The Press. — London, England, 1857-01-17 00:00:00

c‘& 7r-,f IIeniMPFIPRHIPROPIMIgi.II LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 17, 1857. STAMPED ....SIXPENCE. UNSTAMPED..FIVEPENCE. No. 194.—V0L. V. Q7l c Vrtss. LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 17, 1857. FOR the last three years our relations with Foreign Powers have engaged a large share of public attention. This was a natural conse quence of the war with Russia, which con nected us more closely with the affairs of the Continent, and showed how important a part diplomacy must always play in the govern ment of the world. With rare exceptions, the Foreign Policy of England, whatever might be the rule of her Government at home, has been essentially Conservative. It has not sought to breed dissensions in foreign countries that it might profit by them ; to take part in do mestic intrigues, or to set the People against the Prince. It has loyally maintained friendly relations with the Governments with which it held intercourse, and has rather preferred open rupture to secret enmity and treacherous machinations. Believing that there were certain recognised and positive principles which should regulate our Foreign Policy, we have laboured to keep them steadily in view. We hold that it is not the part of this country to interfere with the internal affairs of other States, otherwise than to use our legitimate influence to preserve their peace, and to favour the welfare and good government of the people ; that we should take every opportunity to show our respect fix• national independence; that our intercourse with foreign Courts should be sincere and con ciliatory ; and that, viewing without the slightest jealousy or alarm the legitimate growth and natural expansion of foreign Powers, we should be prepared to resist any violent and unscrupulous attack upon the territories of their weaker neighbours. It is an article of the Conservative creed that this last object can never he so surely effected as by a system of alliances which shall always array against dangerous ambition a force sufficient to re strain it. We may congratulate the Conservative party that these principles, after a period of uncertainty, have prevailed. Our Foreign Policy is no longer directed to promote revo lutionary ideas, or to favour Liberal propagan dism. It is not even employed to keep Conti nental Courts in a state of disquietude. It has become moderate, conciliatory, and loyal. We make this statement with sincere plea sure. The change has been gradual, but we have now every reason to believe that it is complete. To our view it is of far higher lin portanee that our Foreign Policy should be governed by sage and equitable principles than that we should have a just ground of accusa tion against the Ministers who preside over it. As regards this great subject, the Parliament will assemble with widely different prospects from those which were before it when it met last year, and which prevailed even to the close of the session. It was then im possible to tell what course our Foreign Policy would take. It was guided by no settled prin ciples ; it was never explicit,lbut, so far as could be gathered from its own conduct and as from the language of its adherents, it held out hopes of support to the revolutionary spirit of the Continent, and vaguely favoured the notion that a struggle was about to arise between the Governments of certain Continental States and their subjects, when England would be found on the side of the latter. We appeal to every one who studied the language of the Ministerial press last year, and who recollect the tone of many Ministerial speakers, whether the above be not a fair representation of the hopes excited by the doubtful attitude of our Foreign offiee. We have said that the change has been gradual, so gradual, that it is not easy to say when it took effect. It has, as it proceeded, advanced with accelerated pace. One step has led naturally to another, and through their sequence the public have become accustomed to a policy, the announcement of which would some months ago have inspired them with amazement. A year ago the Ministerialists expressed the greatest dislike and distrust of Austria, and nothing seemed more unlikely than that the Administration of Lord PALmERsTox would exert itself to the utmost to secure a cordial alliance with that Power. Yet this has been done during the recess. A most complete and cordial understanding now exists between the Cabinets of London and Vienna. There is no subject on which they are at variance. Not even when our Foreign Policy was directed by Lord CASTLEREAGH. and when the sense of common danger and common interests bound the two Courts together, was the alliance between them more sincere and intimate than it is at the present time. Again, the recal of our Legation from Naples would, it was commonly supposed, be the pre lude to an attack on the sovereign indepen dence of that kingdom. It was confidently asserted that, though nothing more should be done, a demonstration would be made by our diet, which would be the signal for the dis affected to rise in arms, and give our Govern ment a pretence for that intervention in the internal affairs of the kingdom of the Two Sicilies on which it was supposed our Govern ment had determined. In contrast to these expectations the Legations of England and France left Naples quietly, and, as no further step was taken, it was evident that their recal WAS only intended as a protest against the in difference which the Neapolitan Government had manifested to the advice of a European Conference. It was the mildest rebuke which, under the circumstance, the allied Powers could have administered. It is a proof of the great moderation which must have prevailed in their counsels that they took no more decided and hostile means of expressing their dissatisfaction. Whether the recal of the Legations was in itself judicious may be ques tioned. It had no influence on the policy of the Neapolitan Government, and it may have tended to identify the cause of the State prisoners, whose sufferings Mr. GLADSTONE so eloquently revealed, with the policy of inter fering with the independent action of a foreign Power. But we now see that howeveranxious the allied Governments might have been to amelio rate the political condition of Naples, and soften the lot of the imprisoned patriots, nothing was farther from their intention than to coerce the Neapolitan Government, or to excite an insur' rection against it The rccal of our Neapolitan Legation has certainly not tended to strengthen the Liberal cause in Italy. Lord NORMANBY is now the principal organ of the English Government in Italy. The political views of this nobleman are well known. So far from sharing in the advanced views of the Italian Liberals, he re gards them with the greatest distrust. His convictions and his sympathies are all on the side of the Italian Governments, and he re gards both their system and conduct as the inevitable result of the position in which they are placed, and as much rather entitled to approval than condemnation. Of the settlement of the Russian frontier question we have previously spoken, and have expressed our cordial approval of a com promise which, avoiding extravagant expecta tions on either side, has fulfilled the necessities of European policy, without insisting on harsh conditions, or wounding the pride of national sentiment. The same Conservative policy is visible in the joint action of the Cabinets of London and Paris upon the Neufchatel question. The provisions of the Treaty of Vienna are re spected, while the changes made by time are acknowledged. The honour of the King of PRUSSIA will be preserved by the unconditional liberation of the prisoners, and a settlement will be effected to prevent the occurrence of any similar complication. In our relations with the United States an equally conciliatory spirit may be traced. Every one must recollect that the difference between the two Governments threatened serious consequences in the spring of last year. The cloud has been gradually dispersed ; the Central American difficulties have been composed by treaty ; and after a suspension of diplomatic intercourse for months, an English Minister to Washington has been appointed. In presence of these encouraging facts, we are not disposed to look back upon a doubtful past. The policy which has produced these results, which has established cordial relations with the Court of Vienna; which has respected the sovereign rights of the kingdom of the Two Sieilies ; which has finally settled the Eastern question and removed the last causes of difference with Russia ; which has joined France to preserve the peace of Central Europe ; which has firmly knitted England and the United States in bonds of amity, rtnd removed the only difficulties which could distract them ;—this policy, whatever Ministers may preside over it, cannot he other wise than truly, fundamentally, and completely Conservative. So regarding it, we hail it with pleasure. It is the policy which we have con stantly and earnestly, however feebly, advo cated, as most conducive to the real interests of this country, and to the peace and pro sperity of the world ;—a policy which, however repugnant to seine restless spirits, will, we feel assured, be fully justified by its benignant . . . results, an whatever re view th, , or , 0/ results, and be sealed with the approval of whatever candid minds may hereafte calmly re view the transactions of our r y.ge,"o N . • „......1-- 1 THE FUTURE OF Ic6R4 ) •'......!" : RUSSELL- 4- A!, V":1 - i . .- : .... c g II t _ 41. ...1: IN influential political circl 4m h it j .. .", cf. , , Mb l•-• nent, as well as in Englan ~, • .'.,...-•:,0'. ; , ~i i, eagerly asked—" What will =•. , ! L ni . : di ' il '' '"," " BELL do in the next sessiopf 41417 ••"" ( ' t r'"l • 1 .,,'"-Z•ki. • ''p:i' .e.• I\ll -**4 '