The Press. — London, England, 1855-04-28 00:00:00

390 should have been glad, at so important a junc ture, to have acknowledged that our anticipa- tions were unfounded. The financial statement bas since been made. It affords, as most of our contemporaries hire truly mil well re marked, a fearful illustration of some of the realities of war and its conseqttetises. An expenditure, during the year, already estimated at more than eighty.six deficiency, notwithstanding the doubled property and in come tax—notwithstanding the two millions five hundred thousand pounds additional malt tax of last year—a deficiency of no less than twenty-three millions These are amongst the things which show us what war really is. They show us also the calamities entailed upon a country when its Ministers, by timid, divided, hesitating counsels, by want of frankness, and want of foresight, involve it unnecessarily in war; or by want of strength or energy are in capable of conducting it. We fear, too, it is but a foretaste of what may be expected next year if the management of the war should re main in the hands of the present antiquated, condemned, and pusillanimous Administra tion. The Budget is a political, not a financial one. The statement was at least unvarnished ; there was a simplicity and frankness in the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER which excited our admiration. He told us that he had proposed a loan be oause ho could not help it, and, as regards direct or indirect taxation, why the question was, whose turn it happened to be. He had made inquiry, and finding that direct taxation had preponderated last year, he had deter mined to give the preponderance to indirect taxation during 1855-6, and therefore tea, coffee, sugar, spirits—the luxuries, if not the necessaries of the working classes—are to be raised in price, just at the period when the working classes, even at the present low prices of these articles, are beginning to be unable to purchase them. We are ourselves advocates of a system of indirect taxation to a considerable extent. We aro of opinion that a wise and sagacious Finance Minister, upon the first occasion of proposing war taxation, would have felt it ne cessary to have applied himself to the con sideration of our whole system of direct and indirect taxation, and to have propounded such a scheme, or laid down such principles for war taxation, as would at least have satisfied the House of Commons that the whole subject had been considered, and that all the great resources of the country had been fairly drawn upon to supply the demands of the war. We believe that if Sir GEORGE CORNEWALL LEWIS had done this, he might have found the means of adjusting the burdens of direct and indirect taxation, without imposing so heavy an addi tional charge upon the comforts and necessa ries of the working classes. Moreover, we think that the commercial system settled by Sir ROBERT PEEL ought not to have been disturbed without some such general revision as that which we have suggested. Our Customs duties have in creased prodigiously, it must be confessed, since the establishment of the new commercial system. Mush of the energy and activity of commerce may be attributed to the convic tion in the public mind that fiscal questions, as regards duties on imports, were to be con sidered as settled, or at least not lightly to be disturbed. Now, every one will ask himself what article will it he convenient to tax next year? We, therefore, should have preferred seeing even a larger loan than sixteen millions for the wants of the present year, and either a finance committee or an undertaking by the Fi►►ance Minister to revise thoroughly the whole system of direct and indirect taxation, ith a view to a just scheme of war taxation on the next occasion. We have stated the Budget to be a political rather than a financial one, though it is founded upon no principle of finance. Though peddling with taxation at the commencement of a war is dangerous and unwise, yet it is so framed as to obtain support—a sufficient sup ot to carry it from various parties► in the House ►of Commons. The Opposition, upon the whole, though they dislike it, will support it, because it THE PRESS. sanctions to a certain extent the principle of indirect taxation, and because the alternative might be a still further increase to the pro perty and income tali The Whigs support it, because the Cabinet consists of Whigs. The itadltials-4t is difficult to conceive eason vrhieh oMtt inditOO Mr. GORDEN and Ir. BRIGHT to support it, oncept, perhaps, that it does not contain an additional shilling on the ti portittion d corn. The Peelites -tug cannot approve of it. It may be prudent on their part to be silent just now. They have showed signs of dissatisfaction as regards the loan. The oracular voice of Mr. GODLBURN, silent during the misdoinge of Mr. GLAINITONE, has once more been heard in warning if not remonstrance. Mr. GLADSTONE himself de murs, but supports. Mr. JOHN MACGREGOR has honestly expressed the dislike which every one feels. But the Budget is a political Budget, skillfully adapted to the present state of parties in the House, and it will be adopted substantially. CONFESSIONS OF THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. IT is just a twelvemonth since that the present tremendous struggle was designated in these columns as " a war against Brobdinag carried " on by officials from Lilliput," and the three days' damaging evidence of the Duke of NEW CASTLE confirms every charge of incapacity that we repeatedly brought under public no tice. We declare, in sober truth, that we did not until after the disclosures from the Duke's own lips know the full extent of the calamities resulting to the country from the late and pre sent Cabinets. We say, advisedly, " the " present Cabinet," for Lords PALMERSTON and JOHN RUSSELL are as seriously implicated as any one else in the extraordinary statements of that ex-War Minister who by their " con nivance" held the seals of office, until the Coalition had branded the British name with disgrace. Before showing, from the Duke of New- CASTLE'S own lips, how crushing is the case established against his Grace and his late colleagues, we must caution our readers against being deceived by the ingenious artifices to give him an easy fall. Under• the guise of attacking and censuring his Grace, attempts have been made this week to let him down as " neither better nor worse than other " mismanagers of the war•." Affecting to blame him, his adroit advocates have insinuated apologetic and palliating considerations to diminish the full force of his Grace's own self accusations. Thus it is tried to divert public censure by " the system," and " our league of " noble families," and " the divided depart. ments." All such pleas are transparent tricks of defence. Blunderers and mediocre natures, infatuated with ambition, and forcing them selves into the highest Ministerial offices, through means of Parliamentary influence, acquired and used without scruple, must not be allowed to escape from the condign chas tisement of the most stringent censure, by irrelevant attacks open " the system." What ever be the faults of " the system" with able men in office, great things were achieved by it. Canada and the West Indian Islands were won from our• great neighbours. Distant settle ments and the Indian Empire were acquired and triumphantly defended. WoLFE, Sir EYRE COOTE, LAKE, ABERCROMBY, WELLESLEY, and many more beside, won glory for themselves and country when " the system" was as bad and even worse than now. Let us hear no more of such a miserable excuse, when the Duke of NEWCASTLE himself has pointed the special charges against himself and his late colleagues. As far as space will permit us this week we shall go through some of those charges to which public attention must be directed. It is evidently hoped that people will be dis • tracted by trying to read twenty columns of small type ; but we shall to-day, and at a future time, put some charges against the Duke of NEWCASTLE that can be stated with brevity, and proved without prolix illus tration. SATURDAY, The most important and thoroughly proven charge against the Duke of NEWCASTLE is that from first to ,last, as 12747 i 11y admitted by his evidetei, he 11 0604 tt the most ordi nary circettspection, or any anticipation of likely prehabilities, E blunder, every calantity, every saciifiee nur brave soldiers, all "grew out of the eireuelegunces." Want of food, and clothes, and and huts, "all 1 , 1 grete out Af, the eircumikittees." The commis sariat'had no horses, the horses of the troops had no forage, the soldiers had no food, be cause there were neither men nor trans port mules to carry it to the front; the calamities in the hospitals were appalling in their excess over former campaigns ; but all these things, and many more, "grew out of the circumstances." Lest we be charged with doing injustice to his Grace , we shall take " questions " and " answers " as they appear in his evidence on Monday. Thus the Duke of NEWCASTLE appears to have made at a late period provision for the wintering of the troops in Sebastopol (in case of success), and for wintering elsewhere on the same fortunate contingency, but he never anticipated the likely chance of wintering before Sebastopol if the place was not taken, nor to have considered what in that case was to be done with the troops. Let us see how upon Monday he fastened this grave oharg3 upon himself. ,_The Clistaitol.—Can you state the time when yon first informed the Commander of the forces of the determina tion that the army should winter in the Crimea ?—lt was not a determination, bat an act of necessity. I was persuaded of the necessity for the army remaining there during the winter on receiving intelligence of the battle of Inkermann. Just so. It was " not a determinstion." There had been no sagacious conjecture of the eventualities. Not until the news of Inker mann (fought on the sth of November) arrived, was the Duke " persuaded of the necessity of " the army remaining there (i. e., before Sebas " topol) during the winter." That is self-damaging_ enough, but what follows is even worse. We pray the attention of our readers to the following questions and answers : Did the suggestion to winter there come from the Go vernment at home or from the General commanding the forces ?—No suggestion came from us. It was a necessity which grew under the circumstances, and became so pal pable that it seemed a necessary consequence to the posi tion of the army. Then you suppose no one is responsible for that resolve? —lt is difficult to say there was any resolve at all. The resolution required would have been rather to leave the Crimes. Observe these terrible admissions, all of them morally equivalent to a verdict of " Guilty" to every charge that we formerly preferred against the Aberdeen-Russell Cabi net's mismanagement of the war. 1. "No sugges " tion came from us." What provident states men then were in office, grappling with the enormous military power of Russia! 2. "It " was a necessity which grew under the cireuin " stances." Not so, my Lord Duko the most ordinary sagacity might have fairly anticipated such a conjuncture, as that of what is to be done if Sebastopol should not be taken. 3. "It is " difficult to say there was any resolve at all" — in confessing which his Grace anticipates the verdict of the future MACAULAY or Amos. 4. His Grace concludes the answer with a revelation of what a mind there was in the War office. " The resolution required would " rather have been to leave the Crimea.") Again, in Wednesday's examination, it was elicited from his Grace that he made provi sions for the army to winter in Sebastopol, or on the shores of the Bosphorus (both contin gencies depending on the capture of the town), but that he made no provision for the con tingency of the fortress holding out :— When you sent the army to the Crimea did you not con sider the arrangements for their wintering somewhere ^.— Certainly. It was impossible to have any flied idea so long as the result of the siege was unknown; but I CO" ceived either the army would find winter quarters in the town of Sebastopol, in the south of the Crimes, or, if Sebastopol were destroyed, that it would winter on the sh o res of the Bosphorus, and I provided for both condo- gencies. The CHATRMAN.—Did you provide for the con tingencr of Sebastopol not being taken, which is the c ontin g enc y which has happened ?—No. If we had not these admissions from his Grace's own lips, we could scarcely know to what extent our country suffered from his