The Press. — London, England, 1856-09-20 00:00:00

890 ardour even the gibbet of failure has no terrors. In the present week we have witnessed the closing scenes of two popular movements. Chartism in England has had its Frost; repeal in Ireland has bail its Smith O'Brien. It may be admitted that both those " leaders " were sincere enthusiasts. Mr. O'BRIEN saw how the Whigs had succumbed to the Lich field-house compact. lie felt, also, how much hypocrisy had been shown on the parte of the English leading Liberals, and the Irish sti pendiary demagogues. He wished to change the tone of Irish popular politics, and to revo lutionise his country. He did not appreciate the difficulties in his course. He did not estimate the resources of England, or gauge the cormorant appetite of his countrymen for places He was an Irishman deceived by " the blarney "of his own associates. He saw Lord CLARENDON pack juries in a style that surpassed anything in the days of the old Saurin rule, and in his exile he must have read of Liberals trying to excuse Lord CLARENDoN in the House of Commons for his arrangements with Mr. BIRcH. To keep the Tories out and to get themselves in place was the object of many of Mr. O'BruEN's con federates. " Repeal" was to them a good and safe investment. It made them members of Parliament, and raised them to lucrative posts. Two sons of Mr. O'CONNELL hold valuable offices under the Crown. Every prominent Repealer has got " something good ; and it is with a smile that we peruse the exception noted by Mr. O'BRIEN of "those who left the " country." But the story is an old one. The tribune of to-day is the courtier of to-morrow, and nst unfrequently after foaming at noon oefore the crowd, he is in the evening fawning in the antechi.mber. "Demagogues are the " pests of free countries," says Mr MACAULAY in his History of England; and the historian's political friends are responsible for having encouraged such " pests" to swarm in the age that has now passed away. FROST was another sort of character, differ ing mush from SMITH O'BRIEN. The latter had been reared in a country where it was " patriotic" to exaggerate grievances, and to rant against the " Saxon." In England, even our advanced democrats have always breathed a cooler political atmosphere. FilosT was an ultra-Radical, and retained his principles when his friends had exchanged the teaching of Cosexrr for the advice of Mr. CoProCK When it was asked where now were to be sought in England the lineal descendants of that, democratic faction which began with WILKES and HORNE TooKE, the answer was shrewdly given—" They are to be looked " for in--Downing-street." Radicalism has been "managed." Extreme politicians have been neutralised by " places," and the mass of their followers, tired and disgusted, have re turned to their occupations, and subsided into peaceable citizens. It is really quite remarkable to observe how nearly all the purposes for which the Whigs and Radicals banded themselves toge ther have been defeated. Reform of the House of Lords, Extension of the Suffrage, and other cries, have all departed Mr. ROE BUCK has declared that the people of England are utterly indifferent to " Parliamentary Re form." The Examiner of last week alludes to " the jobbers and nincompoops " elected by the present constituencies; and, oddly enough, Mr. JOHN FROST recorded on Monday last how he had warned the country that " the Reform " Bill was a humbug, and that it would put " into the House of Commons the same sort " of people as those under the boroughmon " geeing system;" and a greater party of jobbers than our Parliamentary Liberals could ce.rtainly not be conceived. ...Thanks to Conservatism, England has been prefierxe4 from anarchical projects of Radi- The natural influences of property Eid , cenit#ction are allowed to balance the ' . pewir4aetued by men of factions and pushing • valor . Sir ARCHIBALD AMON has stated in • 4 - „sequel to his " History " that the old Tory pssla t , $s administered by the Duke of WEL . k • ;tear .Os before the Reform Bill, bordered too 1- , Eamell on 4 . a.cla.3s ascendancy;" and the rile of ra tends to something of the same attical "jobbers " are the personages THE PRESS. most in request amongst the Liberal ranks, nod the facility with which the Cabinet soothes the asperity of discontented Radicals, reminds one of theatrical comedy. The lethargy of Liberalism IN the result, and hence we aro ruled on Tory principles by a party of titular " Liberal'," That we aro now in a new age, and that the causes which influenced English society twenty years ago, and later, have ceased to act, are the concluelene to be gathered from reflections on the delusions of our English democracy. The spirit of our time is social, not political, and events are likely to foster that tendency. The gold regions have drawn off the uneasy classes, and the practical ap proximation of England with the United States must give increased force to the com mercial spirit of the country. The middle classes are tired of polities, and things, not theories, rivet the popular attention. When the public opinion of England is thus practically Conservative, we say that the Con servative connection should demand that the Administration also should be avowedly Con. servative. For its fair fame, and for its honourable distinction, a party is bound to seek for power; and, though things are quiet now, the current " jobbery of Liberalism " will cause a reaction. A total indifference to all politics would not be a desirable consequence after an age cf agitation. The monopoly of office must be taken from the Liberals, if the requirements of the age are fairly to engage the attention of the Legislature. THE VITALITY OF CONSERVATISM. POLITICAL apathy in a State is doubtless pro ductive of much that is inconvenient and dis advantageous. It has an obvious tendency to depreciate the standard of statesmanship. The national mind thus dormant and lethargic, imperceptibly and by slow degrees, adopts false notions and descends to low ideas of public policy. Its tone becomes irresolute and its temper uncertain. Listless and in active, it throws the cegis of its protection around men and things it would once have vigorously assailed. It finds means of defence, it opens avenues of escape for weak and in competent Administrations. The people seem, in such a condition of affairs, to think that change, even for the better, is to be deprecated, and that, as in some respects the work of legislation is stayed, one set of men is as good as another. But, on the other hand, it is no less mani fest that the absence of all topics of strictly political interest is highly favorable to the progress of social reform. If the arena is more tranquil, if there be less bitterness in the contest, and less glitter in the triumph, it cannot be doubted that it furnishes a wide and ample field for honourable and useful exertion. The outbreak of the last war seems to have diverted the tide of public opinion, and turned it into less tempestuous channels. Many measures of great importance in the administration of affairs, involving indeed no strife of classes and no collision of interests, necessitating no dangerous experiments or organic changes, but tending to promote the efficiency of our Government in all its branches, and to advance the social and moral welfare of our people; many measures, w. say, of this character have been set aside, or received only a partial and divided considera tion amid the inure agitating events of a strong period. Those members of the Legislature who gave their time and thoughts to these subjects found their opportunities of carrying on their work both rare and unfavorable. No crowd of eager adherents followed or cheered them on their way. No greetings in the market-places were theirs. But, as we have already said, the course of events has effected a great revulsion of feeling in this respect. The present period seems eminently favorable for the consideration of measures of this kind. Education, the adapta tion of our naval and military resources to the exigencies of modern times, the reconstrue- SATURDAY, tion of the Civil Service upon a sound and equitable basis, the reform and disposition of our criminals,—these and kindred subjects constitute clearly h funks. of the day, and, engrossing es they do the earnest attention of the thinking portion of the community, seem ripe for prompt and effective legislation. And if these things be so, the confidence of the cowry .in only be wilielp bestowed upon the gateman who ere prepared to take advan tage of the auspicious senjuneture, and devote themselves to the work set before them with honest energy. The leading members of the Conservative party have taken a prominent position in these most important matters. Already they bear the impress of their thought ful and sagacious minds, and the intelligent zeal which distinguishes their labours is at once an earnest of their sincerity, and a guarantee of their success. On the other hand, to such a task Lord PALMERSTON'S Ministry has proved itself un equal—and that is, we opine, sufficient of itself to (rive a healthy vitality to an Opposi tion. The Ministeriql prints, however, are in ecstacies with that notable discovery that the Conservative body is disunited and dis organised. They have repeated the same story, at intervals, since the days of Pm ; and we should have thought that the device was too old, the manceuvre too transparent, to de ceive even the most credulous. But how is the disunion and disorganisation proved? In the absence of such proof, we assert that Conservatism is still a living principle. We assert that on all vital and essential points its ideas, its sentiments, its objects, are un changed. We assert that it is identified with a distinct and a definite policy. We assert that Conservative feeling is at this moment in undisputed ascendancy. We assert that it is so victorious and so predominant that a Whig Government exists only by the respect and deference it pays to it. The real truth is, that the strength of the Conservative party is its weakness. It is so invincible that its adver saries fly before it, and the power of its arm is only no longer felt because it is not called upon to employ it. Conservatism is, in its nature, to some extent a defensive principle. It is one of its main objects to guard and pro tect the Constitution. It is at this momen t relieved of that duty, for there can be no de fence where there is ne aggression. And is it so ? Is it true that the mission of Liberalism is ended ; that its programme is exhausted, and its ambition satiated ? Is it true that it is at length content with the Constitution ; that it desires no fresh distribution of political power ; that it is no longer inimical to the Church and jealous of the aristocracy 9 Is it true that it has abandoned its revel itionary creed, ab jured its confidence in the Cotton Lords, and renounced its allegiance to Manchester ? If this be all true, then we may fairly argue that the Conservative element, instead of being weak and decrepid, is in the zenith of its in fluence ! The ;Liberal party, as was said of another combination, is only not conquered because it is converted ! But are we to accept such a view as credible? Will it be accepted by the genuine disciples of progress? Will it be accepted, we do not say by the elastic consciences of placemen in sue or placemen in posse, by English Secretaries to the Admiralty or Irish Attorney-Generals, but by the earnest and conscientious believers in Radicalism ? We apprehend not. We apprehend that in reality they have no faith in finality, and no confi dence in Lord PALMERSTON. Their measures are far more imposing, their aim much more comprehensive. But they are quietly biding their time, patient but not less vigilant. They have this assurance to sustain them, that as soon as the Democratic movement becomes again popular, there will not be wanting a Lord John Russell to fan the flame, should the spolia opi►na of office, to which the Whigs fancy they have an hereditary right, be the least in danger of receding from their grasp. But all this only proves that the Conserva tive party have no need to go in search of a policy, but that its battle-ground remains un; changed. It will not, we are sure, shun or be unequal to the contest, whenever it is again renewed. In the meanwhile the Opposition will occupy itself with compelling a Whig