The Press. — London, England, 1857-08-22 00:00:00

THE PRE S S, AUGUST 22, 1857. The debate which took place on the third reading of the Militia Bill on Thursday last shows that the importance of those considerations to which we have previously called the atten tion of our readers is at length being recognised. Colonel NORTH wished to inquire " whether those regiments which had " volunteered for service abroad in the late war would have the priority "in being embodied at this moment; " and added that " those regi " ments which had had the advantage of doing garrison duty, especially " in the colonies, and of being joined for a year and a half or two years " with the Line, would necessarily be much more efficient than the " others." This is perfectly true, and if the Government act sincerely in the spirit of Sir JOHN RAMSDEN'S answer, this is what will be done. Sir Jorm said that "in selecting the regiments Government would be " regulated by the reports which they received as to the ability of the " various regiments to do the most efficient service immediately on " being called out." These remarks entirely coincide with those which we addressed to our readers in our impression of the Bth of August, and we only hope that a plan at once so conducive to the public service, and so just towards the officers of militia, will not be allowed to break down through any backstairs influence. On the general question of the Militia, we were heartily glad to observe the views enunciated by Mr. DISRAELI. It is, indeed, "to be regretted " that it has become prevalent of late to look on the Militia merely as " a means of recruiting the Line." This is a point upon which we have frequently insisted, and the justice of our view was admitted even by Lord PANMURE himself on Friday last. The Militia and the Army are two entirely distinct services. The former class may play second fiddle, but they wil 1 not consent to fetch and carry resin for the latter. In time of war the Militia has a distinct locus standi of its own. Its duty is to act as the garrison of England when the troops of the line are away. If, in addition to this, they can spare any regiments for colonial garrison duty as well, the more honour to them for doing so. And, in the event of another embodiment, let such regiments as recently performed such duties at least be paid the compliment of being asked if they would wish to come out. Nobody can doubt the answer of an English gentleman at such an emergency as this. Possibly there are some who would regard the mere question as an insult. Still such a course would obviate all possible objection, and if regarded as a mere form might not bo wholly indefensible. Twelve candidates have just been elected by the Examiners for the Civil Service of the East India Company. Their names and places of education appeared in the Times of Monday last; and it may be interesting to analyse the list. Of the successful men, one is from Brighton College, one from Edinburgh University, one from St. John's College, Cambridge, and one from Trinity, Dublin. Three come from the Queen's College at Belfast, and the remaining five from the University of Oxford, which thus obtains more than double her proportionate share. But it is curious to observe that, while five out of the twelve are Oxford men, not one of them is among the first five upon the list. Their order is respectively the sixth, seventh, ninth, eleventh, and twelfth. To our minds the aspect of this list is strong evidence of the value of Oxford teaching. That University does not aim at producing one or two extraordinary scholars, the wonders of their age, who would perhaps have been equally distinguished anywhere. Her object is to cultivate that large class of minds which do not bear fruit spontaneously; and the test of her skill is the number of second and third rate men whom she enables to take an honourable position in society, rather than the elevation of one or two rare spirits to the summit of the social pyramid. Which is the more really useful in a country like England, our readers will determine for themselves. The Persian question, after all, is not exactly settled. Lord PALMERSTON informed the House on Thursday night that "the " engagements embodied in the recent Treaty have not yet been ful filled;" neither is Herat evacuated. Indeed, Lord PAL3IERSTON added that, on the contrary, reports were rife that additional troops had been sent by Persia to Herat; and that though this had been denied by the " Persian Ambassador at Paris, yet," observed the Noble Lord, " the " whole of the engagements of the Treaty have not been carried into effect. " Great doubts are entertained as to the good faith of the Persian " Government, ; and therefore until the stipulations of the Treaty have " been complied with, it is perfectly clear that the British force cannot " and will not be withdrawn." Why, it is only a few days since that the Noble Lord, when questioned in the House, expressed his perfect confidence in the good faith of the Persian Government. And now we are . told th a t t h ere i s a pro b a b ility of war being renewed. At the close of the session of 1856 Mr. SMITH warned us in a similar manner that our relations with Persia were extremely unsatisfactory, and followed up Ills intimation by a war. Arc we to accept the Prime Minister's guard?d statement on Thursday as the prelude to another Persian expedition so soon as Parliament is got rid of ? A DIRGE. Carry him out with a merry rout, His wake with a light heart keep ; Let Lewis say an oration, And I'll warrant his slumber deep : Chalk on his tomb—" He was born in May, And died by the Ist of September ; His idle deeds none cares to say, His good ones none can remember." Who'll be the sexton to dig him a grave ? 'Tis Vernon that answers " I ! Trying enough was this Session tough, I thought he would never die. When I ponder on Delhi, Bareilly, and Kelly, I'll dig it with all my soul; And for slab at his head, as heavy as lead, I'll lay the Board of Control." Who'll be chief mourner and say him a speech ? Little Dick shouts " I will !" A sensible fellow this Session was, And would hear one the morning until. Who'll be the parson, and who the clerk? Little Dick cries " Let me ! I got up in course of my bill on Divorce A smack of divinity." Who'll read his will ? What, every one still ! Thus runneth then each sentence : " Imprimis—Lord Viscount Palmerston I leave—to his repentance I leave him—his plausible promise Of a never-intended reform ; I leave him—to ponder at leisure On the consequent national storm. " I leave to the Cabinet jointly That little Danubian mess ; As also the business at Naples, To while away time in recess ; To the mind of the much perplexed Mangles The expense of the Persian campaign, And tha item in next summer's budget For India reconquered " I leave Freckly Peel as I found him, Out of spirits, red tape, and the Elou3e ; Strange to say, he's not missed, and has bound him To domestic delights and a spouse. I leave Mr. Monsell, if able, Or Argyll. with his brass, perhaps, were best, To mend the electrical cable, And see after that from Trieste. "I leave Mr. Hayter and Lord Pani Their majority, wishing them joy ; I leave Hansard to reckon their triumphs, Wishing him, too, a fuller employ ; I leave weak Mr. Wilson grown weaker, And Lord Johnny quite at a stand ; To the House their congenial Speaker, Benignant, benighted, and bland. " Disraeli on Smith and on India I leave you all—pearls before pork ; I leave to Charles Wood and to Ayrton The leave to be tedious and talk. I leave all our Eastern dominion, At the most disagreeable of rubs, To rest upon Pannsure's ' opeenion: And the speed of his family tubs. " I leave to the Treasury benches The sour China orange to squeeze, And the Austrian alliance they scoffed at To wheedle and fawn on their knees; And I leave it to English perception, Pluck, patience, and earnest good will, Spite of routine, red tape, and the devil, To be hopeful and dominant still,'" 821 I