The Press. — London, England, 1855-09-29 00:00:00

918 kingdoms or viceroyalties fur the conciliation of municipal jealousies—the great stumbling block to all attempts at Italian independence. The Imperial Court and Federal Parliament was to migrate, at intervals of three years, frota capital to capital of Italy, so that each in tun% should enjoy a metropolitan position in addi, tion to the advantages of the permanent locot Court. That the party formed on this basis still exists there can be no doubt. Although discouraged, we believe, by the Imperial Court of France, there are many persons in Italy at the present moment who do not despair that the position held out to the chief of an Italian nation of 25,000,000 will procure for them, scme time or another, a prince of the desired race. Of this Bonapartist party there are subsidiary sections, formed by those look - ing to the restoration of the Murat dynasty in the south of Italy, and by a talented political sect in the Roman Legations, claiming as their representative Count PEPOLI, of Bologna. The Bonapartists form no inconsiderable element of the Constitutionalist party of Italy. Although amongst the latter many would be content with their emancipation from foreign domination, and the abolition of the Pope's temporal power, the greater portion doubtless have national views far more extended. These views have probably never been reduced into form : but, in any involution of existing affairs , we must look to the Constitutionalists as the mainstay of order in Italy. Principally corn • posed of men of birth and wealth, they would be opposed to any system involving the destruction of hereditary distinctions. In fact, one great cause of their present dis content is their exclusion from that position and influence in the councils of their country, proudly exercised by their ancestors, and considered an inalienable birthright. When we look back on the glorious pages of Italian history, wo cannot but sympathise with the impatience felt, under present institutions, by a Frescobaldi, an Albizzi, a Corsini, or a Ginori. Friends of the Roman faith, but not servile to the Roman Court, they are indignant at the substitution of priestly for aristocratic influence. Yet, whatever their feelings, they would ever rally round monarchical institu tions against the unruly riots of republicans. None despise more heartily than constitu tionalists the wiles of the demagogue. They see as plainly and as thoroughly as any the characters of republicans—idlers, looking to some wild Utopia for money to gratify their caprices, and striving for unnatural legislation as the only chance for them to attain the level of respectability. We need only refer, in support of our assertions, to the writings of the great cham pion of constitutionalism, GUALTERIO. While firmly opposed to foreign rule, he denounces the conduct of MAZZINI and his followers, stigmatising them as the enemies of their country, tho most powerful allies of Aus trian statesmen. But there is oue principle that to a certain extent animates the feelings of all Italians. Their one wish is for the unity of Italy. They would be considered as subjects of one State, extending from the Alps to the southernmost points of the peninsula. And although we do not atpresentperceivc the feasibility of their wishes, if we look to personal motives the object is unmistakeable. Amongst Italians we find men of talent, education, and great ambition. For none of these is there any ade quate career. An Italian may become a Prime Minister, with salary and influence in Europe smaller than that of an English railway direc tor; a judge with position equal to an income four hundred a year; a diplomatist with no voice THE PRESS. in the great affairs of Europe, or listened to with that indulgent silence employed towards the remonstrances of *child, or the complaints of some unibrtunate bankrupt. The only great career apened to an Italian is the ecele siastical; an there only because he Itta attain a position in a Church influencing an respeeted by p great portion of the huma race. A carolinal, or a monsignors, passai current from north to south; but what is the position of a Modenese or Parmesan envoy, if such exist, at the Courts of Paris or St. Pe tersburg? The Minister of an Italian em pire would rank with the Metternichs and Talleyrands of Europe. His policy would be that of confidence and power, not of supplica tion and dependence. Thus have we endeavoured to trace broadly the distinctive wishes of parties as existing generally in the Italian Peninsula. On some future occasion we may point out the views and opinions of each separate na tion, and the proportion in which prevail laudable ambitions and bad propensities. In revolving, however, the plans and designs of Italian politicians, we can find no statesman like measure, no marks of a mind calculated to lay out the landmarks of a great nation. Let us hope that our remarks may prove sug gestive, and that some line may be struck out which, without infringing on existing rights, or on the straight course of justice, may give to a fine and noble hearted people that social position and political importance originally assigned by nature, and alone capable of drawing out the good qualities of mankind. INSUFFICIENCY OF THE BRITISH ARMY. THERE are some vital points connected with our military position at the present moment, which demand prompt consideration. Sup posing that the present war is to continue for any prolonged term, it will be impossible to flinch from examining the question " whether " the British army is sufficiently large in num " hers ?" In point of fact, we have been only like a right wing, a mere section, of the allied armies, and such a position is utterly unworthy of a puissant empire, whose sails whiten every sea, and whose language is heard wherever civi lisation reaches. Besides, it is most dangerous to trust the national honour to an insufficient number of troops. The British name may be seriously discredited by the paucity of its supporters, though it could never be dis graced by pusillanimity. It is vain to expect that handfuls of men can perform marvellous exploits. New soldiers cannot achieve the results of veterans ; in war, as in other pur suits, age and experience must tell. But far more serious than these con siderations is the fact that in the pre sent campaign, while there is a struggle in the front with Russia, there is a contest in the flank with the French. The war cor respondents of the Daily News and of the Morning Advertiser have touched on some fea tures of this generous rivalry; and it will never answer for the English people to be outstripped by their allies. The early glories of the campaign were common to both armies, but the victory of the Tschernaya belonged to the French and Sardinians. The storming of the Malakoff, the key of Sebastopol, was French, and at a previous period the seizure of the ouvrages blancs, and of " The Cemetery " (most important parts), was in cluded in their share of the work. We need not here detail particulars; but the fact is that from first to last our troops were never numerous enough to compete on a fair level with the hosts of our French allies. We are told, however, to recollect the supe rior might of the British navy; but unfortu nately it does not seem that the war now SATURDAY, raging can be decided by maritime supe riority. We must fight for our share of the glory, nos under broad pennants, but under the regimental colours of our line regiments. And the question remain!, whether we have even half enough of these regiments? We cero.inly have not, !supposing that this war Is to lOst. We have Only men enough to prove the bravery, bat not to represent the might of the British islanders. We cannot suppose that the democracy of England, which has chiefly cried for the war, desires that it should be estimated in history as a " French war." There is every danger of such being the case, unless we totally change the present system. Our recruiting, our bounties, our militia, our efficiency, and our mode of promo tion, must be entirely altered, if it be intended that the British army in the field is to be worthy of a country without any superior in the world. But then comes another grave consideration —"Whether the people of England are pre " pared for such great changes." If we double our army, our taxes must be raised in equal proportions, and there must be further pres sure on our commercial resources. The spirit of our Executive would soon be altered by a vast preponderating influence being given to the Ministry of the day. Besides, there would mill remain the question as to what definite aim was before us in such a vast contest? These various views point to the seriousness of the eventuality before us. For it is vain to suppose that England could afford to be outshone by the French arms. Our national spirit is still too high to submit to being surpassed by our allies, or conquered by our foes. But many think that our fame would be in jeopardy if we were to have a repetition of such scenes as have occurred during the siege. The retreat from the ltedan has been felt more on account of the previous affair of the " 18th of June,"—a date of histo rical military celebrity in the annals of Europe. We say, therefore, in conclusion, that the whole eventualities before us must receive more grave consideration than has yet been given to them. The losses to which we here allude has no reference to the policy of peace or war. It only indicates the necessity of our making great changes in our whole military system, if the peace of Europe shall continue to be disturbed. RAILWAYS IN INDIA. WE hear a great deal every now and then from the Government organs in India regarding the wonderful doings there in the shape of rail ways ; but if one comes to examine closely into the matter it will be found that the via inertia prevails in that department pretty nearly to the same extent as it prevails in all the other departments of that most mis governed of England's possessions. The pro posal to establish railways in India was, if we remember rightly, made to the Directors about ten years ago. The first five years or so of this period were spent in the way in which a similar term is generally wasted when any proposition is brought before the Government of India for the improvement of the country and the development of its resources. In other words, they were consumed in corre spondence between the Government and the proposers, in which stage the affair might have continued to eternity had not some per sons of weight in England taken the matter up. The fact is, it was not to the East India Com pany's interest to see railways established in its dominions, how ever much to the interest of the public at large both in India and at home. Railways bring with them a vast agency both for construction and working, and these are mostly men of English birth. Rail ways bring travellers, newspaper correspon dents, and others ; and where railways must