The Press. — London, England, 1855-01-27 00:00:00

JANUARY 27, 1855. LAST NIGHT'S DEBATE. HOUSE OF LORDS.-FRIDAY. The Earl of ABERDEEN explained, as far as he professed himself to be able, the causes of Lord J. Russell's retirement, and read over correspondence on the subject, but could not say that he was aware of all the motives by which his late colleague was actuated. His colleague had expressed too months ago certain objections to the system under which the war was managed, but had of late said nothing on the subject; and the step he had just taken assumed in consequence the character of a surprise. The Ministers were, nevertheless, pre pared to meet the motion of Mr. Roebuck in the other house, on the results of which future arrange ments must depend. Earl Garr gave notice that he should move his resolution on the conduct of the war on Monday next, in place of Thursday, for which day he had given notice. The Earl of WINCHEL3EA asked if the correspon dents of the papers received rations from the camp in the Crimea. He declaimed against the injury done to the public cause by the indiscretion of the press, and stigmatised its attacks on individuals for their conduct in the war as cruel and unjust. He wished to know, besides, if any intimation had been received from Lord Raglan as to the conduct to be pursued towards the correspondents. The Duke of NEWCASTLE said that the correspon dents had certainly shown lack of judgment, and afforded important information to the enemy. As for the rations, he had refused the privilege when applied to by the editors; but the correspondents had obtained them notwithstanding. He had now written to beg that they might be discontinued. Lord Raglan had complained of the information afforded to the enemy, and he communicated with the editors, who had promised caution ; but they had not observed it., for a fresh complaint had arrived the day before from Lord Raglan. The Earl of HARROWBY inquired if Lord Raglan possessed the power of expelling the correspondents from the camp, and if he had made any intimation of the kind? The Duke of NEWCASTLE was not aware of any in timation ; but Lord Raglan certainly possessed the power, and if he found it needful to exercise it he would have the full approval of the Government. Adjourned at a quarter past seven. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-FRIDAY. Lord John Russell, whose expected statement had crowded the house at a very early hour, took his seat shortly after four on the fourth bench, amid a few slight cheers. Several members who had given notices of ques tions respecting the war postponed them one after another, amid general amusement. Lord JOHN RUSSELL then rose, and said that at the request of the head of the Government he had postponed till then the explanation of his retirement. On Tuesday, when Mr. Roebuck's motion was an nounced, he had not made up his mind what course to pursue towards it. The privilege of inquiry was one of the most valuable possessed by Parliament in controlling abuses, and inquiry could be resisted only on two grounds—that no abuse existed, or that it was in process of remedy. The first could not be pleaded in the present case, in the face of the melancholy condition of our army at Sebastopol. His own official knowledge made that condition in explicable. Had it been told last year that our army, having with almost unheard of merit reached a great position—a position of a good port, with ample supplies—should perish for the want of common necessaries at the rate of one hundred a day, he would have held such a prediction absurd and im• possible. The motion could not, therefore, be re sisted on the first ground. In his position he could not have contented himself with faint denial—he must have stood forward, and have boldly opposed the threatened inquiry. If, again, it could be pleaded that measures were in progress to remedy the existing evil, he would have been ready to have done so, inasmuch as the long deliberation of a committee would have been too late to be of service. But he could not in conscience oppose the motion on that ground. He begged to narrate a few matters per sonal to himself on this head. When the Secretary ship-of-War was separated from the Colonies, the Pre mier offered the Duke of Newcastle his choice. The Duke said that, after fitting out a large expedition, he wished to remain at the head of the War Department. Lord Aberdeen consented—with his own concur rence. At the end of the session, though his office was not connected with the war, he wrote almost daily letters to the Foreign Secretary on its conduct. During the latter months of the year he felt that a Lotter administration of the War Department was necessary, and he had correspondence on the subject with the Premier, extracts from which he begged to THE PRESS. read. In these, referring to the pledge last session for the due organisation of the War Department, he urged that a member of the Cabinet should have the moving of the war estimates, and that the Secretary at-War should be merged in the War Secretary of State, that the first consideration was th e d ue organisation of that office, and that this could only be done by one man, Lord Palmerston, whom he thought should be placed in o ffi ce before the meeting of Parliament. Lord Aberdeen, after a few days' delay, rejected the proposition, as inconvenient in itself and injurious to the Duke of Newcastle. He then again wrote urging that either the Premier should himself superintend the war measure, or that the War Minister must have the control of other de partments—that an efficient Secretary at War was of the first necessity; and the office must be placed in more efficient hands. Lord Aberdeen replied that this was reducing the question to the substitution of one man for another, which was then contrary both to justice and good faith. He abstained from push ing the matter further, and continued in the Minis try, through the advice of those whose opinion he respected, amongst whom was Lord Palmerston himself. Nothing had been done for the improve ment of the War Department till, on Saturday last, an inefficient proposal had been made, he had made a counter proposal, which he believed had no chance of success. Under these circumstances—under the actual excitement—and feeling that from him would be expected assurance that all would be done that could be done—that sufficient alteration had been made in the system, and con vinced that he could give no such assurance, lie had found it his duty to retire from the Government. In consequence he had written to Lord Aberdeen on the 23rd, saying that as he could not see how Mr. Roe buck's motion could be resisted, he had no alternative but to tender his resignation. He now heard a rumour that his first suggestion was to be carried out, and Lord Palmerston to become War Secretary of State; if so, he rejoiced at a change which he must think was brought about by his own resignation. He concluded by some sentences on the state of affairs, which he said in no way warranted the actual despondency ; that though he was accused of un friendly expression towards Austria, he expected great benefit from her adhesion to the common cause. For in that adhesion the Czar had abated much of his pretension, and if he failed in agreeing to an honourable peace, he would meet with such a force opposed to him as no man could resist. After some eulogiums on the Whigs in general, and his own colleagues in particular, the noble lord sat down amid considerable cheering. Lord PALMERSTON said that the retirement of Lord John Russell was painful to him both on public and private grouds. He had urged, after the correspon dence with Lord Aberdeen, his remaining in office, but still thought that his present conduct afforded ground for complaint. Since the correspondence had ceased he had never alluded to the subject, and as to the motion of Mr. Roebuck, he had himself ad mitted the constitutional ground upon which it ought to be opposed. Some such motion was to have been expected, and he could not but think that Lord John Russell should have stated to the head of the Go vernment his inability to meet it without some effi cient change in the war administration. The Go vernment would at least have had the opportunity of considering the question and deciding between the loss of his co-operation and the adoption of his plan. Before the meeting of Parliament the resig nation would have been far less inconvenient both for the public and the Administration. His present proceeding was not in accordance with the usual practice of public men, and placed his colleagues in an embarrassment which he ought to have avoided. He might at least have repeated his mi. , ginal suggestion before deciding on his resignation to give the Ministers a chance of considering the matter. He concluded by a declaration that the war would be carried on with energy, with a glowing eulogium on the French alliance, and a prophecy of the triumphant issue of the contest. Mr. ROEBUCK rose to move for the appointment of a select committee to inquire into the condition of the British forces in the Crimea. He remarked that the latest accounts showed that out of 54,000 men sent from England in health, end equipped as no British army had ever been equipped before, at the present moment barely 14,000 remained fit for duty, and these were left without shelter, food, clothing, or ammunition. The hon. member was proceeding to inquire into the causes of this frightful state of things, but the indisposition under which he had evidently laboured from the beginning rendered him unable to continue his address, which he at once concluded by moving the resolution of which he had given notice. A pause followed this abrupt termination, and calls were made for a division, when Mr. S. HERBERT interposed for the purpose of offering some explanations on behalf of the Govern ment. Observing that in all previous wars our first operations had been attended with disasters, often 87 not counterbalanced, as at present, by signal triumphs, he commented upon the changes in the organisation of the army that had resulted from recent modifications. The consequence had been to deprive the military force of the character of an army, rendering it a congerie of regiments. The very perfection to which our civilisation had been carried added to the difficulties of the present emer gency, as it rendered men individually helpless when suddenly thrown upon their own resources. He de clared that no deficiency of supply or relaxation of activity could be charged upon the Ministerial de partments, and entered into several details to sub stantiate his allegation. Every error and failure had been noticed by the chiefs of administration at home, who had also written to Lord Raglan for information on the subject, inviting him to employ the summary power which he possessed for the punishment of all proved offenders. Respecting the special resolution now proposed, he contended that the appointment of a committee of inquiry would prove most embarrass ing to the public service, and utterly useless for any practical purpose, either in redeeming past errors or securing a more vigorous prosecution of the war in future. The Government, however, he admitted re quired an early opinion from the house respecting its policy, and, viewed as a vote of confidence or cen sure, he was glad to accept the challenge now before them. Mr. DRUMMOND remarked that the country was convinced of the existence of inexcusable neglect and incapacity, and were doubtful only as to the per son of the criminal. The Ministry had embarked in the war without inquiry or preparation, in ignorance of the strength of the enemy, and having no just idea of the force that would be required to encounter him. He insisted upon the necessity of a strict and immediate inquiry into the whole subject. Colonel NORTH defended the military organisation of the army attacked in error and ignorance. Mr. MONCKTON MILNEB assigned the fault of all failures to the executive departments of the Govern ment, and especially to the Duke of Newcastle. He, however, could not approve of the proposal to ap point a committee of inquiry. The Marquis of GRANBY expressed a similar opinion as to the motion before the house, but cen sured the policy of the Government with revpect to the war. Mr. LINDSAY supported the motion. Mr. LAYARD complained that the War Departmanta of the Administration had shown themselves utterly impeL viuus to reform. If the British soldier were helpless, the fault lay with the system reduced him to a machine. The root of the evil, he said, limr at the Horse Guards, and detailed at much length the errors, omissions, and blunders which had sprung from that source. Sir G. GREY strongly objected to the establish ment of so mischievous a precedent as that of sub mitting the conduct of a war to the investigation of a select committee of the house. In effect, the motion now proposed was equivalent to a vote of censure on the Government; but he charged the Opposition with subterfuge if they adopted it as such, at the same time that they declined to challenge a direct decision of the house on the question of confidence. On the general charge of incapa city in conducting the war, he admitted and regretted some errors and evils ; contending, nevertheless, that blame could not justly be attributed to the administrative departments either at home or abroad, since the results were partly from providential visitation and partly from the universal inexperience which a long peace had ne cessarily induced among the individuals to whom the management of the vast machine of war was intrusted. With respect to the internal arrange ments of the Cabinet, Sir G. Grey confessed his own adhesion to the belief that Lord Palmerston would be the best War Minister, but submitted that the transference of that office at the time and in the manner suggested by Lord John Russell would have been highly inexpedient. Mr. WALPOLE urged that the evidence already in their hands was amply sufficient to warrant an in• vestigation, and proceeded to argue that the in quiry now proposed to be instituted through the agency of a select committee would not be attended by the inconveniences that had been pleaded in op position to the present motion. Declaring his inten tion to support the motion, the right hon. member remarked upon the constant failures and serious evils which had attended every effort to govern Eng land by means of a Coalition. Mr. VERNON SMITH commented upon the existing state of disorganisation in which the Ministry was left. In his present ignorance of their arrangements he would not decide whether they deserved his con fidence. Still he felt compelled to vote against the motion for a committee whose appointment he be lieved was totally unprecedented, and would prove extremely inconvenient to the public service. On the motion of Mr. STA/TORD, the debit* wee then adjourned to Monday. The House adjourned at 12 °Igo& I