The Press. — London, England, 1857-04-04 00:00:00

I.'. 411 APRIL 4, 1857• JoNes, and the late Sir W. MOLESWORTH belong to the latter school ; we are glad to see that Lord JO►►N RUSSELL has now by his own words avowed himself a member of the former. In all other respects Lord Jons's programme is identical with that of the Conservatives. Peace and economy represent his policy, as much as they do Mr. DIsRAELI's. While as to improvement, none can say that the Conser vatives are averse to the principle, when we recollect all that was done by Lord DERBY'S Government in 1852, and the strong array of en lightened statesmen which the party presents now. M Hell has been said of Lord PALMERSTON'S Conservatism, and it is probable that his s ►mpathies may lie in that direction. But a statesman who steers so habitually—arbitrio popularis aura—can never be trusted for a ►uonth together. In '55 he voted against Sir W. CLAY'S hill, and in 1856 in its favour. That one year could have made no difference in the principle. He is now the Minister of war and war taxes; so that, even on Lord JOHN'S showing, he is as little a representative of Liberal as of Conservative principles. Yet Lord JOHN declares he will support him in preference to Lord DERBY. After having given a definition of his own prin ciples, which contains nothing contrary to those of Lord DERBY, ho declares himself the follower of a statesman who has no principles at all. Lord DERBY ►night answer very well the purpose which Lord Jous RUSSELL pro fesses, but then he would not exactly benefit the connection which Lord JOHN RUSSELL hopes he may again live to lead. Is this the solution of the seeming inconsistency? If not, will his Lordship solve it for us himself? THE METROPOLITAN CO NSTI. TUENCIES. WE think that any one who studies the history of the metropolitan boroughs must be convinced that large electoral districts are not best suited for obtaining efficient representa tives. Few can venture to face such consti tuencies without a positive Radical popularity, and the personal toil imposed on the chosen representative is enormous. Even the ean• vassing for the post, with its three meetings per diem, and its parochial committees to be visited, imposes much labour. Profuse ex penditure, personal fatigue, the risk of failure, the possibility of not being again elected, deter several qualified gentlemen from risking money, health, and time upon such exceed ingly onerous and not very glorious toils. There are hundreds of British gentlemen, with stout English hearts, who, in the proper time and place, would die for their country. But men of the purest and most ardent patriotism might well be excused if they shrink from the vulgar clamour and reckless expen diture of a great metropolitan constituency. In saying so much we are not echoing any special Conservative views. We are only stating the conclusions of common sense upon matters of fact. On last Sunday a Ministerial organ assailed the metropolitan constituencies in a style calculated to please the most inveterate enemy of further reform. After enumerating all the acts by which metro politan candidates are fleeced, it is stated : This system may not come under the exact literal mean ing of bribery, but in spirit it is so. By "the system" is meant the plan of paid canvassers, pu'alic-houses opened for " treat ing " under the name of committee-rooms, and, as if that were not bad enough, there is a new plan of paying the electors also as can vassers. The public mind ignorantly sup poses that by " paid canvassers" is only meant a number of stipendiaries to go round the borough end press the claims of the candidate. Such a system has always prevailed more or less. But there is a no th er c l ass w h o act nominally only as " canvassers," bat who are really paid for their rotes and " cheers." In place of going round the streets and soliciting votes, these electoral worthies get drunk in the public-houses at the expense of the " honourable gentleman of Liberal principles," and are handsomely paid for doing so. THE PRESS. Tho Sunday journal to which we allude inveighs with mock force against this demorali- I sation, and insinuates that Englishmen are at heart as venal as the people of other coun tries. We think that the conclusion to be drawn is nit as to the degree of venality in such constituencies, but as to the effects in limiting the camEdature for those monster constituencies. If we had many such consti tuencies, the House of Commons would be turned into "a pluto-cracy," or into a " pot ocracy." CHARLES Fox, in advocating " Re form," declared himself against an electoral system, which would "bring regiments to the " poll," and he also said that "the best system " of suffrage was that in which the greatest " number of free wills would be found." The Whig leader, if he lived in our times, would see troops of voters marching to the hustings in Lambeth and Finsbury, and he might learn that so little of " free-will " was in the contest, that not half of the constituencies vote at all in those metropolitan elections. Finsbury, for example, has a population of more than three hundred thousand persons, and itS con- !tituency is upwards of twenty thousand ; yet Mr. DUNCOMBE, the favourite of the borough, polled only 7,741 voters. So at the Tower Hamlets, the registered electors are upwards of twenty-three thousand; yet the winning candidate, in the late hot contest, did not poll eight thousand voters. Deliberate choice in these monster constituencies appears to be unknown. They want, also, the magic of association. It is evident that such large ocnstituencies are best suited, not for repre sentative government, but for democratic delegation. It was Lord DURHAM who intro duced them ; but the Reform of 1831, and the metropolitan constituencies, have never yet introduced new talent into the House of Commons, while their representatives gene rally have been rather below than above the standard of Parliament. FATE OF POLITICAL SECTIONS. THE political sections that combined together in 1832 for the fall of Lord DERBY'S Adminis tration have had extremely heavy losses at the present election. While the numerical rela tions between the Conservative party and the bona-fide Liberals will not be much altered, destruction seems to have overtaken those anomalous connections which stood aloof from the discipline of Party. The Whigs were united in 1832 m ith the followers of Sir ROBERT PEEL, the Manchester politicians, and the Irish Brigade ; and it is remarkable how these three last sections have been treated by the constituencies. It is worthy of particular notice also that great talent, official know ledge, and high personal standing, have not been able to supply equivalents for a definite polity, and a constitutional course of action. Sir JAMES HOGG, from his great experience in the East, and his wide range of knowledge, was always heard with attention in the House, but he has lost his seat at Honiton. Mr. CARDWELL was thought to be safe at Oxford, but the Right Honourable Gentleman was de feated ; and another member of that connec tion, Mr. ROUNDELL PALMER, did not even venture to contest Plymouth. The cases also of the Messrs. PFIILLIMORE, and Lord A. HERVEY at Brighton, record the disfavour which has fallen upon this connection. We do not suppose that such incidents could have occurred in so many places without the active hostility of the subordinates of the present Cabinet, foe, unless much influence was used against them, gentlemen like Mr. CARDWELL or Sir JAMES HOGG might have weathered the storm on account of their personal chains. It cannot be forgotten that the financial measures of Mr. GLADSTONE, who succeeded to the post of Chancellor of the Exchequer, have been overthrown by the Ministry now in office. The Right lion. Member for the University was the most elo quent of the followers of Sir It. PEEL ; and the Cabinet is not content with disparaging Mr. GLADSTONE-it also seeks to destroy the strength of his immediate connection. The Manchester party fares even worse. Its ri 2 7 officers of all ranks have been put out of the field. Mr. CouDEN, Mr BRIGHT, Ma. GIBsoN, Mr W. J. Fox, have been ejected ; and in the sister island the pledge-breakers who joined in overthrowing. Lord DERBY are visited with signal retribution. Gentlemen who had nought to do personally with " Sadleir," but who were active partisans in the majority of December, 1852, are now left without a con stituency. These facts are not without an important political moral. They show clearly that firm Parliamentary Government can never be at- tained by reliance upon desultory action and divided sections. BURKE has truly observed that it is only " unconstitutional statesmen " who carefully inculcated the doctrine that connection and faction were equivalent " terms." There must be great Parliamentary parties to work the machinery of the Legis lature. The followers of Sir R. PEEL were not a party, but a clique of able and eminent men, with few adherents, and without the weighty political alliances which would secure them from defeat at a crisis like the present. In the same way Mr. COBDEN and his friends could not be called a party. They professed - - no allegiance to Parliamentary traditions. They were gentlemen of great talent, versed in public affairs, and with ready eloquence. They relied for their resources on the platform. on " loud cheers and waving of hankerchiefs," on the factitious applause of public meetings, and on panegyrics in cheap newspapers. Their services zo their former friends and to the middle classes are now forgotten, and they are a mockery to the servile parasites of power. Their position is contrasted with such " suc cessful politicians" as Sir BENJAMIN HALL and Mr ROBERT LOWE ! Both these sections joined in an avowed coalition ; and when we see their present state, we are reminded of the closing words of Mr. DISRAELVS memorable speech on the 14th of December, 1852 : The coalition by which the present Government was opposed might be successful : but it had always been found that the triumphs of coalitions were very brief. Where now are the " triumphs " of the fol lowers of Sir R. PEEL, or the Manchester politicians, who so eagerly combined to over throw Lord DERBY'S Cabinet? By a majority of nineteen votes, on a question not involving " Free Trade," the Government retired " The " Commons put you out," said a voice from the crowd at the hustings at Aylesbury County hall on Tuesday. " No," replied Mr. Des- RAELI, " they did not turn me out, and they " did not wish me to go out : but I said then, " as I say now, that I never will submit to be " a Minister on sufferance." The Derby Ministry at once retired, and we need not traverse the history of the inter vening years. The country has been appealed to, and their isolated sections, though dignified by commanding talents, have for the time almost disappeared. None better know than those various gentlemen how many delusions arc associated with the name of " Palmerston." They have now facts enough before them to warrant them in again examining the argu ments of those who believe that party organi sations are necessary in England, and that such connections must be swayed by estab lished principles. The formation of the Coalition against Lord DERBY in 1852 was an avowed combination to form a Cabinet of discordant materials ; and it was carried into power in defiance of all Parliamen tary precedents. Lord DERBY might have stayed in office in spite of it, but the Noble Lord and his colleagues acted in accordance with great examples in refusing to hold power on sufferance. Five years have since rolled by. The combinators against Lord DERBY are dispersed, but the Parliamentary following of the Conservative Leaders is great, nume rous, and powerful. Along with the Right Hon. Member for Bucks, several eminent members of the Opposition have been re turned (and for great constituencies), as in the Cases of Lord JOHN MANNERS, Mr. WALPOLE, Mr. HENLEY, Sir FITZROY KELLY, Mr. NAPIER, Sir EDWARD LYTTON, and Sir J. Y. BULLER ; and we have not yet heard of any eminent Causer. vative being deprived of his seat. Such con trasts, to use Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT'S words, teach a lesson to