The Press. — London, England, 1857-01-24 00:00:00

/76; 2 d „ • • ~•: t !,., $ 1;11 No. 195.—V0L. V. STAMPED . LONDON ..SIXPENCE. SATURDAY, JANUARY 24, 1857. UNSTAMPE.D..FIVEPENCE. Ct dress. nearly have led to grave consequences. We arc enabled to state facts which will show why it was allowed to proceed so far. The tone adopted at Berne by the Govern ment of Lord PALMERSTON was calculated to encourage the Swiss in their resistance. Though nothing was promised, yet the con duct of the English Cabinet led the Swiss to count upon its assistance, and hence their pertinacity in refusing to set the prisoners at liberty. At Berlin our tone was not conciliatory. Without advancing the cause of the Swiss, it kept the King at a distance ; and he was com pelled to contrast the ambiguous attitude of the English Cabinet with the frank procced ings of that of France. _ _ from the position it took up on the Italian question at the Paris Conference nearly a twelvemonth ago, is hardly surprising. He has good reason for vexation. But we are surprised to find that he endeavours to dis guise a fact from the Sardinian Chambers, of which it is scarcely possible to conceive he can himself be ignorant. Our readers may rely on the accuracy of tho statement we have made. Count CAVOUR'S sup position that the good understanding between the Cabinets of London and Vienna is limited to the Bolgrad question is simply gratuitous. We can assure him on unexceptionable au thority—and we counsel him to lay the fact to heart, as nothing can be more unfortunate than for Sardinia to indulge in political illu sion—that the cause of the regeneration of Italy is far from hopeful, if its success depends upon the hostility of England to Austria. He must look to other causes of national advancement than to the hope of difference between those Powers, if he would save him self and his country from disappointment. The fact is only important in our eyes as showing that Italian Liberalism whatever may have been the past professions of Lord PALMERSTON—has nothing to expect from him as the head of the English Government. LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 24, 1857. WE are happy to perceive that our definition of a Conservative policy in our relations with foreign States has received the approval of our contemporary the Morning Post ; and we are still more happy to find that the facts on which we based our assertion of the altered aspect of our foreign relations are admitted by our contemporary as indisputable. Those facts, indeed, are beyond the range of contro versy. The alliance of the Cabinets of Vienna and London is complete ; the Court of Naples, so far from being menaced by Lord PALMERS TON'S Administration, receives its moral sup port; the determination of the Bessarabian frontier is settled by mutual concessions ; the Neufchatel question has been arranged by the joint action of the Governments of France and England. These are important facts, and it is not possible to contrast them with the traditions of Liberal policy and the attitude of our Foreign-office but a few months ago, without being struck with the change which has occurred. To what cause shall we say that the change is owing? Is it due to new convictions, to a sentiment of expediency, or to a perception that the tone which may be very fit to please the Liberal party in England cannot be main tained when the statesmen of Europe, ani mated by a desire to equitably settle disputed points and to preserve peace, frankly inter change sentiments with each other, and rise above the artifices which are thought neces sary in domestic politics when the public mind has to be deceived and journals are found convenient instruments for diffusing misrepresentation and calumny? This point our contemporary may answer better than we can pretend to do. Rectitude of policy may proceed from different and very opposite motives. It may result from prin ciple, or from compulsion—from choice, or from a perception of necessity. We sincerely wish our contemporary would condescend to explain how the Foreign Policy of Lord PALMERSTON'S Administration, if worthy of approval now, could be worthy of approval some months back, when the very opposite of what it is. If we dwell on this point for a moment, it is because the policy w hich is based on the shifting necessities of the time—which now extends encouragement to the Liberals of the Continent, and now enters into cordial re lations with their Governments—never can exert that influence which belongs to settled conviction, and can never inspire tho rough confidence in any party, though it may be at periods essentially Conservative in its action. The virus which lurks in a false political system may for a time exhibit no symptoms of malipity, but is always liable to break out in disease. We have said flat the Neufchatel question is virtually settled. This is satisfactory ; but it is surely distressing to think that in this age a dispute so essentially trivial should The Emperor of the FRENCH declined to assent to this policy, and hence the joint ac tion of the two Cabinets was for a time impos sible, and the preparations for war went on. The Swiss. relying on the support of England, declined the mediation of the Emperor, and refused to liberate the prisoners. As the danger of collision became more imminent, clearer 3xplanations had to be given. Lord PALMERSTON'S Cabinet had never done more than offer to the Swiss Government vague assurances of sympathy; and when it was dis covered that nothing more was to be expected. a decision was adopted to accept the advice of France, and liberate the prisoners. It is said that the Swiss negotiators complain that they were deceived in their expectation that the English Government would afford them that support which they conceived they had reason to expect from it. Lord COWLEY (to whom the negotiations were intrusted) has had no ex perience of political life in England, and was not on this occasion a fortunate interpreter of the sentiments of his country to the Swiss Government. But we are too 'nappy to find that the ques tion has been settled to cavil at the manner in which it has been brought about. It is encou raging to know that means were found to reconcile the sentiments of the Cabinets of England and France on this question, and to secure their joint action. The dangerous principles which Lord PALMERSTON thinks it necessary to profess at home have in this, as in other instances, yielded to the pressure of political necessity abroad. We may regret that England lost a favourable opportunity of asserting her influence and of proving her friendship to a free country at a critical period ; but, at the same time, we have good cause to be thankful that no sentimental sym pathy with Liberalism has led Lord PALMERS TON to commit this country to a policy fraught with future difficulty and danger. COUNT CAVOUR ON THE ANGLO AUSTRIAN ALLIANCE. WE observe that M. CAVOUR has announced to the Sardinian Chambers that only upon the unimportant questions arising out of the execution of the Treaty of Paris were England and Austria agreed; that upon those questions the two countries might have been acting together, but that certainly there was nothing in the relations at present existing between the two Cabinets to justify the assertion that they are allies. That M. CAVOUR should see with disappoint• ment that the English Cabinet is receding THE NEW REFORM BILL ALTHOUGH the Conservative party in the House of Commons sits to the left of the Speaker's chair, it cannot be denied that it exercises considerable influence on passing events. The fact would be readily confessed by the present Ministers; and the weight of Conservative power (even under existing cir cumstances) reconciles many constitutional politicians to the absence of their friends from office. Matters, however, will not be allowed to remain as they are now. The Liberals are resolved to lessen, if possible, the political strength of the Conservative party, and will most likely resolve to push on the Reform question. Their policy in that respect is not denied by their followers. They believe themselves that it is their game to do so, and the pledges of their leaders are before the country Something must be done to hush the growls of the advanced Liberals whose seats are in jeopardy ; for trimming democrats are not liked by popular consti tuencies, as the cases of Mr. WAKLEY, late of Finsbury, Messrs. HAWES and PEARSON, late of Lambeth, show ; and as the Middlesex con stituency will teach Mr. RALPH OSBORNE at the next election. Besides, too many of the real leaders of the Liberal party are so deeply committed as to render the possibility of a retreat from " Reform " impracticable. Th• party has chosen it for a principle, and in scribed it on its colours. The honesty and common sense of the, people of England will permit no party to be playing fast and loose with so great a question; and we can readily understand the feeling which exists in many Conservatives, that anything would be pre ferable to the uncertainty of having a large and menacing measure hanging over the country. England cannot afford to be con stantly threatened with great constitutional changes. It will therefore be necessary for us now to be forewarned, and it will be useful to recon noitre closely the tendencies and conduct of