The Press. — London, England, 1856-01-26 00:00:00

THE WEEK. THE political situation has not changed since our last issue, but increasing confidence is felt that the negotiation in progress will result in a definitive treaty of peace. The only drawback to this expectation is the ambiguous, or hostile, language of the Ministerial press. On Thursday the Morning Post had an article in what we may call official type, roundly abusing the Russian Government for pretending to lay claim to moderation. The substance and style of this document reveal the Oracle veiled by the newspaper broadsheet. The substance is so flimsy as almost to elude apprehension, and the style petulant and peppery. Looking closely into the article, all that can be gathered from it is, that in a circular by Count NESSELHODE he states that " the Government of the "Czar has not sought to impede the work of reconciliation by accessory "negotiations, in the hope that due account will he taken of its mode " ration." By that phrase " accessory negotiations" the wrath of the Oracle is kindlen into a flame. Firstly, it is "simply unintelligible " in which we quite agree ; secondly, it indicates the " usual Russian "style of unhesitating assertion ;" thirdly, it is " another specimen of " the artful style of the wording of Russian diplomatic documents ;" fourthly, it is an " attempt to flatter the French "—of course at our expense ; fifthly, it is designed to " throw dust in people's eyes, to blind them to " the part that Russia is really playing;" sixthly, it " tends to show " the ever active and insidious character of Russian diplomacy " Never, surely, did an unmeaning diplomatic phrase raise so great a storm in a tea-cup before. Soon as the evening shades prevail, The Glnbe takes up the wondrous tale. What can " accessory negotiations " mean ? cries the " Gent of the press "in a passion. It casts about, far and wide, for an answer to its question, and at last comes to the conclusion that, in the Russian sense, it is "a hint to the opposed party to tie its own hands." Ali this nonsense would not be worth a moment's notice, if it were not the nonsense of a person in a great place, and if it did not indicate the temper with which our Government enters on a most weighty negotra tion. It has failed, however, to have the slightest influence on public opinion. We are happy to see that the great English journal has at last thrown its weight into the right scale, and now adopts a calm and pacific tone. We recognise its immense influence, and are happy to have it at last on our side. When will our Conservative contem poraries understand that the time for war harangues has passed by Surely they must by this time see that the party whose sentiments they claim, in common with THE PRESS, to represent, is not inclined to oppose that peace which we fully believe will hereafter be a great landmark in the settlement of Europe. Even the Daily Neal so far modifies its views of " an armed truce," as to suppose that the treaty will be a truce for twenty years. Whether it be true or not that the Emperor of RUSSIA has sent instructions to his generals in the Crimea to suspend hostilities, the question of an armistice demands immediate consideration. It is admitted on all sides that the negotiation is now at least bona fide; and while it is proceeding, what objection can rationally be urged to a suspension of hostilities? An armistice would commit the bellige rents to nothing; it could not be more beneficial to one party than the other; it need not even impair the most active preparations for war. It would simply suspend active fighting, save the lives of some scores of sentries on either side, and allow the combatants a period of repose. At this season of the year no active operations can take place ; the utmost harm the opposed armies can do each other is to surprise an outpost now and then ; and it would seem but an act of humanity, with such reasonable chances of peace before us, to put an end to this useless slaughter for the two or three months required for those " important formalities," which the Ministerial journals assure us must be lengthened in proportion to the magnitude of the question at issue. The return of Mr. WALPOLE for the University of Cambridge will certainly be the more desirable, inasmuch as it will probably bring a valuable addition to the ranks of the Conservative party, in the person of Mr. WARREN, Q C., the candidate for Midhurst. The literary talent, the high legal qualifications, and the eminent purity of his moral character, sufficiently attest his worthiness to replace Mr. WALPOLE in the representation of Midhurst. In Mr. WARREN the Conservative party will gain an eloquent champion, while in the opportunity thus opened to him Mr. NVARREN will find a new field for the exercise of his distinguished ability and political knowledge. We have authority to state that, in consequence of the strongly expressed wish of the constituents of North Essex, Major BERESFORD will not retire from the representation. C. Dr CANE, Esq., of Braxted Park, formerly Member for Malden, is the candidate chosen by the Conservative party to fill the vacancy about to be created by the retire ment of Sir JOHN TYRELL, Bart. The Conservatives meet the coming Parliament with a union and firmness such as have not been seen in that body for several years. It is not too much to say that in quarters where apathy existed, there is now a judicious zeal, and that the best results may be expected from the action of the Conservative party in the coming session. We have heard many gratifying proofs that the spirit of the great con stitutional party is for union, firmness, and cemented action. Proudly THE PRESS. SATURDAY, does the Conservative connection feel that, in relation to the war, it has helped to rescue the country from the evils of faction by its loyal support of the Crown, and that its strength has dismayed reckless promoters of a war of extremity. It augurs well for the best interests of the empira that the Conservatives should be so united at the present time. On Thursday last Sir FREDERICK THESIGLR showed cause on be half of the Archbishop of CANTERBURY why a writ of mandamus should not issue, commanding him to require the Venerable Archdeacon DENISON to appear before him, in answer to the charges preferred by the Rev. JOSEPH DITCHER. The first point, on which the case mainly turned, was this :—Whether the Archbishop, after having once issued his commission to inquire into the grounds of complaint, had a dis cretion to discontinue proceedings if he thought proper? The second point was how far the present prosecutor came within the meaning of the Act as " a party complaining." The judges seem t o be of opinion that, though the Archbishop had the discretion in the first instance of refusing the commission, after he had granted it he had constituted himself a judge, and was bound to adjudicate if the prosecutor demanded it. The second point seems involved in some difficulty. Mr. Justice COLERIDOE agreed with Sir FREDERICK THESIGER in construing the expression " party complaining," as meaning "a party aggrieved," that is to say, a parishioner, or some one immediately and practically interested, which the Rev. JOSEPH DITCHER certainly is not. Taking into account, however, that the prosecutor objected to the Archdeacon's published writings as well as to his preaching, the Court apparently was of opinion that there was no alternative but to let the mandamus issue, Lord CAMPBELL at the same time expressing his opinion that the Bishop would have been wiser to refuse the commission in the first instance. The whole question. as it appears to us, is simply a technical one, and though we must bow to the unanimous opinion of the Court of Queen's Bench, we cannot help thinking that common sense was on the side of Sir FREDERICK THESIGER. Sir J. KAY Suurrr,EwoaTH's lecture on " Medical and General Education," is one of the interesting literary scientific events of the week. After a brief but careful sketch of the history of medicine from the earliest times, Sir JAMES proceeded to show how the increased knowledge of the present day could he made most generally available. His recommendations are founded on those more worthy views of the dignity of all education which have lately become more and more prevalent. School and collegiate foundations must be sown broad cast over the country, if any real progress is to be made. And among these, schools of medicine must hold their proper place, " untram melled by mediaeval privileges." Notwithstanding a little cant, and perhaps a little too much of what is merely speculative, Sir JAMES'S lecture may he reckoned an interesting and able contribution to the periodical literature of medicine. A verdict of guilty has been returned against WILLIAM Pa LM E a for the third time. The strongest point in the case for the prosecution is the asserted fact of PALMER having purchased prussic acid shortly before his brother's death. But death, according to the medical evidence, might have been produced either by poison or apoplexy. No poison can be de tected in the body; whereas the deceased's habits of intoxication, the cause of apoplexy, are matter of notoriety. That 110 symptoms ofpoison can be found proves indeed very little; because none could have been found even had it been given. Still the prisoner is unquestionably enti tled to the benefit of the doubt, such as it is. It is out of all reason that he should he tried in either Shropshire or Staffordshire ; and we under stand it is reported at Rugeley that his trial will take place at Oxford. MR. DINMAN'S ADDRESS TO THE MEMBERS OF THE SENATE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE. GE NTLEM Having been urged by a small number of members of one of the London Clubs (the Oxbridge and Camford College Club) to offer myself as a candidate for the vacant seat in your representation, I have no hesitation in immediately accepting so flattering a request. lam a sincere member of the Church of England; and, as an hereditary Whig, would lose no opportunity of extending the powers and privileges that the Church at present enjoys to every shade of schism and dissent, as a sure and certain means of effectually destroy ing that Church to which I am so deeply attached. My political opinions are so well known and simple that any enumeration of them is almost superfluous. They are, however, briefly as follows :- 1. I am entirely free from all ties of party, and belong to none. 2. I am nevertheless a general Liberal. 3. 1 am also a Conservative. •1. I should also vote with the Peelites, commonly called Liberal-Conservatives. .i. I should, above all, support the present Government at the present moment; but (S. I might, vcry probably, by a modification of circumstances, vote against them to-morrow. I should gladly support such measures as should best enable the Universities to carry out their own progressive reform without, if possi ble, any external control or interference ; and I therefore most i 7P' '7f7