The Press. — London, England, 1855-01-20 00:00:00

JANUARY 20, 1855. decreases ; and in the debates of the last few sessions we are not aware that any one of them has ventured on a downright avowal of his heresy. A fourth section, again, which used to contend for the exclusive right of the Church to educate —or, in other words, which denied to non .conformists the right of profit ing by grants made out of the public purse, while accepting those grants on behalf of Churchmen—has well-nigh disap peared. Of the fundamental principle on which their educational creed is based, it is enough to affirm that the whole tendency of modern legislation sets against it—that it was pointedly disavowed by Parliament when the present denominational system was set on foot—and that it is, to say the least, unsuited to the wants of an age and country in which the dissenting socts collectively number almost as many members as the Establish ment. Moreover, those whose views incline them to exalt most highly the ecclesiastical power have of late years changed their tactics. Instead of calling on the State for help they protest against its authority ; in lieu of clamouring for privileges they complain of restrictions, and demand independence. Their claim, therefore, will not be again put forward ; and since with voluntarism, which seems their natural resource, they have no sympathies in common, it is not easy to see what part they propose to themselves to take. But when these four classes of politicians—the volun tarists, the secularists, the non-educationists, and those who would educate through the Church exclusively—are either silenced or con verted, the question at issue is really brought within very narrow limits. Reversing the process of argument, we may assume, without much risk of contradiction, that the four following propositions, if submitted to the Legislature or the public, would be affirmed by a large majority :- 1. That it is the duty of the Government, iu the present state of things, to assist in the promotion of popular education. 2. That the assistance actually given is in sufficient, and must remain so until a more effective machinery for the purpose is pro vided. 3 That religious instruction should form a part of the teaching given, and that this in struction should, as far as possible, be made common to all sects. 4. That the claims of existing schools should be considered, and the efforts of indi viduals be not superseded, but encouraged. To which propositions a fifth might proba bly be added, though with less certainty of absolute unanimity, viz. :- 5. That, as each district is taxed for the support of its own pauperism, instead of the burden being thrown ou the national exche quer, so each district should be made, in part at least, to contribute towards making good its own educational requirements. On these principles Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S plan of 1853 was based. The plan itself was much, and as we think justly, censured for the incompleteness of its provisions, and its manifest inadequacy to supply one at least of the most pressing wants of the nation by the establishment of new schools in districts where few or none now exist. But, while these faults caused its withdrawal, and even drew upon the author some ridicule, the general theory laid down by the Whig leader differed but slightly from that which the Con servatives, as a body, have supported. It re mains to be seen whether, on such a basis of common opinion, a really sound and perma nent measure can be built up. Rumours reach us that a new education bill is contem plated by Ministers ; and meantime Sir Joni( PAYINOTON, wisely incredulous of Downing street professions, has placed on the notice paper a motion of his own, which before our next appearance will probably have been submitted to Parliament. We do not touch on the details of a proposition not yet made public ; but we can affirm with some confi dence that, by the Conservative project, the exertions of denominational teachers will not be repressed, but encouraged ; full play will be given to the principle of local self-govern ment; the claims of ail sects will be amply recognised; town and country will be dealt with alike; provision will be made for the THE PRESS. establishment of new schools, as well as the maintenance of those now in being ; and reli gious teaching will neither be set aside on the one hand, nor, on other, suffered to degene rate into a watchword of party, and an occa sion of perpetual strife. From such a measure, brought forward under these auspices, at a time when the necessity of action is admitted on all hands, and when extreme views are generally scouted, we augur well. Let the two plans—those of Sir J. PAICINGTON and Lord J. RussEtt.—be fully stated, and their relative merits discussed. It is not impossible that the House of Commons may send them both to a committee, and that (as happened with the bribery bills of last year) a measure may arise out of the union of the two which shall pass through Parliament by consent of all parties, and finally set at rest this long-vexed controversy. MR. SIDNEY HERBERT AND HIS NUNS. AMONGST the flagrant errors of the Ministry in the management of the army, the blunder of sending out propagandist nurses, in the name of " Sisters of Charity," is deserving of particular rebuke. By selecting conventual " subjects" (in the Romanist phrase), Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT did much to damage the novel experiment of trying whether feminine auxiliaries in military hospitals would pro mote or retard the welfare of the sick. As an experiment, the scheme deserved the best trial that a man of practical mind could give it, and the fact that it came from one of actual experience like Miss NIGHTINGALE ought to have been an additional inducement to the Secretary-at War to take special heed how he resigned himself to the eccentric influence of that passion for sentimental crotchets by which he is so singularly characterised. Of Miss NIGHTINGALE herself, and the high motives which animate her, we heartily sym pathise with the sincere respect universally felt towards her. In her first thought— " What a comfort the sight of their country " women would be to poor wounded English " men far away from home "—there was much affecting earnestness. Her previous life of devotedness to the sick showed that she was no mere holiday enthusiast, bent on setting traps to catch cheers, and to win the care lessly-given palm of popular applause. Her antecedents were guarantees for the spirit in which that estimable lady entered upon her difficult work ; and it is well to remember the honest and unnoticed apprenticeship which Miss NIGHTINGALE had previously served, because it cannot be denied that English society generally recoils from any exaggerated exhibition of those traits which sometimes make up a " heroine." It is easy to say, that as a people we are " too proud," or " too cold," and it is certainly possible that we are too reserved in the display of our emotions. There are weak as well as strong points in our national character, but, though not so ready as the people of other countries to give up our enthusiasm at the first solicitation. in no land when virtue is once proved does it find more fervent admiration than in England. Thus, when Miss NIGHTINGALE'S proposal was first mentioned, there were doubts and hesita tion, but when people learned the interesting and authentic facts in the personal history of that lady, they accepted the genuine evidence given by her well-spent life as security that her mission to the East was not made in the romantic spirit of a Lady Hester Stanhope or some other of these extraordinary " female characters" who have made themselves con spicuous. The applause due to a noble minded Englishwoman, whose rare accom plishmenta and intellectual gifts are forgotten in comparison with her lofty moral qualities, was given from all sides with no stinted 'need. Rarely, therefore, had a Minister a better mode of testing a new design, and seldom did the official mind commit a more offensive blunder, than when the most formidable missionaries of the Church of Rome were enlisted by Mr. SIDNZY HERBUIT for the pur- 5~ pose of carrying out a plan for giving English female nurses to British soldiers. Any one might have foreseen that such a plan would provoke general distrust at home, and sow end less dissensions in the camp. The morbid lean ings of Mr. HERBERT'S softly-emotional nature, his queer crotchet that mediaeval institutions are fitted fora practical age, his love of "artistic " religionism, along with the fatal fallacy of his peculiar school in supposing that there is a moral connection between the pious and the picturesque—all these induced our senti mental Secretary-at-War to shut his eyes to the fact that the " Sisters of Charity" in the Church of Rome are propagandists as much as any of those renowned suns of LOYOLA who sow doubts where they cannot reap con • versions. Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT liked the costumes of the " White-hooded Nuns," and his ear was caught with the phrase " Sisters of Charity." A practical man would have given nurses to obey the directions of Miss NIGHTINGALE, but the word " sisters " fell with musical cadence on the ears of this sympathetic gentleman, amiable, unpractical, and crotchety, wha has done so much to imperil the success of a benevolent scheme worthy of an honest trial. Our readers must recollect that we have previously condemned the plan followed by Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT. In Our number of the 6th instant we noticed at some length the un satisfactory working of the system, and we then mentioned the fact that Miss NIGHTIN GALE was compelled to disp ense with the ser vices of five of Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT'S " White hooded Sisters." In some quarters our state ment was received with incredulity ; but in the Times of a subsequent date to our pre vious remarks there is detailed evidence of the dissatisfaction arising from " Sisters" having been employed. The Times' almoner, writing from Scutari, mentions the fact, that "the removal of the ' White-hoods' by Miss " NIGHTINGALE had given umbrage to the Roman " Catholic chaplains," and we hear also from pri vate sources, that Miss NIGHTINGALE has been " fiercely attacked Ly one of the clerical Ro " manists." Any one (excep; a mere sentimen talist) might have foreseen as much. Nor can we think that there will be perfect peace in the Nurse Department until the mis sionary " Sisters" shall be sent away entirely, and their places taken by competent and ex perienced nurses. The troubles of Miss NIGHT INGALE are quite severe enough, without entail ing on her the consequences of the crotchets and misdirected sensibilities of the impractical Secretary-at-War. " Miss NIGHTINGALE (writes "the Times' almoner, from Scutari,) is quite "right in endeavouring to put her establishment "in a proper business footing ; but doing so "will, I fear, make her a number of enemies." Such are the anticipations formed by a person on the spot, who has seen the evil resulting from the monstrous design of employing the missionary influences of Romanism as means for achieving purely benevolent objects. It is impossible for " Sisters" to dissociate their minds from the grand object of their Church. Their very costume is strikingly sectarian and polemical. Nor will it answer for the votaries of a certain school to declaim against the views we have advanced as " Pro testant prejudices." We insist upon it, that political feeling, or religious " preju dice," has no right to be needlessly offended by the employment of purely sectarian influ ences, under the pretence of affording national succour. More experienced nurses than con ventual institutions furnish can easily be pro cured, and, for the sake of giving a fair trial to the generous design of Miss NIGHTINGALE, we insist upon the propriety of immediately re moving those causes of polemical discord, which will mar the working of the whole ex periment. The office of the nurse should be kept distinct from that of the chaplain. We object to the employment as nurses of the " sisters " of any religious community whatever, be it Romanist or Protestant. Trained for a dis tinct mission, and clad in a garb appropriate to it, the suspicion at least must attach to them of being actuated by proselyting mo tives. Their qualifications for tending the sick cannot be superior, even if they be equal,