The Press. — London, England, 1856-02-16 00:00:00

- '7 1 !" 11 1Pr*Tr'..7.97, • . . 1 .1\ ..., IP /ilt (7lr Vaal • .t;4 No. 14G.—VoL. IV. LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 16, 1856. ST kIIPED . SIXPENCE. UNSTAMPED..FIVEPENCE. 'Ot dress. LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 10, 1856. WHEN the acceptance by Russia of the Peace Propositions was first announced, we declared that there would be Peace, that the War was iu reality at an end, and that nothing but trey cherous design (which there was no reason to suspect) could prevent the accomplishment of a definitive Treaty. To that view we adhere. All that has since occurred has tended to con vince us of the sincerity of Russia. We be lieve that Peace is inevitable. But we never supposed that it would be free from hindrance. The difficulties which we thought likely to occur are gathering ; they are inspiring a sentiment of uneasiness, and they are clouding the future.* Grave apprehensions of the result of the approaching Congas are expressed in Eng lish circles of authority. A sentiment of dis• trust is spread abroad, which it is not easy to account for on any rational ground. It is whispered that the questions which still re main unsettled are of the highest importance. and that, while they are in suspense, the issue must needs be doubtful ; and these hints ure coupled with such ambiguous giving out as "jWell well, we know," and " We could an if we would." These alarms are injurious. We be lieve that they are silly and unfounded. But, as they are certainly countenanced in high quarters, it is of importance that their origin, nature, and intention should be understood. Our Government never anticipated that the Peace Propositions would be accepted by Russia. Those proposals were from the first considered in a captious spirit, and conditions were introduced which, it was hoped, might prove fatal to them A frank refusal or frank rejection of them was equally foreign to the thought of our Cabinet ; though it was neces sary to the honour of England, and essential to prevent future complications, that one course or the other should be taken. A middle way was decided on. They were sanctioned in the hope and belief that they would come to nothing. When. by the dexterity of Austria, the firmness of France, and the straightfor ward submission of our enemy, this hope was dispelled, our Government changed its ground. The news of Russia's acceptance was received, we will not say with chagrin, but certainly not with exultation. Doubts were thrown on her sincerity. The negotiation might fail, as the negotiation at the commencement of the year had failed. Any tone was preferred to One which would indicate a cordial desire to co-operate in the work of pacification. Is it possible that our Ministers really doubt the sincerity of Russia ?, No such doubt is entertained by any European statesman, and Lord PALMERSTON has a Claim to that title, whatever we may think of his colleagues. The decision of the Court of St. Petersburg in favour of Peace, marks distinctly a change in its national policy. The military system of Russia has for years past oppressed the energies of the people, and prevented the development of the country. The Muscovite population are not naturally warlike. Their genius is for arts of peace and for industrial enterprise. The vast military establishment of Russia has grown with the growth of the empire, and been maintained through a conviction that it was necessary to secure or extend her vast terri tory. She has now reached that stage of national life when change has become for her a necessity. The Emperor NICHOLAS, who re presented in his person the military system, precipitated its progress, from a consciousness that if much longer delayed it might be opposed by his own subjects. He saw the danger of a collision with Europe, but he saw also the danger of resistance to his rule. Throughout his reign he had nursed the strength of his army as essential to the tri umph of the traditional policy of Russia. Lately he perceived that that policy must be abandoned, or that a great though desperate effort must be made to confirm it. _ The present Emperor is the representative of an opposite system, and of more enlightened ideas. He believes that the greatness of a country depends less on the amount of its armed force, than on the progress, wealth, and intelligence of its people. With great skill and judgment he has taken advantage of events to secure that policy of peace and in dustrial development of which he was always the votary. The Plenipotentiaries he has selected indi cate not only his own leanings, but the pre dominance of his sentiments in the St. Peters burg Cabinet. Count Oia.OFF has always been opposed to the politics of the War party. He has made no secret 'of his conviction that it was for the interests of Russia to be at peace with Europe. and to aspire to great ness by the cultivation of her immense natural resources. Baron BRUNOW, with a better appreciation of the power of this coun try than the generality of his countrymen can be supposed to possess, has been the con sistent friend of the English alliance. We have reason to believe that their instructions are to agree to any terms which do not involve the humiliation of Russia. In this spirit the rectification of the Bessa rabian frontier was accepted without cavil. In this spirit, as we have reason to believe, all the points not specified in the fifth article of the Propositions, but verbally communicated to the Court of St. Petersburg, have been agreed to. Thus, Russia has expressed her intention not to rebuild Bomarsund,nor erect any further fortifications in the Baltic, and has anticipated the demand of the Allies on another point by expressing her opinion that the admission of European Consuls to her ports in the Euxine will be a necessary and indispensable conse quence of the strictly commercial character which henceforth will appertain to the Black Sea. But there is this remarkable circumstance t.. 1 countenance the apprehensions which are expressed. The more anxiety the Court of St Petersburg has manifested to divest the Settlement of the complications and delays of diplomacy, the more strongly the Court of St. James's has expressed its suspicion of the insincerity of Russia, and the belief that her Government only negotiates to gain time. Taking its stand on this ground, the Cabinet of Lord PALMERSTON has insisted on conditions which were not expressed in the Peace Pro posals, which were never sanctioned by Aus tria in her diplomatic communications with Russia, and were never mentioned by France. A demand to dismantle Nicolaieff, and to disarm the Sea of Azoff, has been made and withdrawn. The demand was not supported by our Allies. It was interpreted to go be yond the scope of the Propositions which had been fixed on one side and accepted on the other ; and, as the result, Nicolaieff will not be dimantled, and the Sea of Azoff will not be disarmed. Other demands in the same spirit are now in course of being urged, and will meet with the same fate. Their rejection will be met with the same denunciations of the insincerity of Russia, and with indecent insinuations of the corrupt motives of French statesmen. According to the British Cabinet, our great Ally is surrounded by the swindlers of the Bourse. The Emperor of the FRENCH is outraged by these coarse insinuations. It has come to our knowledge that he has written a letter which expresses his indignation with the eloquence characteristic of his pen. He has even con descended to vindicate his conduct and his motives. He says, that. however universal may be the feeling of France for Peace, he is in duced to favour it, only because ha halievea it to be politic, and that a satisfactory and suf ficient settlement can be made ; that he values Peace, but that above Peace he values the English Alliance. His good faith deserves some better return on our part than sneers against his policy and statesmen, which in proportion as they are in fluential on French opinion must tend to un de7mine his throne The alliance of the two countries is, we are satisfied, too solid and substantial to be affected by the evanescent intrigues of party politics. The emperor may be assured that the Alliance does not depend on the existence of the Cabinet of Lord PALM ERSTuN, or of any other Cabinet, but on the feeling entertained by the two nations of its utility, its beneficence, and the security it affords for the preservation of Right and Order in Europe. Those persons who complain that England is constrained to adopt a policy contrary to her inclination, should ask themselves from what cause the constraint arises. From the period when the British Cabinet sanctioned certain proposals of l'eace and our enemy accepted them, all ground for a continuance of the War vanished. Those proposals should never have been accepted, or they should with their consequences have been accepted frankly. Any endeavour to evade them now will only tend to place our Government in a false posi tion, and to isolate its policy. If there be anything humiliating in the terms we have acceded to, the humiliation has been under gone. The work is done, and to set up unrea sonable pretensions now, would only lessen the weight and influence of this country by arraying against us the Powers on whose sup port we have a right to count while labouring to promote a settlement which shall be equita ble, sure, and lasting. ---, --- -, _ --:---.. MR. LOWE'S APPROPRIATION, • -% '-':• 1 , , f . ~ 4.0. 41 1 1 THERE is something mysterio4.l". ' -......• -it of Mr. ROBERT LOWE. In 3 .A.L.,..•;,,,„ - .. circles his strangely sudden A s , _, I ,iii " 4 ..•st. ~zo thing for wonder even to the " ' 4* • P':rtg , surprise is natural, for Mr. LOIN ___„_,.. 1:, 4 •• 44, . 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