The Press. — London, England, 1856-03-01 00:00:00

_ 4~~r~~ '~ THE WEEK. Tux doubt, agitation, and panic which were to be expected during the progress of the Conferences at Paris, have set in. Alarming rumours —set in circulation no one knows how—are rapidly spread abroad. Mysterious telegraphic messages keep the wires across the Channel in constant activity, and promise a thriving dividend to the company. Every one interested in the negotiation has his own correspondent in Pa.is, and his own cyphers. Such anxious inquiries after the welfare of absent relatives, and the safety of missing luggage, never were known before ; and very sensible people attach more importance to the whispers which reach them from such dubious sources of information, than from the broad facts which are open to all the world. We suspect that the negotiations will, so far as they regard substan- tial points, be much shorter than was at first supposed. When main principles are agreed on. the Conference will probably resolve itself into a Congress, that the sanction of Europe may be given to the terms of a definitive treaty. What is known of the procedure of the Conference is highly encouraging. On the first day of meeting an armistice was concluded, to last to the 31st March. This is in itself a step much nearer to peace than was taken at any of the previous conferences. Every one must rejoice at this humane provision, as it will stop the effusion of blood while the negotiation is in progress. It is worth while to go back to see what were the opinions of Lord PALMERSTON as to an armistice three or four weeks back. On the sth February, Colonel DUNNE questioned Lord PALMERSTON as to the conclusion of an armistice; upon which the Premier said, authori tatively : One of the arrangements agreed to at Vienna was, first of all, that preliminaries of peace should be negotiated and signed, and that afterwards an armistice should be arranged between the parties. But those preliminaries are not yet signed. A protocol has been signed at Vienna, and the preliminaries are to be discussed by the plenipoten tiaries at Paris. It is not until after those preliminaries have been discussed that the question of an armistice can be taken into consideration. In reply to Sir DE LACY EVANS, he repeated his statement that there would be no armistice until after the conclusion of a preliminary treaty. We must suppose that his Lordship knew his own mind when he spoke, and that he was himself favorable to the continuance of hostilities while the work of negotiation proceeded. Yet we find that no sooner did the Plenipotentiaries meet than an armistice was con cluded. Far from waiting for the conclusion of a preliminary treaty, their first business was to stop actual warfare; that was made a pre liminary point which Lord PALMERSTON declared would be a concluding point. His Lordship placed himself in the wrong at the outset, and we fear that the check he has sustained on the first point will be bruited through the Continent as a proof of the waning influence of our Government. The Conference sat on Monday from one o'clock till half-past four, and the armistice was announced in the Moniteur on the follow ing morning. For some reason not yet known, it did not assemble on either Tuesday or Wednesday, and probably this delay gave rise to adverse rumours. On Thursday it reassembled, and we now hear that Lord COWLEY was expected in London last night or this morning to confer with his Government. In some quarters it is supposed that one of the first difficult points taken up will be whether Nicolaieff should be disarmed, and in others that the reserved conditions would be discussed Wore further points were entered on. All such rumours are worthless. Difficulties will, doubtless, occur; but there is no reason whatever to suppose that they will not eventually be At home, attention has been directed to what is passing in St. Stephens with almost as keen interest as to what is doing in Paris. Day by day the weakness of the Government becomes more painfully apparent. This is the remark, not of political adversaries only, but of waverers, and even friends. The absence of legislative ability might be overlooked at this juncture ; but it is impossible to overlook the gross faults committed. Mr. LOWE'S speech on Monday night was beard by the House with a shiver. His main argument was directed to show that prescriptive right was, in his own words, an " iniquity," and that corporate property was theft. Every one who heard Mr. LowE, and perceived the astonishment with which he was listened to, knew from that moment that he was a lost man. He secured the rejection of his bill, and the Government abandoned it the next evening to avoid defeat. Mr. DISRAELI'S caustic remarks on the defeats of the Government thus early in the session were sorely felt, as their truth could not be disputed. But great as was the sensation caused by Mr. LOWE'S socialist display on Monday night, we are not sure whether Mr. FREDERICK PEEL did not last evening even exceed his colleague in unenvia ble notoriety. The self-satisfied complacency with this worthy speci men of Red-Tapism enunciated the numerous benefits that the army bad received from Lord PANMURE'S tenure of office, created a feeling of mingled contempt and ridicule, much heightened by the admirable speech of Sir DE LACY EVANS. As the gallant veteran proceeded in his curt emphatic manner to unfold the blunders, jobbery, and nepotism, which have characterised Lord PANMIIRE'S career as Secre tary for War, he was hailed with enthusiastic cheering. The well known, and we believe perfectly correct, anecdote of the appointment of General SIMPSON being accompanied in the same telegraph with " Take care of Dowbiggin," elicited roars of laughter. The story may be new to some of our country friends General SIMPSON. on receiving by telegraph his appointment as Commander-in-Chicf, • ~~ SATURDAY, read at the end of the communication, " Take care of Down." After careful consideration, he thought that " Down " might possibly be some battery on the allied or Russian side, which he had overlooked, or knew by some other name, and careful was his inquiry through the camp for this mysterious " Down." When baffled in his inquiry he telegraphed home to have the word repeated, and then came back the celebrated and destined to be historical message, " Take care of Dowbiggin," the name of Lord PANMURE'S fortunate nephew,—fortunate in having so affectionate an uncle, and so friendly a Commander in-Chief. General EVANS alluded also to Kars He stated that he had himself called the attention of Lord PALMERSTON to its critical state; he overthrew with a few contemptuous words the pretence that Lord STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE was to blame, and he charged the great blot of the war on that Department which should most justly bear its blame—the British War-office. What was everybody's business was nobody's, and so Kars was left to its fate. Altogether, the debates of Monday, of Tuesday, and of last night, were most damaging to the Government, and in the same degree, we venture to think, advan tageous to the country, as tending to display the mismanagement and incompetency of the Administration. Society, during the week, has been moralising on the fate of that wretched being who so recently committed suicide, the late JOHN SADLEIR. His crimes are neither to be excused nor palliated. The lesson for the living is a grave one; and what a lesson if it could be read with calm impartiality! SADLEIR came to Parliament from Ireland, without social position, moral influence, or solid attainments, but he was connected with a clique, into which priestly power breathed poli tical virus. Cousins and confederates, bound together in unscrupulous unity of selfish purposes, were offered in a lot for the highest bidders. The overthrow of the Government of Lord DERBY required a small and reckless majority of Irish brigadiers, it was, therefore,' within the power ()tithe Sadleir gang, and JOHN SADLEIR foundfhimself transformed from a money-lending, speculating attorney, int o a Lord of the Impe rial Treasury, and no public measures were passed for Ireland. Never had Ireland a Government more really friendly to its best interests than that of Lord DERBY. But a knot of sordid adventurers had a personal game to play, and a market was found in England for them while the genuine interests of Ireland were accordingly sacrificed. The letters of JOHN SADLEIR show how he was drawn on by the force of political temptations. But why was he subjected to such temptations . 1 From the undue price of priestly power, and the encouragement given to unscrupulous combination by Lord ABERDEEN and his friends. And why was this given ? To break up a Government which was perma nently friendly to Ireland, and which would iu a few years have changed the whole structure of political life in that ill-fated land. Let Ireland now count the profit and the loss. What has she gained? Has a single measure passed on which her affection was placed? Has any concession been made which her interests required ? Has any policy been extended to her which tends to promote her prosperity? But there is an English and Imperial side also to this great question. Is the Queen's Government for ever to be at the mercy of this gang of sordid adventurers ? What is to be expected from the nominees of priests attaching themselves to the " Liberal " party? Nothing else can result than that our constitutional system will become gradually tainted. England and Ireland are equally injured by these corrupt Irish Members, servile to the priests, and without scruples of any kind. When Parliament assembled in 1852 after the Dissolution, it was well known that The Irish Party " intended to give the Derby Cabinet a fair trial, but intriguers interfered, and a mercenary agreement was struck between certain Coalitionists, and the late JOHN SADLEIR acting on behalf of the priest-ridden plaec-hunters. It is impossible that such scandals can be allowed to continue in a free Protestant country, and we trust that the session will not be allowed to pass without a remedy. What could be the object of Mr. PHILLIMORE in his most inju dicious motion on Thursday night? Did he think the opportunity a favorable one for obtaining credit with the Government by following up Sir JOHN SHELLEY'S attack on the Irish Bench? As it happened, he overshot his mark, as Judge TORRENS'S judgment had been con sidered and approved before its delivery by his colleagues. The im propriety of the motion was the more glaring as the appeal to a higher tribunal is now pending ; and the whole proceeding, if we can suppose it to have any effect at all, would tend to prevent the natural course of justice. Parliamentary privilege was never more scandalously abused than on this occasion. A HINDU BALLAD. BY THE RIGHT HON. R. V—RN—N SM—TI!, M.P. As by St. James's-square I wander'd I heard a Hindu cry aloud, I turn'd in pity, and acknowledg'd The features of the King of Oude. " Oh, Massa Smith ! "—his Eastern accents— " Oh, Massa Smith ! have pity do ; And I for you will sweep the crossing From Cannon unto Savile Row. " Your luck now 'tis to be Minister, But my Lucknow is almost flown ; A saucy man by most you're reckoned, Alas ! my sauce is nearly gone. " Till now you're only known for folly, Soon something more you'll join therewith — Annexing Oude is not the same as Annexing Verson unto Smith." THE PRESS. ,~... x • :...1.4.-Acuyoy i ,P . • • 4 -