The Press. — London, England, 1856-02-09 00:00:00

.. ..• . _____.... ",,,,...../.. ) ,L .....• I ~• r r ... 7 r • i , _ i . .0111/ s! ;s • a •• • o • •, / •• ' •.. . • tr.n.l'veirt :•/ ', •-• 'I I ,; r ' ~ :1* 7 tp f! 1 ... • ' . ') . ill V3'.:.' .. I • . ~ : j• : ' ' • I • . • . . i f.. s . eb• •. . . . I I . .. ......! ' 11 No. 145.—V0L. IV. LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 9,1856. ot vrtss. by ties of relationship, and to England by bonds of old alliance, commercial interest, and community of faith, is it wonderful that she desired to avoid rupture with either While the sole argument for the exclusion of Prussia from the Congress is of doubtful applicability, the arguments in favour of her admission are numerous, clear, and forcible. It is a leading principle of treaties for the settlement of European disturbance, that the great Powers should co-operate in framing their conditions, and in affording to them their sanction. The principle is founded on reason, as the States of Europe are so bound together that they have a common interest in principles of settlement. Accordingly, the stream of precedent runs in one direction. There are few cases in recent history in which the great Powers have not all concurred in treaties which were of real European im portance. There was an exception in the case of the two Conventions concluded in July, 1840, and July, 1841, when France was excluded from participation in the arrangements for the pacification of the Levant, and for closing the Straits of the Dardanelles. But herekciasion was her own set—it was unavoideble ; and, moreover, the questions as they' primarily regarded the dispute between the Porte and the Pacha of Egypt, could not be compared in magnitude with those great disturbances, which, as in the present ease, affect the whole polity of Europe. Though Prussia has been neutral in the War, she has not been an unconcerned spec tator of it. From its commencement she has laboured to effect a pacific solution. With that view she brought about the Bamberg Conferences, which were held for German, not for Russian interests, and which had the effect of giving expression to the pacific tendencies of the German States. We are aware that in certain quarters great irritation exists against Prussia because she declined to join in previous negotiations. She took no part in the Vienna Conferences last year, but is it possible that her abstinence can he regarded as a fault by this country ? The question was not then ripe for solution. The great struggle before Sebastopol had to be fought nut. Prussia has throughout iden tified herself with German interests, and has regarded the War from the German point of view. But no one will venture to allege that Ger many has not a direct interest in the questions which are to be !discussed at the impending Congress. No country has, in fact, a stronger interest in their settlement. Russian ascen dancy, which might be dangerous to other countries, would be fatal to Germany. We have been told over and over again that one object of the War was to relieve Germany from the paralysing effect of Russian influence ; yet if Prussia be excluded from the Congress, we shall commit the blunder of leaving Germany unrepresented. Austria has ends of her own; her interests are not the interests of Germany ; her empire is composed of an agglomeration of States, of which the German element is an in significant part. But Prussia is strictly a German power. Her interests are not sepa rable from those of Germany at large ; and by her admission to the Congress the whole weight of Germany would be given to the settlement arrived at. If these considerations are thought too general, there are others which nearly and LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 1850. WE have reason to believe that the constitution of the Congress about to assemble at Paris is not yet fixed. The point in debate is, whether Prussia shall be admitted to the Congress; and on this head some difference of opinion exists among the leading Powers. The question has never been fairly discussed in this country, but it has now assumed such practical shape and prominence that it can no longer be overlooked. It must be the wish of every one that the Congress should result in a definitive and stable settlement of the matters at issue between the belligerent Powers. We desire the Peace in prospect to rest on the broadest and most solid foundations, and to be assured by the only guarantee which from the nature of the case it can have,—the collective might and opinion of Europe. On a suhject of such grave policy the splenetic sentiments pro voked by the contest should give way, and we shoal& -discard all wish to impair the weight of the Congress and near its unity of action by a petty desire to mortify this Power or humiliate that. The argument against the admission of Prussia must rest on the fact that she has been neutral in the contest. She has taken no part with the Allies, but neither has she taken part against them. She has laboured to im press on both sides the expediency of a pacific settlement, and has endeavoured to bring about such a settlement by ever 3 means in her power short of a departure from her attitude of stnct neutrality. If she is to he excluded from the Congress, it must be by reason of her neutrality. There is no other ground of fact or theory on which it can be defended. Now, it does not strike one that neutrality is in itself a good cause of exclusion from a Congress called expressly to discuss and settle difficult points of difference between belli gerent States. In all cases of conflict between adverse interests, it is a neutral authority of some kind or other which is thought fittest to pronounce a decision. There can he no ques tion of the sincerity with which Prussia from the very commencement of the quarrel has desired , peace ; an d if she be admitted to the Congress, her influence would unquestionably be directed to soften asperities, and accommo date any difficulties that might arise. Be it conceded that she has Russian leanings, her pacific leanings are much stronger. Of all the Powers of Europe, she has most reason to desire a termination of the War, for she could take part with neither side without exposing her kingdom to terrible calamities. and It would probably be impossible for her to main tain her neutrality longer. There are no doubt cases in which bellige rent Powers have a right to forbid and to resent neutrality Had the Allies at the com mencement of the War declared that Prussia wag in a position in which her neutrality was mVurious to them and serviceable to their enemy, they might have compelled her to 01 1001111 her part. But connected with Russia advoCate tentiary EP I SITANIPED .... SIXPENCE. UNSTAMPED..FIVEPENCE. directly concern this country. Of all the States of Europe, Prussia is the one with which our statesmen have thought it their best policy to cultivate a close alliance. Be fore the House of Hanover was called to the English Throne, or Prussia had taken rank as an independent kingdom, the forces of the Elector had fought by our side for the liber ties of Europe against Louis XIV. Half a century later, we more than repayed the obli gation by steadfastly adhering to her cause, when the great FREDERICK was threatened with destruction by the most formidable coati tion that ever menaced a single State; nor have the two kingdoms on any occasion ever been opposed in arms to each other. The admission of Prussia to the Congress would, in one very important particular, be directly in our own interest. Prussia is a Protestant State, and the only one of the great continental Powers to which England can look for sympathy and aid in the objects dearest to her national heart. The War originated in the rival claims of the Roman and Greek Churches. The contention was first for the key of the Holy Sepulchre. One of the most important duties of the Congress will be to settle the protection to be secured to the Christian subjects of the Porte. Among them in faith are Greeks, Romanists, and Protestants. It must be our part to see that the Protestant population is duly cared for, that they stand on the same footing, as regards every kind of privilege, with the other Christians in Turkey. The Romish Chun* will be represented by France, Austria, and Sardinia. The resolve of the two former Powers to support Papal domination, and their desire to secure Romish ascen dancy in the East, make their close and immediate alliance extremely formidable when contemplated from a religious point of view. It is not necessary to distrust their intentions, or to entertain any apprehension of a new Romish league ; but it is necessary that this country should never forget that Protestantism is part of its policy, and should neglect no opportunity of strengthening its Protestant alliances. The establishment of the Protestant bishopric in Jerusalem is a proof of the earnestness and sincerity with which Prussia is disposed to co-operate with us in caring for Protestant interests in the East. Shall we, by insisting on her exclusion from the Congress, be parties to weakening the Protestant interest in a body which will have to deal with the religious question, and exercise a most im portant influence on the future destinies of Europe Had Prussia openly sided with Russia, this question of her admissibility would never have been raised. She would have been a party to the Congress as a matter of course. Can it be a valid ground for her exclusion that she did not do so? Leaving aside all views of European statesmanship, regard for Protestant interests, and for the established policy of policy of this country, should induce us to advocate the admission of a Prussian Plenipo- tentiary to the Paris Congr• -s . ~o ....." el, F,',' r 4 -.-"}" • :-/ • - REPORT FROM TIC - ', -.• r• COMMIS ...S j -- up g . ~,,, THE Report of the Mir - .. ) ...'x ty appoint ,- 41 by Governme .-• . •.. 4r fer what it is worth. It co. ' 1.4. . ‘ • ' /‘ „ir b• c fr • ': ' "* .s 9 4 " useful suggestions, w--I • 444,200-' 44 4!•• • ' . llmum ttt