The Press. — London, England, 1855-06-23 00:00:00

JUNE 23, 1855. 59 e=e that the lad better id we had it such an a will be grappled ore of my esty's Go- tt on Mr. .els itself 3g of John wick Peel, npowered, .eform our lit will be iquiry, but d upon a that you als named meddling, it of the e least un- clt the linistrative amid indi- ... THE PRESS. men, and they shot their own countrymen who endeavoured to restrain their ferocity. The only one redeeming circumstance is, that the troops were probably not under the command of a commissioned officer. But even this point is doubtful, as it is unlikely that so con siderable a body of men could have acted without orders from a superior. What is to be done to punish the perpetrators of this most inhuman deed ? The Danish Government has been requested to communicate with the Court of St. Petersburg—we must wait there fore to hear what the Russian Government will say on the subject. War should be prosecuted only as a means to peace, and it should be the object of the belligerents to diminish as far as practicable the horrors inevitably attendant on it. But many misunderstandings will unavoidably arise when the countries at war have no means of direct communication with each other. Might it not be practicable for Ministers of the belligerent Powers to have formal relations with each other at some neutral Court, to require explanations on such deplorable cases as the present? It is by such deeds that national animosities are inflamed ; and unless in this case ample reparation be offered for the outrage, who can tell how many years it will add to the war, or how many thousands of lives it will cost ? The commencement of the struggle between the Russians and Turks was marked by fearful excesses, quarter was seldom given on either side, and after all the vaunts produced by some civilities between the Russian Government and our own when war was first declared, it is to be feared that it will end must assume a fierce, relentless character, unless the Russian soldiery are instructed by some act of wholesome severity of their Government that the laws recognised for mitigating the cruelties of war are not to be violated with impunity. The Report of the Sebastopol Committee has been the great feature in our domestic politics during the week. When read at the table of the House it was listened to with the deepest attention, from its having a more decided character than was generally anticipated. It is impossible to suppose that such a Report can be allowed to pass sub silentio. The House must affirm or reject it. Mr. ROEBUCK last night gave notice of a vote of censure on the members of the late Adminis. tration. The view taken by the Report is exactly that constantly maintained in this journal. The conduct of the Government, iu reference to the expedition, has never yet been discussed. It will now have to undergo severe scrutiny. THE NOBLE CREW OF THE STATE VESSEL. Never was the vessel of the State manned by a nobler crew.—Lord Palmerston's Speech on Administrative Reform. Cease, ye rude and boisterous milers, Do not dare our crew contemn ; Manned with such patrician sailors, Our good ship the tide must stem. A jaunty Viscount is her skipper, A Duke and Marquis are her mates, Three Earls too serve on board this clipper, Four Sirs—and all of them first-rates. Two Barons and another Viscount — Duke Bedford's brother—and therewith One single Commoner can I count, The Lordlike-looking* Mr. Smith. PALMERSTONIAN REFORMATION. [EXCLUSIVE.] THE following letter has been addressed by Viscount Palmerston to an influential nobleman and supporter of the present Government. It was not intended for publication, but only to be " shown about," but incorrect copies having got into circulation it is deemed best to print it from the original communication. My dear Lord -, PICCADILLY, Friday. I have been thinking very deeply upon this question of Ad ministrative Reform, or rather upon the possible influence of the agitation upon the position of her Majesty's Government, and I have come to certain conclusions which I shall submit for your consi deration. D'abord, I beg to guard myself againstbeing supposed to entertain the slightest conviction that what I suppose to be meant by Adminis trative Reform is either necessary or expedient. Having stated this, and thus promising that I am compelled by circumstances to address myself to the subject, I am free of all responsibility. It appears to me evident, ho wever, that some Administrative Reform must be administered (excuse the joke) by any Administration (excuse the tautology) which would retain office at the present time. It is unnecessary for me to say that her Majesty's Government desires to retain office. The Conservatives have announced that they have specific inten tions on the subject should they resume office. The Peelites have, through the Rev. Mr. Gladstone, offered up a prayer for the success of the agitation. The Liberals are, of course, ex officio, pledged to sup port Reform by their speeches, whatever other course their states menlike prudence may dictate, when votes are taken. Outside the House, the country, rightly or wrongly (I need no say what my opinion is), calls for changes. * Mr Rmith told his constituents at Northampton that it had been remarked U he (Mr. S.) In not a Lord, at any rate be looked like one. On the whole, therefore, I think there can be no doubt that wind sits in the Reform quarter, and the vessel of the State had ► be put before it. Now, I think that if we are to do anything of this kind we better offer to do it on a grand scale. The probability is that such attempt must break down on details, and therefore no harm will _ done, while we shall preserve the credit of having manfully grappled with the subject. Subject, therefore, to your advice, and to that of a few more friends, I shall shortly announce to the House that her Majesty . ' _ vernment, having accepted Sir Buiwer Lytton's amendment Layard's motion (preferring the Bul-wer to the Bull), feels bound to carry out that amendment both in letter and spirit. I shall propose that a Commission be appointed, consisting of Russell, Cranworth, Charles Wood, Vernon Smith, Frederick Hayter, Wilson, and myself, and that this Commission be empo' not only to inquire into abuses, but generally to revise and raw system. For this bold course I have no doubt that due credit given to a Government unwilling to waste time in mere inquiry anxious to proceed to action. The names of the Commissioners have been selected principle to which I need not further advert, and I think that will agree with me that the antecedents of the individuals nay, afford ample guarantee that they will not, by injudicious meddiing, disturb arrangements which have worked for the benefit country. But I felt it my duty not to leave such a matter in the least certainty, and I have therefore held conferences with each proposed Commissioners to ascertain their views on Adminis► Reform. It is due to you that, with their permission, I should cate these views. Lord John Russell considers that it would be highly constitu tional for the Crown to call in one or more of the leading families of the country to advise officially upon all bestowal of patronage. He argues that Magna Charts, the noblest achievement in history, was granted by the Crown under the advice—somewhat stringent—of several members of the aristocracy, and he argues the happiest results from a recurrence to this practice. He has obtained the concurrence of the Duke of Argyll in this view, and I am authorised to say that the leading members of the houses of Bedford and Sutherland, and their dependents, are prepared to sacrifice their time and engage ments, should it be desirable to institute a Patronage Council. Lord Cranworth considers that her Majesty's Government is a most excellent one, and he has very little to suggest, except that he thinks that when Government clerks and other officials come into their respective offices in the morning, and sign the book, they should sign their names in full, to avoid confusion, in case of other clerks having the same surnames, and also that they should be careful to blot up the signature with blotting-paper (red he prefers to white) before shutting the book. This is the extent of Cranwortles ideas on Administrative Reform. Sir Charles Wood is too happy to concur with his noble friend the Secretary for the Colonies in whatever he thinks for the good of the nation ; which he is sure his noble friend has at heart. The only reform which he would desire in his own department is that the secretary should not avail himself of his knowledge of the French tongue to mutter impertinent observations to himself in that language while his principal is signing documents, as the practice is rather annoying Mr. Vernon Smith sees but one kind of Administrative Reform to which he need call attention. He considers that all the services are brought to a certain► extent into contempt by the hideous and old fashioned way in which the public offices are furnished, and he sug gests that they should be re-furnished in elegant style, and in con formity with the taste of the day. He is willing to take the head of a board, to be called the Official Upholsterers' Board, and to super intend the proposed reform. Mr. Frederic Peel thinks that the offices have all been deterio rating since the use of letter-clips, indiarubber-bands, binding-pins, gum-bottles, patent files, paper-weights, and other contrivances, has been permitted to supersede the ancient institution of red tape. and he is convinced that a return to the old practice would simplify and expedite business. He denies that a man of business can properly attend to papers which he takes out of a duck's bill, or from under a congealed lizard. He has also objections to envelopes, and to the stamp-dampers, which latter upset among the papers and wet them very unpleasantly. Mr. Hayter thinks that Mr. Howell is a very good man. Mr Wilson considers that our officials are not sufficiently in structed in arithmetic, and that the education which merely teaches a man what two and two do make, and stops short by teaching him what two and two ought to make, and can make, when the exigencies of a financial speech require their aid, is miserably meagre. He also thinks that the clerks in the public offices knock their hats about in a very wanton and painful manner, and that each clerk ought to bring a hat brush, and use it before hanging up his hat On these two points he is an Administrative Reformer—on all others he sees his way to extreme docility. Lastly, I myself complete the Commission, and I trust that I have already explained my views. Pray favour me with your opinion, as, if you approve my plan (which appears to me to combine the two principles upon which her Majesty's Government invariably acts, namely, the affecting to the absurd deference to the wish of the country, and the restricting all real action to a few safe hands), I shall bring it forward on au early night. Believe me, my dear Lord, your faithful servant, PALILEISTON. The Right Hon. the Lord