The Press. — London, England, 1855-04-28 00:00:00

400 THE WEEK. THE completion of the line of electric telegraph between the Treasury in London and Lord RAGLAN'S head-quarters in the Crimea is a great achievement. For the purposes of communication we are now brought within a few hours' distance of the Crimea. What is done to day before Sebastopol may be read in the London newspapers to morrow. The telegraph through the Austrian State previously existed to Bucharest. We have, for the purposes of the war, carried it through the Turkish territory to Varna, thence laid down the wire along the bed of the stormy Euxine, carried it up the tall cliffs of Balaklava, and we presume to Lord RAGLAN'S own door, if not under his roof. The electric wire thus crosses two seas, and stretches across the breadth of the Continent, through France, Germany, and Turkey. Vienna is made in a manner the pivot of European communication, as it has been of European diplomacy. Perhaps Austria may see in this circumstance a new proof of her power. At all events, she could in a moment suspend that line of communication, which it must have cost us immense pains and expense to establish. It seems that communication was first established between the metropolis and the Crimea on Wednesday, when a message was received from Sir E. LYONS stating that the telegraph was opened. Lord PALMERSTON has got into such a confirmed bad habit of evasion that he seems positively incapable of returning a direct answer to the simplest questions addressed to him. He would not say whether any intelligence had been received from the Crimea relative to the war—he would not even announce whether intelligence would be communicated to the public as it was received. The only inference to be drawn from his evasive replies—and the House seems to consider that evasion on his part, whether resulting from ignorance or intent, is equivalent to a jest—is, that as no message had been transmitted by Lord RAGLAN, nothing of great importance had occurred before Sebastopol. It is tolerably certain, as communication had been held directly with Sir E. LYONS, that the fleet had, up to Thursday, not been engaged against the forts. Before commenting on this fact, something more has to be said on the electric telegraph. Ought it to be reserved for the use of Government, or opened to the public? Clearly, we think, Govern ment should allow no intelligence to be transmitted except through its hands. The line has been established solely to facilitate the operations of the war, and it might, in fact, defeat those operations to place it at the service of newspaper correspondents. But, on the other hand, the public, we imagine, will insist on bulletins being published from day to day. No harm can result from the communi cation, through official sources, of what has actually taken place, and the publication of such bulletins ought to commence at once. Other wise great opportunities of corruption, from exclusive knowledge, may arise, and unfortunately we have startling evidence that such know ledge does in some way or other leak out from high official quarters, in a manner most prejudicial to the public. What is done in the Tea Market one day, may be done in the Stock Exchange another. The public will never be content to leave the telegraph wholly in the hands of Government, without an assurance that facts shall be in substance published as soon as received. The expense of transmitting messages, from the number of stations, will be very large. Let us see now how affairs stand in the Crimea. The bombard ment began on the 9th inst. We have now correspondence to the 13th, up to which date the firing continued, selon les regles, without any decided advantage on our side, though our fire proved superior to that of the enemy. Then we have a despatch vitt. St. Petersburg, dated from Sebastopol 19th, stating that our firing on the 16th, 17th, and 18th, was less violent, and that it was successfully replied to; and, lastly,ta second despatch of the 22nd from Prince GORTSCEIAROFF, sirmuncing that the fire of the allies had much slackened, and in sup port of which there is the negative evidence afforded by the silence of the new telegraph when communicating with the Admiralty on the 25th inst., that no material change had occurred in the operations of the siege. Thus the terrible bombardment, by far the heaviest ever directed against a place, bad lasted for sixteen days, without, that we can learn, having produced decisive results. It is not for us to criticise the military operations of a campaign, but, with the authority of General NIEL upon our side, it does appear more a question of common sense than of strategy, whether, after the failure of October, a second bombardment upon the same principles would be any more successful. True it is that we have increased enormously the weight of our metal, but we have not advanced our lines, and, moreover, the Russians have not only increased the strength of their defences in a tenfold ratio, but they have seized upon the most prominent points far in advance of their original lines—points which had been overlooked by our engineers, but which the Russians have turned to a better account. When Lord RAGLAN himself admits that the Russians repair by night their losses of the day, we are com pelled to doubt whether this second bombardment will have better results than the first. The capture of Sebastopol must plainly depend on the bayonet. When will it be vigorously used? The fleet, by the last accounts, was ranged before the mouth of the harbour, in readiness to sot ; and we hear that the submit' ine batteries taken out to explode the vessels sunk at the mouth of the har bour had been placed in position, and were ready to be discharged at a given signal. We may therefore assume that, when the order for assault is given, the ships will push boldly forward, and the combat be main tained both by as and land. SATURDAY, The accounts from Vienna 3f the proceedings of the Conference are not yet clear. From the replies of Lord PALMERSTON, it would appear that all prospect of peace was at an end. To this purport also was the statement of Lord CLARENDON on Tuesday. The Russian plenipotentiaries, at the meeting of the Conference on Saturday, it is stated, absolutely rejected the two proposals made—one for making the Euxine a neutral sea, the other for limiting the Russian navy. The Conference then adjourned sine die, and Lord JOHN RUSSELL left Vienna on Monday. According to the latest telegraphic advices, M. DRODYN DE LlitrYB left Vienna yesterday morning. The Conference again met on Thursday last, at the request of Prince GORTSCHAKOFF, when new propositions on the part of Russia were submitted; but we do not know with what result. The only fact to be relied on, therefore, seems to be that negotiations are still proceeding. The examination of the Duke of NEWCASTLE this week has excited great notice. We have alluded to the subject elsewhere. Tho main facts which came out are, that in reality the order to Lord RAGLAN to proceed to the Crimea was peremptory ;—that the success of the expe dition was deemed so certain that even the possibility of the army being compelled to winter in the Crimea outside the lines of Sebas• topol was never conceived; and that the Cabinet for two months after the expedition had sailed never conceived it worth while to hold one council on the subject. These are most startling facts ; but the greatest, and to which all the disasters sustained by our army may be distinctly traced, is the extraordinary want of foresight as to the event which was probable in itself, and which actually did occur—the failure of the allies to enter Sebastopol. The Duke, always calculating on success, supposed that the army would winter in Sebastopol or on the shores of the Bosphorus. He says, " I had provided for both con tingencies." That is, he had provided for contingencies which did not occur, but not for that one which did occur. It is impossible to read this evidence without a strong conviction of the culpability of the Government. Sir JAMES GRAHAM, too, is deeply involved by the Duke's evidence. In reference to the loss of the Prince, the Duke of NEWCASTLE says that "it appears there was not that proper understanding between " the Admiralty and the Board of Ordnance which ought to exist." But why was there not? In another case Sir JAMES GRAHAM seems still more deeply responsible. Indeed, there is grave reason for suspecting that his conduct from first to last during the war has not been sufficiently scrutinised. The Duke plainly intimates that more responsibility about Balaklava and its chaos rests on Sir JAMES GRAHAM than has previously been surmised. The Admiralty appointed the too celebrated Captain CHRISTIE, and the officers in charge of Balaklava were also its nominees. " The frequent personal communications " between the Duke of NEWCASTLE and Sir JAMES GRAHAM, of which his Grace speaks, do not seem to have been very successful. It is obvious from those words that Sir JAMES had full cognisance of what was going on, and we all recollect how anxious he was that there should be no inquiry. By the Duke of NEWCASTLE'S confession, the reputation of Sir JAMES GRAHAM in the Admiralty Board is more seriously involved than Mr. BERNAL OSBORNE anticipated. The evidence of Sir CHARLES TREVELYAN also shows him to have at once about the most incompetent and conceited officials who ever held a post of great responsibility. As the facts brought to light by the Committee are known and can vassed, they will show the enormous extent to which incapacity and jobbery prevailed in every department under Whig rule. The Parliamentary proceedings of the week indicate that the Go vernment perceives its inability to conduct the ordinary business of the Legislature. The Newspaper Stamp Bill is again hung up. The forcible suggestions of Mr. WHITESIDE regarding registration—a pru dent precaution to which no just exception can be taken—stands over for the consideration, we suppose, of Mr. WILSON; and the question of copyright is still left in doubt. On Monday Lord PALMERSTON sus tained a virtual defeat, by first resisting the appointment of Captain GLADSTONE as the new member of the Sebastopol Committee, and then yielding to it, with a levity of manner which implied that, in his opinion, the proceedings of the Committee were unworthy any kind of attention. The following evening ho made a yet more painful exhibi tion of himself: He supported Mr. Hzrwoou's motion for a Committee on the Act of Uniformity, without comprehending what the motion was, and ultimately witnessed all his suggestions negatived with positive derision. There never was so singular an instance of the sudden and total wreck of public character as we have witnessed in the instance of Lord PALMERSTON since he took the Premiership. The journals which were most earnest in his support, now discovering how grossly they were deceived in their opinion of his capacity, direct their censures against him, and proclaim his incompetence. Mean while his colleague, Lord PANMURE, the vigorous War Minister, is so laid up with his gout that he cannot sign his name, and, accordingly, has had a stamp made with which his signature to all public docu ments is affixed. The odious Testamentary Bill is being urged forward by the Government, but we cannot think it possible a measure will be sanctioned which, whatever may be the defeats in the present system, would replace it by ono infinitely worse. Last night the Commons were chiefly occupied with the LORD ADVO CATE'S Scotch Education Bill. It was strongly opposed by Sir Jorrx PAKINOTON, Mr. WALPOLE, and generally by the Scotch members, on the ground that it introduced a secular system in place of that which at present prevailed. The second reading, however, was carried by a msjoiity of 39, though we imagine the Scotch members may, by energy and vigilance, still be able to defeat this uncallad•for and unpopular measure. THE PRESS.