The Press. — London, England, 1856-04-26 00:00:00

e 4‘f eibt ~_ No. 156.—V0L. IV. LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 26, 1856. STAMPED .... SIXPENCE. UNSTIMPED..FIVEPENCZ t4t Vrtss. be not chaos, what is ? Hot and cold, moist and dry, air and earth, are mingled together in undistinguishable confusion. volved us in the most deplorable administra tive blunders. Between a really Conservative and a really Liberal Government, the House of Commons may now make its choice ; but we warn it, in all earnestness and sincerity, that it can no longer afford to defer its election. If it continues to waver, it is lost. The ground is slipping from beneath its feet through an opinion fast gaining ground, that it is wanting both in sense and honesty. It may have a Ministry of Conservative Progress, or it may have a Ministry of Radical Reform, but it can not, without exposing itself to the contempt of the nation, have a Ministry opposed to all pro gress, relying for support on Radical Re formers. Our political state at the present moment is the most flagrant violation that can possibly be conceived of the representa tive principle. If the House of Commons does not quickly show itself capable of appreciating its position, it must be dissolved as matter of necessity. To recover its credit, it must act with sincerity and decision. There may be no political pre tence for dissolution, but that consideration will not save the House. It will be dismissed because it shows itself unequal to its func tions, and totally wanting in that indepen dence of mind, practical perception, and directness of purpose, apart from which de liberative assemblies are apt to degenerate into a disorderly rabble. Obstabatque aliis shad; quia cm-pore in uno Frigida pugnabant calidis, humentia siccis, Mollia cum duris, sine pondere habentis pondus. LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 28, 1856. May we soon have to add : THERE are many important questions before the Legislature, but the most important of all is—How is the Government to be carried on? Hanc Deus et melior 'item natura diremit. It is through this conflict of adverse elements, combined in one political connection, that the Government is brought, to a complete stand-still. It introduces measures only to withdraw them, or to see them defeated by hostile majorities. While the main body of its professed supporters advocate change in every variety of 'form, it doggedly upholds acknowledged abuses, and shows utter inca pacity to effect improvements universally demanded. It is perfectly clear that Lord PALMERSTON'S Administration does not possess the confi dence of Parliament. Its position is not only damaging to its members, but injurious to our constitutional system. It fails to com mand support at home or respect abroad. The whole nation languishes under its rule. The House of Commons is a theatre of anarchical conflict, in which, all settled principles of go vernment being overthrown or in abeyance, the most opposite opinions fight for mastery, and, through the weakness of the Executive, are enabled to gain the ascendancy by turns. One day a bill is carried for weakening the Protestant securities of the realm, and for ad mitting Jews to Parliament, and another day a resolution is affirmed for depriving May nooth of its annual grant. Can it be possible that the House of Com mons, composed of practical and thoughtful men, eminently interested in the permanent welfare of their country, should be ignorant of the necessity there is for the existence of a Government equal to the conduct of the busi ness of the ration, and of proper administra tive duties? Whatever value may be attached to other objects, this object is of such vital and supreme importance that all others must yield to it. The political machinery, how ad mirable soever for otheripurposes, which fails to afford an efficient Government, does not fulfil its first end. The House of Commons is, at this time, called on in an especial manner to consider its position, for it is escaping from all the re straints which are necessary to unity and strength of action. It must decide upon some broad and intelligible course of procedure, or it must submit to be branded as factious and incapable. It must confine itself within defi nite limits—it must range itself under distinct banners,—in other words, it must reconstruct the bonds of party allegiance—or it must lose all power, become a mere obstructive body, and virtually dissolve itself before the fiat issues which puts a period to its existence. The cause of this anarchy cannot be mis taken. The dominant party in the House sub mits to the rule of a Ministry which it dis trusts and despises. The Liberal party, to keep together its connection, sacrifices its principles. So strange a spectacle was never witnessed in a free country before. An Ad ministration, with ultra-oligarchic notions, pretends to rule by aid of a party with ultra democratic views. Lord PALNIERSTON and Sir G. GREY receive the support of such politi cians as Sir JOSHUA WALMSLEY and Mr. COB DEN : Mr. 'VERNON SMITH is the representative of Mr. OrwAv and Sir E. PERRY ; and Mr. FREDERICK PEEL looks confidently to the benches on his right for the support of Mr. ROEBUCK, Mr. LAYARD, and Mr. LAING. If this lOr.-_ It is impossible that this system can con tinue without disgrace to the Legislature, and loss of character to public men. The inde pendent opinion of the country condemns it. Sooner or later it must fall. The only ques tion is, whether the House of Commons will be the last to recognise its false position, and be deficient in practical good sense and firm resolve to escape from it. Between the Administration of Lord PAL MERSTON and the great body of its Liberal supporters there is in fact a stronger opposi tion of sentiment than between the latter and the bulk of the. Conservative party. The Con servatives have distinctly recognised the ne cessity of carrying out those principles of im• provement which are demanded by the pro gress and circumstances of the age. If opposed to organic changes, they are favorable to practical reforms. A healthy activity is visible amongst them, while the Administra tion cannot move in any direction without being checked by the mongrel spirit of its origin. If the House of Commons would escape from the dilemma in which it is placed, and save itself from the contempt which is gather ing about it, the resolution must be taken to support a Ministry of more decided principle than the present. The case is one for the consideration of each individual member. What is he prepared to do ? The existence of the Palmerston Administration, now that the War• is over, is an insult to common sense. It cannot, with all its influence of Govern ment—the only influence it possesses—com mand the support of a hundred votes. The parties of Whig and Tory, as they formerly ex isted, exist no longer, though the names may survive to conveniently indicate that division which must always exist in the politics of a free country. The Whigs have done their part in advancing change to that point at which they desire change to cease. The Tories have done their part in resisting change to that point when the change becomes a part of the Constitution they desire to conserve. A reconstruction of parties has become a necessity, from which there is no escape, and no Administration can pretend to power which does not represent a Liberal or Conservative policy. Three years age THE PRESS insisted that there were but two men who occupied an in telligible position in the country—Lord DERBY and Mr. BRIGHT—the one representing the English, the other the American system. The attempt to govern by a third party has not only involved us in a bloody and expensive war, but has shaken our reputation, and in- THE FALL OF KARS. LET us frankly say, that as politicians we wish that Mr WHITESIDE'S motion on the fall of Kars could have been further postponed. We doubt whether the House of Commons is just yet in a temper to discuss it fairly ; we doubt whether it is prepared to deal honestly with the issue which the motion will raise. But apart from, and superior to, all such consi derations, is the fact that Parliament could not without dereliction of duty avoid con sidering whether Lord PALIIEItSTON'S Adminis tration be responsible for a disaster which has unquestionably lowered the name and fame of England in the East, and exercised an adverse influence on the peace negotiations. Least of all could the Opposition consent to longer put off a debate which the people expect with impatience, and which it is the especial province of the Opposition to bring forward. We have no knowledge of the manner in which Mr. WitrrEstnE proposes to deal with his subject. He is well fitted to do it justice. With splendid oratorical power, he possesses a searching and analytical mind. For our own part, we hope that he will bring out with all possible breadth and distinctness what we take to be the main question at issue,—Was our Administration , - that direct interferei. have enabled General against the enemy ? Of the power posse tion to exercise such no doubt. Kars fe supplies. \Vill all during the whole a; necessary supplies by this country to There was not on WILLIAMS, day after I justified in refraining from •ence which wou . -- . : *nly 3ral WiLualt is . • ....4--s V 9 V. 4 A 1'7:: .., ..r. ssessed bYci. s izitat -• 1%,..: ch interfe*nl r .lo c a •• r, fell eventiCti oie4lpint..., 4: iy one prlta*Ctb - •0 ; ;pring and. &f 1 ~ I could n inavis '' Cr to the TEki • - sTeprAtOri r , .... io of those w: • •. ' :- ' • fter day, with is A iii-ally