The Press. — London, England, 1855-06-16 00:00:00

558 it, like the fox in the fable, when the lions have done fighting about it. The " Four Points" (now happily defunct) were all in her interest. Whatever treaty may be eventually concluded between Ede hostile powers, it , almost must be in her interest, begipse ghq has the territorial tikitntage of be* alwayq "on the spot." Finely, she is pry poor, an 4 can hardly afford to light, even if she wished and her whole empire ;a an aggrewate pf con: flicting nationalities; she rules each by the pressure of the rest ; the more separate creeds and countries she embraces, the stronger (if no sweeter) becomes the " hannonia discors" of her sovereignty. There is the whole story ; Anstrian vacillations are anything but weak nesses, they are the staid and settled acts of a deliberate policy, of which the Allies are at present rather unpleasantly the victims. Whether Austria is, permanently, wise and far-sighted in all this chicanery, we take leave to doubt. There is something to excuse her cowardice, but nothing to excuse her selfishness, and in the end there will be no thing to reward it. But we are now only asking whether the Ministers who have been gulled—and, as far as we can see, allowed themselves to be gulled with their eyes open— by the transparent intriguing of all this help less selfishness, are to be allowed much longer to damage our reputation and peril our safety? The continental sky is beginning to look " nasty," and a general European war may be nearer than poltroons and poco-curantes are at present fancying. HINTS TO CONSERVATIVES. PARLIAMENT was dissolved in the summer of 1832, and since the Reform Bill the average duration of Parliament has been only three years and a half it would not, therefore, be surprising if in the present state of parties some coup d'etat was shortly ventured upon, in the hope that it might give the Premier the personal following he desires. Now, this is the season of the year iu which country Conservatives will find it easier to look after their registration societies, and see generally what is the state of the registries in their vicinity. The business of the harvest interferes with politics, and there could be no better time than now for taking counsel about their local resources. Even as an exercise in the discipline of union, it would be desirable that the Conservatives should see after their affairs, and be prepared for the next election struggle. It is more than ever of importance to the public weal that the members of the Conservative party should be swelled in Parliament. The Liberals are fast driving upon anarchy. They are breaking up into cliques and coteries. Be tween the commercial classes of the north of England and th 9 Whigs the gulf is widening every day, and a total reconstitution of the Liberal party will be necessary. But at pre sent it has not the " devising heads' or willing minds to undertake such a work, and we are convinced that an admirable opportu nity is now presented for the consolidation of the Conservative strength We press, also, upon our friends in the country, that if the Conservatives will not come forward to support their flag, their party, and their cause, no other option is pre sented than to allow England to drift down the tide of revolution. The Whig aristocrats will concede any thing to the strongest demo cratic cry, on condition that they are allowed a monopoly of Ministerial honours. Whether it be the Church, or the Constitution, or the landed interest, is all the same to them. But will Conservatives suffer that? Assu• redly not ; and even if the Conservatives be not strong enough to form a Ministerial party, they will act so as to compel the Liberals to desist from revolutionary designs. For doing so effectually, all hands will bq required. The registries must be watched, with care. The local spirit of the party Must be gal lantly maintained throughout the land. Cor dial and cheering words must be passed from rank to rank. A resolution to stand firmly together must be zealously inculcated, and all feelings of despondency - about the even- THE PRESS. tual fortunes of the party must be shunned as cowardice. The day must come, and that before long, when England will owe its safety to the steansgs amt eplightened patriotism of the Cpnseryittive Dirty ; and, in order to do our 40 F { is citipus mid free subjects of W 4 Crown, *e ingst see got (41.1 r great cause is ;,:k lost by peglecl cafgessness on those points upon isinich dsfelq g victory results at ad ele.c WANTjill) A PLAN. WE turned with interest to the new pamphlet published by the "Administrative Reform Society." After hearing Mr. MORLEY refer to it as a cut and-dry plan on Wednesday, we expected to find in its pages some scheme of a comprehensive measure. Never were we more disappointed. The Society has given us only an abbreviated Blue-book. It has culled evidence to prove what no one doubts, and republished excerpts from tracts and familiar Parliamentary papers. It commences ominously with a sounding aphorism from " Mr. Burke," and then quotes, seriatim, the opinions of Sir ROBERT PEEL, Lord JOHN RUSSELL, Sir JAMES STEPHEDI, Mr. EDWIN CHADWICK, Mr. JOHN WOOD, Mr. HENRY TAY LOR, and several others. But where is the " cut-and-dry plan ? " Where is the mode for oaring the evils complained of, or for meeting the high aims indicated in Sir EDWARD LirrroN's amendment on Mr. LAYARD'S mo tion? We did not want a collection of extracts to prove what everyone knows. It will be said in derision by the Premier and his friends, Has the Administrative Reform " Society itself the ' devising heads' for early " ing out an improved system ?" We are sorry for the weakness of the pam phlet of the Society. In literary ability its composition is of the sort known as " scissors and paste." Diffuse, not eloquent; general in its aims, not original in its ideas, it exhibits no fertility of design. We fear that the ruling powers of the new "Society" will be jeered at as mere novices, if they do not put forward some more masterly documents than this compilation, to which they have given so ambitious a title. Mr. MORLEY said in his speech on Wednesday, " that neither the inde " pendence, wealth, nor intelligence of this " country were represented in this House of " Commons," but even the second class Par liamentary reports are more ably executed, and are more suggestive, than the " Pamphlet No. 2 " of the new Society. If Mr. MORLEY and his friends are to prosper as " Reformers," they must become more defi nite. They must confer together on the basis of a large plan for Official Reform, and direct the attention of the country towards it. A few more waste pamphlets from them, and people would think of starting a rival society, and not allowing the tide of indignation to flow by without profit. As mere literary or talking agitators it would not, however, be fair to expect much at first from Mr MORLEY and his associates. In the eyes of many, indeed, a great part of their merits consists in their not being hacknied caterers to vulgar clamour. But we certainly have a fair right to expect from them some able and vigor ously designed scheme which would attract the attention of thinking men, and rally the country to its support. It should also be recollected that " Ad ministrative Reform" is not entirely a new idea to the country. Mr. DISRAELI was the first who used the phrase, and by the context in his speech it would appear that the Right Honourable Gentleman was referring to the service of the Executive. We have still in existence a Law Reform Society, taking cogni sance of both the philosophy and practice of legislation, and we have heard of the " Finan- cial Reform Society of Liverpool." The Peace Society contemplated an " Administra tive Reform " of a peculiar kind, not worth noticing here. But we allude to those matters as showing to Mr. MORLEY and his associates teat they must take more distinct aims than they have yet done. There are some practical SATURDAY, points, besides, on which we could wish to hear their judgment pronounced. For example, what clo they think of Lord GODERIC6 rectiut speech, and his declara tion tilat Up would tot " 4arken the doors of "Mr.. I.44yrEa's oftlee again ?" Would the " Oflioial Iteforruerg 'I (V@ call them so for breqty) b o ready to gpforgg such views on the t i l ten- Ound@rs of Marylebope, and the repre sen fora f ()that " Ugaral " boroughs ? Or do t Qfficial Reformers think it feasible to look or M.P.s acting on the Goderichian plan ? Sympathising with their convictions as to the necessity of an Official Reform, we should like them to elucidate their views on these points more closely and distinctly. But we are afraid that they have not studied their subject in all its relations. Thus, one of the great difficulties about Official Reform is to secure a flow of great talent and aptitude into the service of the State. Com merce pays its votaries munificently. Peerages have been gained by merchant princes ; the stories of RICARDO and JONES LLOYD and others are familiar to every intelligent apprentice in London. The Law has magnificent prizes; and a career for talent, combined with power ful frame, is open to the humblest law student. The Cabinet is always in want of the ablest legal assistance to defend its measures and see its Acts of Parliament safe through the breakers of Opposition. But in the routine departments of the State it unfortunately happens that there is much that even medico crity can decently perform. It deserves to be specially recollected by all Official Reformers that in England there is already too great a tendency for enterprising talent to abandon professional for mercantile life. The prizes are nearly equally large, and far surer in the latter mode of exertion. We have heard successful members of the profes sions of law and medicine declare that they have not been paid for their toils ; and they have said that, if commencing life again, they would embark in trade. Nor was this said in spleen or from levity. Similar statements we have no doubt have been heard by many of our readers. The fact of the over•tendenoy of talent and of high intellectual power to engage in commerce admits of no question. On the whole, we have no doubt that the cry for Official Reform will result in benefit. " Administrative " statesmen will be de manded, and personal ability required in high officials. Politicians of eminence will seek to distinguish themselves by promoting talent. Thus, the Marquis WELLESLEY owes a great part of his fame in India to having acted on the maxim of encouraging talent. "Lord WELLESLEY'S school" was a phrase in the Indian service to designate several persons promoted by him for merit. Few greater re forms could be achieved than to make it fashionable for statesmen to try and win a name for themselves as encouragers of merit and discoverers of ability. The fact that Lord CASTLEREAGH forced Sir ARTHUR WELLESLEY OR the Court and Cabinet, and kept him at the head of the Peninsular army in defiance of all opposition, redounds to that statesman's last ing credit, and teaches a lesson to living poli ticians of all parties of the paramount neces sity of fostering ability. THE NEW AGITATION. Tun week has witnessed the first organised meeting of the new society for obtaining " Administrative Reform," and the probability of good or evil resulting from a rival Executive is discussed with vivacity in every circle of the metropolis. Pros and cons can easily be said about this new movement. All the gene ralities against agitation of any kind can readily be used in this case. Solemn dealers in platitudes and artists in sneers could find it easy enough to lecture heavily, or joke lightly, about this new agitation. Our Premier would undertake to banter down the whole society ; he would quiz MORLEY and Co. as " queer fellows," and Mr. HAYTER would, per haps, boast that with some more slices of Cabinet pudding ha could stop all their mouths. But with Crimean losses, more I