The Press. — London, England, 1856-12-06 00:00:00

DvaorlaßEß 6, 1856. versal instinct, res.-L„ to his friend the best crossing at Charing-cross. I of which, as is said of Troy, " Troja fait," it may now .aid, "Herat crit,' for it is all future, is in the vague aim i n t e • rior of the most solid of continents. It is tent from any port than Timbuctoo is from Sierra Leone or Cape Coast Castle, not to speak of the greater facilities offered by river navigation in the case of the African city. Something, indeed, is known about Herat, as there is also about Timbuctoo. Herat is a strong natural position, commanding some passes and some fertile plains, and from anc ient times it has been an object of contention, which, perhaps, will be deemed by some authorities quite reason enough for our joining in the scramble Its remoteness and insulation are such that at this moment we do not know—indeed, we are utterly un certain--whether Herat was in the possession of the Persians or the Affghana three calendar months ago. It has reached us in a circuitous way through Cabul, and on the ford of various personages more or less to be believed, that on the 29th of August, when our early flight of tourists were just returning home, and the second flight getting their passports, there was treachery within the walls of Herat and hard fighting without; and the balance of testimony is that on that occasion the Persians did not get in. This seems to establish the fact that there is a siege, which has been doubted. But what has happened during the mouths of September, October, and No vember Heaven only knows. Unless it be to the Emperor of Russia, who is supposed to know every thing, the last three months of Herat is known to no European, either in Europe or Asia. All is as much blank as if the city had been swallowed up by an earthquake, or burnt to the ground on the anniver sary of the great fire of London. But, though this Herat has so little " objective " existence to us, as the philosophers say, we are going on in the old " subjective " way, for we are at war with Persia about it. When the particulars of the intended expedition were last stated in these columns it was not quite certain things would come to this pass, though they looked very like it. That doubt has now been removed, and about the 10th of last month between thirty and forty sailing vessels and steamers, with an aggregate of 30,000 tonnage, with 5,000 men, and the proper complement of cavalry and artillery, were to set sail for Bombay, with the intention of assembling at Bassadore, moving up the Persian Gulf, occupying the barren isle of Kar rack, and thence proceeding to attack and take pos session of Bushire. That we can do thus much there appears to be no doubt, always excepting acci dents, which sometimes befriend the greatest bar barians and the worst cause. But supposing this to be done, we are thereby to reduce the Shah to terms, though to what terms is not known in this part of the world. Leaving out for the present certain by conditions which this is thought a good opportunity to negotiate, respecting railways and telegraphs, and coming to the case of Herat, we are to demand that Persia shall leave the Afghans in undisturbed pos session. At this point we are sorry to say that we can give our readers no satisfactory clue as to the matter of the negotiation, or its objects. And we have said, no one knows here whether there are any Affghans in Herat ; or, if there are not, who is there ; or whether the Persian Government is itself in a condition to make any promises ; or whether it is at all likely to keep them, even if it can honestly make them ; or whether our case is really bettered by the Atighans or some other tribe being there instead of the Persians. The only probability that looms through the mist and the distance is, that Persia will promise whatever we ask of her, but tell us all manner of untruths, and break all her promises. If the Shah does not come to terms,—or, indeed, in any case,—our old enemy, Post Mahomed, with the assistance of British money, is to conduct an expedi tion overland and in a common cause ; but at the distance of more than a thousand miles, and at least a month's journey, the British commander in the Persian Gulf, and the Affghan chief in Central Asia, are to fight and negotiate, for what terms let others say. Meanwhile, whatever happens, we are in for it. The game is begun. We have our foot once more in Central Asia. We have once more embarked on a policy which can never be complete without the British occupation of Herat. Need we say more? We might almost pray that we may nut live to see the sequel of the story. The very first intimation of any such event as that which we are now to consider as come to pass was a single doubtful sentence at the end of a long speech on the Indian budget, delivered to about twenty members a few nights before the close of the session. That was the first "moving of the straw." There was something about Persian treachery and the honour of our own country, and means to be taken to vindicate it, if necessary. There was not a word about it in the Queens farewell speech, though there was then no danger of a Parliamentary dis turbance. When we call attention to a point of this sort, we are usually charged with captiousness and getting up a row for the sake of one. But this is THE PRESS. what comes of taking things on trust. As for the naval part of the affair, whatever the rights of the case, we shall hardly fail at least to save our ships and our men. We do this just now particularly well, and no doubt it is to our credit: But the mere talk through the Bolan and the Khyber Passes is enoug,..._ one shudder. If there is to be an expedition at all on , it must be from a sense of its importance, and even necessity. If it be important, it must be followed up, and most probably will. We may think to do this for the pra sent with no other contribution but money and arms, but large grants of money are quite as likely to pro long the war as to close it; and, if the war be pro longed, we may soon find it necessary to employ our own officers and men, and, in fact, to send European regiments once more through those valleys of death where the bones of their comrades are still bleaching in the sun and the snow. The worst event will fol low as easily and naturally from the beginning as that beginning does from the state of affairs only a few months ago. There is not, there never has been, any certainty of calculation in the affairs of a continent not so much inhabited as wandered over by tribes that exist by war. One common interest they have, and only one. It is to find some wealthy power vain and foolish enough to take up their wratched quarrels, to pour its wealth among them, to give them the means of paying and multiplying their followers, and protract a system which peace threatens to dissolve. As long as they can find such a power, so rich, so jealous, so precipitate, so blind to consequences, and so forgetful of warnings, we have little doubt there will always be some chief ready enough and strong enough to hold his ground against us, and to intrigue with any other power of which we may choose to be jealous, and that there will always be other tribes equally ready to espouse our cause, to take our money, and keep up the game as long as we pay them. The Daily News of Wednesday remarks on the secrecy with which theliexpedition has been prepared : It has been so undeviatingly the habit of the Indian Government to issue a full and complete explanation of the causes and objects of any large military operations which it undertakes, that we may fairly anticipate a manifesto from Lord Canning, detailing the provocations given by the Shah of I'ersia, when this expedition sails from Bombay ; and until the appearance of such a document, or of the papers which Mr. Vernon Smith will no doubt be prepared to lay before Parliament immediately after its meeting, it is obvious that the public is not in possession of that complete information on which only a deliberate and sound judgment can be formed. On the other hand, it is to be remarked that the honour of England, its character in the estimation of the world, and the loss of large numbers of both the English and Indian subjects of the Queen, are at stake by this policy of the Government, while the country is really in utter ignorance of the circum stances which have led to these military operations. Of the precise nature of the Shah's engagements with the Indian Government, of the correct cha racter of the obligations it has contracted with the chiefs of Affghanistan, of the negotiations that have taken place with Persia, and of the details of the policy pursued, we are absolutely ignorant. The only glimmering of light we possess comes to us through the journals of India, necessatily very im perfectly acquainted with the circumstances; and the Government of the Queen is now about to corn - mence, or has actually commenced, hostilities in the Persian Gulf without having previously taken the Queen's subjects into its confidence. One consequence of this unnecessary reticence is that, the question being imperfectly understood, an imperfect judgment is formed on it. Opinion gets fixed, first impressions prevail, and, when all the facts of the case are made known, it becomes ex ceedingly difficult to correct and remove adverse sentiments and views, however erroneous and ill founded. Moreover, the impression is created that the Queen's Government regard hostilities with foreign countries, especially in the East, as matters in which the public ought not to be oonsulted, and in which it is impertinence for them to interfere. Thus the power of the country is weakened, and irritation between the Government and the public is fomented. In a country like this, where the Ministry depends on the breath of popular opinion, the true policy for the Government on all such questions is confidence in and frankness with the public. Not, indeed, that every successive step in long and complicated nego tiations ought to be disclosed as each is taken, but the Government ought to come to no important determination, affecting either the honour or the interests of England, without giving the community the means of forming an opinion on their policy. The opposite course has been pursued in reference to these contemplated hostilities against Persia, and the result is that the current of opinion has set in rather strongly against them. 1157 While the following article, alluding to the expedition to the Persian Gulf, has been published in a supplement of the Teheran Gazette. It will be read with interest under present circumstances : Reports are current here that an English ship of war had arrived on the 13th September in the Per "' ' 1 " 1 f nrsP7. DISI4Sage of nine days from Bombay. It is also said that as many as ower sailing and steam vessels would shortly leave the latter place for the same destination, and that each would have on board 300 or 400 soldiers. We cannot give a decided opinion as to the truth or falsity of this news. We are completely ignorant whether such a vessel or such vessels have or have not arrived, but we are convinced that, seeing the perfect friendship which unites the two powers, such a state of things could not take place. We are sure that the Ministers of his Majesty the Shah too highly appreciate the ancient friendship of Persia with England, and the good dis positions of the British Government to maintain the conventions in vigour, to admit that the latter would be disposed to break, without motive, existing treaties with Persia. The Persian Government places great confidence in the kindness, perspicacity, and the perfect equity of the English Cabinet. If even the vessels were to enter the Persian Gulf, as the rumour states, !the Cabinet of Teheran would not consider that fact as an act of hostility, but would demand from the English Government its intentions, in order to be well assured of the true cause of the event. So long as it will be possible, the Persian Government will not assume the initiative, and will abstain from any attitude contrary to the old and valuable intimacy which for many years has existed between the two powers. We have, however, heard from the people of the country that as soon as it ;shall be readily proved that Great Britain, from the suggestions of agitators, and impelled by malevolent .persons, had broken her treaties of friendship with Persia, and committed any act contrary to the harmony which has existed for so many years between them, in that case the Persian nation, professing Islamism, and distinguished for its zeal, would be obliged, to its great regret, to firmly oppose the proceedings of the British Government. Putting its confidence in God alone, it would be compelled to protect the dignity of the kingdom, and to defend its honour, its reputa tion, and its true religion. The Constitutionnel of Wednesday quotes a statement from the Czas of Cracow to the effect that Russia is preparing to come " to the assistance of Persia." The corps d•armie of Orembourg is being considerably reinforced; it is commanded by General Perowaki. The advanced post of this corps extend to the Turan line of country on the rivers Oxus and Jaxartes, and the war flotilla of the lake of Aral advances by the same rivers to the fron tiers of India. There is also a great stir of preparation on the southern shores of the Caspian, and amongst the army of the Caucasus. It is easy to foresee that should Persia prove obstinate a serious Asiatic war is imminent. elution itttiligente. SOUTHXIIPTON.—The mysterious disappearance for an entire week of Mr. Edwin James, Q.C., gave rise among his supporters to various stages of feeling. At first the most lively suspense, then acute disap pointment, and finally furious dissatisfaction, agi tated the Radical electors of the town. On Monday circulars were issued calling a meeting of Mr. James's supporters. That evening they met ; with unanimous voice they protested against Mr. James's treatment of them, and proceeded at once to call upon Mr. An drews, the Mayor, to stand instead. Mr. Andrew, we believe, has intimated his intention of standing on the Radical interest ; meantime, Mr. Weguelin and Sir Edward Butler are prosecuting an active can vass. Another candidate, a Mr. Carden, who an nounces himself as a " Liberal-Conservative," has also appeared in the field. GREENWICH.—AdmiraI Deans Dundas has declined the request of the electors to stand for this borough. LANARK.—Mr. Baillie Cockrane has addressed the electors in the Conservative interest. THE REV. ROBERT BICKERSTETH, M.A., rector of St. Giles's.in-the-Fields, and canon residentinry of Salisbury, who, after having been only fifteen years in holy orders, has been raised to the see of Ripon, at the early age of forty, is fourth son of the Ist* Rev. John Bickersteth, rector of Sapcote, Leicester shire, eider brother of the late Henry Lord Langdale Master of the Rolls, and of the late Rev. Edward Bickerstetb, the well-known rector of W atton, Hart! fordahire. .• A