The Press. — London, England, 1855-03-24 00:00:00

IN 4w No. 99.—VoL. 111. LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 24, 1855. Ukt Vrtss. Nothing could justify a war with Russia but a determination, on the part of the Western Powers, materially to reduce its empire in the South. This is the only solution of the Eastern question. The occasion in 1853 was favorable ; it has been lost. Time, trea sure, armies, reputation, have been alike squandered. Had we acted cordially with France in 1853 the German Powers must have followed m our woke. What has now happened? The Emperor of AUSTRIA has assured the Emperor ALEXANDER Of Russia, " THAT Aus " TATA SEEKS NEITHER TO DIMINISH THE LIMITS " OF HIS EMPIRE, NOR TO INFLICT ON HIS TER " RITORY ANY DISHONOR. There is only one meaning which can be attributed to these words. With refence to an allusion, made in our last number, to the secret engagements en tered into between France and Austria, we are assured, on high authority, that " while those " engagements unquestionably indicate an " intimate, and probably permanent, union " between the two empires, there is nothing " in those engagements that would necessarily " lead to an invasion of Russia on the part of " Austria." The position of Prussia requires no remark. Those who account fur a profound and here ditary policy by the personal predilections of the King for St. Petersburg, may be distin guished by many gifts, but they are not statesmen. Conscious of his narrow escape from great. disasters, and anxious to defer to his German friends, the Emperor of RUSSIA is prepared to submit to terms of peace, which, though they offer no solution of " the Eastern ques tion," are, unquestionably, an admission of baffled aggression, and, in some degree, an atonement for the outrage. We believe that the opportunity for the higher policy has been lost, and that the com bination of circumstances which, had a CHAT HAM been at the head of affairs in 1853 instead of an ABERDEEN, might have secured the inde pendence of Europe, will not speedily recur; but a peace, on the whole, advantageous to Europe, beneficial to Turkey, and not discre ditable to the Western Powers, may still be obtained. We regret to state that, from the informa tion in our possession, we have reason to fear that such a peace will not be negotiated. What is the obstacle? It comes from one who, on this subject, has a right to speak with authority ; whose views have been clear, whose will has been firm, and whose conduct has been straightforward from the first, however ill-responded to by the English Cabinet. And if the Emperor of the FRENCH, notwithstanding the now adverse circumstances under which the mighty task has to be undertaken, were still of opinion that the solution of " the Eastern question" ought to be attempted, we are not prepared to say that England should falter; 'out it reac hes us that the views of his Im p erial Majesty are of a very different order ; and, believing that they are pregnant with difficulty and danger both to England and France, we earnestly hope that the Emperor will pause before he persists in a course which is viewed with regret by every statesman in Europe. Between the reduction of the Russian limits and the negotiation of the projected peace, the Emperor of the FRENCH has devised a mezzo termine, which is perilous, and may be LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 24, 1855. “PRESS” OFFICE, Friday Night, March 23. IhiPORTANT circumstances have transp ired. When we last wrote there was a prospect of the Congress breaking up "re infecti," and of Lord JOHN RUSSELL returning abruptly to England. Since then the aspect of affairs has greatly changed. The altered tone adopted to Russia by Austria since the death of the Emperor tklicnoLAs—wide for authentic details our leading article of this number] —and espe cially the declaration of the Austrian Em peror to ALEXANDER 11., have doubtless mainly contributed to this result. We have reason to believe that the Emperor of the FRENCH has removed the obstacles which existed to a general pacification, and that France will consent to the complete evacua tion of the Crimea without any conditions as to the demolition or diminution of any of the fortresses of that province. NOTHING, sometimes, is more disagreeable than to hear the truth, but few things are more in• evitable in the present age, and more salutary at all times. Notwithstanding the trifling pedantry with which the merely formal proceedings of the Congress of Vienna are recorded by some of our contemporaries , in reality the situation of affairs there is becoming every hour less rational and satisfactory ; and it is of import ance that enlightened opinion on both sides of the Channel should exercise its influence to prevent results which may become alike mor tifying and deplorable. The alliance between England and France depends upon the mutual interests of the two countries which are continually increasing), the sympathies of their populations, and the personal character of the Sovereigns. Had this alliance been sincere on the part of our Ministers in 1553, we should, probably, never have had occasion to embark in war ; hut, bad such an appeal proved necessary, its conduct, in all probability, would have been triumphant and effective. Instead of acting cordially with France, and supporting the policy of the French Emperor, a year was wasted by the British Government in obtaining what they styled " the adhesion " of the great German Powers," on which result Parliament was congratulated by Sir JAMES Graeliam on its assembling in 1854. „, PRICE SIIPENCE• fatal. There is to be a campaign of brilliant achievement, which is to restore what is called western prestige, and then conclude with a peace, which will not affect the present terri torial arrangement of Europe or Asia one whit more than the Austro •Russian proposi tions to which, it is understood, her Majesty's Plenipotentiary Extraordinary at Vienna was prepared to accede. We will not dwell on that part of this scheme whizh would sacrifice many thousands of human lives to the mere restoration of prestige, a quality, after all, which we think has been sufficiently maintained, even in the Crimea, by many feats of arms. We hold that the impolicy of this project is as flagrant as its immorality. Suppose the campaign of prestige do not succeed ? The French and the English Governments are in possession of authentic information that the effective force of the Russian armies in the Crimea, at the present moment, is not less than 150,000 men, in a high state of discipline and equipment, and with ample stores of every kind. Reinforcements are known to be at hand. This is not a foe to vanquish in a day. But this is not our only, perhaps not our principal, enemy. Pestilence is as likely to be at hand as war. We have the prospect of having to encounter an opponent invincible to the keenest valour or the most adroit tactics. If the campaign of prestige fail, where will be France and England? On whose side will then be arrayed the great German Powers? The vista is not less than the decline and fall of Europe. Even if the odds were not against us, are we justified in running such a chance — not even in favour of a policy, but of a demon stration ? It may be mortifying to the ruler of France that a great opportunity has been lost : let him understand that it is not less mortifying to the people of England. But statesmen must deal with the circumstances before them. Neither France, nor England, nor Russia, in 1855, are in the positions they re spectively occupied in the year 1853. Woe to the men who have betrayed the highest interests of Europe I May they meet the doom they deserve! The ruler of France and the Queen of ENGLAND are guiltless ; but they must not, like bewildeied gamesters, persist in backing their ill luck in a frenzy of dis appointment, or in a paroxysm of despair. EDUCATIONAL LEGISLATION. - - - Two years ago, Lord JOHN RUSSELL, then the second member of a powerful Government, and Leader of the House of Commons, intro duced an Education Bill, long matured, pom pously predicted, but neither large in its scope nor happy in its details. That bill, prefaced by a feeble speech, and received with ominous coldness, fell through, no one exactly knew how or why; and though its revival in a modified form was confidently prophesied, it has up to the present time shown no sign of life. Early in the present session—we believe before the Christmas recess—a modest notice appeared on the Parliamentary Paper, indica tive of Sir JOHN PAKINGTON'S intention to try his hand at a solution of the great political problem. On Friday of last week the plan was B P