The Press. — London, England, 1856-07-19 00:00:00

JcrtY 19, 1856. Vrottebings in prliantent. HOUSE OF LORDS—Mosnav, JULY 14. AFFAIRS OF ITALY. Lord LYNDHURST, pursuant to notice, rose to call the attention of the house to the affairs of Italy. Reminding the house that of all military tyrannies, that of Austria was the most galling and odious to the people of the country, as shown by their conduct, not only in Italy, but in the Danubian principalities, he pointed out that Austria in Italy had passed her limits of occupation, as settled by the treaty of Vienna, and for the last seven years had nut only spread herself over the Legations, but had taken possession of the Duchy of Parma, kept the whole country in a state of siege, and subjected it to Mar tial Law. Now, he would ask what termination was to be put to this state of things?— The short answer that I have heard returned from the Austrian Government is this :—" When we can leave the country without danger of insurrection, we will do so." Now, mark the course of things. A bail Government produces dissatisfaction, disturbance, possibly insurrection. That ends in the invasion of a military force. The possession by the military force continues and increases dissatisfaction, so that practically it is rendered impossible ever to remove the troops, and, according to that argument, the occupa tion of these districts by a military force can have no termination. Hence, there being no remedy, what was to be said to the condition of the country? The plan to estab lish a Government satisfactory to the people, and to found a national corps for the preservation of order, so that the foreign armies might be recalled, was very plausible and specious, but could not be carried into effect without the consent of Austria: — Will she consent to it? Will Austria consent volun tarily? and, if she will not consent by her own voluntary act, will she consent by the pressure of the Western powers? Those must be credulous indeed who suppose that Austria will voluntarily give up possession of this district. It is said sometimes that the inconvenience of her position is such that she will by her own act withdraw ; but the inconvenience must be of a nature much more striking than anything I can conceive of to lead her to withdraw her troops. I think, therefore, as far as relates to a voluntary act it is altogether hopeless, but she may possibly yield to the pressure of France and England. I looked forward to that state of things with the anticipation of agreeable results. I hoped the Tressure would be such as to accomplish the object I had in view. Ido not mean by that the force of arms, but I mean by the moral effect which would be produced by that pressure ; but I may be permitted to say that, though I was somewhat sanguine as to the intentions of France and England, circumstances have occurred, symptoms have appeared, of such a nature and character as to lead me to entertain very serious doubts whether anything will be done. Not that there is any doubt with regard to England, bnt there are circumstances in the situation of France which lead me to doubt whether she has at this time the disposition cordially to co operate ; so that although I do not absolutely despair of the state of Italy, yet I confess I feel very great anxiety and great distrust. In adverting to the state and prospects of Italy, it was impossible to avoid speaking of the proceedings of the Neapolitan Government. Nothing could ex ceed its infamous conduct. The same infamous system of tyranny and oppression—founded on no law, not even the law of arbitrary government — described by Mr. Gladstone some years since, was at this very moment pursued with greater secrecy, and, in the present political trials, carried on now as then in disregard of every principle of justice, and in violation of every feeling of right. Lord Clarendon had laid down, as a general rule, that one State ought not to interfere in the internal affairs of an other, but that there were cases in which it was not only right to do away with that rule, but that it was the bounden duty of foreign Governments to inter fere; and if ever there was such a case, that case was the case of Naples. What has been the course which Lord Clarendon had pursued ? It is now three months and more since the treaty of peace has been signed, soon after which a note was ad dressed to the King of Naples. When I asked my noble friend if any answer ?tad been received to that note—l beg your lordships to mark the nature of the explanation and the answer which I received. It was said that the King of Naples had undertaken a journey to a place some few miles from his metropolis, and that he had not been able to send an answer. On a subject so grave and important, such a reply was mere trifling, a mockery and an insult. It was not very unlike the course which had been pursued with regard to an amnesty, to which I directed the atten• tion of my noble friend the other night. lam told, and my noble friend will let me know if I am right, that within the last two or three days an answer has been received from the King of Naples. Ant I right in that statement? (Lord Clarendon intimated assent ) I see that my noble riend assents. I thank him for doing so, as that will lead to another question—and that is, is that answer satisfac tory ? I am told that it is extremely the reverse. lam told in the first place, that the King of Naples denies the right of this country to interfere in the affairs of his king dom, and not only that, but that he positively refuses to give any explanation or reply to the remonstrance ad• THE PRESS. dressed to him. I ask my noble friend if that is in sub stance the answer to the important communication made to the King of Naples? My noble friend makes no sign. I ask him if he will lay the papers on the table in the course of the discussion this evening. so that we may have an opportunity of seeing the nature of that communi cation ? One thing was singular:— There is no country more open to the power of England that the kingdom of Naples. If the Government of Naples has set at defiance our remonstrances, what is the interpre tation lam to put on that fact? I can draw but one con clusion, and that is that there is a feeling in Naples that there is some backwardness and lukewarmness on the part of France to co-operate with us to attain the objects we have in view. This, then, is the state to which we are re duced; that we threaten a foreign Government, declaring that its conduct is infamous and atrocious, and that we require it to be changed ; they refuse to listen to our re monstrances, and -ve sit quietly down and take no further steps. What, then, has become of the power and the prestige of England? As a contrast to Naples, he offered Sardinia as a proof that Italy was fitted for constitutional govern ment. Under the greatest difficulties Sardinia had not only established, but, by the exercise of great firmness, moderation, and patience, succeeded in maintaining a free Constitution, and, in consequence, was regarded by Austria with jealousy and hatred, as holding out a dangerous example to the States of Lombardy. Anything tending to subvert that con stitutional government would be eagerly seized by Austria ; but the danger of Sardinia was not confined to the intrigues of Austria in Piedmont : There are other dangers with which she has to contend. The least accident might cause circumstances to arise which might bring destruction upon Piedmont. There are great armies on the frontier, which are being daily augmented ; and this has caused Piedmont to keep up armies larger and more expensive than she can well afford to support, and she is obliged to press hard on herfinances to maintain armies to defend themselves against the multitudinous armies which surround her. I would im press upon the Government the necessity of giving the strongest moral support to the Government of Piedmont, if the necessity for any such emergency should arise, of giving to that Government material support. We never can desert that country without a violation of duty. Having thus noticed the principal facts of the present state of Italy, the question remained what hope have the friends of Italy for her ? I think it right to say that I ant of opinion that there ought to be no secret designs, no attempts at insurrection, that we must abandon for the present any notion of a united Italy ; and there must be no revolutionary move ments. I believe that at present a united Italy is an im practicable scheme. A revolutionary movement would be crushed by the disciplined bands of Austria. Such is the advice which ought to be given by the real friends of Italy. lam told that many well-informed men in Italy entertain the most moderate views; they do not wish for any change iu the forms of Governments, but they wish to obtain, and they are entitled to obtain, an impartial ad ministration of justice, and a firm and honest administra tion of civil affairs. Give thorn that, and I believe that the great majority of the Italians will be content. The learned lord concluding by moving for the cor respondence between her Majesty's Government and the Italian States since the conclusion of peace. The Earl of CLARENDON said the correspondence asked for by Lord Lyndhurst was incomplete, was still being carried on, and that he could see nothing but injury to the negotiations in progress by the production of the papers. With respect to the state of Italy, he was compelled to admit the difficulty of obtaining any amelioration of affairs. The condition of Italy was not to be improved by force, but by coming to an understanding with the Italian Governments. Her Majesty's Government trusted that the Italian people were too sagacious to resort to revolution, which, perhaps, might be momentarily successful, but which could not lay a foundation for the future happiness and prosperity of Italy. He denied any participation in revolutionary projects by her Majesty's Government : Nothing has been done by her Majesty's Government to countenance revolution, because it would be both unjust and cruel to excite expectations which cannot be realised, or which we ourselves are not prepared to realise. For if we lead the people of Italy to expect aid from us, we should be bound to fulfil that expectation. With respect to Naples, the representations made to that Government had been made in tha most friendly spirit, but the result ao far was not satisfac tory:— - - I could have wished to be able to say that the result of the communication which has been made to the King of Naples has been satisfactory. But I cannot say that it has. It is impossible that two Governments can be more at variance as to facts than her Mejesty's Goveniment and that of the King of Naples. Remonstrances have been made to the King of Naples in the most friendly spirit, and we stated to him that in our views the existing state of things was dangerous to the stability of his throne as well as to the interests of his country. We especially pointed out what my noble and learned friend has suggested was one great difficulty—viz., the establishment of a better administration of justice—we recommended a 677 general amnesty for political offences, and such a system of government as should rally round it the confidence of the people—that systematic distrust and expulsion with out trial or proof of guilt and unjust persecution should cease—and, above all, that all persons, irrespective of their political opinions, should have a sufficient guarantee and security for their personal liberty. Now I think that a bolder representation of our dissatisfaction it the existing state of things could scarcely have been addressed by any Government to another. It is true that we last week received an answer to that representation ; but not yet having any knowledge of the answer which has been made to the French Government, not having yet been able to confer with the Government of the Emperor of the French—and I hope I shall not bring the Government of France under the censure of my noble and learned friend by saying that the Government is at this time absent from Paris, and therefore no answers can be given at the moment, until we have had a communication with the French Government, and determined, in conjunction with them. what is the course which under the circumstances it may be necessary to pursue-1 think it would be better not to lay upon the table the note we have received from Naples, and to which my noble and learned friend has alluded. And with regard to the nature of the answer. I think I shall best perform my duty on this occasion by simply confining myself to the general statement that it is impossible for any answer to be less satisfactory or less in dicative of future improvement than that which has been given to our representation. With regard to the Pontifical States, he thought the evacuation of Rome by the foreign troops was not only desired by the Pope, but honestly contemplated by Austria and France; and he believed that, follow. ing the example of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, if the Pope would only carry out the reforms promised in his manifesto of '49, and rely with confidence on his people, the evacuation of R ,me might take place vtith perfect safety. In conclusion, he did not believe that until the joint pressure of France and England could he brought to bear in all its force, the result desired for the amelioration of the people of Italy could be obtained : I can only add that the question of Italy—the question of the amelioration of the condition of the Italian people —her Majesty's Government have as much at heart as the Parliament or the people of this country, and that in every way they can, by their good offices, by all the moral jail ence, and by all the efforts they can use, they will en— deavour to effect its accomplishment. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE insisted upon the production of the Neapolitan correspondence as a means of bringing the force of public opinion to bear upon the dispute. It was for this country to consider whether it were not its duty to employ all its influence, and even force, if necessary, to put an end to the occupation by foreign troops of a territory which ought to be independent. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said if ever force should be resorted to as a remedy for the existing state of things in Italy, it should only be in the last extremity and from a strong conviction of its absolute justice. The present state of affairs was not a state in which the introduction of any new complications was expedient. He concurred in the hope that the existing system of foreign interference in Italy would ultimately be got rid of. He trusted, however, that if ever interference should become necessary, it would be vigorously conducted, so that it might lead speedily to a satisfactory result. The subject then dropped. PAROCHIAL SCHOOLS (SCOTLAND) BILL. The house then went into committee on this bill. Clauses Ito 11 were agreed to. On clause 12, The Duke of BUCCLEUCH moved its omission. The Duke of ARGYLL and Lord PANNURE supported the clause. The amendment, on a division, was carried by a majority of 50 to 20. Clause 14 was also struck out, and the rest agreed to. HOUSE OF COMMONS..—.MONDAY. MR. JAMES SADLEIR. Mr. ROEBUCK gave notice that on Tuesday se'nnight, in the event of his not surrendering him self, he should move the expulsion of Mr. James Sadleir, should he still be a member of the house. COLLEGE OF PHYSICIANS. Sir G. GREY, in reply to Mt. Kinnaird whether it was the intention of the Government to grant a new charter of incorporation to the Royal College of Physicians of London, said there was no immediate intention of granting a new charter. METROPOLITAN SEWERS Sir B. HALT„ in reply to Mr. Butler whether he had any plan for preventing the sewage of the me tropolis tiowing into the Thames, and whether he could assure the ratepayers that this important question should not be thrown over until Parlia ment met again, entered into a long statement of the proceedings of the Metropolitan Board of Works, the result of which was that be (Sir B. Hall), on the report of Captain Burstow, R.N., had refused to sanction the Plumstead plan. At the same time, the Government were ready to consider any other plans. THE INDIAN BUDGET. Mr. SMITH, in compliance with the request of Sir E. Perry, fixed Monday next for the Indian budget.