The Press. — London, England, 1856-01-26 00:00:00

JANUAttIt 2 6, 1856. (one of the prisoners) barge on Tuesday morning the Bth inst., and that Ford took the barge away down the river with the deceased and her child on board ; while Henry Jackson, a son of the other bargeman in custody on suspicion, stated that on Tuesday morning he went with his father on board the barge, and found only Ford on board ; there was no woman or child on board at the time, or during the voyage that week. At this stage of the proceedings the inquest was adjourned for further evidence. The re-examination of the prisoners, Ford and Jackson, will be resumed before the magistrates at Kingston this day. A BRUTAL MURDER was llommitted at Bath last Saturday. A costermonger, one Howell, i❑ a fit of jealousy or ill-humour, kicked his wife so severely in the stomach that, being enciente at the time, she died shortly afterwards. An inquest was held on Monday, and from the evidence adduced it appears that the prisoner Howell, after inflicting the blow, became so alarmed at its evident effect that he ran for a midwife, who, on arriving, found the poor woman at the point of death. Mr. Cox, the surgeon who was called in, and afterwards made the post mortem examination, stated that the deceased died almost immediately after he arrived, and that her death was caused by frightful wounds upon the lower part of the stomach, which must have been produced by kicks or stamping, as it was impossible under the circumstances that the woman could have inflicted such injuries on herself by a fall. An attempt was made to save the child by the Caesarian operation, but the child was dead. Other witnesses, lodgers in the house, deposed to having overheard the prisoner in his room swear that he would "do for his wife as soon as she returned home ;" and that, on her return, the prisoner came out and pushed her into his room, when the sound of two blows and s heavy tall was beard, the woman screaming out that she was murdered. The inquest terminated in a verdict of "Manslaughter" being returned, while the examination before the magistrates, at which the evidence of the witnesses was mainly similar to that given before the coroner, resulted in the committal of the prisoner on a charge of " Wilful murder." As INQUEST was held, on Thursday, at Gray's-inn, upon the body of Jacobs (the coachman to Mr. Parnell, solicitor), who met with his death on Mon day under peculiar circumstances. While drivin4 Miss Parnell from Clapton to town in the carriage, the box-seat and footboard of the carriage suddenly gave way, throwing him and the footman upon the horses' backs. The animals, frightened and un controlled, dashed off at full gallop, and ran into a shoemaker's shop, when the decased and the footn.an got dragged down under the horses and were trampled on and kicked. Miss Parnell was also severely injured, having been partly thrown through the window by the violence of the shock. After great trouble the horses were got clear, and the two men rescued. The coachman, however, had suffered so severely that he died after a few hours. The jury returned a verdict of "Accidental death." THE LEA-BROOK BOILER EXPLOSION INQUIRY has terminated in a verdict of " Accidental death " upon the bodies of the five men killed by the accident. Sport ins. OUNDLE STEEPLECHASES-TUESDAY THE FARMERS' AND TRADESMEN'S STEEPLECIIA About three miles.—Mr. Moore's Little Yeomen, I—Mr. Price's filly by Cranbrook, 2. Won by four lengths. Two lengths between the second and third. THE FOXHUNTERS' STAKEs.—About three miles.--Mr. Allenby's York You're Wanted, 1— Mr. Percival's The Times. 2. Won by a length. THE GRAND HANDICAP STEEPLECHASE About four miles.—Mr. Thorpe's Tom Gurney, I—Mr. Golby's Plough. boy, 2. A fine race . Won by a length. THE SELLING STEEPLECHABE. — About two miles.—Mr. J. Henderson's Lincoln, I—Mr. Price's Cheddiugton, Won by two lengths. WEDNESDAY. THE CLUB STAKES.—About three miles.—Mr. Good. man's Honeycomb, I—Mr. Craven's St. Hillary, 2. A fine raee. Won by a neck. THE FREE HANDICAP STEEPLECHASE.—About three miles.—Mr. B. Land's Goodlad, I—Mr. Buchanan's Fanny Wynne, 2. Won by ten lengths. THE WELTER STAKES.—About three miles.—Mr. Hed ley's g, by Worlaby Baylock, I—Mr. Brown's Harry, 2. Won by six lengths—a neck between the second and third. LORD BYRON.—There was something about him not to be definitely described, but almost universally felt, which captivated those around him, and nu pressed them, in spite of occasional distrusts, with an attachment not only friendly but fixed. Part of this fascination may doubtless be ascribed to the entire self-abandonment, the incautious, it may be said the dangerous, sincerity of his private conversation. But his very weaknesses were amiable, and, as has been . said of a portion of his virtues, were of a feminine character—so that the affection felt for him was as that for a favorite and sometimes froward sister.—Lord Broughton's Travels in Albania, Note. THE PRESS. Corrtsponttntt. M. NISARD, FRENCH UNDER-MINISTER OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION. TO THE EDITOR OF "THE PRESS." Sir,—l learnt formerly from very unpleasant expe rience that it is impossible for even the most careful and zealous editor to prevent . the occasional insertion of a " filling up " paragraph, supplied by some corre spondent, or cut out of another newspaper, at variance with the recognised principles of his journal. I was not much surprised, though grieved beyond measure, to see a paragraph in THE PRESS of the 12th instant bitterly reflecting on my friend M. Nisard, for his alleged desertion of the Republican party in France. Such a reproach, sir, from the organ of the Con servative party in England would certainly have amazed me, but for the personal experience referred to above, which persuades me that the paragraph in question must have been accidentally inserted with out being previously read by the editor of THE PRESS. Even now, if the gist of the paragraph had consisted in the words attributed to M. Nisard, to the effect that "he sacrificed his opinions for his salary," I should not think it worth while to notice so absurd a calumny—for all who have the privilege of knowing M. Nisard, are aware that a more pure and high-minded gentleman never existed—but as there happened to be in the paragraph just that plausible mixture of fact which gives an air of truth to falsehood, I feel bound, sir, as an intimate friend of M. Nisard, to request your permission to explain the circumstances on which this charge of "apostacy for the sake of place" is founded. It is true that M. Nisard was grossly insulted the other day at the Sorbonne by the students, and that the design was announced beforehand of compelling him to resign his professorship, as M. St. Buive was forced to resign a few months ago. But in the long tumult which ensued, and could only be quelled at length by the interference of the armed force, it was evident that it was not so much the marks of sympa• thy and respect from M. Nisard's friends, as his own "conscience of his worth "—the conscience of a tho roughly honest man revolted by injustice—which gave him unexpected courage, and enabled him to face the attack throughout with a calm dignity that never faltered in the most trying circumstances. However, painful as all this was, it is rather un fortunate for the writer of the paragraph, who asserts that it was a personal insult to M. Nisard "for his apostacy," that exactly the same insults should have been offered last week at Paris to the professors of law and medicine ; so that, as the outrage appears to have been rather on public than on private grounds, I will briefly explain to the uninitiated reader what such symptoms mean in Paris, before I answer the charge of apostacy for place." It is, then, a melan • choly fact that for more than a quarter of a century, by the weakness and connivance of successive Ministers in France, the principal chairs at the University of Paris have been handed over to the systematic teachers of anarchy, such as Michelet, Quinet, Michewitch, ktc., and the students have been permitted to constitute themselves virtually Jacobins clubs, who would not endure any professor who did not flatter them and teach time "rights of man," &c. ; and it happens by accident that the first pro fessor who has not yielded at once to the expression of discontent by this interesting " Young France" is the one whose character is now assailed, M. Nisard. In this state of the university, whenever there has been anything brooding in the public mind at Paris, the Republican party, aided too often by those who are the natural enemies of republicanism when in power, ave acted on a regular system of trying the disposi tions of the people, and feeling their way, by making experiments first with the students ; so that a politi cal demonstration from the Sorbonne or the College de France has been invariably the precursor of every great emeute or revolution in Paris during the last thirty years. This is the real secret. of the recent demonstration at the Sorbonne against the different professors ; they are simply an " essai d'emeute " on the part of the Republicans, and as such I think the French Government will know how to deal with them. And now, sir, in answer to the assertion that M. Nisard " was once a stanch Republican, and redac teur of the National," I beg to observe, not only that never at any time in the whole course of his life did M. Nisard pretend to be a Republican, but that the very circumstances of his temporary connection with the National afford evidence of the fact. For, although he is styled in the paragraph " redacteur of the National," the truth is that he was only attached to that journal for a short time as "literary critic," and solely in that capacity ; and it is a singular ct that at the period in question (1832.33) the National, under Armand Carrel, though an innovator in politics, was the only Conservative organ in litera• lure ! It was then that M. Nisard, being a personal friend of Carrel, was solicited by him to assist his journal with exclusively literary contributions ; and 83 the reason for this request was, that M. Nisard had ust then gained a brilliant reputation by his defence of the classical against the romantic school of litera- ture ; the unanimous voice of the public had pro claimed his merit ; and Carrel was anxious to obtain for his journal the credit and popularity belonging just then to orthodox opinions, on one point at least. Yet so little did this at the time connect him in any one's eyes with the Republican party, that M. Guizot, being then Minister, without asking him to discon tinue his contributions to the National, appointed him "Professor of the Ecole Normale," to teach, said M. Guizot, " the same doctrines there that he had so well defended in the contemporary reviews." Why did not the Republicans then cry out, if M. Nisard was a deserter from their cause ? But, so far from it, Carrel wrote an article, complimenting the Ministry on the appointment, and explaining the non-political and purely literary character of M. Nisard's connection with the National. But if there was no ground for accusation in his connection with the journal, was there any in his friendship for Carrel? I may answer the question by another: Do we not all reckon among our friends some who differ from us in political opinion ? And again : Is there any man in France at the present day who would not be proud to have been the friend of Armand Carrel ? For, whatever were his errors of opinion, it is now universally admitted that Carrel was one of the noblest and purest of patriots ; his character was cast on the antique model ; he was one of those remark able men, like Fletcher of Saltoun, whose virtues are reflected most brightly to posterity in the homage paid to them by contemporaries who were neverthe less strong political opponents. However, after Carrel's premature death M. Nisard quitted the National, and confined himself exclu sively to the profession of literature, and especially to the completion of a work which will for ever be invaluable to his countrymen,—the translation of the Latin classics into French ; and it was after four years of his occupation that M. Salvaudy, being then Minister, appointed him his Chef de Cabinet; and as during the preceding four years M. Nisard had neither mixed in politics, nor been connected in any way with any political organ, the place could not be the price of an apostacy, and nobody dreamt of making such a charge at the time. I will now only add that the above accusation against M. Nisard was brought forward once before in an election contest at ChAtillon, during the last elections in the reign of Louis Philippe, in 1848. And on that occasion M. Nisard answered for himself, so admirably and conclusively, that the charge was at once withdrawn, and no more was heard of it for the next ten years. If I had had his answer by me, I should have sent it on this occasion instead of this letter; but I know that it is preserved by many of M. Nisard's friends and former constituents at Chatillon, and I undertake to produce a copy of it if necessary. I must conclude, sir, by apologising for the length of this letter, and expressing my sincere regret for that circumstance. But, remembering that one of the most amiable gentlemen and the most eminent scholars in France has now lain for two weeks under a grievous charge of corruption, which the world, sir, suppose to be made on your authority and vouched for by your respectability, I have certainly felt unusually anxious to state at least so much as was essential to prove M. Nisard's integrity, because he has pm bably no friend in England so well acquainted with the circumstances as myself.—l remain, sir, your most obedient servant, JOHN DICKINSON, JUNE. 45, Thurloe-square. THE POLICY OF ENGLAND SHOULD NOT BE INSULAR. —So long as Great Britain is engaged in a commer cial intercourse with other nations ; so long as her insular situation only serves to promote and extend those commercial relations ; so long as other States possess a large portion of seacoast, engage in a wide commercial circle, and are acquiring a navy of for midable power; so long as Britain interferes with them in other quarters of the globe, where her dominions are the most valuable and extensive, it is an abuse of language to talk of her being separated from the continent of Europe by the Straits of Dover The transport of an army by sea is often more easy than the march over a considerable tract of land. It is to her armies that every nation, insular or con tinental, must look for her sure and natural defence. But although it would be absurd to recommend that the internal resources of a country should be ne glected, either in order to favour its naval force, or in order to commit its defence to the movements of intrigue, and the efforts of foreign policy, yet he would be an equally dangerous councillor who should advise us to neglect those means of preventing war, and of rendering it harmless when it does occur, which are only to be found in a coin} liance with the balancing system.—Lord Brougham's Contributions to the "Edinburgh Review." . . .