The Press. — London, England, 1856-06-21 00:00:00

JUNE 21, 1856. Vrocecings zn nth :tune. HOUSE OF LORDS-MONDAY, JUNE 18. OUR RELATIONS WITU AMERICA. The Earl of DERBY put the question to the Earl of Clarendon whether her Majesty's Government had come to any conclusion as to the course they had advised her Majesty to pursue, and were pre pared to state that course to the house. The Earl of CLARENDON replied that it was his intention to lay on the table the diplomatic corre spondence exchanged between the two Governments so soon as the first answer to the last despatches of the American Cabinet was forwarded. The reply was not quite ready. In the meantime he had no hesitation in stating that her Majesty's Government did not intend to advise any suspension of diplo matic relationship with the United States in conse quence of the dismissal of Mr. Crampton. The Earl of DERBY expressed his satisfaction at this announcement, because, although deeply regretting the course pursued by the American Government, the conduct of Mr. Crampton and of those under whose authority he acted could not be vindicated. Her Majesty's Government, in accepting the withdrawal of Mr. Crampton and the consuls, had coniessed to faults, and had accepted conditions, which could oe regarded in no other light than as humiliating. The Earl of CLARENDON deprecated premature discussion, and charged the nuble earl with pre judiug the question. The Earl of DERBY rejoined that he had simply formed his julgment from the papers supplied by the Government; and the subject dropped. The Joint-stock Companies Bill was real a second time by a majority of eighteen to five. HOUSE OF COMMONS-MONDAY. OUR RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES. On the question that the house resolve itself into Committee of Supply, Lord J. RUSSELL rose to ask explanations from the Government respecting the present state of our relations with the United States. There were two questions of great importance requiring some ex planation. Firstly, whether after the dismissal of Mr. Crampton it was the intention of her Majesty's Government to desire Mr. Dallas likewise to with draw; anti, secondly, what, pending any negotia tion respecting Central America, were the in tentions of her Majesty's Government with respect to the force that either now may be stationed at, or may be sent to, the coast of Nicaragua or Costa Rica? The noble lord then alluded, in support of the view that the dismissal of Mr. Dallas need not neces sarily follow that of Mr. Crampton, to the dismissals by the Presilents of the United States of M. Genet, French Minister, in 1793, of Mr. Jackson, English Minister, in 180 D, and of M. Poussin, French Minister, in 1850, in each of which cases the resi dent American Ministers in London and Paris re mained at their posts ; and concluded by ex pressing a hope that if the Government were about to enter into negotiations upon the Central American question every means would be taken to pre vent any accidental collision between the naval forces of the two countries. Lord PALMERSTON replied that as the United States Government in dismissing Mr. Crampton had intimated their desire to continue diplomatic inter course with her Majesty's Government, the Govern ment had not deemed it their duty to advise her Majesty to suspend diplomatic intercourse with Mr. Dallas. Her Majesty's Government was, therefore, pre pared to enter into communications with Mr. Dallas upon any matters concerning the interests of the two countries ; and, under these circumstances, it was better to abstain from entering further into the question. With respect to the orders despatched to the commander•in-chief of the naval forces on the coat of North America, they related merely to the protection of British interests, British subjects, and British property— And (continued the noble lord) there is nothing in those instructions which would tend to a collision be• tween the British and American forces. We cer tainly did think it right, considering the uncertain — uncertain as it then undoubtedly was—position of our relations with that great. naval power, that our force in those seas should be placed in such a condition that it might not be liable to any occasional disasters. We thought it right to be strong ; but, being strong, we shall not be the aggressors. Upon that subject also—the question about Central America—l am sure the house will not at present wish me to go into any details. Mr. DisaAELI then rose and said : The frequent recurrence of questions of this kind—of misunderstandings in our relations with the United States —must impress upon every gentleman the expediency of treating them with the utmost moderation, and in a spirit •f the utmost forbearance. The noble lord who has just addressed the house nos touched very lightly indeed upon the immediate cause of the retirement of her Majesty's Minister from Washington. I was glad to be reminded by THE PRESS. the noble lord that, in so far as the Government of the United States was concerned, that could not be looked upon as a complete rupture of diplomatic relations. But could not help feeling that it was my duty at this moment to say that, although the Government of the United States has drawn a distinction between the conduct of Mr. Crampton and the conduct of her Majesty's Government, I trust the House of Commons will not follow that example. (Cheers.) I was glad to hear that the noble lord did not by his authority sanction this distinction. I am perfectly willing to accept as it has been expressed the statement of Mr. Marcy—that, so far as her Majesty's Government is concerned, the Government of the United States is com pletely satisfied with the explanation respecting the con duct of Mr. Crampton, and that of her Majesty's consuls, with regard to the recruiting in the States ; but I am quite sure that the house will not adopt the distinction which the United States Government has made upon that subject. It will hold her Majesty's Government responsible, and will not in a moment of extreme difficulty, if not of peril, announce to this country, to Europe, and to America that the House of Commons is prepared to Ray that her Majesty's Minister at Washington—an individual who, at all events, attempted to do his duty to his sovereign and to his country, and wha has apparently acted upon the in structions of his superiors—is to be made the scapegoat of diplomatic sins. (Cheers.) Re did not wish to offer any opinion upon the con duct of tho Government:— This is not the occasion on which I would express such an opinion, but I wish to guard myself against being sup posed to accept without demur the distinction which the United States Government has made between the conduct of Mr. Crampton and that of her Majesty's Government in this matter. I must distinguish between the two questions which have so much interested this country and the United States. He hoped that the cause of these constant misun derstandings between England and the United States would be inquired into by the house, for he believed that the policy founded on the idea that we should regard with extreme jealousy the so-called "aggressive" spirit of the United States was not sound Whatever may be its ultimate decision upon these ques tions, I wish that the House of Commons would take this opportunity of inquiring calmly what is the cause of these painful and frequently recurring misunderstandings with a country between which and ourself es there ought to be such constant sympathy and such cordial alliance. Sir, it is impossible to suppose that the recruiting, or the mode in which it was conducted, especially after the apologies which were offered by the Government, can really be the cause of the misunderstanding which has unhappily oc curred. I want to know why the United States Govern ment, even admitting their cause to be a good one, is so prompt, if not eager, to insist upon immediate reparation? It will be well if we take this opportunity—l do not mean this evening, but before these great questions are settled — of arriving at some definite result upon this point. It would be wise if England would at last recognise that the United States, like all the great countries of Europe, have a policy, and that they have a right to have a policy. I observe in the papers which have been laid upon the table of the house that the American Minister who is here com menced his communications with her Majesty's Govern ment by Baying that he thought it right to announce that the President had adopted the Monroe doctrine as the foundation of his system of government. Now, sir, the Monroe doctrine is one which, with great respect to the Government of the United States, is not, in my opinion, suited to the age in which we live. The increase in the means of communication between Europe and America has made one great family of the Governments of the world, and that system of government which, instead of enlarging, would restrict the diplomatic relations between these two quarters of the globe is a system -which is not adapted to this age. In making that observation, however, I would say that it would be wise in England not to regard with the extreme jealousy with which she has hitherto looked upon it any extension of the territory of the United States beyond the hounds which were originally fixed to it. I am of opinion that the treaty concluded by Lord Ash burton was one of the wisest diplomatic acts that has been performed in modern times, at least in this country ; that it was the indication of a sound and liberal policy, and that those who oppose it are the supporters of a policy which is regarded by the Government of the United States as one hostile to the legitimate development of their power. Moreover, I am persuaded that it is the belief on the part of the United States that the British Government is animated by such sentiments in their regard which has excited the feeling that has seized upon the enlistment question as a means of expressing their dissatisfaction and distrust. (Hear.) It was through no desire to introduce controversial questions on the present occasion that he ventured to offer these remark:, but simply because he wished to remind the house that such was the feeling which prevailed in America; and that, if it were always to be impressed upon England that she was to regard every expansion of the United States as an act de trimental to her interest and hostile to her power, she should he pursuing a course which would not prevent that expansion on the part of the States, but which would involve England in struggles that might prove of the most disastrous character : I remember what extreme jealousy existed a few years ago in this house in consequence of the conquest of Cali fornia by the United States. That was an event which was looked forward to with the gravest alarm, and one from which the most calamitous results were anticipated. Have any of those gloomy forebodings been realised? I would ask the house how far the balance of power has been injured by the conqnest of California by America, and whether there is any event since the discovery of America which has contributed more materially to the wealth and, through the wealth, to the power of this country than the development of the rich resources of California by means of the United States ? These things are worthy of consideration; for, telieve me, sooner or later we shall have to adopt clear and definite opinions on this subject; and, indeed, I cannot hesitate to express my belief that if sounder views with respect to it had prevailed in this country, the Government might not have felt them selves justified in taking a coarse with regard to the en listment question which, whatever may be its immediate consequences, certainly has not terminated in a manner flattering to the honour of the nation or grateful to the feelings of any class of her Majesty's subjects. With regard to the enlistment question, he looked upon all that had happened as indicative of the dis trust which prevails in the United States, and which had its origin in the conviction that the policy of England was hostile to the legitimate development of their power : It is my opinion that all that Americ% has fairly a right to expect she may obtain, without injury either to Europe in general or to England in paiticular, and that it is the business of a statesman to recognise the necessity of an increase in her power, and at the same time to make her understand that she will most surely accomplish all the objects she proposes to herself by recognising those principles of international law which in civilised commu nities have always been upheld, and to impress upon her that, instead of vaunting that she will build her greatness on the Monroe doctrine, which is the doctrine of isolation, she should seek to attain it by deferring to the public law of Europe, and by allowing her destiny to be regulated by the same high principle of policy which all nations which have great destinies to accomplish have invariably re cognised. (Cheers.) COMMISSIONS IN THE ARMY. Mr. GROGAN moved a resolution to the effect that the regulation value of the commissions of officers in the army who shall have died of cholera or fever in active service during the late war might be paid to their representatives, and deemed part of their personal estate. Lord PALMERSTON opposed the motion, on the ground that the arrangement of last year, upon which the warrant of March, '56, was founded, was under stood to apply only to officers killed in action, there being a clear distinction between their case and that of officers dying from disease. Upon a division, the motion was negatived by 81 to 39. ARMY ESTIMATES. On the supplementary vote of 101. being pro posed, in addition to the 7,00 ),0001. already voted, Colonel DUNNE protested against the extravagant payment of the foreign legions compared to the Eug lish forces. Nearly 00/. a year per man, including everything, was paid to each soldier of the loreign legions, while the utmost pay our men obtained was from 121. to 15/. per annum. If such terms as had been granted to foreigners had been offered at home, there would have been no lack of recruits. The state of the accounts was also dis graceful, and it was necessary that a committee of the house should be appointed to examine them. Mr. DISRAELI, considering the important changes —a reduction of 14,000,0001.—which had occurred in the estimates, thought the explanations of fered by the responsible Ministers were not such as Parliament and the country had a right to expect. Sir DE LACY Evses did not wish to say anything to the discredit of the foreign legion, but, although German troops might be extremely well disciplined, it was no reason to prefer them to English soldiers. During the late war the militia had nobly reinforced the army, and the country was indebted to the noble men and gentlemen of England for their patriotic conduct in training the militia. These gentlemen, however, had been treated with the utmost contempt by the War Department. Tne militia were disbanded with a gratuity of fourteen days' pay only, while the foreign legions obtained a whole year's ! The militia were sent back to their homes in England or in Ireland with 14s. each in their pockets, while he German Legion were brought up from Sandgate and installed in the place of the militia at Alder shott. He found, too, from the newspapers that comforts and accommodation were afforded to the German Legion which had not been provided for our own militia. Now, how was this ? Was such a system to con tinue? He had heard that some of the German Legion were to be sent :o the Cape, but he should protest against the disbandment of national troops if Germans were to be stationed at the Cape. About a hundred years ago there were great complaints of the introduction of Hanoverian troops into this country, but Germans seemed to enjoy a similar preference now. He thought the War Department had acted with the greatest incon sistency with reference to these subjects. He said dis tinctly there was a German influence exercised in this country which ought to be set aside. (Cheers.) When they were disbanding the militia and the troops of the line in the most ungrateful manner, to send up German re cruits, who had never fired a shot in the war, to be estab lished as it would seem permanently at Aldershott, was not a state of things which should be allowed to continue. (Cheers.) _ Mr. F. PEEL entered into a detailed statement the reductions contemplated in the military forces WILB ofA tnue. It of ;a