The Press. — London, England, 1855-03-24 00:00:00

'~; ; ra,w.~w 280 THE WEEK. THE public mind of England at the present moment is in an eminent degree expectant. It waits upon events, and there is that kind of vacillation or uncertainty universally felt which, though representing a calm approaching to stagnation, is often the precursor of a startling change in human affairs, and of the most violent convulsion. We wait for intelligence of pacific negotiation from Vienna, and we wait for news of hostile movements in the Crimea ; for some indication of Ministerial policy, and for some decisive disclosures from the Committee of In quiry. We wait for the budget, to know whether new taxes are to be imposed, or a loan to be raised. We wait to know what will be done with respect to the Newspaper Stamp Bill—what course the Peelites mean to pursue—what chance there is of the Radicals accepting Sir JAMES GRAHAM'S proffered leadership. We wait for the sailing of the Baltic fleet. We wait, after nearly two years of uncertainty, for some plain declaration of the sentiments of Austria ; and, after many announcements which have alternately excited and disappointed expectation, we wait to know the decision of the Emperor of the FRENCH regarding his projected visit to the'Crimea. Emperors, kings, senates, statesmen, diplomatists, generals, admirals, armies, fleets, the season itself, all seem in such a kind of dead lock as burlesque has represented in the Critic ; and an audience of nations waits the moment and the word which are to break this inaction and give a new aspect to the affairs of Europe. The Congress at Vienna must have been instituted with some expectation that an arrangement of the Eastern question might result from it, yet, though it has now been sitting for more than a week, we are still in the dark as to what turn the negotiations may take, or whether there is so much as a reasonable hope of peace resulting from them. The delay in the proceedings is remarkable. It was on the 28th November last that Prince GORTSCHAKOFF addressed a note to Count Buoi„ declaring that the Emperor NICHOLAS accepted the Four Points as a basis of negotiation. Just one month later, viz., on the 28th December, a Conference was held at Vienna by the representatives of England, France, Russia, and Austria, to define the interpretation to be put upon the conditions by the Courts of England, Paris, and Vienna. That interpretation was embodied in a protocol. Prince GORTSCHAYOFF obtained a fortnight's delay to consult his master the Emperor, and on the 6th January he received an order to accept, without reserve, the protocol embodying the interpretation, as a basis for pacific nego tiation. It was then decided that a European Congress should assemble at Vienna, and the commencement of February was named as the probable time of its meeting. Delays intervened, and, finally, it was not until the 15th inst. that the Congress met. The proceeding s were then opened by M. DE Bum.. The Russian Plenipotentiaries many accepted the Four Points, and the interpretation put upon them. The Congress then adjourned until Saturday, the 17th inst., and it was supposed would not meet again until the following Wednesday. What has been done at these Conferences has been kept profoundly secret, letters from Vienna stating that no particulars have been allowed to transpire. Apart from diplomatic reserve, it is, however, now well established that Russia has offered to make important concessions. Besides those involved in the first, second, and fourth points, she will limit her navy in the Black Sea to a certain number of ships, and will allow the construction of a fortress on the Asiatic shore of the Black Sea to counterbalance the fortress of Sebastopol. An armed port is in itself only defensive. It protects points of territory, but cannot without the aid of an adequate fleet be turned to purposes of aggression. Sebas topol itself, with the wide expanse of the Euxine around it, commands nothing but the two or three miles of water within range of its guns. It is menacing only when it shelters a powerful fleet. Its ships are its aggressive force, and without them, however powerful for purposes of defence, it is utterly powerless for means of attack. Will these con cessions, now offered with all apparent frankness and good faith by Russia, be deemed satisfactory? What more can be asked? Perhaps the dismantling of Sebas• topol. But would it then be said that no fortress should be main tained by Russia on the Rhores of the Euxine for the protection of her territory ? The rupture of pacific negotiations plainly rests with that party which demands unreasonable conditions. Between the extremest terms which the allies on the basis of the Four Points could demand and the concessions which Russia is prepared to make the difference is not great. Russia without a fleet in the Black Sea is as much de rived of aggressive power as if Sebastopol did not exist as an armed port. The whole question is now confessedly brought within a narrow compass. Whether the " Four Points" give sufficient security for the independence of Turkey and the peace of Europe. whether they pro vide adequate barriers against the aggression of Russia, and whether they visit that power with the penalties due to an unnecessary nip of the of the world, may be open to question. But ad established, it would be difficult or the concessions Russia is prepared to them. Austria, as the mediating Power in balance in her hands, and her known to doubt what opinion she will pron Junco on the maintenance by Russia of Sebas from the concessions that Power is pre- .1\ ture of the peace of the wor 'tting those conditions as I. I .seibie . 'bp; tend that tl •,, , . cot,. Ily satisfy the ty 4. 4tron iti holds the / * : :, ~ . • v . eli tle room to ..- ..7 . '.' . . difference A , ' • • g\.tia d ' port , apart f IT. t , ~.7 - 1, II advd s w? . THE PRESS. The public declarations of the new Emperor of Russia, ALEX. ANDER 11., have attracted much attention. His proclamation on the death of his father, and his address to the army, were considered as formal documents meant to gratify popular sentiment, and to which, therefore, no political significance was to be attached. But his address to the diplomatic corps, delivered on the 7th inst., five days after his accession, may fairly be considered as announcing the policy on which, with his Government, he is pre pared to act. He stated that he adhered to the principles of the Holy Alliance held by his uncle the Emperor ALEXANDER and of his father. The intentions of the latter, always loyal and upright, had been misunderstood. " Like him," said the young Emperor, firmly, " I desire peace, and wish to see the evils of war terminated; " but if the Conferences which are about to open at Vienna " do not lead to a result honourable for us, then, gentlemen, at " the head of my faithful Russia, I will combat with the whole " nation, and I will perish sooner than yield " To the Minister of Prussia (Baron Ds WEATHER) he said that he had never doubted the fraternal affection of the King, and to the Minister of Austria (Count ESTERHAZY) he spoke gratefully of the order of the day ad dressed to the Austrian army. This declaration of the young Emperor's sentiments emphatically establishes what was previously well understood, that if peace be not accomplished by the Congress now sitting, the war must inevitably be desperate and long-protracted. The isolation of Prussia continues. The Chamber of Representa tives has declared that it witnesses this isolation " with sorrow," and expresses a hope that the King will adopt "a firm and consistent line "of policy." The King arrived at Dresden on the 18th. It is supposed that his visit has some political importance. It is pleasant to contrast the latest despatches from the camp with those previously received. There is general improvement. The troops are recovering health and strength, and the spirits of men and officers are exhilirated by the bright spring weather which had been experienced. Activity and energy were displaying themselves in that Slough of Despond, Balaklava, which is being rapidly cleaned out, drained and made wholesome, and convenient at the same time by the erection of piers, cranes, and store-houses, for the easier landing and better preservation of the Government stores. Meanwhile the siege operations were, to use that stereotyped phrase, " carried on success " fully." New batteries were erected and armed, while the old ones were strengthened upon every point. But the Russians upon their side neglected no opportunity of strengthening and improving their position. General OSTEN-SAZKEN had displayed great activity since he assumed the command of the Russian army. Convoys of stores and provisions were daily seen crowding into Sebastopol—new redoubts were thrown up, and their lines of defence extended and armed to that degree that their strength, it is believed, would prove their weakness, and the immense number of guns to be worked tend. to such a diffusion of the garrison as must materially weaken the numerical strength of their forces upon any given point of attack. It is stated that one fort which, in the commencement of th siege, presented a line of from 50 to 60 guns, has now more than 200. The Malakhoff Tower, which, on the 17th of October, had 25, has now 70. The Flag Battery is bristling with 140 guns, and the Redan Wall has been in many places triply fortified. As far as projected opera tions in the field go, the Russians are gradually blocking up every point, and throwing up redoubts, and otherwise fortifying all the olvailablc roads from the allied camp into the country. By the publication of the despatches of General CANROBERT and of those of OSTEN-SACEEN, we have an opportunity of comparing the different accounts given of the smart action of the 23rd. The French attacked gallantly, but the Russian fire was too hot for them. They were compelled to retreat with severe loss, nor, though the advanced work of the Russians is admitted to be important, has any t further attempt been made to take it In Paris nothing certain is known respecting the departure of the Emperor, but the whole attitude of France is warlike. The address of the Emperor in reviewing the Imperial Guards, on Tuesday, was in the style of the great NAPOLEON'S harangues. In a few words, which every man could remember, it declared the army to be the true nobility of the country, preserving from age to age traditions of glory and national honour. A pamphlet by M. EMILE GIRARDIN, "La Paix," has excited great notice in Paris, from its extraordinary proposition that France and Austria should equally insist on the dismantling of Sebas topol and Gibraltar, so as to give complete freedom to the two seas— the Mediterranean and the Euxine. In Parliament the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER'S first measure has not been well received. The Newspaper Stamp Bill in its altered shape pleases no party. Mr. GLADSTONE'S plan went on the intelligible principle of placing all printed papers on the same footing, and aban doned all necessity for newspaper registration and securities. Be. tween newspapers and other publications we think a broad distinction may be drawn, and that the distinction may be maintained on grounds of policy. Either system would be consistent. But Sir CORNEWALL LEWIS adopts neither. A publication is to be a newspaper in the eye of the law, and to require registration and securities only when it is required to pass through the post. Obviously this is to demand sure ties from the more respectable journals, which would use the post, while papers of a lower class, having a purely local circulation, would be exempt from them. Notice was last night given by Mr DEEDES that he should move the postponement of the second reading of the Bill until after the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER had made his finan cial statement. The tone of Lord PALMERSTON'S remarks on the " oppressed-na tionalities " speech of Sir ROBERT PEEL has tended to lower the Noble '~~ --_ SATURDAY,