The Press. — London, England, 1855-05-12 00:00:00

(Li bie ett,6,5 No. 106.—VoL. 111. ttt V rtss. LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 12, 1855. THE Peers of England have acted a great, though not uniformly honourable part in the history of their country. They have, since the day when they won tha Great Charter of our Liberties, often proved themselves the chain pions of public freedom, and been foremost in successful efforts to maintain the honour and greatness of the State. But they have also at times shown want of moral courage in resist ing the usurpations of power, and in opposing corrupt influences. In modern times espe cially they have not taken so active a part in the business of Government as the best friends of their Order could wish. For the last ten years they seem to have regarded the various Administrations which have existed with equal favour or equal indifference. They have ceased to assert that influence in prescrib ing principles of policy and in directing public opinion which their place in the Constitution and their weight in the country justly entitle them to exercise. No Government within that period, at least, has had reason to rely on their support or fear their hostility. The Commons have done all--the Lords nothing. Their apathy has led to a presumption of their insignificance ; and they must now be told, in a spirit of respect, that a con tinuance of this apparent disregard to those political questions and situations which are keenly discussed by the community and strongly agitate the public mind, will surely deprive them of their rank as a riling power in the State. All rights—even rights of pro perty—are lost through disuetude. Neither laws nor opinion will support privileges which the parties most nearly concerned in their maintenance are content to let lapse through neglect. What is true of laws is yet more true of political powers—Cessante ratione legis cutest tpsa lex. The House of Peers must inevitably sink into a mere committee for the examina tion of legislative bills, or into a court of record subsidiary to the House of Commons, if it systematically abstains from asserting those higher functions and duties which legitimately belong to it as a co-ordinate branch of the Imperial Parliament. We can understand the argument that the Peers should not suffer themselves to be lightly moved by the breath of party, and that they should act with great reserve in express ing an opinion on the conduct of Ministers chosen by the Crown. But there is a wide difference between the cautious moderate exercise of a right and its total abandonment. On questions decidedly affecting the welfare of the country it is culpable laxity in the Peers to remain silent. There are times and occasions when. from thepeculiar position of affairs and the dangers and difficulties which surround the country, we anxiously look for guidance from that high council of the nation which is above the region of factious elements LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 12, 1855. and has naturally the strongest interest in the cause of good government. Lord ELLENBOROIJOB, by his proposed Address to the Crown, will appeal to the House of Lords on Monday for its opinion on the policy which should be pursued at the present crisis. No. time could be more fitting for the expression of such opinion ; nor is there any man who could more appropriately and confidently call it forth than Lord ELLENBOROUGH. The public mind at this time is languishing for want of direction. A kind of political scepticism prevails from the people not know ing in what they should believe. The body politic is sick, but they do not know its disease. They discern a great evil, but can think of no remedy. If legitimate science does not aid them, they will seize the first nostrum which offers. Irresolute, and divided by individualisms in interest and sentiment, the Commons remain passive when their activity is most needed. There is for the time no power in the country which can exercise a decided influence on principles of government, should the House of Lords decline to do so. But the chaos cannot remain ; some shape it will assuredly take. Opinion is essentially active ; it will embody itself in movement of some kind ; and if the Legislature declines its functions they will be assumed in some form or other by popular associations. The Lords have it now in their power to remove by a single vote the impres sion of their past apathy, and to take the lead in concentrating the force and in directing the intelligence of the nation. Lord ELLENBOROVOH is emphatically the man designated by his vast administrative talents, past career, and military genius, to pronounce a judgment on the conduct of the war, and the rules which should prevail in the selection of public servants from the highest to the lowest. His proposed Address is extremely moderate, but it affirms two great and lead ing points—that " the conduct of the war has " occasioned general dissatisfaction, and given " rise to just complaints," and that " it is only " through the selection of men for public " employment, without regard to anything " but the public service, that the country can " hope to prosecute the war successfully." The fact of mismanagement is too patent to be denied, the principle of selection too sound to be impugned. Yet the closing paragraphs of the Address are undoubtedly a severe cen sure upon the past and present Governments, as the fact of mismanagement is the result of their incapacity--and the sound principle of selection has been continually violated by them that they might throw a sop to the hungriest of their Whig or Radical supporters. What has become of Sir JAMES URAHAM'S indecent boast, that in the Baltic and the Euxine Reform Admirals bore the flag of England at their mast-heads ? The Address of Lord ELLENBOROUGH does not directly raise the question of Administra tive Reform, but it affirms the best ground on which such Reform can be based—the selec tion of men, irrespective of family connection and Parliamentary jobbing, adequate to the functions they have to fulfil. A vicious ruling influence becomes stronger the longer it is permitted, and Giilldrigs and mannikins become more dwarfed in proportion as they become more exclusive. What will be the stature of that breed of statesmen which the PRICE SIXPENCE. Whig governing families provide for the benefit of the next generation? The question of Administrative Reform is not a new one. We are indebted to the Morn ing Herald for reproducing some passages from the speech of Mr. DISRAELI in December 1852. Before the necessity of taking up this question had been generally perceived—before any clamour had been excited upon it—while the Whigs and their allies, within and without the Legislature, were dumb upon the subject— the Gc vernment of Lord Danny had formed the design, and had settled the principles, of a reconstruction of the public departments by which they might be made to work more har moniously, and by which cumbrous checks might be dispensed with and greater freedom of action be imparted to the heads of depart ments, and greater responsibility be thrown upon thorn for the efficient discharge of their duties. " I can assure the House," said Mr. DISRAELI, " that the Government is sincere in " its attempts at Administrative Reform. When " these financial measures are passed, I shall " take an opportunity of bringing the subject " of Administrative Reform before the House, " and I shall then explain more than I can pos• " sibly do now what are the measures which " the Government are prepared to recommend." When these words were spoken to a crowded House of Commons, it was impossible for Mr. DISRAELI to foresee coming events. He could not tell to what severe trials our chief depart ments were to be exposed, or how lamentably, under inefficient direction, they would break down in the hour of trial. He only perceived defects, and manifested the highest instincts and purest aspirations of statesmanship in his earnest desire to remedy them. Nor were the words unmeaning. The action of Lord DERBY'S Government had pre ceded its speech. Inquiries had been insti tuted; administrative minds—that of Lord CHANDOS amongst them—had been intrusted with the work of drawing up reports on the state of the public offices, with suggestions for their improvement. If we are not misin formed, some reports by Lord CHAN DOS are still in existence, showing how judicious was the scheme which the Government contem plated. Had the work been honestly car ried forward our departments would have been found in a far better state to meet the strain and exigencies of war than the result showed them to be, though under no imagin able circumstances would it have been possible for them to have made provision for contingencies which the Government never contemplated, nor to have averted those terrible calamities which were due, in the ordering of the Crimean expedition, to pre sumptuous, ignorant design, in the first instance, and to wane of ordinary calculation on the chances of war, in the second. There is in the disappointment and vexation of a great and generous people a moment of supplication preceding the moment of frenzy. There is the passion of entreaty before the passion of wrath—the tear before the shriek — the prayer before the curse. We have suffered much; all classes have been, and are, involved in the general calamity; and as yet we have not even gained a knowledge of our true posi tion. Let the Peers at least show that they sympathise with the feelings of the country — that in a great national contest a bond of bro therhood unites all classes of the people ; and that, be our decision for peace or war, the