The Press. — London, England, 1855-09-08 00:00:00

SEPT. 8, 1555. lorcipt (Lorrtspottbtitzt. FRANKFORT, September 1. FRESH communications have taken place between the Cabinets of Vienna and Berlin relative to the four points of the Vienna conferences, unattended by any happier solution, inconclusive of any definite un derstanding. There is no novelty in the respective positions of the two countries—as formerly, and as ever will and must be, the obstacles that prevent an honest relation are beyond their control. Each must submit to the disturbing cause of European politics, and that disturbing cause is public opinion. One point of danger, however, is finally settled. The hope of Russia to create jealous dissensions betwixt England and France has vanished; the desire of Austria to constitute a crusade betwixt the Latin and Greek Churches, in which France and England should be Catholically and Protestantly disunited, is impossible of fulfilment; and the letter of the Empe ror Napoleon to General Pelissier has published beyond a doubt that the two kingdoms are fighting for a common object, are labouring together " part passu " in the cause of general civilisation, and tho roughly understand that the conflict which is now taking place is, in truthful parlance, "le commence ment du fin." The visit of the Queen of England to the Emperor of the French, and the significant mode by which the British sovereign was received by the French people, has had a marked effect throughout Germany. It has proved the worthlessness of che rishing ancient animosities by way of hereditary politico-capital, inconvertible to a more beneficial medium, and that the force of circumstance, other wise necessity, has produced results which the bright and pure teaching of a benevolent morality hereto fore utterly failed to effect. The fear of punishment 14 ever more powerful than the hope of reward—there fore it is that the self-interest of the two great nations, from apprehension of a common danger, has per fected an alliance which ought to have owed its origin to a nobler and more righteous motive. But the " entente cordiale " has been effected. " Esto per petua?". . . . This intimate union betwixt the two great nations, now held by the most incredulous in Germany to be a positive fact, has caused amongst the members of the Diet a discussion upon the relative strength of the Confederation, in case of the war becoming general. The means of confederated assistance to a danger from without does not appear to be satisfac tory. Prussia and Austria, who supply the major part of the contingent, are as Germans diametrically opposed to each other; Saxony, Wurtemburg, and Davaria entertain views and interests by no means identical, and the princes have each and every one their lowest figure ticketed, and will close with the highest bidder above regulation price. The troops of the Confederation are at best only a national police, and which was proved in 1840 to be insuti cient for that purpose. If, in making face against the danger of foreign invasion, the Confederation calls upon the proper and particular nationality of Ger many, such a course would concede the principle of general nationalities, and bring them into immediate and active operation. Austria might supply her atchducal contingent, but Hungary would claim her independent rights, and the Austro Schlave popula• tion would prefer the potent protection of a Schlave Czar, rather than rely upon the false promises and ready halters of an imperial impotent, seated upon a tottering faldstool of many and uneven props. The confederated army of Germany is as a broken bun dle of faggots, and there is no 'tithe, at present, capable of binding them together. The presumption of the Diet in refusing to accept or to discuss the four points of the Vienna confe rences, upon the ground of non-interference, and of taking up an independent and German position, is ludicrously absurd. The Diet has no position. It is not unanimous—not German exclusively—not a representation of German opinion—and is swayed by Russian precept, enunciated by men bought by Bus. sian gold. The princes are united, truly, in political corruption, against the old nobility and the German people ; but the Diet, constituted by them ani their creatures, the new noblesse, is a solemn farce, held everywhere to be such, and treated by every one as such. And as the governmental reality of the Diet miserably perishes, so in relative proportion pro gresses the Germanic influence of Prussia. One word as to this latter country. Two political parties divide the kingdom into what may be termed Prussia improper and Prussia proper. The party "de la Croix" (Kreuz, Zeitung, parthei)—" le parti petit mais pnissant "—is corn• posed of the partisan 4 of Russia; and its opponent, the liberal and patriotic party, comprises the states men and noblemen purely German. The old nobility adhere to the latter faction, whilst the new creations from the Saxon merchants rank themselves amongst t b° WO - 4 1 4 8 4R 9W41100. Tg tb9 vary "dc 111 THE PRESS. Croix " the present King of Prussia clings with that obstinacy with which weak minds impose upon the many and induce the unreflecting to accept as moral determination. This doggedness is nothing else than the debility and the despair of mental incompe tency. The King is personally amiable, facile, and incapable of self-guidance; therefore leaning, for merly, upon his brother-in-law the late Czar Nicholas for support, the latter placed " Fritz " in the hands of the '' Parti de la Croix," and presented the lead ing-strings to the chiefs, with a caution to look atter their royal associate. The more prominent of the Royal and Russian partisans are—M. le Professeur Stahl, Counts Arnim de Ifoitendorf, Stolberg, and Bismarck Shonhausen; AIM. Gerlach, Klerz Retsow, Niebuhr, Westphalen , General Schiller, and General Gerlach. To evidence the spirit and the principles that animate the "de la Croix" faction, it may be recounted that M. de Niebuhr, in conversing on the war and the " pertes meurtrieres" of the allies in the Crimea, remarked," C'est bien—c'est fort bien— &est une bonne et keureuse fontanelle. Encore quelques coups, et ils sont sars, et voila l'Allemagne maitre du champ." This quiet assumption of the certainty of England and France becoming nationally enfeebled by their Crimean losses, so as to be de pendent upon the mercy of Germany, who would presume to hold the balance of European power, exemplifies, in its rude preposterousness, the mo tives that actuate the King and his friends. M. Niebuhr continues to say :—" By insisting on neu trality we have saved our money, preserved our troops, and are ready, when the Western powers are sufficiently weakened, to take a position which an army of 680,000 men cannot fail to maintain; and in these views, in these intentions, we act in concert with Austria." This relation is a fact; and this course of policy is adopted and worked out with the most persevering obstinacy. M. de Manteuffell—a renegade from liberalism in the act, but unchanged in opinion—consents for the sake of place to be the instrument of the Russian faction. The liberal and patriotic party of Prussia proper looks to England, as its primary and legitimate ally, as a sterling defence against Russian encroachment and Russian supremacy, and for self-independence would consolidate the German element, for purposes intrinsically and nationally German. In order the more perfectly to obtain this end, the Pi usso-patriots would relieve Germany from that extraneous pres sure with which the non German kingdoms and principalities of Austria unfairly bear down upon the national councils of the confederated kingdom. The success of this exclusively German policy can only be secured at the expense of Austria, whose internal weakness has permitted the introduction of a Rus sian element through the venality of the reigning princes. Both against the Russianised princes and Austrian dominance the Prussian proper association has embodied itself to operate with vigour, and the army, the old nobility, and the people are firm in their adherence. It was owing to their exertions and power—it was in acknowledgment of the nationality of their principles, that the Imperial Crown was offered to the King of Prussia, and it was through the instrumentality of Russian intrigue exercised through the " parti de la Croix " that it was rejected. Germany wanted a strong support to counteract the effects of the failing decrepitude of Austria. The principal leaders of this patriotic anti-Rus sian and pro Anglian party are the Conte de Furs tenberg Stanheim, M. de Bunsen, Von Usedom, De Wincke, Bothmann Hollweg, Bonin, General d'Ause weld, and Willisen, &c. The Conte de Fiirstenberg, one of the largest, if not the largest, proprietors on the Rhine, sought an interview at the continence ment of the war with the King of Prussia, and plainly declared that if the King decided upon hiding with Russia against France and England, the Rhenish provinces would be irrevocably lost. Thus it is that, men should speak and act. It is amongst the mem bers of this patriotic " bund " that are to be found the bitter opponents of Lord Palmerston. They will never condone, they will ever remember the conduct, of their King and of the English Minister in the Danish war of succession. Prussia had encouraged, declared, and fought for the Holsteiners, and when the Germans were on the eve of success, the King, urged by Lord Palmerston, traitorously succumbed to Russian power. The batik was for the indepen dence of the Baltic. It was lost. To this eminently enlightened and patriotic body of men belongs the Prince of Prussia. Gifted with a clear perception, of large views, and thoroughly comprehending in its vast extent the principle of the present war, he is prepared to assert at any cost the integral independence of Prussia, free from any re straint, and to maintain the reality of a confederated Germany. The old nobility, the Prussian army, and the Prussian people are with him to a man. The prince is sincere and loyal in his regard for England. Without wishing for an undue and l'russian prepon derance in the councils of Germany, without any desire for an extension of territory, he is anxious for cous9liclotiott and *op of efclitsiveti Qergieki9 interests. He is thoroughly sensible that the strength of Prussia consists in the exemption of Germany from foreign domination, and that the virtual power of Germany can only exist and be preserved by Prus sia being maintained by her seltrectitude, singly and nati ,, nally—otherwise the fate of Poland is at hand. To effect these several objects without undue strain— that is without recourse to arms—it is of paramount importance that England should be the primary ally of Prussia and Germany. The brightest oimunt nt of the Prusso-patriotic league is the consort of the prince, the Princess Marie of Saxe Weimar. This royal lady is one of the most accomplished penons in Europe, and to grace and suavity of manner unites a vigour of intellect and a determined expression of opinion that has more than once erobarra.sed and counteracted the evil-doer in the work of his iniquity. Nothing strengthens a party and preserves its unity in a greater degree than the gentle suavities of female influence, in a cause felt to be just, and known to be powerful. In the truth of word and deed, England has no more sincere and loyal friends than the Prince and Princess of Prussia; and it will ever be a fortu nate event for the country if these sympathies are permitted to be cemented at a future time by closer and more familiar relations. J. E. L. BarssxLs, Wednesday.l THE visit of the Queen - of England to the Emperor Napoleon, and the circumstantial details of the battle of the Tachernaya, have ruffled the even temper of Li Nord, and lent a certain degree of asperity to its language. This is pot to be wondered at, and has its sensible excuse, which no one would decline to accept. Amongst other observations on the casual ties of the war, it remarks:— Cette fois•ci c'est un journal Anglais qui se charge de repondre pour nous aux journatiz Anglais. Le Time* pub lie une lettre de camp en date du 11 d'Ainit. Cette lettre represente lea ofliciers Anglaises e'en Ault, les uus sous pretexte de *flambe, los autres par suite de recinumauda lions personelle* &intendant des conger pour un terms plus au moius long, spies lequel on ue lee voit plus re venir. Tent est grande la coufiance dans le succor, taut l'hiver qui se prepare effraie peu. Le bel encouragement offrir pour les racoleurs Anglais. Le ofilciers qui peuvent trouver tine pretexte pour quitter la Crime(' se bitent de s'eloigner. Suisses, Italians, Beiges, Allntends, Denote, allez dono vous faro tuer it leur place sous Sevastopol. The strictures, just or unjust, of many of the English papers on officers returning from the Crimea upon plea of health, or on slighter rea sons, are naturally calculated to attract foreign attention. For this there is no remedy, since a healthy fear of public animadversion restrains many a man from the commission of a misdemeanour that would be certain of exposure. Fear of punishment too often stands in the place of principle, and is the police•agent of the world. The executive temporal is more effective than the moral and spiritual. But it is in vain for Le Nord to torture the strictures of the Times, upon exoeptionel cases, into a disparage ment of British officers. The Russians are not to be cajoled, and they well know the worth and personal valour of the English aristocracy that have fought and are fighting at the head of their regiments. Truth ekes out, albeit involuntarily, and the following is not in discordance with the spirit of the iniperiel letter to Oeneral Pelissier : Les Busses ont double is garnison de la place, sugmeni 6 et agrandi les fosses, decides qu'ils sont s une defense de• sesperie. The word " di.sespire" cannot be taken in a victo rious sense. Great stress is laid upon the visit of the Queen to the tomb of Napoleon, and an inference prejudicial to the British Sovereign and to the British people is sought to be extracted. The grounds of animadver sion axe perfectly untenable. The sincerity of the alliance betwixt France and England is true or it ie not true; and if the Queen of England visited the nephew of the great Emperor, through and by whose deeds and fame he is seated on the throne, an excep tion cannot be taken at the satis action of a laudable curiosity, and even let it be called a homage to great ness, which directly bri,ught into existence the host himself, and led to the royal and queenly visit. How• ever, Le Nord is displeased thereat : L'union des deux somtrains a (lone eta scenes stir la tombe du premier t.:mptreni des Francais. Le lendemsin le lini Jerome. gtii est le portrait vivant de son frrre, eat elle i At. Cloud y seiner la Reine d'Angleterre. L'ombre vivante a rendu la ♦isite recite par l'ombre immortelle." Be it so. E. 11. Tim BCULPTOR EAUcli has just completed the monument of the late Ernest Augustus King of Ha nover. The dent' monarch lies on the sarcophagus in an hussar dress, watched by four angels, two praying and two singing. The dtfAUC is 9f ff ‘1344V partite thap tin tomb, Mllimmome•