The Press. — London, England, 1855-10-27 00:00:00

1022 Mr. LOCKE KING remarked upon the " number of cheerful faces present," but warned his hearers not to believe that high prices would last for ever : It was true that the war might last for some time, but he hoped that it might soon be brought to a conclusion by the establishment of a satisfactory and honourable peace. . . . . They might rely upon it that when that time came there would be a very strong reaction with respect to prices, and the only manner in which, in his judgment, they could put themselves in a position to meet the reaction was by continuing to improve their land; for they would not be able, as was done at the close of the last war, to appeal successfully to the Legislature to convert the power which they possessed into a property and a right, and to demand a substitute for war in the shape of protective duties. The speaker urged the expediency of getting land as free as possible, that persons who owned land, but were unable to properly cultivate it, might, according to Lord Stanley's principle, sell it that it might pass into other hands. THE Elam OF HARROWBY presided at the dinner of the Saudon Agricultural Association last week, and spoke at some length on the question of the war. He referred to the immense fortresses of Russia as proof of her aggressive disposition, and intimated that her power was still greater than it ought to be on the Continent : What position did Russia occupy even now ? Cowed as she herself was, she yet cowed Germany. Although the whole of Europe might be said to be in favour of the cause undertaken by the Western powers, Germany was cowed by Russia from assuming her proper position. The neces sity would have arisen at some time of an exertion on the part of Europe to establish its independence, unless she submitted to be entirely at the mercy of the Russian bear, and there could be little doubt that a favorable opportu nity had been taken, when England was in frank, firm, and cordial alliance with our noble and gallant neighbour, France. (Loud cheers.) He hoped that the war, as now proceeding, presented some features which might well satisfy, in some degree at least, public expectation; and that they would feel it was not their duty, as soon as they had achieved a great success, to patch up a hasty peace. It was, he admitted, desirable honourably to get rid of the war, but not until the cause which led to it had been re moved. (Cheers.) It would be poor economy of life and treasure if as soon as they gained an advantage they made a peace, forgetful of the great object of the war, the future neace and liberty of Europe—(cheers)—and which alone justified them in undertaking the war. AGRICULTURAL STATISTICS do not make much way, though their importance is beginning to be generally r.tcognised. Mr. Chandos Wren Hoskyns, at a meet fog of the Leominster Agricultural Association, ex pressed his firm conviction that we might in times pi.st have avoided some of the most trying circum s anees that pressed on the farmer if we had had the means of judging, before the time of harvest, what would be the probable rule of prices during the sale of the produce of that particular harvest. For in stance, in September and October, 1846, wheat was idling at 455. a quarter, in May and June of the f Mowing year the produce of the same harvest was ;Iling at 1255. a quarter. It was therefore clear t gat the needy seller who went into the market in Saptember had to sustain additional pressure, with tie further disadvantage of getting only 455. for wheat which afterwards proved worth nearly treble that sum. We know every pound of sugar that comes into the country and every bale of goods that goes out—there is not an article in our commercial code which is not known with the greatest accuracy, down to the least measure ; but so ignorant are we of the quantity of corn we grow that we don't know the amount between 10,000,000 and 25,000,000, for he had heard it guessed at these two extremes. Govern ment had made smile experiments to collect agricul tural statistics, but they were of a very partial nature, confined to a few counties, and therefore farmers felt reluctant to give in their returns when their col lection was not made general. THE Chaplain at the British Embassy at Vienna, on the 16th instant, while walking in the neighbour hool, was suddenly arrested by two gendarmei. Not having his passport with him, he was taken off to Modling, a distance of six miles, and from thence back to Vienna, where, being at once recognised by the head of the police, he was dismissed with every apology. A very sharp letter has been addressed to Count Buol upon the subject, demanding an explana tion of so singular an outrage, land at present there the matter rests. THE FIFTH OF NOVEMBER PI to be respectably kept—in London, at least. On Monday the Chief Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police issued orders to the various superintendents of the London divisions respecting the unlawful discharge of fire works and other combustibles on the forthcoming an niversary of the gunpowder plot. The magistrates at the several police courts are likewise determined to put a stop to the illegal practices hitherto carried on at Tower-hill and various public thoroughfares at th eastern parts of the metropolitan districts. The Lord Mayor has also granted his precept for the parochial authorities to take legal measures for the suppres sion of bonfires and the discharge of combustibles in the various wards of the city of London. THE PRESS. LORD STANLEY ON EDUCATIONAL PROGRESS AND ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM. AT a gathering of the Borrow Mechanics' Institute last week, to celebrate the opening of more conve nient premises, Lord STANLEY, who presided, addressed the meeting at some length, adverting to the parti cular circumstances of that institution and to the use of such societies in general. Two courses were, he conceived, open by which the objects of these insti tutes might be raised and rendered more definite : They ought to be, in fact, provincial colleges for those who want the leisure and the means to complete their education elsewhere than in their own neighbourhood ; and with a view to make them so, two plans have been sug- gested, both of which deserve consideration, and one, at least, may be received at no distant date. The first—l should mention that it originates with Lord Alfred Harvey, president of the Bury St. Edmund's Athenaeum—is to the effect that on requisition made by a certain number of educational societies in any part of the country, and on their undertaking to pay a proportion—say, halt—of the cost, educated and trained men should be sent down by the universities to deliver a series of lectures, forming thus a connected and consecutive course of teaching, on any selected subject. That is a plan to which, I believe, no objection would be raised—l sin sure none reasonably can be—by the university authorities ;it is, in fact, merely proposing that those who cannot go to Oxford or Cambridge shall have Oxford and Cambridge brought to them ; and of the importance of the sugggestion no one can doubt who knows, as most of us do, the difficulty of getting educated and accomplished persons to give for the benefit of these societies the time and labour requisite to prepare even one valuable and thoughtful lecture. ( Hear, hear.) There are scores of young men at the universities who have taken high degrees, who are fully qualified as instructors, who are not yet absorbed in the business of any professiou.and who would gain as much by being brought into contact with the industrial part of the community as their hearers would gain from them. ( Hear, hear.) The other plan named—one for which we are not fully ripe, but which I throw out for future consideration—was originated by Lord Eglinton, and, I think, discussed some time ago by the Society of Arts. It is to this effect,—that wherever a cer tain number of students, boys or young men, with a certain degree of attainments, can be brought together at no great distance from their homes—say, for instance, to the chief town of each county—competitive examinations should be held in the various branches of study, and conducted by competent persons, to the intent that those who have pro fitted by the teaching given in these institutions may carry with them into the world a certificate of proficiency which they will find useful in after life. ( Hear, hear.) That is a proposition requiring some thought and previous arrange ment before it can be practically worked out ; but it is, I believe, sound in principle, and at least worth notice. There was a principle—connected with politics— so closely associated with institutions like the present that he could not pass it by : I mean the principle laid down by the first Napoleon— than whom no man applied it more largely, and to whose marvellous success it contributed in no small degree—that of an open career offered to merit and talent. (Loud cheers.) I mean that principle which has equality and justice for its basis, not an impossible and a tyrannical equality of social status as between man and man, but equal chances given, equal opportunities afforded, equal favour shown to all whose ambition or patriotism aspires to distinction in the service of England. (Great cheering.) I mean that principle which admonishes the wealthy and the powerful that in the career of open intel lectual competition neither riches, nor influence, nor con nection will avail them anything, and which says to the poor and friendless candidate—friendless, but conscious of abilities which demand only scope for action, " Rely nei• ther on the patronage of the powerful, nor yet on that popular favour which is so often 111-bestowed ; but trust to the keenness of our own intellect, to the strength of your own will, to the perseverance which, shrinking not from long and monotonous labour, endures to the end; and be sure that those qualities—their existence in you once proved under a system framed expressly to develop and call them forth—will be duly recognised and amply rewarded." (Cheers.) That is the principle set forth by those who have of late years taken in hand to reform the civil administra tion of this country. No doubt, there are difficulties in the way of its application—difficulties exaggerated by preju dice and by the natural dread of what is new and untried — but still difficulties needing to be well weigbed and care fully considered. But in the admission and recognition of the principle itself—and you don't require to be reminded that the House of Commons has, within the last year, by express resolution, recognised and adopted it—there is, apart from the details, which may be necessary for its suc cessful working, an actual present gain to society, and a glorious promise of future progress. No nation can be politically safe, no community can be said to rest on a sound social basis, where intellect and ambition—legitimate ambition—fail to find a free upward course. (Cheers.) The strongest mind must always rule ; the question is only whether it, shall rule by means allowed or by means for bidden. Trouble and discontent, in all ages and in all countries, have arisen far less from the physical sufferings of the masses than from the thwarted and baffled desires of an aspiring few. Those desires and that ambition are to be guided, not depressed. They are useful—they are nationally honourable ; they are a public benefit where a channel has been provided for them to flow in ; and only in the absence of such a channel—only when they are left to find or make their own course—do they become dan gerous. I say, then, on every ground, whether of indivi dual or of national advantage—as a matter of justice—for the sake of education—for the sake of political stability— it should be the policy of those who govern to stimulate by SATURDAY, inducements and to reward by employment the acquisit►on and display of mental power in whatever class. (Loud cheers.) His lordship concluded by saying thateven though the knowledge gained at those institutions led to no positive benefit, it would, from its mere possession, amply reward the pains taken to acquire it. ehituarg. DEATH OF SIR WILLIAM MOLESWORTH. To the public the death of Sir William Moleswortb must have the effect of a sudden shook. It was not generally known that he was ill until Saturday last, and he expired on Monday at noon. It is now stated that his physical powers had been declining for some weeks past, and the drowsiness which in Parliament often provoked a laugh at his expense is attributed to constitutional defect. Sir William died at his town residence in Eaton-place; his disease is said to have been gastric fever. As his position as a Cabinet Minister rendered it necessary that he should be near London, he had lately resided at Brighton. One journal, in a very eulogistic notice of him, says, that he forbore " the enjoyment of his autumnal vacation, and of his magnificent country seat and estate at Pencarrow, in Cornwall, that he might discharge his public duties at the present critical period in the history of Europe and Asia—in a word, that he might do his duty in the councils and Cabinet of his Sovereign." But most persons will think that an October at Brighton is not a severe penalty to pay for the honours and emolument of the position of a Cabinet Minister. There does not appear any good reason to suppose that Sir William fell a martyr to the responsibilities and duties of his office. From the biographical notices published of his career it appears that he was born in London, iu Upper Brook-street, on the 23rd Al ay, 1810. He be longed by birth to the real nobility of England—the old landed gentry. The first baronet, a former Governor of Jamaica, was created by William 111. Sir William's father died in 1823, when the heir was only 13. The' liberal turn of his mind was early indicated. At Cambridge he was rusticated for sending a challenge to mortal combat to his tutor ; thence he was sent to Edinburgh, and in the University of " Modern Athens " was early initiated in classics, mathematics, and metaphysics by an Italian refugee. Afterwards, under the care of an attached and faithful foreign servant, he passed to a German university. Re leased from collegiate study, he made the usual tour of Europe, and was still in his minority when ho re turned home in 1831. His first appearance in public was at a Cornish county meeting, on the agitation of Parliamentary Reform in 1831, when he warmly advocated "the Bill." The local Liberals marked his promise, and he was returned for the eastern division of Cornwall in the first reformed Parliament, in 1832. He was again returned for Cornwall in January, 1835, but subsequently his opinions became so un popular, that he foresaw it would be useless for him to contest the representation again. Sir William made no secret of the freedom of his views on reli gious subjects, and in a gay company on one occa sion he expressed himself in a manner which excited a strong prejudice against him. He further, we have heard, proved the sincerity of the opinions he professed, by preferring rather to sacrifice a first at tachment than to conceal his sentiments. The friends of the young lady were indignant, but Sir William was firm ; and from that time he became more ardently addicted than ever to his political and philo sophical pursuits. Among his associates Sir William's character was easily seen through. Charles Buller was one of his intimates, and was accustomed to tell him that his reserve and want of dash and readiness would ever prevent his making a figure in public life. " Without half your solid ability," said the confident wit, " and notwithstanding your advantages of fortune, I shall outstrip you." And it is probable that the predic tion would have been fulfilled but for the early death of one of the brightest spirits of his day. Sir William's taste led him to ponderous subjects. At the commencement of his career he took great interest in periodical literature. He became the proprietor of the Westminster Review, where, pro bably, some of his most elaborate performances in the shape of critical essays are to be found, but they do not seem to have excited much notice ; and it is observable that in these days of republication, the " Philosophical and Political Essays " contributed to the Westminster Review by the Right Honourable Sir William Molesworth, &c. &c., have never been thought worth republication. The Westminster Review hobby proved expensive, and after a time was prudently got rid of. The edition of Hobbes was Sir William's greatest literary undertaking. We find it stated: — He long devoted his leisure to the collection of materials for a life of the "Philosopher of Malmesbury." In 1639 he commenced, and afterwards completed, at a Goat of