The Press. — London, England, 1856-02-02 00:00:00

100 The temptation of indulging in a little fine writing is sometimes, we suppose, too great to be resisted. IVe sincerely hope that Lord CAMPBELL'S suggestion may have the effect of arousing our contemporaries to a sense of their error ; and that those fierce and hasty denu n ciatious we have had occasion to condemn may become things of the past. RUSSIAN OFFECEAL ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE ACCEPTANCE. THE Journal de St. Petersbourg of the 20th contains a leading article announcing the acceptance by Russia of the Austrian proposals : Public opinion in Europe has been strongly excited by the intelligence that propositions of peace concerted be tween the allied powers and Austria had been transmitted to St. Petersburg through the intervention of the Cabinet of Vienna. Already the Imperial Cabinet, upon its side, had made a step in the path of conciliation, by pointing out, in a despatch bearing date the llth (33rd) of December, pub lished in all the foreign journals, the sacrifices which it was prepared to make, with a view to the restoration of peace. This twofold proceeding proved the existence on either side of a desire to profit by the compulsory cessation im posed by the rigour of the season on the military opera tions, in order to respond to the unanimous wishes which were everywhere manifested iu favour of a speedy peace. In the despatch cited above the Imperial Government had taken for basis the four points of guarantee admitted by the conferences at Vienna, and had proposed, with regard to the third point,—which had alone led to the rupture of the conferences,—a solution which differed rather in form than in substance from the one put forward at that epoch by the alli-d powers. The propositions transmitted to-day by the Austrian Government set out from the same fundamental proposition —that is to say, the neutralisation of the Black Sea by a direct treaty between Russia and the Porte, to regulate by common agreement the number of ships of war which each of the adjacent powers reserves the right of maintaining for the security of its coasts. They do not differ appreciably from those contained in the despatch of the I Ith (23rd) of December except in the proposed rectification of the fron tier between Moldavia and Bessarabia, in exchange for the places on the Russian territory occupied by the enemy. This is not the place to inquire if these propositions better unite the conditions necessary for insuring the re• pose of the East and the security of Europe than those of the Russian Government. It is sufficient to establish the point, that at last an agreement has been actually arrived at on many of the fundamental bases for peace. In presence of this agreement of the wishes manifested by the whole of Europe, and in the face of a coalition the tendency of which was to assume larger proportions, and considering the sacrifices which a protraction of the war imposes upon Russia, the Imperial Government has deemed it Ls ditty not to delay by accessory discussions a work the success of which would respond to its heartfelt wishes. It has, in consequence, just given its adhesion to the propositions transmitted by the Austrian Government as a project of preliminaries for negotiations for peace. By the energy of its attitude in the face of a formidable coalition, Russia has given a measure of the sacrifices which she is prepared to make to defend her honour and dignity; by this net of moderation the Imperial Govern ment gives at the same time a new proof of its sincere desire to arrest the effusion of blood, to conclude a struggle so grievous to civilisation and humanity, and to restore to Russia and to Europe the blessings of peace. It has a right to expect that the opinion of all civilised nations will appreciate the act. The five last paragraphs of the above are of so important a nature, that we add the original French from the Journal de St. Petersbourg : Ce nest point ici le lien d'examiner si ces propositions reunissaient mieux que cellos du Gouvernement lea conditions necessaires pour assurer le repos de I . oiient et la security de l'Europe. II auffit de constater qu'en definitive un accord se trouvait itabli de fait rnr plusieurs des bases fondament ales de Is pair. En pre,ence de cet accord, en presence des vceux mani festes par l'Europe entiere, en face d'une coalition qui ten dait a prendre de plus grandea proportions, et des sacrifices que la prolongation de la guerre impose a la Russie, le Gouvernement Imperial n'a pus crudevoir ajourner par des discussions accessoires une mune de conciliation dont 1e succes repondrait a ses vosux les plus chars. 11 vient, en consequence, de dormer son adhesion aux propositions transmises par Ic Gouvernement Autrichien comma projet tie preliminaires pour des negociations de paix. Par son attitude energique en presence d'une coalition formidable, la Russie a donne la mesare des sacrifices qu'elle est prate a faire pour tlefendre son honneur et sa dignite ; par cet acts de moderation le Gouvernement Imperial donne en mettle temps une nouvelle preuve de son sincere desk d'arreter l'etfusion du sang. de faire cesser sine lutte douloureuse pour la civilisation et Phumanite, de rendre i la Rustle, a l'Europe, les bienfaits droit d'attendre que l'opinion de toes les pays tiendra compte. TIIE PRESS. REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF THE NIGHTINGALE FUND. The committee beg to report, that, in pursuance of the resolutions adopted at the public meeting held on the 29th of November last, at Willis's Rooms, a copy of the proceed• ings was sent to Miss Nightingale, and she was requested —if the offer to place at her disposal a fund to enable her to establish an institution for the training, sustenance, and protection of nurses and hospital attendants, met with her approval—to name a council to cooperate with her for that object. We have the satisfaction to announce that Miss Nightingale has signified her cordial acceptance of the proposals made to her, and has selected from the list of the committee the names of the gentlemen whom she wishes to act as her council. We think it will be gratifying to the subscribers to the Fund. and to the public generally,—and but just Ito Miss Nightingale herself—to give publicity to her acknowledgment of the sympathy which has been expressed, and the confidence which has been reposed in her, by persons representing every class and every opinion in the country. She writes as follows : Scutari Barrack Hospital, Jan. 6, MO. Dear Mr. Herhert,—lii answer to your letter (which followed me to the Crimea and back to Scutari) proposing to me the un dertaking of &Training School for Nurses. I will first beg to say that it is impossible to me to express what I have felt iu regard to the sympathy and the confidence shown to me by the origins• tors and supporters of this scheme. Exposed as lamto be misinterpreted and misunderstood, in a field of action in which the work is new, complicated, distant from many who sit in judgment upon it,—it is indeed an abiding support to have such sympathy and suoh appreciation brought home to me in the midst of labour and difficulties all but overpowering. I must add, however, that my present work is such as I would never desert for any other, so long as I see room to believe that what I may do here is unfinished. May I, then, beg you to express to the committee that I accept their proposal, provided I may do so on their under- standing of this great uncertainty, as to when it will be possible to me to carry it out I beg to name the following to act as my council, in conjunc tion with yourself and Mr. Bracebridge :—Lord Ellesinere, Colonel Jebb, Sir James Clark, Mr. Bowman, the Dean of Here ford. Sir John McNeil, and Dr. Bence Jones. With regard to the general committee, I thank my friends for the offer of making any additions to it which I might suggest, but I am perfectly satisfied with it as it stands.—Believe me to be, yours very truly, FLORENCE NIGHTINGALE. All doubt, therefore, which may have existed in the minds of any as to Miss Nightingale's acceptance of the proposals is now at an end. The object to which the Fund is to be applied—and which has met with such strong support from all classes—has received the sanction of Miss Nightingale herself. We may therefore congratulate the public that the crea tion of an institution, by means of which a careful and systematic training, with constant practice in our hospitals, will bring to the tending of the sick throughout the country that skill, tact, and devotion, which is necessary to the success of all medical treatment, is undertaken by one pre-eininently qualified for the task. As regards the subordinate and detailed regulations to be adopted in the proposed institution, and which the con fidence of the subscribers wisely left to the " experience, energy, and judgment" of Miss Nightingale, some re marks made by her, in a letter which accompanied that in whielt she accepted the scheme itself, appear to the com mittee so replete with sound common sense, that they cannot forbear using the permission they have rue aired to quote them. They are as follows : The confidence which the subscribers to this Fund have shown me has been so generous and extraordinary, that it is perhaps hardly necessary for me to allude to a very natural letter, which I am told has been printed, to the etlect that I must furnish a prospectus of what I am going to do, before I can expect to have money subscribed to do it. I think this perfectly reasonable if I originally had asked for the money, which, of course I did not. But to furnish a cut-and-dried prospectus of my plans, situated as I am here, when I cannot look forward a month,* much less a year, is what I would not if I could, and I could not if I would. I would not if I could, because everything which succeeds is not the production of a scheme of rules and regulations made beforehand, but of a mind observing and adapting itself to wants and events. I could not if I would, because it is simply impossible to find time in the midst of one overpowering work to digest and con coct another; and if it could be done it would be simply bad, and to be hereafter altered or destroyed. These words augur well for the practical spirit in which this task is about to be undertaken. That Miss Nightingale should postpone its commence ment until her presence shall no longer be required in the East, and those labours shall be completed which have conferred so much benefit on her country, is in strict accordance with that sense of duty by which she has shown herself to be always animated; but the course of public events justifies the sanguine hope that before long she may be relieved from those labours, and that life and health may be vouchsafed to her to undertake in another field a work not less important than that she has accom plished, and which has endeared her name to the hearts of the English people. • Tlits was written on the 6th of January, when there was no expectation of peace. de la pain. 11 eat en droi eiviliais lui en . _ MR. BRIGHT AT MANCHESTER. THE MANCHESTER MEMBERS, Mr. Bright and Mr Milner Gibson, met their constituents, according to annual custom, at a soiree on Monday evening. The meeting took place in the Corn Exchange, which was densely crowded. Mr. Heywood, M.P., General. Thompson, Mr. Sturge, Mr. Wilson, &c., were on the platform. After a brief o p en i ng speech by the chair man, Mr. Wilson, Mr. M. Gibson addressed the audi ence at some length upon topics . of domestic legislation and with reference to the war, expressing his convic tion that it wouid promote the liberty of no nation in Europe, but rather prove to he the parent of taxa tion and standing armies. Alluding to the Peace SATURDAY, Conferences of last year, the hon. member thought the present terms precisely the same in point of fact, and expressed himself as perfectly satisfied with them as with those accepted by Russia in May last : They knew there had been from the beginning a peace party in the British Cabinet. Lord John Rue±ell had left that Cabinet, but his spirit was left behind him. Only a short time since a great office in the Cabinet became vacant, and what was the course proposed to be adopted at that time ? Why, to fill that office by the appointment of en eminent member of the peace party. Did not that look as if there was a wish in high quarters to make that party stronger in the Cabinet! If they had not in view the desire to have the means of making peace, would they have invited a gentleman like Mr Sidney Herbert to join the Administration! _ could not get Mr. Sidney Herbert, to whoin — did they go next? Did they go to a flaming war man? No; they went to Lord Stanley, a gentleman belonging to the party of Lord Derby, but who had distinguished himself in the House of Commons by able speeches of a peace character, and who had been remarkable from the commencement fur the statesmanlike moderation with which he had treated this question. Mr. Bright, M.P., after criticising the origin and results of the present war—which he believed arose from the desire of the Western European powers as much to share in the spoil, if Turkey broke up under the pressure of circumstances, as to prevent her falling into the hands of Russia, and which would result in neither giving independence to Poland, freedom to Hungary, nor liberty to Italy, but leave Europe much as it was in 1853—proceeded to ex patiate upon the Austrian proposals in detail, express ing his opinion that they were simply the four points over again, and perfectly sufficient, as far as negotia tion could go, to secure Turkey and lead to peace. Mr. Bright then spoke at some length upon the average losses of the belligerent powers during the war, estimating, at a "moderate computation," that of Russia at 250,000 men, France 100,000, Turkey 100,000, and ourselves 50,000; while we had spent at least 100,000,0001., France possibly more, and Russia at least 50,000,0001., and for the next ten years we might with certainty look forward to further frequent loans to pay off the liabilities incurred. The theory that the more we carried on the war the more extensive were our commercial transactions, he dis puted, because he believed that the injury inflicted upon Russia would sooner or later react upon our own commercial interests with serious consequences. Mr. Bright then attacked the English press with much energy, expressing his belief that, in the matter of this war, " since the day when Ahab, at the b;dding of 400 prophets, whose tongues Satan had glibbed with lies, went up to Rarnoth Gilead to battle, there has not been a greater imposition prac tised upon any people than that by the writers for the public press of England upon us." He then proceeded to ridicule the term " balance of power," a phrase which no man living has ever understood or yet succeeded in defining—and referred at some length to the various treaties concluded by this country from the time of William 111., with the view of ascertaining that " balance of power," in which view be believed England had no interest whatever. After contrasting the economy of the Government of the United States with the costliness of our own, Mr. Bright traced the ruin of ancient and modern countries to the neglect of the industrial interests of the peoples, and the preference for military glories and territorial acquisition. In con clusion, Mr. Bright claimed consistency for his conduct throughout the whole of this "unhappy war," and in a few telling sentences exposed the falsehood of the rumoured coalition : A short time ago there appeared a most portentous article in the Times newspaper about a coalition that was to be formed between men so eminent as Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Disraeli—both regularly est.iblished as statesmen, both having been in office—and so humble an individual as I am. Now, I did not think it was necessary for the information of anybody down here to contradict that state ment. I will only take this opportunity of saying that I am satisfied the man—be he a privy councillor or no, I know not—who wrote that article had not a shadow of a shade of foundation for that which he wrote; and more, I believe that he knew that every single syllable he wrote with regard to that matter was an absolute and unmitigated falsehood. But what was this done for? It was done in the interest of Lord Palmerston, with whom the Times now has an unholy alliance, the object being, first of all, to drive away certain of Mr. Disraeli's friends by persuad ing them that Mr. Disraeli was entering into political relations with persons so much opposed to him, and at the same time to convey the impression to the public that Lord Pahnerston was a very interesting individual and a . most valuable Minister, agai n st w h om sever al active ana energetic politicians were intriguing in the most unscru pulous manner. But what turned out to be the fact? i‘hy, that Lord Palmerston himself was trying to get up • coalition. He did not actually go to Mr. Disraeli, but he went to his most intimate and personal friend. He did not go to Mr. Gladstone, but he went to his intimate and personal friend, Mr. Sidney Herbert. I am sure I cannot express my gratitude that he did not come in this direc tion. Lord Palmerston at that moment was offering a profligate bribe to a young man in Parliament, whom he hoped to find as unscrupulous and changeable a politician as he has proved himself to be.