The Press. — London, England, 1855-03-10 00:00:00

-- 22 THE PRESS. lip are utterly useless at such an hour. If such men continue to be detached from our party we must look themm as disaffected to our cause. We toil that they are bound by every sense of duty to stand closely toge her nude; their tried lea4ers, who alone ites saved to the emergencies of the crisis. On minor points of disagreement we are sure that every reasonable tolerance will be given to ge ntlemen who like to exercise themselvoe on their fdurite hobbies, or amuse themselves with harmless crotchets. Of course on funda mental principles there can be no abandon ment of that line of national policy with which Lord DERBY boor g identi fi ed his name. Directly, uor indirectly, the Con servative party, marshalled under Lord DERBY, will never be led into a co urse of con d uc t inconsistent with the long and sue • tamed principles of its distinguished chiefs. But the great aims of party are nation al, not selfish, and it aspi res to the possession of political power, not for the elevation of a sect, but for the ascendancy of a code of principles. The statesman aims to widen the basis of his p a rty as far as he practically can, without h ie hazard of dissension in its ranks, that he may enlarge its usefulns by increasing its power, w hile the mere es politician, on the contrary, seeks to narrow that basis, that there may be no interference with his particular views, though by that very course he insures their rejection, or exposes them to ridicule. In political, as in all other forms of associion ation of , the individual must s acrifice some port his identity, that he may secure the advantages of union. We call, therefore, upon all isolated Con servatives throughout the country to join in and close up the ranks without delay. We tell them that the commercial classes of the north of England are crying out for a firm Government. Measuring po litical "right" and "wrong " by the standard of utility, these classes are beginning to think that a Con servative Cabinet would, as a matter of fact, be the most useful for all English interests — commercial, political, and social. Thus on the strongest public grounds the basis of Con servative force is widening every day. The consolidation of its elements must now be the object of every practical Conservative. In order to attain a vast and patriotic utility, we must sink our minor differences for the there public good. On the grand t entfundamtal possible, while oints m ust be no wavering; but i pos preserving them, to be accommodating on mere sectional differences. Under Lord DERBY'S spotless banner we shall march triumphantly to victory, and that victory can be best secured by acting on the 'viciple of—Consolidation. disparagement of those trusted chiefs under whom we serve. But such is not the case. On conversing with this description of politi cians, we have often heard them loudly praise the splendid talents and extol the bold career of the Earl of DERBY. The untiring energy and brilliant eloquence of Mr. Disaeem are also commended by them with that hearty English love for ,whatever is signally suc cessful under great difficulties. Nor are other leaders of the Conservative party treated with less friendliness. The learn ing and unostentatious virtue of Lord ST. LEONARDS are applauded by them, along with the sound common sense of Lord MALMESBURY in dealing with French and Austrian affairs. They acknowledge, also, the brilliant success of the accompli s h e d Viceroy (the Earl of Ecancros) whom Lord DERBY sent and to the sister country . The philanthropy capacity for affairs of Sir JOHN PAKINOTON, and the official abilities shown by Mr. HENLEY and Mr. WALPOLE, receive from their lips the well-merited meed of praise. Such being the case , the question remains— " How comes it that such gentlemen as are " just described can remain in their isolated " state—mere verbal Con servatives, satisfying " themselves with lip-professions ?" Two c auses, we conceive, h ave mainly in iluenced their motives iu their transient ret i reme nt from the political scene. They felt that they were once grievously deceived, and they have become sceptical in political affairs; they, also, have no practical acquain tance with the actual politics of the present hour. They are living in the past, and rs th are eir s peculations in the present state of affai as remote from reality as one of Mr. DICKENS'S fairy characters from human nature. On their first reason, that of former disap pointment in '46, we shall be brief. The theme is too painful, and enough thereupon has been s aid and e ritten. We can, however, sympathis with the complaints made upon that point. But when it is pretended that because us there certain par ties once deceived or misguided fore we are never to trust any one else, the reasoning becomes too ridiculous. Because, forsooth, we were once cast in a law-suit ause, are a we always to forego our rights? Bec physician blundered in his treatment o o f our illness, are we to cry " anthema" n all medical eta ? The absurdities of such trans parent sophisms need not be exposed. When nations have been ill-served by incompetent generals or admirals, they do not, tent generals the military or naval forces. Lord NORTH lost America for England, and Mr. Fox was weak enough to desert his principles and party, and to join Lord NORTH. Did English men, therefore, cease to believe in politicians or statesmanship ? They did the very reverse. Th e y placed confidence in a young and untried Minister, then without great achievements , and left it to him to avenge the national disasters. those inactive and faint hearted persons to whom we allude have no rea l practical knowledg e of politics. They Without dece i ve themselves with words. hearty convictions, they use what on their lips becomes little more th h an te cant of party. They talk platitudes, and think that they utter principles. They dream sentimentally of the past, shak e their head at the present with the true Lord Burleigh nod, and look blank about the future. Yet these gentlemen are not without intelligence in discerning the truth when it is clearly set before them. By experience we have found that what they most want is to be roused out of their indolent and lethargic conduct. We must tell these inactive and weakly spirits that forms of words are not principles, and that Doctor JOHNSON was perfectly right when he said " that a principle is utterly " worthless unless it be capable of being ati pu ve t " into practice." The great Consery principle of the present time is the salvation of England from irresolute and a n d intent nfatuated Mi n i s ters, forgetful o f the empire, on ly on their p ett y oligarchy. England is drifting fast into internal anarchy, stability i her counsels is the one thing edful for her rescue. In such times connec 'lf transcendent importance in binding great party. Conservatives of the SATURDAY, disposition wholly - perverted under the in fluence of a monamomacal idea. It was un fortunate for the late Emperor that no legiti mate check existid to oodtrcl his authonty ; his name might elpe have descended to poste rity as cue of the West of Enropean monarchs, the with fewer stains thaq4sually attach to the un controlled exerlise or spotic power. His death, by termiwitig that sentiment Ofspereonai n t r o i stility cntartsdned towards him in this eau , has produced a feeling favor able to peso& Our enemy has been struck down ;—the vexation produced by the failure of his arms must have contributed to his fall. He is beyond our resentment, and we arc freed from that apprehension of his subtle in tellect and determined will which rendered it probable that a satisfactory peace could never be effected in his lifetime. With a new reign our enmity ceases, and new prospects open to us. The manifesto of the Emperor ALEXAN DER U. is certainly not calculated to encou rage the hopes of those who placed great reliance on his pacific nature, and his re ported opposition to the war policy of his father. In this document he breathes a hope that he may " maintain Russia on the highest " footing of p o wer and glory," and that in his person may be accomplished " the incessant " wishes and views of /PETER, of CATHERINE, of " ALEXANDER, and of his father." Though this language may be only formal, or designed to disarm the hostility of that Russian party supposed to be favorable to the more energetic character of his brother CoNSTANTINE, it tends to show that Russia is not prepared to acknowledge a defeat ; and while it is reasonably to be expected that the young Emperor and his Government ,must desire peace on the basis of the fur conditions already agreed to , the language of festo is some evidence that more will not be conceded than may be legitimately deduced from a fair construction of those terms. If the negotiation now afont fails, all chance of peace is at an end for y, trs to come. The only kind of arrangement which the skill of our sagest European diplomatists could devise will have proved fruitless. The allied Powers are not likely to de mand less ; the Russian Government, until its powers of resistance axe reduced very far below what they are proved to be at present, is not likely to yield more. The very ground of the war will be changed, and it will proceed, not from personal motives which might disappear, or from disputed ter ms which might be arranged, but from the f un d a mental incompatibil it y of the preten sions put forward by the contending Powers , t h at i nc ompatibility being proved, recognised notorious to all the world, and after s olemn discussion in European Congress declared to be insurmountable. THE VIENNA CONGR ESS. That our Government —with what view we THE death of the Emperor NICHOLAS must go do not discuss here—has pursued peace to the far to determine the question whether we en- point of positive criminality, by neglecting gaged in war to resist the insatiable ambition necessary preparations for war after hostilities of one man or th e a gg ressive policy of an h a d begun, we have co nstantl y held ; and the evidence of General Eva/4s on this head must empire. We have always held the opinion be regarded as decisive by those who have that the war was due to the will of NIOHOLAs hitherto been incre dulous. We have dwelt on alone, and that , desired by neither the Ruff- this subject elsewhere , and we allude to it s ian Court nor people, it might ha ve been h er e only to show that if the negotiation fails now, the failure m ust be final. With the avoided by a firmer policy on the part of our cause of all our disasters before our eyes, Government. There is strong probability in " the delusion of the Government" in " waiting the view put forward by Dr. GRANVILLE that ~ for notes and protocols from Vienna," it is the image which possessed the mind of the late impossible that the country can submit to a Czar that Turkey was thomme malade—grave continuance of the diplomatic game should mint malade—was due to a disordered condi- the present attempt end unfavorably. The tion of his brain. It is hardly otherwise strife would become mortal, and the new to be accounted for that there should be reign in Russia would be committed to a such a remarkable contrast between the desperate contest for her existence as a first general moderation of his long and able reign rate Power. and the violence of its closing period. Pre- There is another reason why the Congress viously to 1853 we have seen him much more must be looked to with peculiar interest, and intent on the internal improvement of his why it must exercise a decisive influence on empire—as the construction of great public the affairs of Europe. It will no longer be works, and the emancipation m ightiest t serfs (an possible for Austria to maintain that tricksy object worthy the care of the poten- neutrality which she has heretofore held. tate on earth) —than on external war. By what She may join ono side or the other, or she mysterious dispensation of Providence it is may assume a really independent attitude, that intellect, of the loftiest kind, when par- but she will not be able to longer deceive the tinily loosed from the control of reason, should allies by promises of support and assistance, manifest a disposition to violence, we cannot always evaded when their fulfilment was tell. But it is not uncommon to see what we claimed. The ultimate intentions of the have been accustomed to consider as natural Austrian Court are, perhaps, at this moment burl is of trans t o gether a gr'- 111111111111111\h„' 0 I 1 1 t, t II ... I I t