The Press. — London, England, 1855-11-10 00:00:00

1064 could interfere with effect. The British public may, or may not, be goad judges of siege ope rations, but they understand something about books and education, and would, we are cer tain, be delighted to contribute to the intel lectual requirements of our army. Supposing, however, that neither of these plans is feasible, there is yet a third, which might, perhaps, prove more effectual than either. This has been hinted at by the Times already, but it has not yet been stated what good authority there is for its success. The Duke of WSLLINOTON in the Peninsula—and this is a matter which no interval of time can affect—established a head-quarters bank, with a savings-bank attached to it ; and his troops, though certainly quite as viciously disposed as our own, were found to patronise it exten sively. At all events, any experiment is worth trying to mitigate the unfortunate propensity to drunkenness—a propensity which, when indulged, is fatal alike to the discipline and the hardihood of our men, and must prove in the long run most injurious to the opera tions of our Allies. There is one other point in connection with this subject that we must not entirely pass over. The Times of Thursday has the following observations :—But if the boasted regimental " system is worth anything, it ought to be " available against a social evil. The influence "of the gentleman ought to tell." We would merely inquire whether that influence has in the present war been allowed its fair play. We cannot experimentalise in the face of the enemy. What our regimental system is, that substantially it must continue to be—at all events, until an interval of peace recurs. It is inwoven with the system of English society, and in consonance with the spirit of English institutions, and cannot therefore, we hope, be pronounced wholly bad. Let us, then, do the most we can with it while we have it, and try our utmost to increase the feeling of re spect which it engenders between the privates and their subalterns, which it is to be feared that recent unmerited strictures have gone far to undermine. SIR CHARLES WOOD AND HIS JERSEY IMITATORS. WHETHER the deportation of the Jersey refu gees be strictly constitutional or not, is a subject upon which we should like to have the opinion of the First Lord of the Admiralty. The Radical organs are taking great liberties with HAMPDEN'S name upon the question ; and the case of ship-money is brought to bear upon the crime of those who were sent off much faster than if they had been gun-boats. One dismal hiss of execration has followed the persons who, at such a time, and in such grave emergencies, dared to use language against the Queen of ENGLAND, which reflected disgrace only on themselves. What does Sir CHARLES WOOD think of them ? He is remark able for his opinionative mode of affecting the oracular. There is a smart, snappish manner about the First Lord in replying to an oppo nent uhich is rather characteristic of one of " the Greys." In this instance we do not think that the First Lord would join in the hiss against those who, if they had been at Halifax two years ago, might have vehemently cheered the indecorous harangue of a British Privy Councillor and Minister, who vilified the ruler of a great neighbouring State. Sir CHARLES, we are sure, would scarcely be for dealing severely with such persons. On the contary, we should suppose that he would rather talk of " freedom of speech," of " a tyrant," of " destruction of the liberties of " individals," with a variety of other intense expressions. Doubtless the Jersy refugees were puzzled by the distinctions of our constitutional law. Some of them must have read the outrageous language applied by Sir CHARLES WOOD to the Emperor of the FRENCH, and they might have thought it strange that they should be compelled to " cut their stick," seeing that Ministers abstained from that operation upon their own inutile liynum. They were all told to ge to Bath, while Sir CHARLES has not yet been desired to go to Jersey, where b would have found some unexpected ad- THE PRESS. wirers, who, after the fashion of servile imi tators, copied the worst parts of their model. " But Sir CHARLES swallowed his speech." So he did. He ate it up with alacrity to the popular tune of " Cease, Boreas, blustering railer." One would think that he had been practising forecastle music all his life. With such a proficient in nautical melody, there are likely to be some capital duets in the next session between the fierce First Lord of the Admiralty and the ex-Admiral of the Baltic fleet. The men of Southwark have certainly contributed a most original member to the Parliamentary Philharmonics of the coming year. Young senators will have an opportunity of comparing the amenities of Southwark and Halifax eloquence. The Ad miral will commence with a broadside ; he will load up to the muzzle, and endanger his own fingers. The other Sir CHARLES will scarcely be less indiscreet. He will attempt the snubbing style, and he will fail in it as he generally does, except when he has an oppo nent without experience, like Mr. W. S. LINDSAY. The old Admiral will then resolve for a close engagement, and, in place of shar pening his cutlass, he will draw out the Halifax speech of the First Lord, board the Treasury Bench, and midst stenographic noting of " loud cheers and roars of laughter," carry dismay into the officials who have not yet lost their places, though some of them will have to find their constituents. Next ses sion will be a troublesome one to the Ad miralty. In the meanwhile Sir CHARLES WOOD will again have reason for regretting his Halifax harangue against that Sovereign whose name is received with tumultuous applause at all our public banquets. Every sharp thing said or written against the Jersey refugees bears an oblique sarcasm against the Baronet with an unbridled tongue. One who had been so long drilled in office should have been more cautious. The constitutional law of the case applicable to the case of the Jersey refugees does not deserve prolonged discussion. We have read much idle writing upon the legality of the course taken with them. But the distinction between aliens and native subjects has been overlooked by those who quote the case of ship-money, and also the difference between writings upon the acts of Government and those directed manifestly against the person and private character of the Sovereign. The people of England in reading the insults offered to their Sovereign are in no mood for discussing the niceties of constitutional law They are apt to think that if in general com pany persons be kicked out of the room for scandalous misbehaviour, it is rather ridi culous to talk of freedom of speech and the Bill of Rights on behalf of rebels to all social decency. THE HYDE PARK RIOTS. Ix was a just ground for complaint against the noblesse of ancient Rome that they claimed for themselves exclusively the title of " The People." But those who would be the first to rail at the arrogance of the Roman populus, have long been encouraging exactly the same kind of pretensions in the English mob. We have been surfeited with enthusiastic articles concerning the " People's Palace," and the " People's Park," and the " People's War ;" and we have now to congratulate our eloquent contemporaries on this addition to their no table catalogue—the " People's Riots." The subject, however, is indeed too serious for jesting. Of the many symptoms indicative of the paralysis of all power, and the disor ganisation of society in this country, the re cent occurrences in Hyde-park are among the most lamentable. We do not for a moment pretend to say that any portion of the London press has ever really confounded this licen tious rabble with the people of England; though their ill judged ad captandum rhap sodies have had much the same effect as if they had. But they undoubtedly have fallen into the error of opposing the people to the aristocracy, forgetting that dukes, earls, SATURDAY, and marquises belong every whit as much to the former as to the latter. And the result has been that the minds of the ignorant masses have naturally come to the conclusion that everything done against the aristocracy is for the people. And, even if—for the sake of ar gument—we concede the existence of a dis. tinct class entitled to the appellation of the people, who and what are they that they should be made the arbiters of everything The most reliable, respectable, and sober classes of the community, it will be said. Pos. sibly ; but that is not to the point. Are they, or would they even claim to be, the best edu cated, best informed, or most experienced in public affairs? The " People's Palace," and the " People's Park," are, indeed, comparatively harmless expressions—certainly more silly than dan gerous ; but the constant repetition of the phrase the " People's War" is pernicious in the extreme. Is war then, especially a war about which the wisest statesmen, the most learned jurists, the most patriotic leaders, feel grave and anxious, to be made the holiday diversion of "the people ?" Is not some little knowledge of the law of nations, some little acquaintance with political history, some little insight into the meaning of past treaties and alliances, necessary to the right understand ing of this momentous question? But is even this little to be acquired without a solid education? Declaim as men may, they know very well that the so-called " people" of England have not this education. The upper sections, indeed, of the class which is complimented with this grand title are too wise to accept the greatness thrust upon them. Not so, unhappily, their inferiors. These poor creatures, the habitués of the gin palace, and the penny-theatre—hug them selves in triumph at their new-found dignity, and proceed to assert their independence in the only way they know of--by violence of speech and action. If this license be not in stantly repressed, we shall soon have all " people" and no " law". Where is that boasted love of order by which we have so long felt confident of checking popular tumults without the irritating interference of military force ? Or are we, one and all, so silly as to 'imagine that a few fine speeches, and perhaps a few mild threats, will tame these ignorant young ruffians like the music of an Orpheus ? There was an old farmer once, whose bedroom was broken into by burglars. " I wish you would withdraw," said the civil old rustic, from his pillow ; but they beat and plundered him instanter. Let us not imitate that courteous, but infatuated agriculturist. Let us allow the police to do their business, and Londoners to do theirs—a matter which will become impossible if we tremble at a raised trunchion, and turn every injured pickpocket into a Don Pacifico. We have really had enough of this nauseous cant. Let it be thoroughly well known to the mob, that if for the future they choose to turn Hyde-park into a combination of Bettersea fields and Donnybrook Fair, they must take the consequences. Neither sex nor age has been safe from their brutality. The Royal Parks are places for the recreation of all classes, not for the usurpation, riot, and black guardism of one, and that one the lowest. PARLIAMENT, according to the Ministerial papers; will not be opened before the usual time, there being no apprehension on the part of the Government, it is further stated, of any events occurring of sufficient gravity to require the assembling of the Legislature. THE KING OF SARDINIA, after opening the Cham bers in person on the 12th, leaves Turin for Paris on the 20th of November. The King will be attended by Count Cavour ( President of the Council of Minis tors), the Marquis M4ssimo d'Azeglio, General Dabormida, M. Nigro. (Intendente of the Civil List), and the whole of his military household. His Majesty it is expected will also visit the Queen at Osborne. PRINCE FREDERIC WILLIAM, son of the Prince of Prussia, according to the orders of the King of Prus sia, is henceforth to take part in the sittings of the Council of State, and also in the business at the dif ferent Ministries, in order to become initiated in public affairs. M. DE KISSELEFF, late Ambassador of Russia at Paris, is expected at the latter end of next week at Berlin, from whence he will go to Rome, to represent the Russian Government.