The Press. — London, England, 1856-10-25 00:00:00

1016 wont not be productive of any great amount of good. He should remark that it was the commercial and not ;he agricultural part of the community that asked for the col lection of these statistics ; and it these returns were ob tained fairy,) and without any inquisitorial interference, he thought there was no farmer who would not cheerfully furnish such return so as to give a knowledge of what agri cultural property, increase, and produce consisted. - - Mr. Blakemore concluded by a powerful appeal in favour of reviving the "Harvest Home," as a means of bringing master and workman more together to the promotion of the domestic happiness and comfort of the labourer. Qi,otat ano lastlon. Her Majesty and the Court have remained at Windsor during the week. The Hereditary Grand Duke of Tuscany visited the Queen this week, and returned to town on Tues day. His Royal Highness has left for Paris. His Royal Highness Prince Alfred will shortly proceed to the Continent for some months. It is believed that the principal stay will be at Geneva, a place offering peculiar advantage for the study of modern languages and for other branches of educa tion. In addition to his tutor, Lieutenant Cowell, R E., his Royal Highness will be attended by Lieut.- General Sir Frederick Stovin, one of her Majesty's Grooms in Waiting. Viscount and Viscountess Palmerston are at pre sent entertaining some distinguished visitors at Broadlands. Their Excellencies the French and Russian Ambassadors, with the Countess Creptowich and Mme. Persigny, and his Excellency the Sardi nian Minister, are at present at Broadlauds. The Earl of Carlisle has, arrived at Castle Howard. The Earl of Radnor is entertaining some political friends at his seat, Coleshill.house, Berkshire. The Right Hon. Edward Bouverie, M.P., and his family, ate among his lordship's guests. plitual. HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN held a Court of Privy Council at Windsor Castle on Wednesday at 3 p.m. Present—His Royal Highness Prince Albert, Vis count Palmerston, Sir George Grey, the Right Hon. H. Laooucliere, Lord Stanley of Alderley, and Lord Ernest Bruce, Vice-Chamberlain. At the Council, Parliament was ordered to be further prorogued from the 13th of November until Tuesday, the 16th of December. His EXCELLENCY M. PACHECO, the Spanish Minister, was received by her .dajesty the Queen on Monday, to deliver his credentials. MR. S. LAING, M.P., whose delicate state of health prevents his visiting his constituents, has is sued au address to the electors of the Northern Burghs. The document, dated "London, Oat. 10," reviews the foreign and domestic policy of the country during the past year. "At this time last year," writes Mr. Laing, "one ueiversal feeling seemed to prevail that Russia was a power incurably perfidious and ambitious, a sort of incarnation of the evil principle, supporting brutal despotism, crushing oppressed nationalities, and trampling down every generous thought and liberal aspiration from Nova Zembla to Naples " : With these the war assumed almost the appearance of a religious crusade, and any sacrifice appeared better than to conclude a peace which left the Poles, the Hungarians, the Fins, the Circassians, and the Italians in nu better position than they were before. The Times thundered it forth in its leading articles; the Post and other organs of the Ministry followed in the same strain; subordinate members of the Liorernment took it up (Sir R. Peel, among others, who is now dancing attendance on the Cz it at Moscow, said the Crimea must cease to be Russian), and with rare unanimity Whigs, Tories, and Radicals seemed to via wi►h one another in asserting principles which, if acted on, must have bad the inevitable effect of entailing on Europe a second edition of the Thitty Years War. But " tit re was one naper, THE Passe, and a small minority,' who believed these extreme views to be altogether "visionary and Quixotic." Thoy held the war to have been just and necessary in order to maintain that balance of power and to enforce that public law of Europe upon which the possibility of permanent peace depends, yet they considered it a great evil which ought not to be prolonged a single day after these original objects could be attained by treaty : A few leading statesmen and orators, finch as Mr. Glad stone, Mr. Bright, and after his visit to Vienna Lord John Rinvell, one solitary organ of the press. supposed to re present the opinions of Mr. Disraeli, and here and there u stray independent member like myself, who happened to have same practical acquaintance with the state of opinion in Europe, were then the only advocates of principles THE PRESS. which now are embodied in treaties and assumed as axioms. Whether the mode or time chosen to advocate these principles was right or wrong he did not care to argue, but he felt. satisfied with the conduct of her Majesty's Government for having had the good sense and courage, when it came to the point, to throw over the bluster of their supporters, and oon elude " a safe and honourable peace ;" Although (adds Mr. Laing) poetical justice would have perhaps been better satisfied b♦ giving the statesmen whose opinions were represented by THE Puma the credit of concluding the peace, rather than those whu inspired the daily elusterers of the Tines and Post. With respect to the American question, be thought Lord Palmerston's Government was wrong at first in attempting to enlist soldiers from the United States, and in raising questions certain to excite a strong feeling in America, by occupying the Island of Ruatan under a doubtful construction of treaties. As regarded the foreign enlistment question, he thought it was altogether wrong in principle to allow or to encourage subjects of neutral States to shed their blood in quarrels in which their own countries had no concern. He had voted for the Foreign Enlistment Bill, but he had ever since regretted his vote : I did so under the pressure of a great emergency, when the tate of the British army in the Crimea seemed to be trembling in the balance ; but subsequent reflection has convinced me that the measure was radically wrong in principle, and experience has shown that it was practi• tally useless. Our mercenary legions have been nothing but a source of annoyance and discredit to us, and any reasonable man must be satisfied that in any future war it would be better to rely exclusively on our own re• sources. Mr. Laing then expresses his notions upon what should be the basis of the foreign and domestic policy of this country : As regards foreign affairs, I am for the policy of non intervention. Ido not mean in any abstract and impracti cable sense of the word, but in the sense in which it was inscribed on the banner of the Liberal party (by whom, by the bye, it has since been constantly violated) on their accession to power in 183'J. That perpetual, petty, and fussy interference with continental politics, so characteristic of our foreign policy of late years, was inconsistent with the true interests and dignity of England. In every instance in which we had departed from the great principle of non-intervention we had defeated our own end, diminished the real influence of England, and thrown back the cause of liberty : Our interference with the domestic disputes of Spain has done no good to that distracted country, while it has, on more than one occasion, endangered our friendly rela tions with France. Our demonstrations of sympathy for Poland and Hungary served only to excite vain hopes and to retard and embitter inevitable changes. Lord Minto's mission to Italy did more serious mischief bl fanning into flame the outburst of 184 M, which threw back the cause of Italian independence by half a century ; and finally the affair of Dnn Pacifico crested a feeling of indignation against England, the intensity of which can only be known to those who have travelled on the Continent and conversed much with intelligent foreigners. He was strenuously opposed to any such interven tion as was first propounded in the case of Naples : What are the lazzaroni to us that we should risk solid advantages for their sake—like the friendship of France and the alliance of Austria—and give Russia the oppor tunity, of which she is dextrously availing herself, of re gaining ber place as the champion of European Conser vatism and the defender of the independence of the smaller States against lawless aggression? Either the misgovernment of a foreign State is a legitimate cams belli or it is not. If it be, let ns go to war with France to oblige her to free her press, with America hecau"e she flogs her nigers, and with Russia because she sells her serfs, and not to fishing in Neapolitan waters for a revolution to punish King Bombs because be sulks when the Foreign office scolds him. If it be not a emus belli, why degrade the honoured name of England, by trying to do surreptitiously towards the weak what we dare not attempt towanls the strong ? The policy of a great empire is self condemned when it deals in subterfuges and equivocation; and what can be a greater equivocation than to send a fleet to Naples, nominally to protect British subjects, hut really in the hope that their presence may cause a revolution, under the plea that the Neapolitan Government oppresses its subjects, who, if left to themselves, have ample means, but apparently little dis position, to redress their grievances? As regards questions of domestic policy, Mr. Laing was of opinion that the times did not demand any great measures. So much had been done of late that little remained to do. To facilitate and en• courage voluntary effort, and to aid the diffusion of knowletlae indirectly by examinations for Govern ment appointments and by the repeal of the paper duty, was the only proper function of the Legis lature as regarded education. With respect to the ac,itation against Maynooth, "it would bring up the Trish and Scotch questions as practical questions." By a careful system of economy in the naval and military expenditure, he thought we ought at least to get rill of 15,000,001. a year additional war SATURDAY, taxation; while the present duties upon paper, in surance, wine, timber, and tobacco, would all bear re duction, and yet, by an increased eoniumplion, maintain the revenue at its present, if not at a higher, rate. In concluiion, Mr. Laing expressed himself in favour of a revision of the income tax, and of an ex tended law reform. MR. OLIVEIRA, M.P., met and addressed his con stituents last Tuesday, at the Town-hall, Pontefract. The hon. member gave rather a lengthened detail of the origin and progress of the late war; and, with respect to the peace, concluded without expressing any individual opinion upon the question. The conduct of Russia with regard to Kars, Ismail, Reni, and the Isle of Serpents, showed the reluc tance with which concessions requiring an abandon ment of territory were acquiesced in. But the dig. nified and united aspect of England and France had removed all apprehensions upon those points. Yet— To be prepared is to be safe; and I hope that no G:►• vernment will hereafter lose sight of the paramount neces• sity of maintaining such forces, naval and military, as will cause Great Britain to be prepared for any emer gency that may arise, without those lamentable sacrifices which were made at the commencement of the war just terminated. This, I feel assured, is the true interest of the country, and will in the end prove the most practical economy. The American dispute had happily been adjusted ; the aspect of Italy, however, was too grave to be passed over. Mr. Oliveira was doubtful how far in tervention was justifiable : It is difficult to say how far foreign countries are justi fied in attempting to enforce liberal ideas or institutions upon othet States. The experience of our days, since the time of Canning, shows but little advantage in the propa gation of institutions unsuited to foreign people. Inter vention, as a general principle, is most objectionable, and has usually been rewarded w.th ingratitude by tile very parties benefited. It is to be hoped that the noble ex ample of SArdinis may spread, and that the fine countries —the seats of ancient liberty and refinement—the cradles of the arts and sciences—and amongst the most produc tive in the agricultural riches of the earth—may partake in the general spread of prosperity and happiness which a well regulated liberty has given to other nations of the world. This must be a work of time, and can hardly be hoped for at the hands of the imbecile rulers who now possess those countries. Danger to the peace of Europe may arise out of this question, and serious complications follow. But if France and England are united. and pur sue a vigorous and just policy, great benefits will be the inevitable consequences to those oppressed people, with out exciting the active sympathy of atsolute governments. For these objects, as well as others, I have already pointed out that England must be in a position to maintain and c,irry out, if necessary, by force of arms the great princi ples thus advocated. Mr. Oliveira concluded by expressing an opinion favorable to Sir W. Clay's Church Rate and the Passing Tolls Bills ; and stating his determination to persevere in his attempt to obtain a reduction of duty upon wine, and an extension of free-trade prin ciples over the existing tariff. Sir STAFFORD NORTHCOTE, M.P., met and addressed his constituents, at Dudley, on Tuesday evening last. The hon. member c3nfesse 1 that not being in the confidence of the Government he knew little of foreign affairs, but he detailed the apparent course her Majesty's Government hail followed in the case of Naples, pointing out that certain repre sentations had been made to the King of Naples that his treatment of his subjects was in some respects dangerous to the peace of other nations and to the peace of Europe generally; these representa tions had been disregarded, and even met with some thing like insult. The consequence had been that France and England had withdrawn their ambas sadors from the Court of Naples, and had sent out fleets to hold out to our subjects resident in that country prospects in reference to certain eventuali ties, which eventualities it passed the wit of a simple man like himself to comprehend:— Now, if he were to attempt to give a deliberate opinion as to our conduct towards Naples, he should only be in danger of misleading them, and probably might commit himself' further than lie wished to do. We had necessarily to put a great deal of trust in the executive Government with regard to our foreign policy, and it was in the power of the Government at any moment to embroil us in a quarrel, which we could not interfere with while the affair was proceeding, and which it would be too late to prevent after the blow had been struck. The question, therefore, with regard to our foreign policy was this Have we confidence in the existing Government?" To answer this question, we must look to what has been the general course of the Government in these matters, and especially with regard to proceedings of recent date : He confessed that the conduct of the Government in some respects, as far as regarded negotiations, had caused in him less confidence than he could desire to place in the Ministry of the day. He might instance the conduct of the Government in the correspondence which had taken place with regard to recruiting in the United States. Ho imagined there were few who had had time to read the