and to make it un popular, they perform an ill office for their patron. Are we to suppose that Lord PAL• MERSTON would lend a willing ear to proposals which came from Austria only, and that he would consent to the Allies making the first advances for Peace? What becomes, then, of the boasts of his partisans,—that he would make Russia sue for Peace on her knees, and that he would never more recognise Austria as a mediator in the quarrel? But, altogether apart from the previous declarations of Lord PALMERSTON, to which we admit no great importance should be attached, we hate in the character of the Emperor of the FRENCH a guarantee that the negotiation opened under his auspices is bond fide. He is too politic to commit himself to proposals of Peace without some firm assurance that Russia is disposed to accept them. Another abortive negotiation would cover the Courts of France and England with disgrace. It is not to be credited that they would expose themselves to the humiliation of soliciting Peace from St. Petersburg, and of soliciting it in vain. Against the vague statements of the Minis terial organs our readers may set our positive assertion that the first overtures proceeded from Russia, and that the Emperor of the