The Press. — London, England, 1856-08-23 00:00:00

bt tt6l v or ot io No. 173.—V0L. IV. Vrtss. LONDON, SATURDAY, AUGUST 2:1, 1856. No one can cast his eye abroad without being struck with the general disposition of the people of every State to support any Adminis tration which promises them security. Govern ment, always a necessity for mankind, has often been submitted to with impatience. But in our own day its importance is recog nised as the first condition of social happiness and improvement. Many imperfections are overlooked where it exists in tolerable vigour, but no merits are allowed in excuse of its weakness. In every country where it tampers with insurrection, or where it fails to afford the people that full and ample security for life and property which they think themselves entitled to demand, it falls to make ova} for an Administration of greater firmness. In one of the United States we see this principle asserted by means of a popular rising. The people of California will not allow their in terests to be sacrificed by a weak Executive. They have formed themselves into a com mittee that the functions of Government may be more strictly exercised, and have accom plished by combination among themselves an end generally effected in European States by a coup-d'etat. On the part of our principal journals there seems a reluctance to look at this remarkable feature or tendency of our time. It is due to many causes, some of which are sufficiently obvious. We are disposed to assign the first place to that rapid and continuous development of the industrial arts which affords to indi viduals of every degree more profitable and pleasing occupation than political strife. Communities, instead of busying themselves with public affairs, are almost exclusively occupied with their private concerns; and that portion of their time which is abstracted from business is usually devoted to those home pleasures which modern inventions have tended to multiply, and to render both elegant and cheap. Money is found to command such infinite enjoyments that men are unwill ing to let any other objects interfere with their pursuit of it ; while enterprise is con tinually opening new channels by which in genuity can be turned to account. It is further to be remarked, that, in this country especially, strictly social questions—such for example as Education. Reformatory Discipline. and Sanitary Improvement—engage much of the energy which was formerly spent on purely political questions. Another principal reason is the disposition of the Governments to conform to the cha racter and desires of modern society, and to regard with favour every kind of industrial development whi c h can tend to promote the progress of their respective States. A com munity of interest is thus established between the Government and th e p eo pl e . Th er e is a I,l.ling that their interests are the same. Railways have proved highly conservative ; they represent and embody that commercial LONDON, SATURDAY, AUGUST 23, 1856. STAMPFI) UNSTAMPED-FIVEPENCE. spirit which instinctively perceives that settled government is essential to its prosperity. A third cause is to be found in the disas trous failure of all insurrectionary movements of late years. The factions which have endea voured to overthrow existing Governments have disgusted the people by their sanguinary, rapacious, or incompetent courses ; or by the fierce struggles for ascendancy which have broken out among themselves, and have proved the ruin of the cause they professed to have at heart. Strangely enough, a kind of conventional sentiment in favour of insurrec tion—not at home, but in foreign countries— exists in this country, fostered by journals which find it a convenient mode of keeping up their traditional liberal policy. The secret societies which exist on the Continent are no doubt a source of danger; but they are so far from meeting with any sympathy among the community at large, that their very existence induces the people to strengthen the hands of their Governments that they may be better prepared to cope with them. In Great Britain the calm is not less marked than in other States of the world. As a people we have ceased to take any active inte rest in politics. Reform has died a natural death. No new political agitation has the slightest chance of success. The war engaged national sympathies, but neither the misma nagement of Lord ABERDEEN'S Administration. nor its sudden reconstruction under Lord PALMERSTON, after its emphatic condemnation by the House of Commons, succeeded in evoking any display of public feeling. Incidents of the war which in past times would have roused the land throughout its whole length and breadth, passed unnoticed. And at this time, though party combinations still exist, the pub lic seem indifferent to all political questions. It is in such periods of quietude that it is permitted to the Conservative principle of a nation to exert itself, and, in the absence of all desire for organic change, to extend the force and scope of all its existing institutions. It is at such a time that embarrassing ques tions which have long disquieted society should be taken up and settled in accordance with the spirit of the Constitution. In this manner buttresses may be added to the fun damental institutions of the empire, and the requirements of the people may be satisfied. at the same time that the foundations of society are rendered more sure, and new elements of national greatness and prosperity are introduced. Lord PALMERSTON'S Administration, what ever may be its secret wishes, cannot act in this Conservative spirit, or it would instantly lose the support of the bulk of its following. ThAt following comprises the advocates of such vast and varied changes in not only our Constitution, but our social system, as, if carried into effect, would accomplish the most complete revolution that has ever been known, or that can possibly be imagined. The Li beral party comprises the advocates of a purely secular system of education—of the separation of Church and State, and the secu larisation of Church revenues—of the aboli tion of primogeniture—and of a complete change in our representative system. If the Administration attempts to legislate in a really Conservative spirit, it will be restrained by its own followers. If it attempts to legis late in any other spirit, it will be restrained by the Conservative majority in Parliament. It is impossible for it to do more than carry on the routine business of Government. Did it possess any men of either decided principle or high and independent character, they would not consent to remain in so degraded a posi tion ;—they would resolve the difficulty in which they are placed by decided action, or by withdrawal to ono or other of the parties which command their warmest sympathies. But it is notoriously composed of persons who have no other view than to keep together a Government in which they can bear a part. At present the singular spectacle is pre sented to us of Conservative principles predo• minating in the country and the Legislature while the Conservative party or connection is in a minority. This is a state of things which influential Conservatives, whether attached to the party or not, should seriously consider. They may be assured that the Conservative connection alone can give vital effect to those principles of which that party is the natural representative and guardian. While it stands on the defensive it may be able to repel attack, but it will not be able to strengthen its posi tion. What the country languishes for is pro gressive Conservatism ; a policy and a power to render the whole structure of English society more firm, and to gratify the higher in telligence, the social wants, and the imperial necessities which an age of unparalleled intel lectual and industrial activity brings with it. But this object can only be attained by the consolidating of Conservative strength. Those who are Conservatives in sentiment must be come Conservatives in connection, if ever they hope to see their cause gain ground, and the Conservative principle be made a real, effective, and acting Power. There is immense scope for the exercise of po licy in administrative direction alone. We ask those persons who conceive that petty local questions are all-important—Whether the amount of encouragement which shall be given to the Church in the Colonies is nothing? Whether the class of men who are to sit on the Irish Bench, and to fill the most important offices in the Irish Church, is nothing ? Whether the manner in which the State shall deal with many matters of Church discipline and revenue is nothing ? Whether the mode in which such vexed questions as Church rates shall be dealt with in nothing? Whether the form to be given to those new social institu tions imperatively demanded by the time, and on which, under GOD, the future prosperity of this empire must depend, is nothing ? It is with a view to Conservative legislation and government on these and a thousand kindred subjects, that sincere Conservatives of all shades of opinion should desire to see an Administration formed representing their elementary political faith. A party which does not continually aspire to the supreme direction of affairs, and which does not prac tically and by all constitutional means pursue its object, is in danger of wasting away. For it is only in power that a party can practically develop its principles and achieve its aims. ' MAYNOOTIL____ w . • what • more ;Its -s. r ' -s. Tht4 14iiati m it, isor has agrereAV AIL mountrias?' 1 , elk exquai 1 - • .;.. . 51C11 ' ?.. •,; """ . ' <••• •-•••••••4` 1 j• t •;--- .-24_, •%: 1 ' MISTAKES ABOUT THE more one reflects on Maynooth Question," the the errors of its agitators. similar to that of one who hills, but cannot observe case may be compared to rp. cr"