The Press. — London, England, 1855-03-10 00:00:00

1-) bt ;1! ertt;s No. 97.—VoL. 111. gilt rtss. LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 10, 1855. "PRESS" OFFICE, Friday Night, March 9. THE prospects of peace are not favor able. The tenor of the manifesto of the Russian Emperor must not be exaggerated. Its publication, under all circumstances, was a matter of course. No insuperable difficulty to peace, however, exists at St. Petersburg. Nor is it, we have reason to believe, at the Court of St. James's that difficulty is expe rienced. On the contrary, it has reached us from high authority that the instructions with which Lord JOHN RUSSELL was furnished were framed in a spirit in accordance with the disposition of the Court of Russia. The obstacles to peace have their origin at Paris, notwithstanding the mitigatory efforts of the French Minister for Foreign Affairs. Lord JOHN RUSSELL, we are assured, failed in his efforts to dissuade the Emperor Louis from repairing to the Crimea, His Majesty has, probably, by this time quitted France with this object, HAVING TAKEN PRE CAUTIONS FOR THE SAFETY OF WS CROWN. It is said that the French Emperor has exhibited at this moment an elation, as well as firmness, of conduct unusual with him in their combination. The King of PRUSSIA complains of the manner in which he has been treated in re cent negotiations. His Majesty offered to make for the common object large and most important concessions, The Emperor Louis, on the other hand, proposed to make two conditions of the adhesion of the King of PRUSSIA to the Western alliance, which ex cited alike astonishment and indignation :-- 1. That the French Emperor should have the power of moving troops through Germany without the sanction of the Germanic Con federation. 2. That the King of PRUSSIA should pre liminarily engage to vote with the majority at the Congress of Vienna. We are informed that even M. DROUYN DE LHUYS urged on his Imperial master that " there was no precedent for such a condi " tion being imposed on an independent LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 10, 1855. sovereign." The Emperor was deaf to this remonstrance of his own Minister, and declared that he " would make a prece " dent." The peremptory conduct of the Emperor of the FRENCH, which disturbs the Court of St. James's, has its origin in engagements which he entered into at the close of last year with the Emperor of AUSTRIA, and which were contracted without the know ledge of the British Government. This secret compact with Austria makes the Em peror of the FRENCH master of the situation. The death of the Emperor NlcuolAs has already modified the spirit in which the Emperor of AUSTRIA was induced to accept the revival of the policy of CHOISEUL, but his Imperial and Apostolic Majesty is em barrassed and disquieted. His brother has departed to St. Petersburg on a mission, which is not one merely of condolence. The rumours rife during the week or the cause of the visit of Lord CLARENDON to Boulogne, and of the principal subject of his conferences with the Emperor, the Crimean Committee, the dissolution of Par liament, &c., are mere inventions, part of that stock of " canards " now flying. The departure of Lord CLARENDON to Boulogne was occasioned by the news of the death of the Emperor NICHOLAS, and by the natural desire of himself and Lord PALMERSTON that not a moment should be lost in his con ferring with the Emperor of the FRENCH on the influence of so great an event. The Budget will not be brought forward before Easter : the day on which the finan cial statement will be made, will, we have reason to believe, be the 20th of April. We understand that Sir THOMAS GLAD STONE has been requested to allow himself to be put in nomination for Liverpool, and that no doubt exists of the readiness of the Hon. Bart. to fulfil his duty at this con juncture. Sir THOMAS GLADBTONE has always uncompromisingly adhered to the distinctive tenets of the Conservative party. He has never for a moment swerved from the maintenance of the Protestant Constitu tion in Church and State. Two years since, when Tim PRESS commenced its labours, the affairs of England were intrusted to the discordant authority of a Coalition Cabinet, whose political and mili tary mismanagement have tarnished the cha racter of our Constitution. Urged by an PRICE SIXPENCE. imperative sense of duty, we felt ourselves compelled to denounce the mischievous policy of a motley Ministry for England, when Europe was shaking with a dangerous crisis. Our object, like our language, was plain ; and the grievous apprehensions which we felt at seeing an ABERDEEN tottering beneath the sword of state have since been wofully confirmed by the tragical evidence of a ruined army, a baffled Legislature, a betrayed people, and a defunct Cabinet, gibettod to ignominy. By the fall of the calamitous Coalition, one great obstacle in the road of public safety has been removed. What wo predicted has actually occurred. That the Coalition should be destroyed we held to be the first duty of practical patriots, and we have seen our opinions echoed from the most opposite quarters. But, the work of destruction having ceased, a still greater duty lies before us for achievement. No political object is now nearer to our heart that the thorough con solidation of all the genuine Conservatism of England. As we have done previously in dealing with important questions, we must frankly speak our minds in discussing the consideration of Conservative unity. With dreaming theorists or idle speculative politicians we have nei their connection nor sympathy. The evils of our time are terribly practical in their formid able mischiefs, and the cures must be ad ministered by intelligent patriotism and. experienced sagacity. Our hopes for the public cause at the present time centre in that great parliamentary party whose con sistent conduct and united ranks proudly dis tinguish it from the anarchy of factions, existing in opposite combinations. It has stood firm in adversity, and done prodigious good by checking the designs of unscrupulous Cabinets. It has a trusted staff of leaders, whose courage, accomplishments, and un swerving energy are resolutely devoted to its service, and whose labours before long will be crowned with triumphant success. Rejoicing in the admirable union of the parliamen tary Conservatives, we still feel it to be our duty to remind our friends out of doors that the whole work of politics cannot be done by statesmanship alone. The consolidation of Conservatism throughout the length and breadth of the land can be principally pro moted by the diffusion of sound views on the practical politics of the present time. Never was there a time when it was more urgent that British politicians should not let themselves be deceived by names, or forms of words. For example : scattered up and down through England are several persons who fancy that they are acting right in calling themselves "Conservatives," while they remain virtually disconnected from our party organisa tion. They satisfy their weak sense of public duty by a vague protest that they dislike the Puseyites and despise the Whigs, and that they have nothing but contempt for the clan traps of Radicalism. They remain in their various localities inactive spectators of the zeal and frank manliness of the thorough Conservatives of their neighbourhood. One might suppose at first that they had some splenetic distrust of the elected leaders . of the grea t Conservative body, and a passing ob server would expect to hear some snarl ing