The Press. — London, England, 1856-09-20 00:00:00

ginummoppin etf' (TAJ {/ ! ' ! • E TI ';7.)11,'S . • .L. , ,_ ~,,,, !PIT ,t . Ifr (1. ~. 1 ~ ,i , . • • 1 ..11• 1 1.. • • k, , .. . 1 IIP. T_1!...0!0 . DRO3O HI .! i ,•; 10 b 4• 2' ^ t .../ Ir t . , .__ ~,.,..„:„.t„ cy ...Joy w.. - ~.„ • ------ 77." _ _ 7 7 ". : - 71 - 7 -; - 7 c I • , .., , ,r;r , ! r , : ' No. 177.—Y0L.W. tlc Vrtss. ie4,4 STAMPED LONDON, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 20, 1856. UN ST ....STXPENCEA* AMPED-FIVEPENCE. LONDON, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 20, 1850. TIM theory of Representative Government is so simple that it /seems , at first sight easy to establish it in any country. Concede to the community the right of electing representa tives under certain conditions,—make pro vision for their meeting at stated times, invest them wiLl powers and. privileges by . practically the management of the States Is, thrown into their hands, and a representative system is formed. The simplicity of the pro cess has led to the promulgation of those, various constitutions which have been a dis tinguishing feature in the politics of Europe in modern times. The experiment has been tried under every variety of form—in periods of convulsion and in periods of quietude ; every precaution has been taken against failure that experience and ingenuity could suggest, yet in England alone has the system survived the shocks of trial, and worked out the great political problem of combining Liberty and Order. How is this ? To what cause are we to at tribute the vitality of Parliamentary Govern ment in England, and its failure in the chief! countries of the Continent? The answer is! to be found in the perils to which Parliamen-; tart' Government is, from its very nature,' peculiarly liable.. ' ' (1 It is. in the first place, in continual danger. of being overthrown by democratic turbulence. Nachecka aud! safeguards that can be devise 4 have been f ou nd i n p ract i ce proo f aga i ns t this peril. The waves of democratic passion are not to be restrained by mere parchment. decrees—" Thus far shalt thou come and no, " farther." The aristocratic eleniebt la eviky country must be weak in point of number 4 ; and when by representation any considerable body of the people is invested with political power, no restrictive rules can .prevent them from attempting the destruction of those in atitntione which tlwy see are OppoSed to r n state of complete social equality. In cotintries where orders i onSiciety are distinctly marked, a representative assembly is commonly agitated by a war of classes, or a war against privileges essential to that framework of society which exists. In the strife, the demo cratic element obtains/ cioarplete aseendatlet, and accomplishes a great revolution, or the nation, alarmed, torn, and wearied by the con tention, seeks refuge from the evils which dist) act it under the shelter of despotic power. Representative Government is exposed to the ohance of insidious end lingetinlgdisso Lien, as well as of violent and sudden ciesth. It may perish through thoae very in fbiences which are employed to ivard off the more obvious danger that threatens it. Corruption may be employed to dis arm opposition and 'restrain turbulence. As soon as individuals become obnoxious to the governing power, and enlist public svinpathies on their side, they may be bought Olt The plan is promising. It was brought to great perfection by WALPOLE in this count'', and by Louis PHILIPPE in France. In the atterocase the patient died .under the decitroils, hands; and in the former he had a narrow[ escape. It was saved by the spirit of Party.; which, having been crushed under the reign ofj the first thirty years of the house of Hanover,li revived under the auspices of the English gentry, and rescued Representative Govern- 1 1 ment from the systematic corruption threatened its total extinction. It is against these two dangers—'-opposite in character, yet equally fortnidable—that Party association alone can present a successful front. Such association must be mainly aristocratic, and for,. this reason,. it has been assailed by those solemn fools who believe that in politics there is nothing more profoald than their own capacity of comprehension. It must be under the guidance of men whO, from their station and talents, are best qualified to direct it, and whose character is so high and honorable As to set them above tlpe corrupt influences which every Government has at its disposal. In proportion as the force of Party is diminished, the strength to resist democratic agitation declines, and the sentiment of honour which should actuate politicians is weakened. To resist those sordid temptations which laifsail men in their individual capaCity, it is necessary that they should learn to set together, that they should be connected by ties of honour which cannot be broken with out loss of character, that they should assume such an important position in the eyes of the public as to attract attention to their pro ceedings, and make the action of each member of the Party a matter of moment. The union which gives them strength and consistency, inspires them also with motives to resist temptation, and fortifies the higher and more patriotic impulses of their nature. That we do not exaggerate the importance of Party is evident from this, that when the association is broken up, there is a great ad vance of deniocracy or of corruption, and fre quently of both together. In one of the most pointed of his political sketches, HB repre sented Sir ROBERT PEEL as seated on a heap of stones by the wayside, wielding his hammer vigorously on the great blocks lettered " par ties." Sir ROBERT PEEL broke up the Conser vative party in 1829, and the Reform Bill was the result. He again broke up his party in 1846, and the not distant result was that Coali tion which adopted as its first principle of union a pledge to introduce " a large measure of:Parliamentary Reform." It was,owing to the rupture of the Conservative party that Loril ABERDEEN, Mr. GLADSTONE, Lord JOHN RUSSELL, Lord PALMERSTON, the Duke of NEWCASTLE, and Sir JAMES GRAHAM met in the same Cabinet, pledged to overthrow the Parliamentary set tlement of 1830. We were preserved from a great constitutional crisis by the Russian war. The political atmosphere is now serene, but it is only by Party Organisation that it can be preserved pure, or that it cati be guarded against sudden tempests. It is perfectly intelligible that the represen atives of democracy in this country should desire to seo Party Government overthrown, as while it subsists it offers a barrier to their designs. What moves our surprise is, that men should declaim against Party who are not favorable to democratic impulses. If we dis pense with political association, we dispense with the only security we can have against the grossest Administrative corruption. Instead (0,4 1 09 ; 4/At by party tlPs,. men. would sepa rife Tift6 anal[ political 'connections, whose pgippwonldisoon be known, or >flley would stand alone waiting for an advantageous offer present itself. The ease is not imaginary. The independent Liberal members of the •House of Commons have contrived to turn their position to admirable account. Imagine the leading members on all sides to be as in dependent of party ties as Sir BENJAMIN HALL and 4r, I l siw)6 l and as eastly manageable, and parliament would sink into a submissive arrei the Ministry itself become ss permanent bureau. The patty which in Opposition, preserves its fealty, which faithfully guards the public in terests, has * right to look to power as the reward of its services when, through any poli tical conjuneVatei the Crown shad'. rift occa sion to call new advisers to its councils. That is the position of the Conservative party at the present moment. It preserves the tradition* and the practice of our constitutional system. Those persons are traitors to the cause they profess to serve who would insinuate suspi• cions of its integrity, or who would advise it to accept tests which would operate as a per petual exclusion from office. A great party must be comprehensive in its views, it must be tolerant in its opinions, mindful that it has great objects to fulfil, and that it aspires to represent the predominant sentiments of a mighty awl enlightened people. It mu* utterly discard the narrow and impracticable tenets which never can be entertained without impairing its force and detracting from its usefulness. DELUSIONS OF DEMOCRACY. No fundamental opinion of Conservatism is more positive than that unbalanced demo cracy is entirely unsuited to the genius of English institutions. The main fallacy of our coatemporary “ Liberalism " has been to ep, courage the preaching and writing of a reek , lesaly censorious school of politics, which aims at peremptory decision of grave questions. To reconcile unlimited tribunitian sway with a vigorous execution, is a problem that has never been completely solved. When out of office, the Liberals are bold and arrogant de nouncers of all that is established ; but when they are in Downing•street. their declaimers become silent; demagogues soon pass into mute officials, and aristocratic titles of a sub ordinate kind hush the heroic rage of whole sale railers at corruption. There are eccentric leaders, a Smith O'Brien or a John Frost, who become the dupes of other persor at once dangerous and of crowds is confound , opinion. They have b that ominous noun of invoked on all occasio and salaried Libetals, through the interested lated enthusiasm of used for a time, the nounced. With moi less sincerity, they honours. But for sons, and make themselves .ndridiculous. The ..., • ;(fity - f: ended by thet, .• 47 'Nig 'e been accusteugX i' of multitude, "Abe di. ; '',.'°"' . -1. lions by applaudad Is, and such mw • ••• * *do , ted partisanshit . 11r ' ...—I miirsi their associate • • 3 : , e- Len deserted, allil 3404., . •') )re common setae- Orvivith would avoid such 'llridafalL:.Y . men of such misguided