The Press. — London, England, 1856-10-25 00:00:00

~..... ---- , • J , • , • .. , 4- . t 4 , 1 1111"4 • .'1 ' , No. 182.—V0r.. IV. 2c Vass. LONDON, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 25, 1856.! NOTHING jS easier than for a man to make himself contemptible, however high his posi tion, or favorable his external circumstances. He has but to show himself fearful of hostility and careless of friendship—to dread the re sponsibility of action when action is neces sary—to waste his strength and resources on a dozen impracticable schemes all opposite to each other—to manifest wavering and divided sentiments when he should be firm and clear— to prove himself incapable of exerting force and resolution on any occasion,—and he will certainly make himself an object of de rision. Such qualities have ruined dynasties, and parties as well as individuals. They invite aggression, as they provoke scorn. Why is it that the Conservative party at this time fails to command the respect which is due to a great political connection ? Only one answer can be returned. Because, as regards practical politics, and its chance of assuming the government of the country, it is believed to be out of the field. It has never recovered from the division caused in its ranks by the desertion of Sir ROBERT PEEL. The one party was broken up into two, and the Conservative community have not yet had the firmness to insist that the division should be healed, and that its interests should not be sacrificed through want of that union it has a right to demand from its representatives. Our political opponents exult, as well they may, in this division, and miss no opportunity of fomenting it. The Coalition was a triumph for them, as, though it brought them no real increase of strength, it tended to render the Conservative connection less aide than pre viously to aspire to the Government, and it pledged every member of the Coalition to the support of a " large measure of reform." Nu merically inferior to the Conservative party in strength— divided among themselves (if their public professi. - ,ns may be trusted) by differ ences of opinion infinitely greater that pre vail among secticiis of Conservatism—with out a policy and without leaders—the Liberals Thinly hold the Government, and continue to strengthen their connection throughout the country by filling all administrative offices with their adherents, and this simply because they have the habit, the instinct, the sense, call it what we may, of holding together when party questions arise to test their strength. For want of this union, Lord DERBY'S Admi nistration was overthrown ; for want of it, his attempt to form an Administration last year failed ; for want of it the Conservative party is ridiculed, and the lowest creatures in its ranks raise their voices to l a m en t w h a t th e y a ff ec t t o consider its increasing disorganisation. It is quite true that at the present time the division line between parties has been weak ened, and that the great interests of the empire, which it is the first object of the Conservative party to defend, are not seriously threatened. But, not to insist on the point that it is im- STAMPF.I) SIXPENCF. LONDON SATURDAY, OCTOBER 25, 1856. UNSTAMPED-FIVEPENCE. possible to say how long this calmness may last, or how soon events may arise to stimulate democratic passions all over Europe, we wish our readers to consider whether parties do not subsist for other purposes than to main tain active and perpetual warfare with each other. political party could be collected, disciplined, and brought to act together. All history bears witness to the truth of this assertion. NVnen the party of Administration has once acquired a very decided preponderance in any country, it exercises a kind of despotism to which no effectual resistance can be offered. The Constitutional Opposition wastes away, public objects and interests are neglected, and purely selfish intrigues and struggles are substituted for those generous contests which elevate the national mind while they secure the independence of the Crown and contri but:3 to the efficiency of the public service. The Conservative party has undoubtedly work to perform at the present day, though that work is not of a showy character. The experience of the past session establishes the necessity for its vigilance But in the absence of that kind of excitement which compels association, the party must rely on ties of political connection and on general identity of sentiment to preserve its consistency and strength. By the observince of this principle alone can it withstand those trials to which every party in Opposition must be exposed, and be ready for action when the time for action arrives. What, for instance, is the independence of the Crown worth if the system of party is to exist, not by means of great organised poli tical connections, but as extemporised com binations, got up as often as material interests arc thought to be imperilled? One great party there always must be under every form of constitutional government. There must be a party of Administration. This party is com posed in general of all who have received, and of all who expect to receive, favours from the Government. It must number among it many of the most active, dextrous, and ambitious men of their day. If no other party exists equal at any time to undertake the govern ment, the party of Administration, as the sole distributor of patronage, must possess such influence as will leave the Crown but a crea ture or a prisoner in its hands. What effectual change can the Sovereign make in an Administration when its members must be chosen from one party, and that party is agreed how the places shall be filled? What GEORGE 11. said to the chiefs of the great Whig oligarchy, who forced his closet and dictated to him their terms, will—should ever the party of Administration alone subsist—have to be said in sorrow or in tears, and with his feeling of degradation, by the Sovereign of the time, " I see that Ministers are the King in this " country." It is at this kind of supremacy over the Legislature and the Throne that the Liberal party aims—over the Legislature by breaking up the party in Opposition, over the Throne by rendering it impossible for the Sovereign to choose a Ministry, except from the Liberal ranks. A kind of dynastic order prevails in Liberal councils. A future Premier is nomi nated befi4.e the existing one is displaced. Lord PALMERSTON was chosen before Lord ABERDEEN was dismissed ; and now it is 110 secret that, in spite of his notorious weakness of character, and the humiliating tendency of his whole course of foreign policy, Lord CLARENDON is named as the successor of Lord PALMERSTON as confidently as if the Sovereign had no choice in the matter, or as if the Pre miership was to be regulated by rules which would enable us to designate certain politi cians as Premiers Apparent, or Premiers Presumptive. We do not undervalue principles—we do not disregard material interests—but we say that if through the policy of the party of Adminis ration no question were raised on either, there would not be the less necessity for a party of Opposition. On what ground would it then stand ? On the only sure ground on which any party can stand—on the strength of its political connection. If this tie be weakened, there is none other of equal stability to replace it. Political connection is the only permanent and honourable bond of party on which de pendence can at all times be placed, and it should be maintained for precisely the same reason that an army is maintained during peace. We could dispense with our army at the present time, but the common sense of the country would regard its disbandment as an act of madness. Yet an army for national defence might be formed much easier than a IRISH PATRONAGE. THERE is one subject connected with official administration to which we are most anxious to call attention. We feel it our duty more particularly to direct the notice of the Conservatives towards it, because we are profoundly convinced that the politicians and organs of " Liberalism " will remain, for reasons easily understood, perfectly silent upon it. The consideration of this question cannot be avoided any longer, and it is full time that the people of England should press for its investigation. We allude to the decided favoritism given at Dublin Castle to all candidates for office who happen to be Roman Catholics. For some time past a regular system of jobbery has been put in practice at the Castle, and Protestant aspirants stand a Door chance of obtaining the notice of the authorities. The system is going so far that it would be most culpable to allow its continuance without in dignant expostulation. We have received several letters upon this subject, and we are in possession of facts which induce us to be lieve that the Conservatives of England and the Protestants of Ireland will act most fool ishly if they remain silent while an unjust and onesided system of patronage is adopted at Dublin Castle. To show how far this system of jobbery has gone, we need only draw attention to the significant fact (as alluded to by one of our correspondents last week), that twice in succession Lord CARLISLE has appointed Roman Catholics to the Dublin police magis tracy, although there was a previous majority of Romanists amongst th 0:- T , are nine police magisi Dublin, and there are tants amongst them. presented by two Prot Lives. It is so decid even O'CONNELL was OU tation, and the presel NIORPETLI), backed bythe . ~ . their magistrates. There strates for the • ~,,.. now only tree '. • ii t imp Yet Dublit9i , / i: 4, ) Itestants a. (1 •.- gl*-- ledly Cons 4, ~ , i. • -• 0 , ta t cf. , asted from' • ichr...:, 1 11 ;et V icero . .v . ":..," - `44 ... te Whigs, ' ' `‘".,• Prl AkailAitt9 — - .... t i .,. 1 • Lit 1... '4%lair NI