Star. — London, England, 1811-01-09 00:00:00

; • . • ~,c • eason for adjontiOnt tsithat rert extraordinary Lour. Was any secret-proceeding intended? The Earl of LIVERPOOL ex.plained, that as he tulaerstood the Commons had adjburned to that day, before an opportunity could offer for communicating their lag vote, eIA eatly hour of Meeting was neces sary, in older teat some reciprocal arrangement should be made fur their proceedings on that day, respecting their joint Votes. (We conclude the Noble Earl al luded to the' cominunitations being- made in pursu; ane.cof the above Resolutions, to the great Personage in question.) The House then adjourned till Ten erica on Thursday. HOUSZ 01 . 1 COMMONS, Lord' Ctivs and others were directed to inform the Lords, that the Commons had agreed to the Amend bent made by their Lordships •to the Resolution re specting the limitation of Peerages, and to request a ' conference on the subject matter of the Resolutions to which the Lords came the day before. Lord ChM soon atter reported that the Conference had taken place, and that he had desired the concur. rence of their Lordships. The Order of. the day for the House resolving itself into a Committee on the State of the Nation was then deferred till Friday. The List of the defaulters was then called over, among whom were— bord J. Campbell, W. J. Hop*, 0. Macpherson Grant, Mr. O'Nea, Mr. Cragg, Right Hou. Patrick Duigonan, D. La ouche, Sir 1. Stewart, R. Shaw, Right Hon. 1. Poster, General Alex. Campbell. A Message from the Lords was then received, de siring a Conference on the subject matter of the last Conference. Lord Cuvz reported, that the Lords had agreed to theßesolutiod for appointing Persons to attend the Prince of Wales with the Address of both Houses, and had accordingly appointed, on their part, the Lord• President and Lord Privy Seal, and desired that dui Commons would name a proportionable number of their Members—and that they had also agreed to the Resolution concerning the Address to her Majesty. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER then moved, that the following Persons do accompany the Lords President and Privy Seal, and attend the Prince of Wales with the Addrcss, viz.—Mr. Perceval, Mr. Ryder, Mt. R. Dundas, and the Master of the Rolls ; and that the following Persons do attend her Majesty on the part of the Commons, viz.—Lord J. Thynne, Lord Clive, Lord Palmerston, and Col. Desborough. Adjourne4 till Thursday. NAVAL INTELLIGENCE, PORTSMOUTH, JANUARY 8. Arrived his Majesty's ship CLAIWNDO, from the Eastward.—Sailed the DIANA, oil a cruise. DEAL, JANUARY a. Arrived his Majesty's ship ROYALIST, from a cruize. Sailed his Majesty's ship TARTAR, for Plymouth.-•. Wind N. E. and moderate. DOVER, JANUARY T. A transport, marked O. H. appeared off here this afternoon, without any anchors and cables ; and it being not prudent to endeavour to get to her, she stood off to sea under an easy sail, and we suppose is gore to Portsmouth. One of the Deptford lighters is come in, having lost her anchors and cables, and pitched her bowsprit away. A cutter is in the Road, supposed to have lost anchors and cables, and waking moderate weather to come in, if she can keep to windward.— Several pieces of wreck have gone past, and it is feared that much mischief is done in the Downs, as the wind blows right through. Saturday morning a large Dutch vessel, perform ing quarantine off Margate, drove from her anchors, and after making several attempts to gain the har bour, came on shore in Westgate Bay, when it not being possible to afford them any assistance, all the crew perished. In the course of Friday night ano-, !her vessel was also wrecked on the Margate Sand. The bodies of the unfortunate men above mentioned have since been picked up on the shore. An India man was also driven onshore on Saturday morning, off Gravesend. Two brigs, part of the Beet which sailed from die Downs the 2Sth ult. were captu r ed off Duniose, on Sunday, by a French schooner privateer. SHEERNESS, JANUARY 8. Sailed his Majesty's ship HELDER, for Chatham ; and the FO::TUNEE, SIT, and PYRAM us, have come into harbour. The GRASSHOPPER will sail to the Downs with convoy iu a day or two. The Dotsetshire East Indiaman, that was on shore on the Blyth Sand, has been got off. The wind still continues to blow hard on the coast. ll , ..covery transport, on shore at Dover, has lost her TILISCi and is otherwise a compleat wreck. Tile payment of the Dividends at the Bank has c:.:6tvd a great hustle in the Lottery Offices, to pro vi.ie Tickets and Shares, that the Public may not be tlisarpoiated in the choice of the Forty-four Capitals, cr erdicr of the Four Twenty Thousands—all of will be drawn by a new mode on the 15th. We are peculiarly happy in being able to give a spccimen of the Songs in Mr. ASTLEYrS new Military Pantomime performed last night for the second time, and received throughout with much and deserved ap. probation.—The Scenery in Spain and Portugal is beautiful and highly gratifying, as well as acceptable to the public. It was given out for a third retr—• cation this evening, with the loudest peals o, 1) , 1 don. SONG/ 'ln arms, to arms, brige ?ortuguese, the French are very near, On the 1.:? . ,0s banks, their foragers, both horse and foot appear; • (to a SpaniA pearaist wk. enter') Ard you, most noble Spaniard, with your population, t,tti.kli . ;oin the British ranks, and defend your nation. CHORUS. When in the field and'heat of battle, • Warlike drums andcrumptts rattle, And fatal bullets ily ; We so undatinting, Mtn h ragt• our bosom panting, To conquer or die. SONO. Our encampment is bristled with cannon 'l'o check Massena's rvis *suer's, • Lord Wellington will give him a drubbing If be approaches our right, left, or rear. cuoaus. 'Vii!h bayonets, in close ciivisiens, charge the Gallic ranks, .1-1:41 drsve the invading fee, nay boys, from *Pep banks. appro- ~- • 7 CITY g&SIAISL A Court of Commons caincil was held yestetday; in pursuance of a requisiticituiigned by several men bees, to take into consideratioh the deficiency occa , stoned by his Majesty's illness; and the best means of supplying it. Alderman WooD then rose tti propose the Resolu tions. He felt his inability ; but as some friends had hinted to'him that as he originated the Requisition,' he ought to state its purport ; he 'tow rose for that purpose, relying 'on' the talents and good *use of the Cqurt itself. When he considered the calarnity which had befallen the King, and the situation in which the Country stood, he could contemplate, fivits the conti nuance of the present system, nothing `short of the ruin of the nation. From what he had heard of the Prince of Wales, he expected a change of this sys tem; and he was convinced that the majority of the nation was with that Royal Person. He' was con vinced that by him, and him alone, thuld both our external and internal ruin be prevented—by him alone could Ireland be ameliorated and thousands made happy—by him alone could the views of our inveterate enemy be prevented. There were many then in that Court old enough to recollect on the late King's death `the commencement of ,that system which had proved itself so detrimental. They must remember when Mr. Pitt and the Duke of Cumberland were put out, how all the venal newspapers were called into play; how the Whigs of that day were calumniated as Repub- ' licans ; and, in short, the same slarlders' were corn . - meaced, and the same misfortunes originated, as at the present day. Those evil-minded men who so acted, would, he was certain, employ the same evil means, and even burl the friends of freedom if it was in their power. These were the persohs who set up a cry against the Prince—persons the estates of three or four of whom would equal that of h is Royal Highness. These men had assumed the appellation of the King's friends, and pretended to treat all the friends of liberty with contempt. As an instance of this he had only to state the treatment which thelate Lord Mayor had experienced from Mr. Ryder, the Secretary of State ; who, at an annual diuner party, to which it was cus tomary to invite his Lordship and the Sheriffs, ne glected his Lordship altogether, and only invited one of the Sheriffs, who he supposed was more concilia tory to his views. The worthy Alderman concluded by moving a long string of Resolutions, proposing an address to the Lords and Commons, calling upon the Prince to take upon himself the Government, till the Regency Bill had passed into an Act, and that this should be done without the imposition of any restric tions. Mr. MARRYATT said, that the summons and the requisition were as different as day and night. Mr. Qum, in rising to second the motion, did not feel it necessary to have recourse to any old records for his guide. He was not to be deterred from giv ing fully his view of the subject by the smiles or the 1 sneers which, at this perilous juncture, he had observ- , ad upon the countenances of some Gentlemen oppo site, even while the resolutions Were reading: When 'they had the pleasure of meeting together, great pub- Be calamities were impending, great hostilities on the ,1 part of the enemy were preparing and pursuing, great taxation was imposing on the country, and men were at the helm of Government notorious for their inca pacity and their imbecility. Such was their situation then. But now, they were at the very climax of I I misfortunes ; they had all their former calamities in- I creasing; and to crown all, by the awful visitation 1 of 'ISA VIIN g their beloved Sovereign was rendered 1 incapable of executing his office, or meeting his Par- ' Lament. When he considered these circumstances, eb awful in themselves, and so terrible in their con sequences, the words of the Roman Poet forced them selves into his mind, and he was tempted to exclaim— " Quicquid delirant Reps, plectuntur AchivL" With respect to the immediate question before them, 'it was most simple in its nature. Our Constitution gave to its three constituted parts, Kings, Lords, and Commons, distinct and separate privileges, necessary to their individual maintenance and to their relative, check and counterpoise to each other. The King was now incapable of either exerting his legislative or exe cutive functions, and of course the dehciency . must be filled up—filled up by a person to whom should be entrusted those powers and privileges which our Con stitution thought necessary for the maintenance of the Kingly office. Many Gentlemen would not be con tent with this fair and constitutional statement, but `demanded precedents. He spoke in the hearing of o some lawyers, and denied that in our common law there was any such term as Regent. Looking back to re mote periods for lights and precedents on the present O subject was absurd ; they could find none applicable. 1 In the reign of Henry TI I. the Earl of Pembroke was nominated Lord Protector ; in the reign of Edward 111. a similar Protectorate was formed ; in the reign of Richeid 11. the Duke of Lancaster was placed at the hail of a Council of Regency ; but all this was done in the infancy of those Princes ; so it was in the time of Henry VI. when he was only two years ) old, and also in the case of Edward V. at the age of 13. The statutes and precedents of those days only went to the appointment of Protectors and , Councils • of course they could not apply. Now look to th e latter time of Geo. 11. where it was deter mined in the contingency of a certain descent, that the Government should devolve on the Princess Dow. ager. He might be asked to what use did he apply . those precedents ? Why simply this, to shew that, ' drawn as they were from distant ages, and framed on account of the infancy of Sovereigns, they could have no analogy, to the case of the present Prince, arrived at the Lull maturity of years and wisdom.— The precedent of 1788 was referred to. All Mr. Pitt did was considered as precedent by the Ministe rial supporters, who seemed to consider a part equal to the whole, first requiring a successor adequate to the regal functions, but denying him the powers by ' which those functions could be executed. The question stood free and unfettered—the King was incapable, and he must have his deficiency supplied by either a representative, a substitute, or a trustee. —He did not mean to say whether the two Houses should do it, or whether they should proceed by address or bill ; but this be would say, that they ought to have chalked out some course by which the / Executive might be supplied at once, and not have ' adopted la proceeding which exposed themselves to ridicule and their country to danger. Looting at the case, he should say at once, since the Lards sad --. "10411 chose to supply Ole deficiency, they shanitt • .1' - - •---.y-':• 37 . ‘.7 , 1 tio,it quickly,andthat Alie prttedetivit Mt& tin Well they had proceeded, malted the fttndamental basis of a precedent--it was incomplete. There was, indeed , ' in our history, one precedent only le hich was epplica ble, and which was rejected—the precedent of the Re volution. There was only this difference bet Ween the I periods —that then the throne was abdicated; but now,, I though there was not a physical vaciititei, yet the Go vernment was suspended. At the Revolution, how ( did they supply the exigeney ? Why, without etly question at all as to the pnWerl of the Regent, they invited the Prince of Orange to thipresent a ssutnetion of the Throne, subject to their futute liznitationt; and thus at once, by giving him the power over the finan cial, civil, and military departments, supplii:d, at least pro tempore, the deficiency ,of the Monarchy. Then no unforeseen obstacles could start up—no clerk could then swear away his compliance—no auditor of the Exchequer refuse the public money. Why did they not now adopt a plan which experience had proved to be so very wise ? Why not address the Prince, matured as he was by the probation of near 50 years; recommended as he was by a British heart beating in his bosom, and imbued as they all knew him to be with the true and noble principles of revolutionary wisdom.—(Hear, kar.)—ln his opinion. they ought, to have in the first place called his Royal Highness to the Throhe, and then they might without anyhazard have afterwards argued the question of restrictions.— He saw his worthy Friend on the opposite side pre paring for opposition—he saw plainly that he was wrapping himself up. Mr. DIXON.—" I declare, my Lord Mayir, this is very improper ; so far from weapping myself up, I , declare I do not know wheth er T s h a d speak or not-e. I my mind is not at all made up." 1 Mr. QUIN apologised if he had mistaken the worthy Gentleman ; lie really should be happy if he had ; he should much rather he would sit quiet and hold his tongue. When he spoke as he had done of the Prince of Wales, he hoped no man would consider him`such a parasite as to do it on any personal grounds. On ' the contrary, he had merely spoken so from the pledge which the Prince had given in 1788, in his spirited and constitutional letter. Here Mr. Quin read a pas sage from the letter. He also read several passages from the speech of the Prince of Orange, at the timc of the Revolution, tending to shew the high respect in which at that day the Common Council of Lon don were held ; he did this to repel the calumnie's with which they had been lately assailed. In that day the Prince wanted £200,000; he applied to the City, and in three days after the application he received the money. The Gentlemen opposite might smile incre dulously ? he was not surprised that, contemplating the present day, they were astonished to find their an cestors had dignity. He concluded by voting for the Address ; an Address which would place the Regent at the head al the civil, military, and finance depart ments ; which might also tend to displace men who received the most lavish payment, and shook like as pen leaves in the hour of danger. Alderman C. SSIITH wished to leave the matter to the discretion of Parliament. He could not see with what face the Court could address the House of Com ,mons, after insulting them so grossly last year. Mr. Alderman BIRCH said, he understood it to be a pirt of the argument of Gentlemen who supported the Address, that the Prince of Waleeeught distinctly to be put in possession of all the Power which belonged to the King. To this he could not assent. The Ho nourable Gentleman (Quin) had expressed his opi nion, that in the present calamity, the precedent of the Revolution ought to be followed. That case, how ever, was as different from the present as light from darkness. There the Monarch had abdicated the Throne, and there was a King to provide for filling it. Thank GOD that was not now the case'; and he I hoped such restrictions would here be imposed, as would render it unnecessary that the power of exec- • cising the prerogative should long be held by any ether than the King himself. If the Prince were here to be appointed Regent, without restrictions, what would the Houses of Lords and Commons be doing, but virtually dethroning the King ? Two persons could not sit on the Throne at once, and it was a part of the Constitution of this country, that the kingly office was entire till it became completely forfeited. Would any man say that the delegate ,ought to be armed with the same powers as the principal ? Having once armed the Regent with the full powers of the King, where was the power of the two Houses of Parliament to restore to the King, on his recovery, the throne which they had taken' from him ? When they had once taken it entirely away and given it to another, would the two Houses of Parliament have the power of restoring the throne to his Majesty ? On these grounds he must resist the present Resolutions. It had been stated that no injury could accrue from makingthe Prince Regent without restrictions. He trusted he had shewn that if they made him Regent without restrictions this was making a king, and that two persons could not be armed with the same powers. The interests of the Prince of Wales in the throne were greater than any he could have as a Regent. Theltwo Houses of Parliament, therefore, were so far guardians for him, and were called to watch over the Throne, that they, might transmit it to him the same as his father h‘ad received it. They were to protect it for him as his right. He hoped they were not in such a question to talk of the qualities of the Prince of Wales. ,This was a case of imperious necessity. The virtues of an angel could 'not alter the political merits of the case. What had the Common Council been engaged in this very day ? They had sworn to bear true allegiince to King George the Third, as their lawful Sovereign, and him to defend. Was this defending his Majesty's Throne, to go to Parliament and tell them to give the power entirely away from him ? In such a case, on his Ma jesty's recovery, might he not well exclaim-- --" Could they not stay so long " Till their friend sickness had deteradn'd me." Gentlemen were not to expect so to change the opi ,ltions of the two Houses of Parliament, as to suppose 'that they should snore the Throne from under his Majesty. If they were to do so, well might they say— " I knew not where is that Promethean heat 1 44 That eau thy light relaniise." GOD knows how long his Majesty might be afflicted 1 with his present malady, but from the cause which produced it, they had every reason to hope it would be of short duration. Gentlemen had lately voted a V Statue et his Majesty to be placed in that Hall. He trusted they would slot new go to ihrliament, sine 71 1 11i7 77. ' 'i '"Ti lalj nn Matte Roo ring! it KO, add lo re move' the first without any litivs of h - s return. He c.neluded by movine in Amend-re:et exp-es sive of the coofiJence or the Ceert, in the two' liouses of Parliament rills the necessary meantres for securing the return Of M 'jest; to the exereite of his Regal Powers the moment of hill let C4ery. Mr. SLADE r• Se to express:his wish Ora the Apo intions might be read ever, as hewas not in Court when they were before reef 'over. (We - Resolutitais were accordingly ag tin read.) -e-He eten ..dverted to an argument which had been made Me airy - a ,wor. thy Alderman opposite, to diseuade them from ne, ceding to the Resolutions, namely, thit the subject was at present under the consideration of Parlilimetif -that it was the duty of Parliament to provide for the present deficiency of the Royal Authority, to Author i i n ty te , r a fere nd C,i that it would be improper in thi s with them in the execution of that duty. lid would ask those who supported such a doctrinist had the two Houses of Parliament, instead or shewing a desire to limit and abridge the Royal Prerogative, thought fit to take measures far ite,l extension, would they not in such a case have felt it to he their they to interfere, and to corwey their sentiments to Parliament ? Is it not a duty equally imperious on them, knowing, as they ought to do, that the power of the executive exists for the benefit of the people, to see that that power suffer no abridge ment ? They knew very well what confluence they I were to repose in the men who at present helcrothe reins of Government. Unfortunately too much can. fidence had been already placed in these men. The present state of the country, and the present state of Europe, bore but too strong a testimony to the abuse of that confidence. But while these Gentlemen were willing to place confidence where it ought not to be placed, he would ask Arlie confidence they were willing to place in the Prince ? 'Hear.) He would tell them that he was willing for one to place confidence in the Prince from his education, from his known principles, and his declarations to the country. But were the Prince toabuse that confidence, still the securityofPare liament, the security of the people of this country, were 4 sufficient checks against any such abuse; and he trusted that the Parliament and the people would never, on such an occasion, lose sight of their duty. He con tended that the'L'hrone was at present vacant, and that full and complete power should be enjoyed by theper son who supplies that vacancy. He felt the highest respect for the Sovereign, but he felt no less a respect for the Constitution, and he was wilting to risk hie life and fortune in defence of that Constitution. He was of opinion, that the shortest way of going to work was preferable on the present occasion ; and he therefore gave his opinion in favour of the Resolutions. Mr. MAWMAN stated that the doctrines he had heard this day from the Gentlemen who opposed the Rev,- lotions were, in his opinion, hostile to the Constitution of this country. They were at present bound to con sider the Throne as vacant. There are, as is well known, three branches of the Constitution--King, Lords, and Commons. It must also be known to every Gentleman of this Court, that the boundaries of each of these branches were pointed out and ascertained at the Revolution. To encroach upon any one of these brinches was to endanger the safety of the whole. The true course of proceeding was, theref ire, that the Crown should have been offered to the Prince, and then, if restrictions were wished, they should have' been obtained in a regular manner, with the consent l of the Prince. In every case of a Regency, the folk of the Executive has been committed to thee power 'Regent, or to the Regent with a Council. A worthy Alderman says that we ought to take care that the Sovereign, on his recovery, be not prevented from re ascending the Throne. He asked that worthy All derman to say what Constitution they enjoyed, if any King, or any Regent, of this country; should be able to act in such a manner ? .(Near.) How could any man of this Court, er any man of the country, say that the two branches of the Legislature would so tar disc gracethemselves, that the people of this country would so far disgrace themselves, as tamely to sit by and allow such designs to be carried into execution Whatever differences might exist arnpng the Mem. bers of this Court, as to the merits of this or that set of Ministers, surely they would never think so uncon stitutionally as to disgrace the Prince of Wales, by supposing him capable of such a design as the One which had been ascribed to him. Mr. Alderman BIRCH, in explanation, seated', that he had attributed no such dest to the Prince ; and that he had merely stated, that if the two Houses of Parliament should give the Executive Power, with. out restrictions, to the Prince, it would be absolutely out of their power to preserve for his Majesty his I* sumption of the Sovereign Power on his recovery. , Mr. Mawatax stated, that he conceived himself et.' titled to draw the inferences he had done from this, speech of the worthy Alderman. Mr. Dixog said, that there was no person in country who believed the Prince of Wales incapaL of properly filling the Regency ; but he contende that it was iniprrper for the Court to interfere on that subject at present. Were not the two Houses sitting from day to day, and doing every thing in their power to meet the demands of the present exigency ? If the two Houses had neglected their duty, and blame acted as they had done, then it might be proper for this Court to interfere. A friend near him had made use of a very strong expression—an expression which no man was justified in using—that there was a va-' cancy of the Throne. There was no vacancy—there was 'merely' a temporary suspension. It had been said that there could be no danger of the King's re assuming the Throne, so long a:, the two Houses of Parliament and the people did their duty. Care ought to be taken that he reascend the Throne on his reco. , very, without any of your Resolutions. He adverted to the speech of a rriend near him (Mr. Quin), wno had begun by stating, that he had read nothing to I Prepare himself for the present occasion, and the very , next moment he made such a profuse display of mt. dition as to slew that he had been reading a great deal. All this would have been very well if the sub. ject properly belonged to this Court ; but he contest. ded that it was rather superfluous, seeing the cow i tion properly belonged to the two Houses of Parka.' liament. He was astonished that the worthy Alder. man who brought forward the Resolutions, did not 1, rather trust to his own resources than adopt the sug gestions of any other man. Ile alluded in proof of this to the bungling manner in which he had read certain expressions. —(cells to order)..—He hoped the Prince of Wales and leis tritd ftiestsis would be careful . -