The Press. — London, England, 1856-12-13 00:00:00

+..,.,.,., V , ._C,.... ...., o DECEMBER 13, 1856. '-. -.. • es' ; 1189 THE PRESS. LANDOR that the English people, as a body, has no sympathy with his extravagance, whatever a few romantic young ladies may choose to thick on the subject. It is certain that another Arctic expeditionimust be undertaken before the public mind is satisfied as to the fate of FRANKLIN and his crew. We readily admit that there is scarcely a shadow of hope that any individual of that expedition is now living ; but we want to leak!' the fate of his ships, and, if possible, to recover the logs and journals of the expedition. A combined search made from the North American side, ant' fi om Barrow Straits on the other, would almost certainly dis cover traces of the ships, now we know with tolerable exactitude the course they must have taken. Our own idea is, that FRANKLIN pursued the route which he was ordered to take, and which he expressed his determination of taking; that he penetrated to the west of Cape Walker, found a channel through the ice to the southward, and got frozen up somewhere in that region leading to King William Land which has never yet been explored. Our conviction is, that the ships, or at least traces of the expedition, are to be found ; and it would be disgraceful for ever to our character for pluck and perseverance if, with such strong probabilities in our favour, and such incentives to exertion, we abandoned that search which constitutes one of the greatest episodes in the history of our naval enterprise. A movement against the income tax has at last set in. This was to be expected. With the close of the war it would have been wise to have closed our war exnenditure—to have taken account of our debt; to have cleared it off by a loan at once ; and then have commenced a regular system of finance. This work must be entered on next session. Whatever other business is postponed this must be done. An adjustment of our income and expenditure is the first necessity of the time. The day for makeshifts is passed, whatever precedents the learning of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER may suggest for pro- longing them. There can be no doubt that, as tar as his merits are concerned, few criminals ever deserved hanging more richly than the murderer MARLEY. But what a culprit may deserve, and what it may be expe dient for the public to inflict, are two totally different things. The punishment of death stared MARLEY in the face, and he was not deterred by it. He calculated his chances, and elected to run the risk. Had his victim merely been made an idiot for life, MARLEY would have saved his neck. Such is the mode in which the majority of criminals reason ; and, indeed, it is merely in accordance with the mode pursued by the world at large. How many men pursue conduct which the chances are twenty to one may bring them to ruin. Yet they look to the one chance, and ignore the twenty. When people wish to commit a foolish or a wicked action, it is not the magnitude but the certainty of the consequences which deters them. Where these are uncertain, they all become alike. A man thinks he has as good A chance of escaping death as imprisonment, and straightway death and imprisonment assume the same dimensions in his mind. On the other hand, that the punishment of death does exercise to some extent a demoralising, influence on the crowd can hardly he denied. What then is the great efficacy of the penalty which shall balance it against this evil? would like to join us, I will either shelve our bill, or give it to him for amalgamation with his own. The DUKE.—I have no authority for saying that he has one. His views, of course, remain unchanged, but whether he perceives any immediate necessity fur endeavouring to carry them out I can not say. Would it not be better fur you to introduce your own measure ? The PREMIER—If Lord John Russell does not think that this is a fit time for a Reform Bill, I Should feel disposed to defer to his judgment. The DUKE.—I do not express his opinion one way or the other. The PREMIER.—Then I wish you would. I think I may complain that you do not meet me, my dear Duke, in the spirit I could desire. The DUKE.— My dear Lord, it is needless for me to say bow delighted I am to see you at the Abbey, and how I wish you favoured us with your presence more frequently. But this special visit was your own suggestion, with a view to business, and I hope I am not oblivious of the duty of a host, in merging it for the moment in that of a statesman. The PREMlER.—Charmingly said. Why don't you speak oftener, Duke ? You mean that I ought to open my hand, and then you will see what. is iu it. Well then—will Lord John Russell join us, and carry a Reform Bill? The DUKE.—Is the second condition indispensable? The PREMIER.—The devil a bit. On the contrary, I would rather he let it alone—much rather. Will he join me without a Reform Bill ? The Dcxe.—The choice of the office is a mere detail, but The PREMIER.—He shall have what he likes. But my notion was to offer him Ireland. The DUKE.—And Lord Carlisle? The PREMIER.—He's detail. We'll find something for him. The DUKE —lreland, my dear Lord. This, of course. you advance as a joke. A place which Lord Carlisle can fill scarcely requires Lord John Russell. The PREMIER.—I didn't think of the place, but of him. His health has not been very good, and a year or so of light, pleasant occupation, and a post of notoriety and responsibility, might have suited him. The DOKE —Except as regards the addition of his name, and all that it brings, you do not strengthen' yourself by placing him in the Lord Lieutenancy. The PREMIER.—My dear Duke, it is just his name and all that it brings that I want. I want the Abbey. I du not want politics, but politicians. Do you comprehend ? The DUKE.—Perfectly, and thank you for your frankness. But it appears to me that in the alliance you propose the gain will he all on one side, and that side not ours. The PREMIER.—The point to which I wished to come. What terms can I offer? I wish that you saw your way to his views. Plainly now—the War-office and a Peerage : will that do? The DUKE.—I should regret to see my brother out of the House of Commons. The PREMIER.—I am sure that I should share that regret. But why should he refuse the honours of the Constitution which he has done so much to fortify and adorn ? The DUKE.—Business, my dear Lord, business. The PREMIER.—WeII, well. That is, however, a far way of look ing at it. The DUKE.—In a newspaper. The PREMIER.—The fact is that I mean to have him, if I can, and I make no secret to you that it is so. lam not disposed to cavil on terms, for I have a reason for wishing to be enabled t ) a.there to my own Liberal convictions and policy. It is fair to tell you, Duke, that a Coalition is proposed to me. The DUKE —Eh ? The PREMIER.—No wonder that you are startled. But it is so. In forty-eight hours I could make an arrangement that would give me two-thirds of the House—l may say three-fourths—under almost any given circumstances. _ _ The DUKE.—But not without a sacrifice of your principles. The PREMIER.—If the—shall I say obstinacy ? of the natural leaders of the country refuse me their support, I may be compelled to modify my views for the sake of serving her Majesty. The DIKE.—You might resign. The PREMIER —I The DUKE.—True, I spoke like an Arcadian. May one hear more? The PREMIER.—Three words—yes. (IG7tispers.) Yes, now ready to join at once. The DUKE (most earnestly )—Do nothing of that kind, my dear friend. Remember your antecedents. The PREM lER.—SO I do—and my relatives. The DUKE.-Ah ! Don't jest. This - is serious. This is a crisis, indeed, an awful crisis. What ! a Tory Government ! 0, dreadful! My dear I ord Palmerston, let me beseech you to do nothing until I have more to say to you. lam certain that we can meet your views-- only give us time. The PREMIER (asrelessly).—Well, take it : but rely on what I have told you. I am far from certain that the course in question is tortuous or wrong. A strong Government — The DrxE.—Don't speak of it—you make me ill. It would be horrible! There's the first gong-0, horrible ! Promise me not to take a single step until you hear from me again. I am sure that my brother would do anything to prevent such a disaster. lam certain of it. This way. [Exit. The PREMIER.—So am T. Frightened him out of his senses. What a good thought ! An inspiration! Hooked him! Evidently an inspiration. Ha! ha ! Exit. THE SCENE AT WOBURN. The PREMIER.—Thank you, Duke, no. I'll sit here, where I can see the fire without feeling it. This room is warm enough anywhere. The DUKE.—Young blood, eh, my dear Palmerston. The PREMlER.—Perhaps so. Ha ! ha! And now, apropos of young blood, let us talk of new blood. What does your brother say ? The DUKE —He would, I am sure, wish me, in the first place, to know what you say. Seniores priores, as Horace says. The PREMIER.-1 think we have known one another long enough not to make it necessary to be diplomatic. N )%v I'll speak out at once, and tell you what I want. Has Lord John Russell got a Reform Bill ready ? The DUKE.—May I ask whether you call that telling me any thing ? The PREMIER.—WeII, what I was going to say, is this. We have got a Reform Bill, a remarkably fine one —nonsense, apart—one with some things in it that would get up an excitement, and rather do the trick than not. No, upon my word, Duke, you look incredulous, but it IS a first-rate article, drawn up by somebody who hopes to build a re putation on it. If I named him you would admit that the bill was likely to be a remarkable one. The DUKE —lt can never be a source of regret to my brother that any one should endeavour to improve the Constitution of the c,-)untry The PREMIER.—Of course not, but still it's rather poaching on his preserves, your know. I am ready to admit that. Now, if he