The Press. — London, England, 1857-06-20 00:00:00

604 THE WEEK. THE Parliamentary proceedings of this week have been a little more practical than those we have recently recounted. On Monday night a division took place on the Jew Bill, which is so far a practical result; and the debate was principally remarkable for the brilliancy of Mr. WHITESIDE'S oration, a description of whose peculiar powers will be found in another column. On Tuesday Lord MALMESBURY in the House of Lords, and Mr. AYRTON in the House of Commons, brought forward the subject of the equalisation of poor rates in the metropolis. It is impossible net to feel the weight of the objections entertained by the Noble Lord and the Member for the Tower Hamlets to the existing system of assess ment. The facts are simply these—That parish will, of course, as a rule be the poorest in which there are the most poor ; and where there are the most poor there will the poor rates be the highest ; so that the amount required to be paid rises exactly in proportion to the inability of the parish to pay it. To remedy this glaring anomaly, it is proposed to levy a uniform rate throughout the metropolis upon every description of property, and so to constitute a general fund fur the relief of the poor. The plan seems feasible enough at first sight ; and if we bear in mind Lord MALMESBURY'S advice to guard against holding out temptations to the poorer parishes to indulge in careless ness and extravagance, wo seo no reason why it should not operate beneficially. On Thursday night an interesting debate ensued on the subject of military organisation, introduced by General PEEL. The two prin cipal subjects discussed were the relation between different military departments, especially that of Secretary for War and Commander-in- Chief, and the propriety and utility of the Camp at Aldershott. On the first subject we were glad to observe that most of the speakers concurred in the acquittal of our Crimean officers on the charges so recklessly brought against them. The ill-defined duties of the various departments, and the dependence of one upon the other, cannot fail to be productive of disasters in active service. In regard to military responsibility, the duties of the Commander-in-Chief, and Parlia mentary interference in military affairs, we are disposed to agree with the sensible speech of General CODRINOTON. Unless the Commander in-Chief is really a commander, with an independent position, fare well to military efficiency. We do not think Lord PALmEasTox's reply to Mr. ELLICE on the subject of Aldershott met the fundamental objections to which that establishment is liable. On the same night, Government received a signal defeat on the motion of Sir DENHAM NORREYS. It was a question of reduction of expenditure, and long notice had been given by the Hon. Baronet of his proposal. But " the Whip of the Whigs," the much overrated Mr. HArrEa, failed, and though the Premier himself came to the rescue, and spoke with more than usual energy, the House decided against Government by a majority of 172 lo 162. On the same night, in the House of Lords, Government, though not defeated, underwent a most damaging exposure from the mouth of Lord DERBY, who, on the subject of Ministers' Money, convicted them both of want of principle and deficiency of business talents. He clearly showed that the Ministers' Money was, like the English church rates, a fixed charge upon property, devoted to the service of religion ; and that, even if regarded as a mere matter of .e s. d., the fund from which it was intended to supply compensation was totally inadequate to the purpose. Last night an awkward question was put to the Government by Lord CLAUD HAMILTON, on the subject of the bombardment of Grey town in 1854. British property had been destroyed and the British flag insulted; but here, for some reason best known to themselves, Government denied the possibility of redress. Had this attack on a defenceless city been perpetrated by assailants in pigtails, wooden shoes, and a Tartar cast of countenance, would the same impossibility have existed ? The perils of the late crisis in Belgium were far more serious than the accounts given by the free press of that country; and, even now that they have passed away, unless the Duke of BRABANT take example from and profit by the wisdom of his Royal Father, the evil will canker and be reproduced at some future day. Laud demands were made by the Ultramontanists that the troops should be ordered to take the initiative. Such rashness would have been fatal. The good sense and determination of M. VILAIN XIV., Minister of Foreign Affairs, and M. CHARLES DE BROUCKERE, Burgomaster of Brussels, saved the capital from the most disastrous results. If the troops of the line had acted in conformity with the Jesuit desires, the civic guard would have turned against them, the population would have risen to a man, and the streets of Brussels have been deluged with blood. Neither could the army be firmly relied upon, although commanded by officers —especially superior officers—devoted to the " parti pretre." Marks of sympathy with the people were evident, for the old reserves, called Put to strengthen the young troops, cried out in the railway-waggons SATURDAY, on their way to head quarters—" A bas les couvents !" " A bas la loi !' " Point de Jesuites !" The letter of the King of the BELGIANS to his Ministers is a most remarkable document. It is a manifesto of unusual value. In that able address are laid bare the grand truths of constitu• tional government, whereby alone nations in an advanced state of civilisation can be equitably governed. His Majesty observes There exist in countries which control their own affairs rapid and contagious emotions, which spread with an intensity more easily discerned than explained, and with which it is more prudent to make terms (transiger) than to reason. Few the words, yet omnipotent the sense. There is a rare subtlety contained in the expression, " more easily discerned than explained,'' which, mingled with a quiet rebuke, reveals a perfect knowledge of the action of representative institutions. The superiority in government of men over measures—of which the King himself is a happy example —is covertly set forth. It brings beak to the mind the sparkling appeal of CANNING in the House of Commons, when he deprecated the fact of wise measures being made abortive—ay, even noxious—by bigoted and incompetent Ministers. I am convinced (continues the King), and I said it publicly, that any measure which might be interpreted as tending to establish the supremacy of one opinion over another, is a danger. Here is an allusion to that tyranny of majorities, eulogised by Mr. BRIGHT in his querulous and penitential letter to his constituents. It may serve as a mot tfordre on some future occasion. The majority in the Belgian Chambers was procured by the Jesuits through undue influence. They moulded for their purposes, by practical precept and spiritual exhortation, the frailer springs of disorder in the capital; and in the provinces, the shaven recluses excited the superstition of the lower order of electors. Neither were means of corruption spared by the Jesuits to secure a packed majority in the representative Chambers, and the result has been that such Parliamentary majority, improperly obtained, and opposed to public opinion, has had to confront the indignation of the people. Let not this example be lost to older Governments. " I do not hesitate to say," remarks the Nestor of Sovereigns, " that what is requisite is moderation and reserve among "parties." There is some difficulty in obtaining a guarantee for the moderation of a Jesuit, or for the reserve of their " leonine " pupils ; and the foreign dominion that is ready at every moment and prompt in its devices of insurrectionary movement for Vatican objects, can never be quieted or set at rest. It ever seeks to share the power of the Throne, and when defeated plots to subvert it. The King concludes :—" I advise the majority of the Chamber to renounce " the discussion of this Bill. It has a noble task to perform." Never was a baffled faction more courteously disposed of. To be complimented on the nobility of a not honourable defeat, is like being set before a sumptuous feast with manacled hands and a closed visor. The Belgian people, honest and true, have yet much to learn in the way of Constitutional Government. The wisdom in which they are deficient has been providentially supplied by their possessing the counsel of the most sagacious and upright Prince in Europe. No man more heartily deserved the tribute recently paid to his eminent services than Sir WILLIAM JOLLIFFE, M.P. Of high station, belonging to an old and distinguished family, and enjoying a largo fortune, Sir WILLIAM JOLLIFFE, influenced solely by the desire to serve his party at a period of great difficulty and some danger, and at the sacrifice of all personal considerations, accepted a post usually occupied by a subordinate, but entailing, when conscientiously performed, the most serious responsibilities and the most arduous labours. No interested or selfish motives actuated Sir WILLIAM JOLLIFFE , and we need hardly say that in the conduct of the difficult and delicate duties of his post, the Member for Petersfield has proved himself incomparably one of the ablest among the many able men the Conservative party has had the good fortune to possess. With sound judgment, great political sagacity, and a fund of truthful tact, combined with peculiar singleness and honesty of purpose, Sir WILLIAM JOLLIFFE has not only obtained over his party an honour able and a legitimate influence, but he has won the respect and esteem of every Member in the House. The dinner given at the Carlton, on Saturday last, was no insignificant tribute to one so deservedly es teemed, for although only 190 Noblemen and Gentlemen honoured the occasion with their presence, as many were unavoidably compelled to absent themselves from want of room. But, to Sir W. JOLLIFFE, the most gratifying feature of the proceedings lay in the proof of the com plete and perfect organisation of the Conservative party, as evidenced in the speeches delivered upon this memora bl e occas i on . N o public report of the proceedings has appeared in the papers, but we may state that, after the usual loyal and patriotic toasts, Field Marshal Viscount COMBERMERE and Admiral Sir THOMAS HEhBERT responding severally for the Army and Navy, the health of Sir WILLIAM JOLLIFFE was proposed in an eloquent speech by the Earl of DERBY, whose health in turn was proposed by the Earl of MARCH. " The Duke "of Richmond and the House of Peers," proposed by Mr. WALPOLE. was followed by " The Right Hon. B. Disraeli and the House Commons," proposed by the Earl of MALMESBURY. Sir JOHN PARING' TON proposed " Sir Frederic Thesiger and the Conservative Bar," and R Sir EDWAD I.YrroN prop ose d " Th e C onservat i ve Constituenc ies' The Earl of DERBY then proposed " The New Members," which was responded to by the Hon. F. LYGON, M.P. for Tewkesbury. " Tho Whips," proposed by the Earl of EGLINTON, was acknowledged by Lord COLVILLE and COlOllOl TAYLOR. The health of "Philip Rose, I Esq.,i THE PRESS.