The Press. — London, England, 1856-06-28 00:00:00

7 .I. i -•-• . M E , l'' ) , . .. __... r r...:,., v rt , ls4 ........ (4%! .- No. 165.—V0L. IV. LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 28, 1856. STAMPED ....SIXPENCE. UNSTAMPED..FIVEPENCE. Ot ?puss. they felt was necessary to their position. Our hold of the Canadas was regarded with alarm, not on account of their probable industrial growth, but because it was conceived we re tained them solely on account of their mili tary positions, and as a means of invasion at any moment. This jealousy was the more natural, and the more excusable, as the policy of the Republic was entirely adverse to the maintenance of a largo armed force of any description. It is time that these misunderstandings should cease—that the United States should distinctly learn that we entertain no jealousy of their growth—that we do not anticipate a contest with them, or wish to prepare for it; but that, on the contrary, we regard their prosperity as our prosperity, and are well assured that they cannot advance in any element of greatness without a corresponding advance on the part of this country. The nearest approach to such policy on our part was during the last Administration of Sir ROBERT PEEL, when Lord ASHBURTON was sent to the United States to settle the long-dis puted question of the Oregon boundary. No one doubts the wisdom of that treaty now. But what was I,o:d PALMERSTON'S opinion of it in 1843? He brought forward a distinct motion against it, which was so coldly received by the House that a count-out on the second night of the debate was the result. The speech of Lord PALMERSTON was more remarkable than his motion. The latter might be regarded as a party move, but in the former he expressed his real sentiments. He treated the United States as the natural enemy of this country, and viewed the whole question at issue, not as matter for friendly arrangement, but as ground on which a battle should be stoutly fought. Lord ASHBURTON having the first move, did not make the most of his position. He gave up six or seven points at once, when he should have contested each one of them ; and, strangely enough, he protested against the fitness of the negotiator, on the ground of his social connection with the United States : PALMERSTON and CLARENDON are fighting their battle, a band of States' adventurers have possessed themselves of the Government of Nicaragua. We are rapidly losing the ad vantages anticipated from the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, while ostentatiously making a display of a powerful armed force to convince our opponents that we mean to fight the battle in earnest. u LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 28, 1858. IT would be strange if in this age of progress in all knowledge conducive to the well-being of man, some advance were not made in the political science which concerns him most of all. The statesman has need, from time to time, to look at the results of experience, and to shape his policy not only by the actual wants of his time, but with reference to prin ciples which, whether springing from social growth, or from discoveries in the art of government, have proved most beneficial in Of all mischievous acts that the demon of discord could desire, none could be more mis chievous than the reinforcement of our West Indian fleet in the autumn of last year. Lord CLARENDON'S own account of this step was, that it was taken " for the protection of British " interests against any attack that might be " made upon them, and to be prepared for " events which they had done nothing to pro " yoke, and which they would still do their " utmost to avert." (Papers on Recruiting in the United States, p. 123.) Assuming this explanation to have been correct, how could the measure be viewed otherwise than as a menace to the United States' Government? In that light it was regarded, and it led directly and immediately to a considerable vote for the augmentation of the United States' fleet. The grounds on which the reinforcement was sent out—as the fitting out of Russian ships in the American ports, and the concoction of "a great conspiracy for promoting insurrection " in Ireland " (Lord CLARENDON'S own words) — were subsequently shown to have been utterly unfounded. But the mischief of the threat could not be undone. It opened the eyes of the States' Government to the insecurity of its position, and it resolved on the formation of a powerful fleet, that it might be safe from such menaces in future. operation. We know how our American ()Monks were governed a hundred years ago. Their highest posts were a refuge for the needy hangers-on or decay footmen of great noblemen. There was no person so low or base as might not hope to be appointed an American governor, if he happened to possess a patron in high station. Our colonies were considered as chiefly valuable for the patronage they con ferred till Mr. GRENVILLE, in an evil hour for his fame, conceived the ides that they might be made to contribute to the coffers of the State, as well as to the necessities of cour tiers and statesmen. His attempt to shear the wolf has taught us some useful lessons. We do not think it wisdom now to rule our colonies as if they were held for the sole bene fit of the mother country. We do not want to keep them under ; we are not jealous of their prosperity; we do not attempt to derive any other advantage from them than must in evitably arise from the mutual connection. Lord ELons's administration in North America has shown the perfection of which colonial government is capable. The secret of his suc cess was confidence in the people. He trusted them, and he was trusted by them in turn. Their suspicions and animosities were at once disarmed when they learnt that his only aim was to accustom them to govern themselves, and that he was anxious to afford the freest scope to their progress in every possible manner. When the Home Government ceased to be regarded with distrust, it came to be re garded with love. The policy of repression has been tried, and failed; the policy of deve lopment has been tried, and has eminently succeeded. From broils of this kind, leading to aug mentations of force, we never shall be free, until a different policy is acted on, and the two Governments can feel perfect c , )nfidence in each other's amiable intent. When such relations are established, we shall hear no more of the Monroe doctrine. Free from all grounds of disquietude, the people of the United States will regard the apprehension of Euro pean hostility as a dream, and will be anxious to draw closer the ties which bind them to the Old World, instead of contemplating their severance. The noble lord was both a British subject and an American citizen. . . . Were two countries to agree to choose a mediator between them, they might very pro. perly select a person who had an almost equal affection for each, but when a Government appointed a Minister to fight for them an adverse battle with another negotiator, whose feelings were all enlisted on one side, then it was fit to choose some person who had no private connection with the other party. We demand that our policy towards the United States shall be the same in character as our policy towards British North America; that it shall be friendly and frank ; not adverse to the expansion of their power, not per petually inventing checks and repressions, not fighting battles, even in diplomacy, not struggling to obtain petty and worthless ad vantages of position, but cordial and concilia tory. Let this policy be acted on for a few years. and the jealousies between the two countries will vanish as they have vanished between this country and the Canadas. The pacific policy which is not less ours. A conf In this passage we have an indication of the principle by which Lord PALMERSTON has been constantly guided in his intercourse with the United States. He supposes that the in terests of the two countries are necessarily adverse, and while he is fighting his battle, and exciting the alarm of the United States' people, they press forward, and either obtain the country in dispute by colonising it, or seize upon some territory of more than com mensurate advantage. It was shown at the time of this very debate, that on th 3 spot where Sir ETOWARD DOUGLAS (then Governor of New Brunswick) had in 1828 arrested, tried, and imprisoned an American citizen for en croachment, a United States' fortress had been erected to receive a garrison of the State of Maine, Lord PALMERSTON in the interval having the direction of our foreign affairs, and constantly fighting a battle with the United States' Government. Is it certain that, if we had acted upon this same policy towards the United States, it would not have been attended with the like results? To whatever cause it may be re ferred, the Governments of the two countries have never been cordially allied since the in dependence of the Union was declared. There has been jealousy and perpetual fear of encroachment on one side and the other. Our statesmen have feared that the Union would advance too rapidly, and become too powerful ; and statesmen on the other side of the At lantic have continually fretted under an appre hension that some plot was afoot to curb their power, and to prevent that expansion which two countries might darken world. England, like the Ui a great future, though our pa, in a different direction. We the East the arts and indi partially left it. So vast an( our fields for extension, tha conceive no limit to them. of the statesman to look beyoni _ . and in idea to invest his Exactly the same kind of action is now taking place in Central America. While Lords mortal life. Not only is there no reason to suppose that England may not, for the next is their interest 'test betwe and dogottel. • Jnited )ath otepitite -4111 3 may poi 111 : 3 140 -1-1'f Ilistry ea. , late iat th ". 4 -‘o l r . It iS iWe yond Ste 4 " - country wi7.-CIE!`.,