The Press. — London, England, 1856-12-06 00:00:00

1155 tion, Sir EDWARD SECIII4 to unite in his own person most of the qualties which are de manded in a Parliamentary representative If the inhabitants of Southampton would emancipate themselves from a thraldom which has most of the evils, without any of the benefits, of despotism, theylmay now do so under good auspices. Whatever be the result of the contest, it cannot but be gratifying to the Conservative party to observe the contrast between their own position and that of their opponents. They, at least, are not voting in the dark. They know perfectly well what kind of policy they are pledging themselves to by the support of Sir EDWARD BUTLER. Their con duct is, at all events, intelligible and con sistent. Their antagonists, on the other hand, support their candidates simply because they are ticketed Liberal. But what these will do when they get into Parliament, it is impossible for any one to foresee. A zealous democrat may be giving his vote to a man who will support the friend of abso lutism—a zealous lover of peace, to one who will aid by his vote in embroiling us with half the States of Europe. In fine, in voting for Liberalism, no one can know what he is voting for,—whether for peace or for war—for pro gress or stagnation—for democracy or monarchy—for church or for chapel—for Papist or Protestant. It is all one to the chiefs of the party. Each comes round in turn, and consequently nothing advances. Conservatism in any sense is something at least more,practical than this. TREASURY PURITY. Two appointments have lately been made in the Treasury which call for some remark . We hope a satisfactory explanation can be given of them. Two gentlemen named HODGSON and COLE have been placed by Sir C. TREVELYAN and Mr. WILSON in. situations worth 7001. a year ; whilst clerks whom they have superseded, and whose services have been much longer than theirs, are lucky in retaining half that sum. Mr. HODGSON may he a man of great merit ; but all the merit with which the world is acquainted, consists in the fact that he was Sir C TREVELYAN'S private secretary ! The other gentleman, Mr. COLE, has be longed to the Treasury for only two years ; whereas he has superseded men who have worked there for twenty years. In what does the peculiar claim and merit of Mr. COLE con sist? We are not aware of any great public service performed by him. He is the son of Sir LOWRY COLE, and is also—though no doubt that is an accident—related to Lady COWPER, daughter-in-law to Lady PALMERSTON ! Will this connection be considered by Parliament sufficient reason for dishonouring, impoverish ing, insulting, and degrading seven meritorious officers in the Treasury ? We hope not. In a small way, another very pretty job has been done by those immaculate Reformers of the Treasury, Sir C. TREVELYAN and Mr. WIL SON. Young Master FREMANTLE, who has now been labouring in the Treasury during the protracted period of three entire years, or thereabouts, has at length received the reward of his distinguished ability and merit, and has been presented with a clerkship worth 3501. a year—i.e., with as good an income as is enjoyed by any one of the seven superseded clerks, who has worked in the Treasury for nearly a quarter of a century ! What this young gentleman's special public services have been we don't happen to know. But it does so happen that this official veteran of three years' standing is son of Sir T FREMANTLE, and en joys the unspeakable advantage and blessing of being Mr. HATTER'S private secretary ! RESULTS OF LIBERAL ASCENDANCY. IT is not often we can agree with the Weekly Dis patch, but the editor, in the last number of that journal, seems to have been much in the position of BATAAM, and to have been compelled to give utterance tk truth which it was against his will and interest to reveal. Speaking of the general indifference of the people to political affairs, the writer observes : We cannot say we regard this as a healthy state of things. Woad not like, in a free country, where, by the theory of THE PRESS. the constitution, the people are called upon to govern themselves, that they should become indifferent to politics, and retire from the supervision of public affairs. It is the curse of the United States that her most thoughtful and worthiest citizens, disgusted with the vile knavery of trading politicians, and the cunning ruffianism of stump oratory,l retire from public life, and leave the issues of power to the most dishonest and less wise of the popula tion. In England, our best men cease to take their wonted interest in the business of the country. The " rod of empire" is resigned into the hands of waiters upon Providence, and Parliament is left entirely to trading poli ticians, who seek a vote simply to extort a place, and who abandon the business of the nation the moment they can get other business without it. Power is never left to rot or to waste. If it be not in the right hands it will assuredly yet be in some hands, and the growing disposition of the " upper ten thousand " of the middle classes to regard party as dead, politics as a bore, and public life and State affairs as no longer a trust in the hands of every good citizen, but as only a plaything for those who will sustain the infliction of the botheration, is a very dangerous heresy which cannot too soon be de nounced to the inquisition of national common sense. In despotic countries the issues of power are sedulously watched by the few into whose hands they are intrusted. They may, indeed, misgovern ; but at least they do make use of the authority which public law or might gives them. The British Constitution assumes that the right of legisla tion and of executive government is in the hands of society at large, especially controlled by its most influential and intelligent members ; and it makes no provision for any other alternative methods of administration. If the wisest, best, most intelligent, and most dispassionate, therefore, shrink from public life, and leave its affairs to pot-house brawlings and parochial cliquism. what can result but that England should be ruled in the spirit of a poor-law union, and its destinies be wielded by the soul of a paving board, and with the sort of sense that finds its way to the chair of Coger's-hall, or the bench of the judge and jury club. We call, therefore, upon the thoughtful and the wise, the national leaders of society, to shake off this apathy, and no longer to shirk their share in guiding the operation of our representative institutions. All this is excellent—may we say not the less excel lent because the substance of it has previously ap peared in our columns? But the writer suggests an inference which he does not care to follow out. How is it that the "rod of empire " is resigned into the hands of waiters upon Providence?—that Parliament is left to trading politicians?—that the wisest, best, most intelligent, and most dispassionate of the com munity shrink from public life ? Is this the legiti mate result of Liberal ascendancy for the last quar ter of a century ? Has the Reform Bill produced no better fruits than these? If men of high principle, conscientious views, and patriotic aims are driven from Parliamentary life, it must be because they feel they have no chance of success when opposed to the brawling demagogue or mercenary politician. Men now commonly stand on the Liberal platform with no better stock•in-trade than a mouthful of lies. They pretend zeal for cer tain Radical measures,—as the ballot, extension of suffrage, no church rates, foreign nationalities, and the like,—caring nothing for these schemes, and taking no real steps to carry them into effect. They are elected on the faith of their Liberal professions, and then seek how they may best turn their votes to account by supporting what is called a Liberal Ministry. It is the constant success of this trick, stale though it be, which disgusts the honest part of the community, and keeps out of the representation the very men best calculated to adorn it,—men who scorn subterfuge, and to whom honour is dearer than place. So long as this system prevails, and popular constituencies willingly surrender themselves to the Liberal delusion, the disastrous state of affairs which the Weekly Dispatch deplores must inevitably con tinue. The remedy is to be sought in the exposure and break-up of the Liberal imposture. THE WAR WITH PERSIA. THE sudden announcement of a Persian war has taken the country by surprise. For a long time our political relations with Persia have been most unsatisfactory, and a pas sing paragraph in Mr. Vernon Smith's In dian Budget speech at the close of the session, with reference to the march of the Persians upon Herat, was the first and only indication this country received of the proba bility of a war with Persia. Mr. Vernon Smith observed that the Affghans, assisted by Post Mohammed, would, in the opinion of her Majesty's Government, be able to resist the attack, that the Persians were bound by treaty not to interfere with Herat, and he hoped that when this was represented to them they would retire. "If not," concluded Mr. Vernon Smith, " it will be necessary to defend British honour and preserve inviolate the key of India." It would appear that such representations have failed in effect, a result somewhat antici pated by the early preparation for the expo- SATURDAY, dition, and that her Majesty's Government has resolved—upon its sole responsibility—to despatch an expedition at once to the Persian Gulf. _ The assumed ground of quarrel between the Esa Khan and the Shah arises from the per secution by the Khan of certain resident Mahomedans professing the Persian faith. The Shah claims the right to protect his co religionists from persecution, and besieges Herat. The defences of Ilerat consist of a broad, deep fosse, which can be filled and emp tied at pleasure, and a vast mound, ninety feet high, surrounding the town as a redoubt. At each angle are built strong towers, mounting heavy guns. Within the town a powerful citadel stands upon an impregnable height, commanding the road from Meshed. The soil around the town is light and sandy, and diffi cult for a besieging force to work. In the famous siege of 1838, Herat, although almost destroyed by the bombardment of the Persians was heroically and successfully defended for nine months by Yar Mohamed and Eldred Pottinger, against a Persian army of 40,000 men with 80 guns, directed by French and Russian artillery and engineer officers. Conflicting accounts of the progress of the pre sent siege continue to be received. The reports from Teheran are in general highly favorable to the Persians, and even announce the posi tive fall of the town. The Journal de Constantinople of the 21st gives a different version of the state of affairs, and announces the arrival in the city of Dost Mohammed's sonlwith a strong body of Affghan troops : The latest news which we have received from Per sia, and which comes to us from a reliable source, contains some facts of the highest importance._ Prince Mnrad Mirza, the general commander in chief of the Persian expedition against Herat, had written to Teheran that he finds it utterly impossible to make himself master of the city with an army of 25,000 men. The father of the reigning Shah, Mo hammed Shah, was not able to succeed in doing so when he attacked Herat with a force of 80,000 men. The arrival at Herat of the Emir Serdar, the son of Dost Mohammed Khan, with a reinforcement of numerous columns of A ff ;han troops, belonging to the warlike tribes of the Tadiks, of Kisilbach, and others, had resulted in the re-establishment at Herat of the lines of communication with Affghanistan. The army of the Shah was concentrated towards the north-west, and was awaiting succour from Te heran. The Emir Serdar, upon his arrival at Herat, an• nounced to the inhabitants that he had been sent by his father,',Dost Mohammed, as a precursor of his formidable army, whic'a was at that time concen trated at Candahar, and ready to march against the Persians. The Times this week published the following leading article upon the question : It's always as well to be " posted up " with events, and even prepared for them with some knowledge of places and persons. When anything very startling comes to pass no one likes to be going about asking privately and confidentially, " Who's he ? Where's this ? What's that ?" So a word to all who are con cerned in the education of children. Open the map of Asia ; it is Asia,—that much is known with cer• tainty,—and point out Herat. If you eannot find it, consult the index. Make your children learn the position of Herat ; at least, its whereabouts within a few hundred miles. We are sorry to say that, in the present state of geographical knowledge in this country, you will not be able to learn whether Herat is in Persia or Affghanistan, but of that hereafter. It is important, however, that you should familiarise your children with the name, for perhaps ten or twenty years hence they will see the place, or per haps they will be killed there, or their fathers will, or their sons, or their grandsons. Perhaps ten years hence everybody will be in mourning, and the theatres will be empty, and Mr. Charles Kean will be obliged to give up his theatre, and county balls will be countermanded, and a gloom worse than the worst November fog will hang over the metropolis, because, having captured Herat, and stationed a large army there, and put a club-house general, labouring under old age, the gout, and several other disorders, in command, the army has been driven out in the snows of winter, or the heat of summer, and has dis appeared. Or perhaps an expedition will have beent sent from the coast, and never arrived anywhere ; i will simply have gone into space, leaving no more record to all future time than poor Sir John Franklin and his crew, if so much, indeed. So let all chil dren, high and low, learn this imp o rtant name,— from the scion of episcopacy, who, in spite of good livings and canonries, is resolved to go into the army, down to the ragged boy who, under the uni-