The Press. — London, England, 1857-10-10 00:00:00

MERSTON, who was selected specially for the Parliamentary castigation of Mr. BERESFORD We do not think, therefore, that it was dis creet or generous in Mr. BERESFORD to have said "He would be no party to acquiring " political capital at the expense of the for " tunes of his country." The Gallant Gentle man subsequently disclaimed any personal application of his language ; but, nevertheless, as his speech stands, much of it can be inter preted only on the supposition that the Right Hon. Gentleman was aiming his words in some particular• direction. Already Mr. BERESFORD has received great applause from the identical organs most forward in fero ciously assailing him four years ago. They are resolved to get more " capital" out of him, and their poisoned panegyrics of to-day are published with the same purposes as their venomous invectives of 1852-3. There was a countryman of Mr. BERES FORD'S once in Parliament. He was as brave a man as Mr. BERESFORD, and he was rather more brilliant "on his legs " than the Member for North Essex. his name was SHERIDAN. He had an illstarred propensity to make speeches sometimes "at the exper,se "of his party. He used to deliver addresses that vastly pleased the Govern ment, while they wounded the Opposition in which SHERIDAN professed to serve. The 13ractice damaged SHERIDAN in the estimation of the chiefs of his party far more than the malicious detraction of his personal enemies or the individual scandals popularly associated with his name. If a Liberal gentleman were to talk of all " honest Liberals," his associates would be little obliged to him for making an antithesis between " honesty " and " Liberalism ;" and we do not approve of the mode in which Mr. BERESFORD talks of " patriotic Conservatives." His language seems to savour of an insinua tion which the spirit and conduct of the whole Conservative body triumphantly refute and conclusively repel. But enough on this subject. We prefer the speech of Mr. Du CANE to the address of Mr. BERESFORD, and we think that the tone and language of Mr. Du CANE were more com pletely in harmony with the feelings and opinions of the Conservative party. We have nu doubt that Mr. BERESFORD meant well, but we think that the language of Mr. Du CANE exhibited more political discretion, whila his sentiments were as fully " patriotic " as those of his Right Honourable and Gallant colleague. Mr. Du CANE is nne of the most rising Conservatives in the House of Commons, and his speeches give great pro mise of future eminence in debate. THE PRE S S, Ocronn 10, 1857. lortign 6ortespoltbenct. PARIS, October 8. IN the absenc e of anything more exciting, some of the London morning papers have, I observe, been speculating freely upon the political tendencies of the Emperor of the French and upon the future for France. These writers must have no mean opinion of their own ability; for, besides that the Emperor Napoleon is not particularly communicative, it is not, to speak in general terms, a very easy task to predict the future of such a country as France. In the first place, it is a great mistake to say that the re-establishment of the Empire was not the idie Are of Louis Napoleon while in exile. A simple recollection of past events will easily show that the heir of the first Emperor never forgot the rights his birth had given to him, and the feasibility of restoring the Imperial regime. And secondly, the result of the elections of December, 1848, is a sufficient proof of the sympathy the nation entertained for the Imperial system, —a system it had not forgotten, which suited it, and which it re-adopted with ready earnestness on the first favourable occasion. Since that election, a vote by universal suffrage has twice confirmed and sanctioned this re•adoption. Therefore, it was no accident, no effect of chance, that brought about the restoration of the Empire. The Empire was the necessary consequence of the rather rampant Republic of 1848, a consequence equally logical, direct, rapid, and foreseen. And the line of policy taken by the Emperor Napoleon from the first hour of his reign is a line perfectly intelligible. The Emperor desired that his system should he one of peace and concilia tion. So in fact he expressed that wish himself. The war with Russia was an unexpected and unavoidable episode. It can in noway be represented as having arisen out of any secret projects of Napo leon 111., for be did all that depended upon him to prevent its breaking out. The terms of the Treaty of Paris are a proof of that. With peace abroad, concord at home, and with fair and honourable alliances with foreign powers—such is the present situation of France. The interview at Stuttgardt has confirmed a state of things, due to the wisdom and mcderation, and let us add to the talent, of the Emperor. But there is another point upon which certain English journals dwell with apparent satisfaction. They tell that France, in point of fact, is secretly given up to socialist ideas, that sooner or later those ideas will have the upper hand, and further, that the present Emperor of the French, alive to the existence of them, is seeking to direct and to realise them. This is a gteat error. France is no friend to socialism. She saw enough, and more than enough, of socialism in 1848, and repudiated it with a vigour and an earnestness that could not be mistaken. In France, as in England, the law of property, the influence of family ties, the rights of indi viduals, are respected by the mass of the population. What the French require and wish for now is order, peace, progress, and general welfare. I do not mean to say that France is more blind to glory or supremacy than she has ever been, nor is she dis posed to refuse them when occasion offers to obtain them; but the feeling is exceptional, episodical—like the Russian war. France desires pacific progress, the development of her national tendencies towards a moral and material wellbeing. But that is not to be obtained by social. ism, and France has shown that she is well aware of it, inasmuch as on three successive occasions she has pronounced in favour of the Imperial system, a supreme authority, culminating over all, and preservative of her institutions, while, at the same time, she retains in their pristine force the principles of 1789, and remains entirely democratic. And that is why she has chosen the heir of the first Emperor, who determined that his noblesse should date from the Treaty of Campo Formic. I am not a partisan of the present Emperor of the French, but it is clear to me that he of all men is thoroughly acquainted with the political principles and instincts of the country, with her tendencies, her wants, an•l her requirements; and that while he is far from seeking to pave the way for socialism, he is still further from wishing to direct so wild an Utopia. He reigns and governs by the natural ideas of his time, and endeavours to make them harmonise with the wishes of a great people Between him and his people there are mutual thoughts and wishes, mutual principles and laws of action; and if a few weak and isolated parties still stand out and seek to impede the march of the Im perial system, be sure that France is quite indif ferent to them. But to pass to the topics of the week. The interview at Stuttgardt will take its place in history as one of the most remarkable occurrences of our times. It has been accomplished under the most favourable circumstances, and may be looked on not only as cementing the alliance between France and Russia, but that of all the European powers. In fact, what was the precise meaning of this interview ? Europe, restored to peace, saw nothing to alarm her in the meeting of two Emperors under the hospitable roof of the venerable King of Wurtemburg. There was nothing to discuss relating to political affairs in general. No one thought that the interview would bring a change in the map of Europe. There was nothing, therefore, apparent but a natural wish on the part of two Sovereigns recently at war, by a mutual reconciliation, to bury those differences which had already been consigned to oblivion by the Treaty of 1850. Austria alone might reasonably have been supposed to feel a little un easiness. On the one hand, she might fear that the Emperor of Russia would complain to his new friend of the ingratitude of his old one, whilst she might readily imagine that the Emperor Napoleon might echo back the complaint by reason of her hesitations and tergiversations during the late war. But all that, in fact, was only a phantom raised by a busy and gossiping press, which only exists by keep ing up the mutual jealousies of nations. To the surprise of Austria, and indeed of Ger many,the interview of Stutt gar d t was i n it s resu lt s a manifestation of the general concord. The past was quietly ignored, and the Emperor of Russia, after quitting Napoleon, accepted a friendly meeting with the Emperor Francis Joseph, as Napoleon him self would be ready to accept one if circumstances called for it. And Austria and Germany are now asking themselves why they allowed themselves to be alarmed by a chimera, when the objects of these Imperial meetings were so evident to all. The camp at Chalons will be broken up on Mon day or Tuesday. The health of the troops is most excellent. The Empress will reach Paris this evening at six o'clock, and proceed immediately to St. Cloud, where she will be joined by the Emperor to-morrow. King Leopold of Belgium was expected to reach Brussels on the oth from Italy. M. de Kerkhove, the Ottoman Minister to the Court of Belgium, has been appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of Spain. Diram Bey replaces M. de Kerkhove. Up to the departure of the post we have no tele graphic despatch confirming the retirement of Narvaez. It is, however, generally believed that Bravo Murillo will he intrusted by the Queen with the formation of a new Cabinet. THE BRITISH FORCES IN AND EN ROUTE TO INDIA. WE are enabled, after careful research, to pre sent our readers with the f)llowing tabular statement of the force in India up to the end of September, and the force which, since May last, has been despatched to the three Presi sidencies named. We also append a state ment of the number of Europeans in the ser vice of the East India Company, and the number of native troops disbanded and muti nied. From this it will appear that in Bengal about the time of the mutiny there were 21,968 Queen's troops ; in Madras, 1,312 ; and in Bombay, 4,259; besides the 16,353 Euro pean troops in the service of the East India, Company. Since May there have been sent to Bengal 19,994 troops of all arms ; to Madras 2,213 troops, and to Bombay 4,615. It will be observed that, while we estimate the troops ordered for service in China and at the Mau ritius as " in India," we have not placed the six regiments expected from the Cape as en route. These may be estimated at about 4,000 men : HER MAJESTY'S FORCES. IN BENGAL. 6th Carabineers 9th Lancers 1,317 ON PASSAGE TO BENGAL. ISt Dragn. Guards 2nd ditto 7th Hussars 1,662 sth, 37th, 78th, Bth, 43rd, blot, 10th, 52nd, 84th, 24th, 00th, 87th, 27th, 61st, 90th, pt. 29th, 64th, 53rd 32nd, 70th, 38th, 78th, 20,591 54th, 94th, 98th, (3 Comp.) Ist, 610th, 3rd Bat. 19th, 79th, 38th, 20th, 82nd, 23rd, 88th,34th, 93rd, 4:3rd, 97th, Ride Brigade, 2nd and 3rd Battalns. 14,G61 Artillery mkng. use of El .C.'sguns, 60 60 Engineers .... 0 'rrps. of Horse , b 5 Batteries, Foot 7 =500 ordered for 1,711 Hong Kong Total Total TN MADRAS. To MADRAS. Lancers ( ....) 304 74th Foot 1,008 44th, 66th, WC 14: 1,605 3 Batteries of Foot Artillery 008 Total Total Ix Domnar. 12th Lancers(part) 14th Lt. Dragoons 1,012 33rd, 78th ( Depot) 04th, 83rd, 813th, 3,247 To BOMBAY. 3rd Dragn. Guards 839 7th, 56th 72nd, 7 Cotnp. 18th, 2 Cotnp. 2,6:36 Total 1 Troop of Horse Artillery and 6 Butteries of Foot ,3 Total EUROPEAN TROOPS BELONGING TO E.I.C. In Bombay In Madras In Bengal Total 10,353 NATIVE TROOPS DISBANDED, MUTINIED. In Bombay .. 3OO .... 200 In Madras In Bengal 24,710 58,410 980