The Press. — London, England, 1857-12-26 00:00:00

1152 THE PRESS, DECEMBER 2E, 1857. THE WEEK. BETWEEN the Christmas of 1957 and the Christmas of 1856 there is a marked and melancholy contrast. In 1856 we had concluded a great war, and we were entering, as we hoped, upon a long career of industry, pro sperity, and peace. Between that period and this day we have been plunged into war with and have invaded Persia, we have become involved in a Chinese imbroglio, we have suffered a frightful insurrection which has deluged a distant portion of our empire with Christian blood, and we have experienced a commercial crisis of unequalled severity. Rarely has so eventful a year been chronicled in the history of modern times. Where shall we search for the causes of these calamitous even is ? That the necessity for war with Persia and with China was mainly brought about by the misconduct of our Government there cannot be two opinions after a careful study of the official papers upon those transactions. The war with Persia might have been averted by the most ordinary attention to the real position of affairs at Teheran. The circumstances out of which it arose were not at first of that pressing nature to justify an appeal to arms. But a war was pre-determined by Lord PALMERSTON'S Government ; and the opportunity was used to distract the attention of the people from domestic legislation. Then came the Chinese imbroglio. Nobody denies that such an insult, if it was offered, to the British flag by the Chinese authori ties was wholly unjustifiable; but every one feels that the suc ceeding complication of affairs was in the main attributable to a pre determined policy on the part of the Government, and to an incon ceivable want of foresight and precaution in being wholly unprepared to follow up that policy with an earliest and vigorous action, so that the question might have been brought to as speedy a conclusion as possible. Of the Indian insurrection, and the commercial crisis, we need not here speak ; but we may observe, that in the one case, where it is essential to the well-being of the empire that legislation should be deliberate, a great and precipitate change is to be proposed upon the meeting of Parliament; while, in the other case, where ample discussion and full inquiry had exhausted the subject, the responsibility of a distinct and comprehensive measure of legislation is adroitly avoided, and the whole question once more referred to a Select Committee. We close the year gloomily enough; with a vast amount of opera tive distress in the country, and, we fear, with wide-spreading discon tent ; with bankruptcy and ruin on all sides of our great commercial edifice, with an insurrection in India to quell, a vast army to maintain, a war with China to commence, disputes with America to arrange, and complicated questions of European policy to place on a definite basis. The period when the industrial and suffering overtaxed people of this country will be relieved of their burdens appears to be distant enough under the Administration of Lord PALMERSTON. The relief of Lucknow is a great satisfaction for the country, and the intelligence will be received throughout the length and breadth of the land with the most sincere gratitude. The rebels, who had concentrated in the position their chief strength, who had enjoyed ample time for preparation, who were collected in considerable force, have in a series of pitched battles—for ono can call them by no other• name—been beaten by inferior forces, and compelled to yield to superior skill, bravery, and intelligence. On our side we have doubt less suffered severe losses ; but the victory is glorious, and would appear to be complete. As a matter of course, the telegrams received at the Foreign-office confound dates and numbers; so that, until we receive more full details, we cannot arrive at anything like a definite opinion as to our losses on the occasion, or as to the position of Sir COLIN CAMPBELL in Lucknow. But, be that as it may, one fact is stated clearly—viz., that a " constant series of severe and bloody struggles with the enemy " re sulted in the capture of all their strongholds and the effectual relief of Lucknow. On the 9th of November Sir COLIN CAMPBELL crossed the Ganges—on the 12th he reached Alumbaghon the 13th active opera tions commenced, and for the next six days the struggle was desperate and bloody. As at Delhi, so in Lucknow, foot by foot the rebels con tested our advance, and foot by foot they were driven out, until the beleaguered Residency was reached and relieved. That was on the 17th of November. Two days hard fighting followed on the 20th. The women and children were sent under escort to Cawnpore, where, let us hope, they have arrived in safety and rest, relieved from all future peril. We say, let us hope : for it is somewhat remarkable that the telegrams should omit all mention of their safe arrival. That Sir COLIN should have achieved such a satisfactory result with the forces at his command is extremely gratifying ; but that he will be enabled at once to follow up his clearance of Luckuow by the conquest of Oude we take leave to doubt ; and to call upon us to assume the revolt to be at an end because the Commander in -Chief, favoured by Providence and heavy artillery, has been enabled after six days' severe fighting to cut his way through Lucknow, is carrying our gratification a little beyond those bounds which prudence would suggest and recent expe rience dictate. In the first place, it is notorious that no credit what ever can be attached to the numbers reported in the telegram. The statement that Sir COLIN CAMPBELL had 22,000 men under his com mand is altogether beyond belief. When he advanced from Cawnpore he took every available man, we may rely upon it, that he could lay hands upon. At the highest ratio these amounted to 1,500. Ther e were certainly not more, if there were so many, as 5,000 men collected at Alumbagh, where Sir COLIN arrived on the 11th of November ; and yet between that date and the 20th of November, a period which included six (lays' severe fighting, and it is only reasonable to supposo heavy loss, we find Sir COLIN'S forces swelled from about 7,000 to 22,000 men states one report, to 12,000 men states another. Putting aside the higher number as an error, is it possible even that 5,000 additional men should have reached Sir COLIN CAMPBELL in nine days ? We may he certain that they did not come from Calcutta, for the latest letters from Allahabad spoke of the men leaving daily for Cawnpore at a rate only of about 100 to 150 each day. The column of Brigadier SHOWERS is the only one which might have joined the army at Alumbagh, but the telegram especially mentions that column as still scouring Rohilcund. From whence, then, can Sir COLIN CAMPBELL have received an addi tional 5,000 men or more, to raise his army to a force of 12,000 strong, after all the losses of six days' hard fighting? We apprehend there is as little truth in the statement as there was in that which rumoured General WILSON to have 13,000 men in camp at the assault of Delhi. General Witsori had scarcely one-third of that force, and in all pro bability Sir COLIN has not more. The security of Sir COLIN'S position and his capability to undertake offensive operations depend entirely upon the amount of force at his disposal. Calcutta we know must be full of troops, but we know also that 3,000 a month is the highest ratio at which these men are being removed up country ; so that on the whole we fear we must not look for the immediate conquest of Oude. It will be a work of some time and of much severity. For Sir COLIN to have relieved Lucknow. and to have transferred the women and children to a place of safety, must be sufficient for us at present: we have enough to be grateful for here. So long as we feel assured of the security of Sir COLIN at Lucknow, we need have no fears for the future, but the immediate transference, the very next day after arrival at Lucknow, of the women and children, would look as if Sir COLIN, not quite sure of his communications, desired to lose not an instant in moving the sick, wounded, and non.- combatants out of harm's way. A few days more will place us in full possession of all details, and until then we can only hope that Sir COLIN'S glorious success may not be marred, like HAVELOCK'S and. OUTRAM'S, by any insufficiency of force. With respect to the rest of India very little is added to our pre vious information. The rebels, defeated and dispersed whenever aught by our troops, are yet never beaten, never crushed down. They appear again the next day, fifty miles farther off, to rob and plunder, and carry anarchy throughout the country. It is this very dispersion of the rebel element which is to be dreaded, and until we have a sufficient army in Central' India to keep down the country we reconquer, we shall do no good. The turbulent districts of Central and Southern India by the last accountsare by no means "settling clown under 'he the British Residents." The whole of Central India is one vast cauldron of confusion and anarchy, which will give employment to 20,000 men for the next twelve months. In point of fact, from Cape Comorin to Cawnpore the whole of the country is more or less in a state of open rebellion. To say nothing of Oude, the North-west Districts, and the Punjaub, there is in Central and Southern India alone one year's work for an army, and if the war enter into the guerilla phase, that period will be more than doubled before the country is quieted and the people submit once more to our rule. Meantime we have only a brigade upon the spot, and " further reinforcements " are " urgently required." Yet, in the face of this statement, the Ministerial journals have the audacity to pronounce the rebellion to be " suppressed," and India " to be tranquil from Cape Comorin to the Himalaya F' The first Message of Mr. BUCHANAN to Congress has not dis appointed expectation. It is perhaps, on the whole, a more interest ing than important document, but with regard to this country its tone is in favour of a frank but determined policy. Mr. BUCHANAN wishes to see those " irritating questions " which are perpetually arising between the two countries definitely set at rest. He recognises oar identity of interest in Central America, and would prefer that our rivalry in that country was not a struggle for territory, but a competition of industry, civilisation, and peace. The people of this country desire nothing more ; they wish to enter into no rivalry with America, but rivalry in the famous race of increasing civilisation and social improvement. It is unlucky, then, for the good wishes of Mr. BUCHANAN and the interests of goodwill between England and America, that a Minister who of all others has done his best since the time of the New Orleans expedition to exasperate the Americans against England should be at the head of affairs in this country. The Central American question with a firm and loyal Minister would have been settled satisfactorily before this ; but bearing in mind the general disposition of Lord PaLmmasToN's Go vernment upon all questions of foreign affairs which require a distinct and definite policy in the place of timid temporising measures, we have little confidence in any policy her Majesty's Govern ment as at present constituted will pursue upon the Central American difficulty. We have treaty rights which it is de sirable to maintain. On the other hand, so long as no viola tion of treaty rights takes place, we must not seek to restrain the immediate and natural expansion of a healthy State. Where interests are so identical the question, we think, should be capable of solution. A little fair dealing upon both sides, if under the influence of that good sense and right feeling characteristic of the statesmen of each country, should dispel all feelings of irritation and semi-hostility, arrange the question satisfactorily, put an end to those unfortunate elements of discord which so perpetually tend to complicate existing difficulties, and successfully establish that which should be the great object of both countries, the complet3 restoration of tne most friendly and cordial relations. For a few years past we had lost sight of Mr. COPPOCK, and his death came upon us with surprise. Whatever be the opinions on his political functions, or the way that he fulfilled them, there can be no