The Press. — London, England, 1855-03-10 00:00:00

THE PRESS. Russia in the Black Sea which is spoken of has any relation whatever to Sebastopol, or to any part of the territory of Russia. It may relate to the limitation of her naval power, but the contest in the Crimea, take what turn it may, can contribute nothing to the settlement of that question. The assault of Sebastopol at the present time would at best be a pur poseless waste of blood, and at worst might indefinitely protract a European settlement. We must not deceive ourselves. If we have engaged in a contest for the material humilia tion of Russia, and the dismemberment of her empire, we have chosen the wrong weapons and the wrong field of battle. We must fight her not with an Austrian alliance, but with revolted Poland ; not in the Crimea, but in the Baltic provinces. Jf we insist on terms which Russia is resolvel not to grant, it is not by wresting from her the Crimea that she is to be subdued. Sebastopol can decide nothing. In one point of view the anxiety for the assault of Sebastopol is intelligible. The Ministry may desire to make a flourish of some success as a setoff against the long list of disasters chargeable against them. But it is the old question. Will the play be worth the candle ? Is a victory utterly b a rren of success to be desired at the price of the life it will cost ? We do not want military achieve ments, for we can proudly point to Alma and Inkermann, but we want governmental suc cess. If peace could be secured by military heroism, we should not be discussing its probabilities now. We need more ability at home, not more valour abroad. At the present moment, if the Congress be not the most wretched far ce ever played by statesmen, it is to Vienna, and not to Sebas topol, that we must look for a solution of the question in debate. We regard with abhor rence that barbarous and deceitful policy which would open pacific negotiation as a cloak for the more active prosecution of hos tilities, or which would fence off peace till the termination of war could be fitly marked by some crowning carnage. unknown to itself; it may be really waiting on events, and may suspend its decision until the views of the contending powers are distinctly set forth. It has certainly afforded us no reason to rely on its active support. This very week we read that the Emperor of Aus rais, to , mark his grateful sense of " the noble " disinterestedness of the Emperor Nicaoi.e.s " in affording aid to the Austrian empire in a " time of trial and great calamity," has issued an order of the day declaring that the Austrian Cuirassiers, known as the "Emperor Nicholas" regiment, shall retain for ever that title in the Austrian army. This act, however little meaning may be attached to it, does not look like the preliminary to a formal rupture with the Russian Government. The accession of ALEXANDER 11. will probably be warmly wel comed at Vienna, and the position and policy of the two young Emperors, now that Austria is freed from all fear of Russian aggression on her Danubian frontier , may probably lead them to contract a close alliance. We never believed that Austria would really turn her arms against Russia—the policy which has raised the Court of Vienna to the position of arbitrator in the great dispute, and has con stantly refused to recognise its duplicity, has borne bitter fruits to England • and now we venture to predict that should the Congress at Vienna not come to a satisfactory qpnclusion, we shall expect in vain that alliance which we have made so many sacrifices to attain. It appears incredible that this Congress should be opened without some kind of under standing in the minds of those who will take part in it on the terms to b e mutually con ceded. Our Government —if only from the choice of Lord Joux Realism. as its Plenipo tentiary—evidently attaches great importance to the negotiation, and expects a successful result from it. Sir JAMES GRAHAM has marked his sense of its gravity by declaring that when he joined Lord PALMERSTONS Cabinet the only condition he thought proper to make was, that the negotiation should proceed in the same manner as had been arranged by the previous Ministry. The grand question is, whether preliminary conditions have been so far ar ranged as to allow the disc ussions to open THE COLONY OF VICTOR IA. with a reasonable prospect of success ; and on THE state of things in V ictoria is serious. this point we confess we ente rtain g rave doubts from the importance which is atta ched to the The immense wealth of its mineral districts operations before Sebastopol, and from the has attracted a vast populati s on, of unsettled asser ti ons constantly made through Ministe - and lawless character. It i calculated nal channels, that the fall of that place would materially facilitate pacific neg . otiations. 100,000 diggers are sca ttered over the country, Now, we have no hesitation in saying tha t if and more will follow, for not a wee k p asses the terms to be proposed are not already sub without bringing intelligence of fresh dis stantially settled—if they are m ade in an y de- coveries. These men, hary, enising, gree whatever contingent on the events of the and rendered reckless by their occupation, war in the 1. nego ti a tion must ne cessarily fail. Russia would certainly not be may be excited to revolt by sli g ht provoca th more willing to accept peace after defeat than tion ; nor has such provocation been wanting. while the contest is yet in suspense. We Under the present transportation system, believe she would be less willing, and that the the Governor of Van Diemen s Land has the fall of Sebastopol would rather complicate than right of granting to convicts " conditional simplify the questions to be decided. pardons," which operate only to prevent the What, in effect, would be gained by the return of the receivers to England, or their fall of Sebastopol, or by a succession of continued residence in Van Diemen's Land, bloody combats undertaken for the capture of leaving them free to choose their abode any its defences? What are those defences ? where else. The number of those expecting, Mere earthworks, which if destroyed to-day and in due time certain, to receive such par might be thrown up again to-morrow. To dons is estimated at 12,000. As a matter of —or, as course, each on his libe ration repairs to the ca pture them merely to ab andon them hich in diggings, whereby an e normous additional res pects the forts, to des tro y works w the course of a few mont hs could be cora- expense is incurred for the m aintenance of p l e t e ly restored, would be the most bootless order—an expense roughly rec k on ed at a triumph ever bought by blood. million sterling yearly. Either the Congress is opened at a time Victoria thus incurs all the inconveniences when, from t on c an of the war in the Crimea, of a penal settlement, without the correspond the negotiation can have no pacific result—or ing benefits. She has a convict population, it may have a pacific result independent of the without compulsory labour, and without events of that war. In the former case, 'why adequate means of restraint. The evil was felt does the Congress meet at all? In the latter, to be intolerable ; and the colonists accord what need of the continuance of hostilities ingly passed a bill called the Convicts Preven while the negotiation is in progress' lion Act, whereby any ex-convict found within If the object of the war were to restore the the limits of the colony was sentenced to ten Crimea to Turkey, or to place it under the yeara' penal servitude. This strong measure protection of the allies, we could understand was referred home for approval, and by the the importance attached to the fall of Sebas- Duke of NEWCASTLE was disallowed. The ta t e topol, though we should then say that it was Governor of Victoria, on receivin . g the offi . cial absurd for the Congress to meet until the intelligence of its disallowance, with directions point in dispute was decided b et the sword. to make it public, declined so to do, fearing We are far from saying that such au object the possible consequences. In time the bill, would not be justifiable, but it certainly is not being provisional and temporary, expired ; the entertained by our Government. Nor do we Legislature renewed it ; the Gov . ernor, in per imagine that that limitation of the power of plesity, sent it to England uningued, for the MARCH 10, 1855. 223 decision of the Colonial Secretary; the Secre tary, equally perplexed, sent out Sir CHARLES HOTUAM with large powers, and, as we believe, with indecisive instructions. Sir CHARLES, acting to the best of his judgment, proposed a compromise, which, while avoiding the appear ance of dictation by the colonists, really con ceded the points in dispute. As a compromise, it might have been accepted, and tho controversy would, probably, have terminated here but for an unlucky attempt on the part of the home authorities to mask their retreat under the semblance of a triumph. This came in shape of a proposition to set free all parsons actually in custody for breach of the law originally enacted, and which the Colonial-office, though disapproving, had never formally disallowed. Herein a condemnation of that law seemed to be implied : the colonists took fire ; public meetings were held ; resolutions passed, ex pressive of the strongest feelings of indigna tion ; and ominous threats of separation have been uttered by more than one speaker. The military force at the disposal of Government is probably su ffi cient to prevent an actual revolt, or to put it down if attempted ; but it would be vain to deny that public sympathy among all classes of Australians goes with the malcontents, and that for this feeling there is ample justification. Their language and their threats may have put them in the wrong, but they are acting throughout on the defensive — protecting public order and social morality against au irruption of felons which threatens to swamp both. Even the minor consideration of expense in maintaining an additional police force is not unimportant ; already the expen diture of the colony enormously exceeds its income ; wages of labour are almost fabulously high ; in a word, the danger is double—of demoralisation and of bankruptcy. We shall hope for the best; but if lasting mischief follows, the fault will lie, not with the Australians, but with their rulers in Downing-street. Perhaps, when Lord Jowl has settled the affairs of Europe at Vienna, and Sir ROBERT PEEL has made up his mind whether to accept or refuse his proffered Under -Secretaryship, one or other of them may think the Australian empire worth look ing after. Or is Sir GEOROK GREY too busy bringing up Lord PALIdERSTON'S Home-office arrears to fulfil his promise of giving an hour or so weekly to colonial concerns ? PLAYING AT WAR. Lord GRANVILLE repeated the other night, in the House of Lords, the dictum previously propounded by Mr. CARDWELL in the House of Commons regarding the operation of our new laws of maritime war. They inflict, ac cording to both of these authorities, the maxi mum of injury upon our enemy, with the minimum of injury upon ourselves. Our rulers are proud of their new policy, and mean to stand by it. They have solved, with perfect succ ess in their own es timation, a problem which has perplexed mankind for centuries, viz., how to carry on, at one and the same time, both war and commerce. But their labours, unfortunately, are still unappreciated by a large portion, we believe by a largo majority, of the enlightened public. From the very first we opposed the unprecedented conces sions made in the present war to the enemy's commerce. We regarded, and still regard , as a giga n tic blunder ; and this o p inion them is rapidly gaining g r ound, even among those who were disposed at the commencement of the war to look with favour upon the experi ment. On the other hand, it appears that a certain class of politicians consider that our Ministers have erred, not in conceding too much, but in conceding too little, to the money much, spirit of the age. Of this opinion is Mr. J. L. UICARDO, M.P. That gentleman has written a pamphlet, the object of which is . to show that war and commerce may be carried on in perfect harmony with each other, and t h a t mankind have been, from time immemo rial, in the wrong , in supposing that t wo hos tile nat i ons cannot fight and trade at the same time, and that a n exchange of bl o ws is incom patible with a fre e exchange o f bullion and