The Press. — London, England, 1855-11-17 00:00:00

1088 mental, has been carried to the utmost pitch. Life is not less busy, but it is less varied, more monotonous, than at any earlier period. Hence a craving among the poor and unedu cated for material stimulants ; among their superiors for intellectual novelty. This mor bid desire to hear something new—the old Athenian complaint—is not confined to Eng land. France exhibits the same symptoms in a more aggravated shape. In America the disease reaches a pitch of which we can form little idea, and breaks out in divers absurdi ties, which reach us here only in a faint and occasional echo. In this country the curiosity I speak of usually finds exercise on subjects of home policy, and diverts itself with the intrigues of politicians, the ventilation of new social questions, lawsuits, murders, spirit rapping, or table-turning. Had the corn-law controversy been still alive in 1853, I think it probable that we should have had no war. Hungary, in 1849, furnished as fair a subject for intervention as Turkey now; yet no inter vention came. Wily ? Because parties in Parliament were fighting fiercely, and the public was not in search of a new cry. Do not let me be so far misunderstood as to have it supposed that I accuse any one of knowingly seeking to protract a state of war for the sake of the pleasure he finds in read ing about battles. That crime against humanity is too grave to be lightly imputed. But affirm that upon vast masses of men in all ranks of life, suffering under the tedium of an unvaried and eventless existence, the war acts pleasurably as a mental stimulant; they look to the letters of Mr. Russell or Mr. Wood as to a periodical enjoyment; and thus, uncon sciously to themselves, they are brought to think with reluctance of the moment when this new habitual excitement shall disappear. I blame no person for an involuntary, and probably inevitable, tendency ; I only assert its existence. Next, I come to the " interests which spring up during war, and suffer by the return of peace." These need, for the most part, only to be named. It is certain that the Executive is stronger, less hampered by Parliamentary interference, and has more patronage at its disposal, while hostilities are going on. The public, intent on watching the struggle, cares not one farthing for ordinary questions of internal administration ; and does not show its usual merciless alacrity in hunting down any Minister who may have got his Depart ment into a scrape. Nobody expects for the session of 1856 such a programme of measures as inaugurated that of 1853. It'SirW. Codring t al can only keep the Crimean army in health, and if Lord Palmerston will only talk loud enough and long enough about "vigorous pro secution of the war," he may save himself the trouble of attempting any one reform. India, the Colonies, Ireland, need none of them hope to attract the notice of Parliament; and so the representative of each will enjoy a respite. Even the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who is usually teased to take off one-half the taxes, and alter the other half, finds no trouble now. Nothing is expected of him ; he may ask and have ; all parties agree that a war must not be starved. Of course this state of things makes Downing-street an Elysium. Here is interest the first. Next come the various Parliamentary parties; and how is it with them? I except at once the manufacturing interest, to which war is synonymous with loss; and I allow that there are on all sides many M.P.'s whose political position remains unaffected by the state of affairs abroad. But the Whigs, threatened by Lord John with the loss of their rotten boroughs, may be reasonably glad of anything that staves off that menaced catastrophe. Of Conservatives, again, there are not a few who, really thinking that legis lation of late years has gone too fast and too far, and looking not to the future, rejoice to find that precipitate action succeeded by an interval of repose. The more extreme Radi cals see their way to revolutionary change at home through the distress which war creates, and that disturbance which is certain to follow distress when protracted and severe. They have in view a double object—the demolition of Russia, and the subversion of established arrangements here, by one and the same pro swim We hays thus three parties concerned THE PRESS. in keeping up a state of war—the borough mongers, those who vaguely and blindly dis like all that is called, or calls itself," progress," and those who, less honest but more far sighted, find in the prospect of futuro mischief a set-off against present inactivity. Add to these all who have expectations from Govern ment, and therefore desire its stability ; and all whose seats are " shaky," whose pledges of 1852 have not been rigorously observed, and who hope in their devotion to the new popular idol to find absolution for past offences. So much for the war-interest in Parliamont. Now, let us look out of doors. Is the newspaper press altogether unbiassed? [Observe, in this as in every other case, I am not accusing any set of men of known, wilful, self•conseious partiality. I do not presume, in any single instance, to decide how far individuals or classes are influenced by in terest as against patriotism. I only wish to show that the interest is there. Let judges of human nature settle the rest.] A newspaper deals in news. The demand for newspapers increases with the demand for news. The demand for news increases enormously in war time. Need I push the argument further? And further—setting aside the question of interest in its broad and direct form—it would seem to be in the nature of things that a public writer, who in the exercise of his voca tion must find or make subjects of discussion for every day in the week, should instinctively sympathise with whatever is going on in the form of movement or agitation, be it warlike or merely pacific. By feeding the popular thirst for novelty, he comes to share it. But if tendencies such as I describe exist in the Cabinet, in the Commons, and in the profession of journalism, is an antidote to be found in the good sense of the community? Among the general public, the largest class is that of the farmers. How do they stand affected ? War in their minds is associated with high prices ; they think themselves gainers by it—and so, for the time, they are; of subsequent burdens and the perpetual load of taxation laid on the shoulders of posterity, few have the providence to think. True, the recruiting sergeant interferes to some slight extent with the labour-market; but the injury thus done is not serious ; the best men, for their purpose, do not enlist ; it is not the steadiest, most plodding of the peasantry that volunteer with greatest eagerness for Crimean service. At any rate, the palpable, unmis takeable benefit of high prices turns the scale, and many, perhaps most. believe that with peace these high prices will cease. From the farmer I pass on to the labourer. Considering what the state of our working classes is, it would be unfair to rely too much on their judgment to whichever side it might lean; all I shall point out is, that as war gives high prices to the corn-producer, it gives em ployment and high wages to the working man. Taking into account the extra enlistment for land and sea service, the demand for ships, guns, weapons of all kinds, stores and supplies, we may reckon that more than half a million of hands are directly or indirectly employed by the State to carry on hostilities over and above the ordinary demand of the services in peace time. Unless, therefore, bread rise to a famine price, and unless the labourer learn to connect this scarcity with the existence of war, it is not likely that his voice will be raised against its continuance, although, in the long run, no class will suffer by it more certainly or more severely. Lastly, take the trading or commercial body. Here, no doubt, peace is more popular; and of those who support war many do so with a full knowledge that they are acting against their own personal and pecuniary interest. But even here there is a class (and not a small one) to which the return of our armies and fleets will bring a cessation of the most lucra tive business in which they have ever been engaged. Has not the Transport Service alone in one year cost ten millions? Have not other expenses been proportionate ? Already, in the great shipping towns, and notably in Liverpool, the rapid rise of some private for tunes under the artificial stimulus thus applied to trade is matter of comment. No doubt a corresponding period of collapse must ensue ; but futuro perils, which moreover will be SATURDAY, shared by the entire community, do not greatly disturb a trader's enjoyment of pre sent gain. What, then, are the immediate effects (I lay a stress on that word) of the war as it concerns all classes? To the Government it gives strength and security at home ; to Conserva tive and Whig M.P.'s present respite from Parliamentary Reform ; to Radicals hope of wide spread chasige hereafter ; to the press circulation, which is both influence and wealth; to farmers high prices; to labourers present employment; to ship-builders, and all who supply the materials of war, an increase of business, which is temporary, indeed, but very lucrative while it lasts. In one word, a war, regarded as it affects commerce and finance, and assuming it to be carried on, as in these days it must be, by the aid of loans, implies an agreement on the part of all classes in a nation to live beyond the national income, trenching on the capital which supplies that income, and which no sane person ever expects to see re placed. Can we wonder that, with the un thinking and improvident, war should be popular? Can we wonder (and yet by writers and speakers who must know better this is put forth as a marvellous and unhopel-for proof of success) that as yet no sign of dis tress or weariness should have shown itself? No ; the English public, unmerciful to its generals, indulgent to itself, has so managed matters as to have the excitement and the glory now—the suffering hereafter. But that " hereafter " will arrive. and with it wisdom, but too late. Meanwhile, when such plati tudes are heard as that—" No one loves war for its own sake," " Everybody is for peace if an honourable peace can be had "—and such is just now the language of many—let the facts I have here set down be borne in mind. Dis puted they cannot be—they ought not to be forgotten. E. S. THE KING or PRUSSIA, it is said at Berlin, in. tends to present Baron de Manteuffel with a large demesne, composed of three fine estates, which will be erected into an hereditary niajorate in his favour. He will be also raised to the dignity of ,count, and have an hereditary seat in the First Chamber. THE ARCHDUKE FERDINAND OF AUSTRIA, in his late accident at Trieste, did not sustain such severe injuries as was at first feared. He is expected to recover shortly. The Emperor returned to Vienna upon finding his brother out of danger. GENERAL ESPARTERO being lately questioned on the subject of a Western alliance, is reported to have made the following verbatim reply :—" There is not at present any alliance. But Spain is a Latin nation, and if the war goes on she will certainly take part in it ultimately on the side of France and England. I incline to think that the war will become general in the spring. Should events compel Spain to draw the sword in this quarrel, you may be assured that the manner of her doing so will be such as to sustain the old Castilian glory, and that she will not accept a ship, a man, or a crown piece, from any power in the world." COUNT PROKESCH-OSTEN, who succeeds Baron Bruck as Austrian internuncio at the Porte, hay formerly served his Sovereign diplomatically at Con stantinople, and several years since published a work on Turkey. He embarks at Trieste, in an Austrian war-steamer, the Elizabeth, and is to call at Athens on his way to Constantinople. SCHILLER'S BIRTHDAY will be celebrated on its .Liftieth anniversary at Leipsic by sending diplomas of honour to those who by the pencil, dramatic art, criticism, translation, or otherwise, have distin guished themselves in extending and advancing the fame of the great poet. The names of Carlyle, in England, Adlerqviesnard and Hase, in France, and Maffei, in Milan, are among the names mentioned as entitled to this honour. THE CI-DEVANT PRINCE LEO OF ARMENIA, i 8 about to be given up by the Prussian police from want of sufficient evidence to detaih him. 1► is be lieved that he is a political agent of Russia. A CONFERENCE on the subject of the Sound dues is positively announced as being about to take place, and the powers invited are stated to have accepted the invitation. France and England will be there represented, and it is certain that the United States of America will also send a plenipotentiary. EGYPTIAN ANTIQUITIES, of great rarity, and a large number of coins of the time of the Ptolemies, have lately been discovered at Rancla, near Alexandria, in Egypt. The Egyptian Government have taken every precaution to prevent their being pilfered.