The Press. — London, England, 1856-10-04 00:00:00

OCTOBER 4, 1856. justice, small though they he. I need hardly tell you that "Court favour " here was only a convertible term for courtisanship—the latter term evidently had its origin in the Spanish " Corte." Rumour has it that the Bourbonists or Court party here are highly indignant at the policy adopted by England and France towards the Neapolitan branch of their estimable and immaculate race, and urge on Bombs the adoption of a similar course to their own in 1846—namely, to dismiss the British Envoy or his locum towns at once, with the idea that they are thereby throwing down the gauntlet to " El Caballero Balmerson " (the name our facetious Premier is usually known by in the Peninsula), which as they conceive he must take up Little they know him. Functons (fetes) and amusements go on mean while, but the lovers of tauromaquia (bull fighting) are all gone to the festivities in that way et Bayonne. You may rely on it, however, that ere long a fresh outbreak, greater and more extensive than the last, will take place in this country, where, indeed, revo lution is now the normal state, and so far prom being accompanied with any improvement, only renders more miserable everything that was not most miserable in Spain before. Prices are enormously high, and no credit is to be bad, public or private. The crops alone form a contrast to the appearance of w•retche.lness, which I never before saw so general in this country as at present. L. E. W. DANUBIA N PRINCIPALITIES. TO THE EDITOR OF " THE PRESS." Sir,—l beg to inclose here a letter from a most respectable gentleman, and which you will greatly oblige me if you will be kind enough to insert in your estimable newspaper. I take at the same time the opportunity of recommending to your high solicitude the cause of my unhappy country, the Danubian principalities. With the best sentiments of gratitude and con sideration, believe me, sir, your most obedient ser vant, D. BRALIANO. 24 A, Abbey road, St. John's-wood. October 2, 185(1. Jassy, September 21st. Our time-honoured treaties, the treaty of Paris, the solemn promises of the Western powers, and the proclamations issued by the Turkish commissioner, Dervish Pacha, at the outset of the List war, are at this moment a dead letter. Our hopes of improve ment are vanishing by the hour. The rights of self government, so long enjoyed by the Moldo- Wailachians, are violated by the unheard-of proceed ings of the Porte. Under the rule of the Phanariotes princes, when the Ministers of the Sultan most in terfered in the government of the principalities, the wishes of the Suzerain were made known by firmans. This form is now dispensed with, and Ministerial despatches take their place. Not content with giving power to the Austro-Russian party, the Porte has determined to supersede our old self-governing in stitutions. The Caimacan has just been authorised, by a letter from the Grand Vizier, to receive the customary annual grant of 000,000 f. for the Prince. At this very time the revenue of Moldavia is not equal to four millions of francs. A Ministerial despatch has been considered a sufficient order to close the Bank of Moldavia and abolish the liberty of the press. These encroachments on our privileges and rights are made at a time when our country is supposed to be consulted on its desires and its wants. We are gagged when we ought to speak. Bette/ a thousand times to be a Russian province than a Turkish pachalick. Yet this is what the treaty of Paris has brought us to. As for Austria, she evidently has the noblest part in this drama. England and France have lost torrents of their best blood, that Austria may reap the fruits of their vic tory. The Cabinet of Vienna has just sent her orders to the army of occupation to take up winter quarters in the principalities. They are overjoyed at this, but little know that they are serving the Russians better than themselves. Patriotism in the meanwhile becomes a byword, and we are called ironically " les Occidentaux " (partisans of the West). " Your Napoleons and Palmerstons are noble friends, are they not? See what they are doing for you. Francs and England are holding the noose for you." Such is the style in which we are " daily railed at by the partisans of despotism. Un fortunately for us, circumstances bear out the truth of these sarcasms. The Star of the Danube, and the Zimbro, the only independent and liberal journals in the principalities, have been euppressed, and a dead silence and stupor prevail. The Constantinople Journal can now assert without fear of contradiction Via the Rua ans reject the idea of a union. We can only trust in future to the efforts of the indepen dent press of the West to remind the world of the rights which we are losing. We have now no rally ing-point here, and indignation is uppermost in every heart. Read the following Turkish despatch. It is THE PRESS. the last we have received, and a specimen of what may yet folluw Excellency,—You will be good enough to suspend the measure passed by the ex-Prince Ghika, and re-establish the law upon the press and the censorship in their old form. (Signed) FOLD. t ortign anb Colonial 3nttlligtntt. FRANCE. The Emperor and Empress, with the Imperial Prince, left Biarritz on the 30th ult. for Bordeaux, arriving there the same evening. On the following day the Emperor reviewed the division of troops in the town. The Empress was present in an open carriage. The Emperor was on horseback. The Moniteur of Thursday published an official explanation of the treatment of the political prisoners at Cayenne, and categorically denies every statement put forward by M. Louis Blanc. It gives the number of individuals sent to Cayenne and belonging to the so-callen political category as 320, a number which, according to the last return, has been reduced to 180 : During the sojourn of these individuals at Guiana, the Government of the colony, instead of deserving the slight est reproach as regards their treatment, on the contrary, displayed, as far as possible, the greatest care and leniency. This has been shown by letters from the men themselves. Never was this category of prisoners confounded with the other convicts, either at the Ilet la Mere or Ilet St. Joseph ; they had always separate quarters. For a long time they were fed without being compelled to labour. This leniency had to be put an end to. It was the minority which ob jected to work at labour which was so regulated as not to be hurtful either to their health or strength. Letters from Admiral Bonard, dated March, '55, and from the captain of the Erigone, convict transport, are quoted in support of the good treatment the convicts are said to experience at the hands of the authorities. The Russian circular note has produced consider able sensation in Paris. The Constitutionnel questions the correctness of the form in which it has been ren dered public, but admits that the circular bears the stamp of authenticity. It observes : By what right, might we inquire, can the Russian Go vernment offer to judge the conduct of the allied powers towards the King of Naples ? What can authorise it to judge prematurely acts which do not exist, intentions which have perhaps not been formed, and with the certainty of which it. cannot be acquainted ? How can it talk of a pressure exercised on a monarch? The allied powers have never intended to interfere with violence in the internal affairs of Naples. England and France have offered certain representations in the name of outraged humanity and in the view of Italian tranquillity. Austria took part in these representations, and participated in the same efforts. When Count Walewski, in the last sittings of the Congress of Paris, raised his voice, and called the attention of European Governments to what was passing at Naples, the representatives of Russia did not protest. No, they maintained silence, as if the notorious character of the facts has convinced them. The language now attributed to the Russian Govern ment, therefore, appears to us inconceivable. The same applies also to the remarks on Greece. Neither the value nor the bearing of a document must be exagge rated which is addressed by a Minister to his own agents, and was doubtless not destined to receive the publicity given to it. We shall, however, soon be made acquainted with the true nature of this document, and the Govern ments of France and England will not fail to reply to it, if necessary. In the meanwhile we would fain believe that Russia, a wise and skilful power, has not adopted towards two great States, which do not intend to weigh with force on any power, a tone of menace which is in no way calcu lated to remove the present difficulties. The Pays doubts if the text of the despatch be exact, although it appears to believe that the circular represents the general views of the Cabinet of St. Petersburg on the affairs of Greece and Naples. The article then declares that Russia had no necessity for expressing itself so firmly on these questions, as the final action of France and England cannot be known (with regard to Naples) in Russia, for the Cabinets of England and France have not yet agreed on final steps themselves. The Pays concludes by saying that if the document in question be exact, it regrets the language Prince Gortschakoff has employed, because it is feeble and petulant. The Dibats, in an article upon the Neapolitan question, gives a resumi of the whole of the diplo matic steps taken in the matter. It recall the opinions uttered at the Paris Conferences by the various plenipotentiaries respecting the affairs of Naples, and the general agreement of all the diplo matists in Count Walewski's opinion that opportune measures of clemency in Naples would be desirable. In consequence of this opinion communications were made to Naples by Austria, France, and England. The Cabinet of Vienna represented to the King of Naples that he could not evade the wishes of the Western powers—that they would not retrace their steps—and that it would be necessary for Naples to give them satisfaction These representations of Austria did not produce the effect anticipated at VillnOh The Cabinet of the Tuilezia 941 used, it is said, a tone more firm and decisive than that of Austria, but preserving at the same time a manner conciliatory and moderate. As to the English notes, thay were very peremptory, almost imperious. The British Cabinet expressed itself unmistakeably on the measures that ought to be taken. It addressed to the Neapolitan Court bitter reproaches on its policy ; it traced to some extent the plan of an internal administration, to which the King should conform, both as regards Sicily and his other dominions. That which accounts for the manner and tone of the English note is, that in London it is still remembered that certain engagements were con tracted by the Neapolitan Government towards the Sici lians, and that these engagements were in some degree guaranteed by England. It is uid that the King of Naples has been painfully impressed by the language of England, and that at first he replied in terms not likely to lead to an arrangement. It is also said that lie made nearly the same reply to France as t, England without considering the difference in the tone held by the two countries. Finally, it is stated that Austria, struck with the dangers to which the King of Naples is exposed, has formally expressed its disapproval of his course, and has intimated that if he does not make a fair measure of concession it cannot support him in his resistance to the Western powers. The King of Naples subsequently moderated his language, but declined to enter into any engagement. The Dibats then records the later reports ; the rumoured intention to send an allied squadron, and the propable co-operation of Austria and Sardinia. In conclusion it asserts that the King of Naples has "secretly " liberated several political prisoners. AUSTRIA. Intelligence from Vienna states that a conference upon the Neapolitan question took place on the 24th ult. between Count Buol and the French, English, and Neapolitan Ambassadors. General Martini embarked from Trieste for Na- ples on the 23rd ult. M. de Hubner arrived on the Ist at Trieste, and immediately proceeded en route for Vienna. The success of the mission confided to General Martini, Austrian Ambassador at Naples, is consi dered doubtful. The Emperor and Empress reached Vienna on the 27th, on their return from Hungary. The Em peror and Empress go to Venice and probably to Milan at the beginning of November. The Austrian Gazette, in an article upon the Neapolitan question, anticipates the following result : We think we can express an opinion on the issue of this affair which events will not contradict. The King of Naples will defend his right like an independent sove reign, and will declare in a manifesto that the attacks against his sovereignty will place the political rights of Europe in peril. He will prove, on the appearance of the Western fleets, that his subjects, who are represented as being kept down by force, will declare themselves enthusiastically for their monarch against foreign vio• lence. Thus justified before Europe, and raised in the esteem of his country, he will yield, in the history of European peace, to the violence exercised against him, and will submit to the conditions of the ultimatum. A letter in the Augsburg Garette says : The Vienna Cabinet was prepared for the recent step of the \Western powers, and had informed the Neapoli tan Government that it would take place. Austria will not join this demonstration of France and England, hut will continue to act as a mediator with the King of Na ples, conformably to her line of policy. Austria will not use stronger words to the King of Naples than she has hitherto done. Baron Hubner has also been ordered to use mild and moderate language. Le Nord calls particular attention to the fol lowing letter dated Vienna, Sept. 26 : The sensation which I mentioned in yesterday's letter as having been caused by the news of the proxi mate appearance of an allied squadron in the Bay of Naples has somewhat subsided to-day, from the convic tion entertained in Government circles that, if Inch a demonstration is intended, at all events it will not take place just now. I think I may assure you that our diplo matic agents at London and at Paris received a few days since urgent instructions from Count Buol to induce the Weptern Governments to adjourn the eiectition of their maritime demonstration against King Ferdinand. There is every tem-son - to believe that the two greet allied powers will show sufficient consideration for . Au stria, who is more or less engaged in this deplorable con flict, to await the result which our envoy to Naples, General Martini, may succeed in obtaining from the King of Naples. According to a report which has been current hero for some days, the number of our troops in the Roman Legations is to be considerably increased. with as little delay as possible. It is even said that two additional regiments of infantry and one of cavalry have already en• tered the Legations. The ground for this is, that France, having resolved to send reinforcements to her troops at Rome, our safety and political interests render it neces sary for us to strengthen ourselves in the Legations. As regards another piece of news, no less serious, which is circulated at Vienna, I cannot speak positively. It is said the Piedmontese Government has notified to Paris and London its intention of joining a squadron to that of the two great maritime powers in the Bay of Naples. need scarcely tell you with what feelings this news was received by our Government and by the public ; it is to be hoped for the peace of Italy that the active inter ference of diplomacy will provost the malimAion of a pro;