Star. — London, England, 1809-06-01 00:00:00

PARLIAMEATARr PROCEEDINGS. HOUSE OF LORDS, MAY sl. The Loan Bill, the Irish Milita Completion Bill, the Irish FritzOly Societies Bill, and the Vauxhall Bridge Bill, were read a tkird time and passed. The Martinique Trade Bill passed through a Committee and was reportea. The Irish Assessed Taxes Bill, the Coffee Roasting Bill, the Local MiUtia Amendment Bill, the Lot tery Bill, and some other Bills, were brought up from the Commons by Mr. Wharton , Mr. Pym, and other Members, and read a first time. The Irish Post Office Bill, the life Annuities Amendment Bill and the Irish Beer Bill, were read a second time and committed for to-morrow. The Scots Commissioners Bill passed through a Committee with Amendments. Report tc-morrow. LORD ERSKINF.'S BILL. The House went into a Committee on the Bill in troduced by Lord ERSKINE, for preventing cruelty to animals, when his Lordship rose, and expressed the deep satisfaction he felt at their Lordships' recogni tion of the principle of the Bill he had the honour of submitting, by their agreeing to go into a Committee upon it. He thought it unnecessary in the Commit tee to make use of any further general arguments in its support, though, if it were necessary, he would, from the variety of information he had received from the most respectable and the best informed quarters, give their Lordships fresh reasons, and abundance of particular instances which sheaved (beyond contradic tion, as he thought) the propriety, necessity, and justice of passing the Bill. Was particular informa tion wanted ? He had letters upon letters stating facts, concerning such cruelties. Was evidence de sired ? He could bring the most unexceptionable testimony to their Lordships' bar, to prove the exist ence of such practices as were a disgrace to humanity, to a civilized nation, and to every moral and religious profession. He had with him letters, stating the rea diness of the parties to appear, front the most respect able clergymen, as well as others, ant indeed saying that such cruel practices were universal, but that they were too general, and specifying many particular in stances. His Lordship then adverted to the inhuman and wicked practice of houghing and hamstringing cattle, of cutting the faces of sheep intended for future slaughter for the use of man, and of still more barba rous practices, such as some he could substantiate ; the cutting and tearing out the tongue of so noble an animal as the horse. He stated an old act of Henry the Eighth against this last crime, which inflicted a fine for that offence of RIO, to show the sense our an castors had of such inhumanity. Hitherto, the matter had been perhaps too much considered only as it rela ' ted to animals as the private property of individuals ; but he wished this bill to take a higher ground, so that the Legislature should declare its opinion upon the morality of the principle, and on the duties that man owed not only to man hut to the lower world —duties so mach connected with the general state of the moral feelings. He stated a variety of cir cumstances in favour of the bill, and alluded to many enormous cruelties practised on animals. He meant, however, to propose some amendments, to visors the more favourable reception cf the bill from t'iose who might entertain sane objections as to its practicability. He had left to the Commons the op portunity which he did not doubt 'would be taken, of giving the alternative mode of punishment to the Ma gistrate by a pecuniary fine, or a limited confinement. He intended to: propose, that the Magistrate should be armed with the power of summary decision, as it would be exceedingly inconvenient to oblige all pro secutions to go to Quarter Sessions. He begged, however, that it might be-. remarked that there was so boon, no reward whatever to be held rut to, or re ceived by, any informer. He also proposed an Amendment, by which he wished to introduce the words " to abuse," as applicable to the maltreatment of animals. Here he referred to old statutes, and seemed to think that this word, in addition to others in use, would best convey the meaning of the legisla ture. His Lordship then adverted to some other Amendments which he intended to submit, and.con tended against the supposed difficulty on the part of the Magistrates, in deciding upon the guilt and pu nishment of such offences. It was ti:e intention coupled with the Overt Act, which constituted the criminality in a vast variety of other cases, and he saw no difficulty that was insuperable in the applica tion of 'similar principles in this instance. He had , limited himself in the first instance to what he had ' termed " reclaimed animals;" he now wished to amend that expression by using the word " tamed" in- I stead of reclaimed. He did not, therefore, endeavour by legislative measures to interfere with wild animals, and kept out of the question field sports. He was so convinced of the great importance of an unani mous vote of their Lordships on the subject, instead of carrying the question by a mere majority, that he was most desirous of hearing and of receiving any information or amendment upon the Bill. With re spect to bull-baiting, which had been alluded to, he could not see how those who were so desirous of I continuing . that practice should agree to going into I the C:)rnmittee, and thereby acknowledging the prin. I ciple f the Bill. If bull-baiting was a fair sport— if it was, as he had heard it stated, for the amuse mmt of that fine animal—and if no wanton and ma . licions cruelty occurred, then the Magistrate would have no such crime to punish' the parties for corn mitttng. If, on the contrary, it was attended with such odious circitrostances, the Bill would give the Ma gi 'trate that salut.o v poww which he ought to possess. The LORD CHANCELLOR approved of the motion of his Noble and Learned Friend, and of the general principle o f t h e Bill, b ut t h oug h t i t wou ld b e 0 , very difficult. application. H's Lordship observed upon the various :las used by persons employed in furnishing provisions, such as crinpi •ng salmon, Btca in which case it would he extremely difficult to draw a line as to what might or migia: not be forbidden by a Legislative Act. He menti:med that in Scotland there existed a law ailthori.,ing bull-baiting. He thought it better to confine the provisions of the Bill to beasts of draft and biirthen. The Earl of LIVERPOOL complimented the Noble and Learned Baron, but thought that the best mode was to do the most practical good they could ; and as there was so much difference in the opinions and Icelin't's of persons who were generally well disposed, in the degree of treatment exercised towards animals, he fen it almost impossible to mark t h e limit, and therefore supported the Lord Chancel lor's opinion, for confining the operation of the b%L to b ea stS of draft and bunk= Lord ELLLNBOROt7GH• concurred gencfafly with the sentiments of the two last speakers, as he thought that a new act on such a subject ought care fully to distinguish and specify the particular acts which are to be considered as malicious and cruel.— His Lordship passed a high eulogium on the Noble . and Learned Lord who brought in the bill, and said that he knew that for 20 years past, in his excellent humanity he had entertained an intention of bringing forward such a measure. Lord DARNLEY thought the bill went too far, and observed that more cruelty would be committed on the Ist of September than by all the bull-baiting. Lord REDESDALE recommended the printing and recommitment of the bill, to wh;ch Lord Erskine acceded, observing that he disagreed with the Noble Lord (Darnley) as to the comparison of the cruelties of field-sports and those of bull-baiting. He thought that those who were the authors or practisers of the system of bull-baiting were like the fools in the Pro verbs. They scattered firebrands, arrows, and death, and said they were in sport. After some other obser vations from the Noble and Learned Lord, the bill went through the Committee, was ordered to be re printed with the amendments, and to be considered and recommitted on a future day.—Adjourned. HOUS7 OF COMMONS. . The London Dnck. and Woollen Manufacture Bills were read a third time and passed. A message from the Lords announced their assent to the Four teen Millions Loan, the Vaexhall-bristge, and other Bills. The second reading of the Seditious Societies Bill was deferred till Tuesday. The Report of the Committee of Ways and Means was agreed to. The further consideration of the Report of the Comwtittee of Pvblie Expenditure was deferred until Friday. 1 he Irish Yost Roads Bill passed through the Committee, and the report was orsicrsd to he received to-morrow. 'Tile Committee upon the Irish Revenue Regulation Bill was postponed until to-morrow. Mr. CR I- EVEY moved the postponement of the Committee on the Friendly Societies' Bill till to-morrow.—Ordered. Lord MILTON moved, that the Accounts presented yester day, from the Inspector of Imports and Exports, be printed.— Ordered. Mr. MARTIN postponed till Friday his motion with regard to the Third Report of the Finance Committee. Mr. MELLISH moved the third reading of the Strand Bridge Bill ; the consent of hie Majesty being given, it was accordingly read a third time, passed, aid ordered to the Lords. Sir SAMUEL ROMILLY moved for a Return of the Num ber of Persons committed, convicted, and punished, at the seve ral Assizes and Sessions in England, for the last four years.— After some conversation between Mr. Ho R N rit, Mr. C. Jz NEIN SON, and the Hon. Mover, the motion was agreed to. SURREY SEWER BILL. On the question for the third reading of this Bill, it was pro posed by way of amendment, that, instead of the word " now," the words " this day three months" be adopted. Upon this a division immediately took place— Ayes, le--Noes, 41—Majority, 39. BeforeStrengers were re-admitted to the Gallery, another di vision took pace upon a proposed clause of amendment— dice, 43-Noes, 57.—Majority, 3.5. The Bill was then gaited, and ordered to the Lords. INFERIOR CLERGY. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER adverted to the notice which he had given of moving for a vote, of supply in aid of Queen Anne's Bounty for the relief of Clergymen, the value of whose Living. did rot exceed tl5O a-year. As the papers re specting the proceeds of the First Fruits, and others which had been moved for with a view to give the House every possqsle light on t' , it tubject, had not been as yet laid on the table, be was under the necessity of postponing his intended application till, Friday. SALAAMS OF JUDGES. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER also adverted to a notice which he had given for this day, re!ative to the augmen tation of the Salaries of the Judges. He found tkat, la point of form, he ought to have made this as Order of the Day, instead of a Notice. lie therefore moved, that the Act of the 39th of . the King, redly@ to this subject, be entered as read; and that the House should tomorrow go into a Committee to consider the said Act,--Ordered. SEAMEN'S WAGES. The Seamen's Wages Bill was committed. Sir CHARLFS POLL said, that the encouragement given to Seamen to remit their wages to their families was, in some re spects, Injurious to the r!rvict , ; because when the day of pay ment cense, the able and experienceti seaman, having often little money to draw, felt himself in a worse situation than his inferior. .. Mr. ROOF, Mr. MARRYATT, anti Mr. WARD, on the other hand, contended, that the facility of remittance ‘vas a great benefit to the seamen, and mort particularly with regard to im pressed men, who were thus sum of being able to afford relief to their families.—Report to-morrow. BRITISH GUARDIAN. Sir FRANCIS BURPETT presented a Petition front George' Beaumont, printer, publisher, and sole proprietor of a weekly New &paper, wherein he states, that on the 1 dth of Octohar las th puh!ished in his paper a letter, signed " Tiheries Gracchus," wherein was repeated an assertion frequently used by the late Lerd Chatham and other illustrious patriots of his day—" tita there was something belli.id the Throne greater than the Throne itself:" and that, for thus treat!t ig in the footsteps of those illus trious Statesmen, and simply rep vying their language, a prosecu tion was br.uight against Lim in his Majesty's Court of King's Bench, by the Attornet-'ieneral, of which he was found guilty by the Jury, and sentenced to pay a fine of £5O, and to suffer two years' imp: ismment in his Majesty's jail of Newgate; with out at all taking into consideration, or including as past of his gen tencv, three months imprisonment which he had suffered on this account previously to his trial, contrary to the usual practice of the Court in such cases. Ile adds, in contrast to his case, that a per.; son found guilty of wilful and corrupt perjury, any who received judgment at the same time was sentenced to only three men:the imprisonment, without fine. He alledges that his trial was not' fair, nor accortiing to the ordinary course of justice, for he was not allowed the privilege of clialleliging against any of else panne] ; but the jury who tried him were +sleeted by the Master of the Crown Offices.— . l he Pctition was ordered to lie on the table. PRIZE MONEY BILI, • The Prize Money Pill was committed. Mr. ROSE proposed a Clause to prevent Seamen from giving powers of attorney to receive their wages to agents except those that were to be licensed,with a proviso, however, that they might leave such powers with their nearest relations. As the reason for this he stated, the frauds which were practised nn seamen by per sons at the different ports, who advanced them small sums, and tocl powers of attorney to receive their wages for which they afterwards refused to account. Various complaints had been made to him on this bead; and, he had, in ninny instances threatened these persons with prosecutions, wkich sometimes produced the desired effect. In one instance, an agent of this sort had advanced a seaman about £6, and, under a power of attorney, had drawn from I:60 to £7O of his wages, which 1 refused :o pay. He (Mr. Rose) wrote to the Agent—the money was paid—and the sailor wrote him a lettk r of thanks, affirming, at the same time, that when he went to Portsmouth, hi would break ever/ bone in Mr. Jacob's skin—[a laugh]. After some observations from Mr. TIERNEY, Sir C. POLC, ate. the Clause was agreed to. Mr. ROSE neat proposed Clauses to compel Agents to take out Licences, to make the false represeritation of being nearly related to a seaman with a view to draw his wages, liable to ti .e penalty of a misdemeanor—and to provide that lists of the Agents should be hung up at the different Naval Offices, which were adopted. Sir C. POLE then observed, that prize-money was often paid to the superior °ricers long beton- it was di•tribeged to the crew,, and proposed a clause to compel the agent to mak* a pearl dia• tribittion at the same time. • Mr. ROSE saw no reason for this, as the seatiihas the Ad - miralty Court was an effectual process. Mr. STEPHEN stated, that this wottld be in wary eases an intolerable hardship, both on the amtio and superior oirscricwith . 1 out being of any advantage to the senora. • people of Vienna ? Ne—it was by the Archdrike Maximilian, with a body of troops, by whom even some of the inhabitants of the city were destroyed:— We had formerly seen, in Oporto, the troops of the enemy received with the same congratulations as it was said to have lately opened its gates to our army. Seeing what he had seen, he had no hopes of the con test, and whether Austria was forced into the mea sure or not, it was ill-advised; and, to his conception, must end in her ruin. He was not of a niggardly spirit, but still he must protest against any subsidy being granted to her from this country. His motives • HI for so doing had been mis-stated. se had even been libelled by a Paper under the controul of Ministers, as being friendly to France. (Call: of Order.) He maintained he was not out of order. If any Gentle men asserted the contrary let his words be taken down. He maintained that the Paper which libelled him was known to be under the controul of the Trea sury. He hoped and sincerely wished that things might turn out better than he imagined ; but with his eyes open, and seeing the progress of events, it was impossible for him not to calculate on the subjugation of Austria to the will of the conqueror, and the conse quent reduction of the Peninsula. What would then . remain for us but to carry on the struggle in a skim. tion so much the worse ? Were we not called on, therefore, to husland rur own resources ? We had come under no pledge to Austria ; and not being in a condition to afford her any effectual aid, unless she had great resources within herself—not having it in our power to afford her such succour as would enable her to retrieve her affairs—he felt himself bound to make a stand, and to protest against the granting if any subsides after the large grants and loans which had formerly been made to her. Whatever motives might be attributed to him, he was conscious that his principles and feelings were as truly national PS tlyat of any person in that House, and yet he could not consent to the vote-of a single shilling to the Em peror of Austria. He said that in the year 1805 Rus sia and England seduced Austria to break her faith with France. It appeared from a State Paper laid on the table of that House, that there was a concert by the three to deceive France; that they expected they would have been able to succeed up to a certain time, but that it had been discovered somewhat ear lier. By the treachery, as was said of the Austrian Generals, the effect of that breach was to put France in possession of Vienna. The Treaty of Tilsit follow ed, and from that period the Emperor of Russia had been joirsed to France in the closest terms. What had we now to expect from the present contest ? After the rapidity of movement of the last month, could we ex pect that the assistance which we would be able to dole out, could do any good, or could even protract the contest ? Another thing to which he must object was, the fact of Austria having t a k en u p on h erse lf to draw bills on this country, and that we should agree to pay them. This was a thing utterly unprecedented, and although he might be willing to vote as much money as would cover the amount, lie could never agree to the form of the advance. As to the merits of the contest, he should suppose, for argument's sake, that the good faith was all against France. This, how ever, was remarkable, that France, throughout the whole of the contest, was the attacked, not the attac ker. In the Revolutionary war, France was attacked. —lt enabled her to extend her territories; and was continued with the object of driving her again within her old limits. He did not say France was in the right. He had never said so. Yet he was not -per suaded that Austria was not to blame. Her territory, even her Capital had been. restored to her; and he could not find himself prepared to say that she was correct in forgetting these, supposing them only to be nominal obligations. That France might have it in view, at some convenient season, to swallow up Aus. tria, it was not in his power to deny, as ambition was a growing quality. He\ could not think, however, that the present vitas exactly the time be would choose. It might he a moment Convenient for Austria, but could hardly have been so selected by Bonaparte. If ingpste4 that an 'Meer should be ep- three . Was airy one thing which proved more than Oita la the Pay-011ee, to watch the agent., and cornpil a ge- ther . the blindness of Kaman nature, it was to be ste mai distribution u soon as possible under the process of the Ad =inky. . tnthe appointment of the Ambassador sent by thi s C r ,. Mr. RO S E said, that he would attend to this suggestion. vernment to Spain. If there was a person who Lei Sir C. POLE, however, still insisted oa his clause, the gallery ever acted the same part In anotherquarter of the globe. was cleared, but we understood that the clause Was rejected with- which Bonaparte was now :Ting in Spain, it was tl.e out a division. Report on Friday. i Noble Marquis who was now sent to Spain to espou se AUSTRIA, SPAIN, AND PORTUGAL. the cause of justice. He knew it would be said, that The Report of the Committee of Supply and the what the Noble Marquis had done proceeded, from NI Vote of Credit was broug ht up. On the question thAt ardent seal for the public service ; while =lra: te, the Resolutions be agree to, lon the other hand, acted at the instigate r. of the Devil. Mr. WHITBREAD rose. He felt himself under He, however, was one of those who thought that they a difficulty as to the form in this case. In one part were of the same nature, and that the selection v'PS of the vote he could agree, in the other he could not; one of the most unhappy which could have been made. and he'saw no way of extricating himself but by a If the Spaniards knew any thing of the history of that step which he had taken once before, and which he ran of the world to which he alluded, the; m;Ft kno w must now again resort to, if he found any person of that the Marquis Wellesley was one, who impelled by the same opinion with himself, namely, by proposing an ardent zeal for the public service, would h are an Address to his Majesty en the Message, which seized on Spain just as Bonapar:c had done. Th. should be expressive of the opinion he entertained on I Hon. Gentleman then proceeded to state, that al tl:nl!gl: the subject. He agreed that it was right that Mi- Gentlemen on the other side were displeased with rto. nisters should be vested with a power to assist Spain pular meetings, and with the rproar and rlamn er ar ; and Portugal, though he doubted much, from ap. I sing from drinking of toasts with three titre , : pearances, and from the exaggerated statements both ` the Right Hon. Secretary had so far td ; t s of our Commander and Ministers, that the contest attend one nf.those meetings, and to make a si- ec ; would terminate in the subjugation of the one coun- . there. Probably, however, the London Taver n try, and in the other being wrested out of our-hands. not of the same description with the Crown and A TI , • He did not wish, however, that Ministers should have c7ior ; or he might be in a mistake as.to the Ri gh ,. no pOwer te afford to those countries such assistance Hon. Gentleman. It might be some ether re.::„„ ,r as they thought proper—while there was life there the sa me n ame. The Gentlema n , whoever lie ,vas, was hope. The Peninsula was engaged in a glorious howeve r , was called on by a Ge n tl e m an o f t h e nan cause, and after the share we had taken in it, lie of Inglis to explain three toasts, and in doing so he de. could not say that we ought, till the very last mo- livered all the beatings and opinions of Governm tae ent,ment, to abandon men who were fighting fur what I and even anticipated what the House wo u ld d o on was as dear as liberty itself. He could not agree with i present occasion. The Reporter of the S peech, he a Member of Administration in another place, that (M r . 'Whitbread) . was certain should be prosecuted the cause was as hopeful as ever, but still he did not if the statement was not correct. Here Mr. Wh . wish it to be abandoned. He understood a Right bread proceeded to read the Report of a Speech of Hon. Friend of hi., not now pr e sent, was to have Mr. Canning's at the celebration of Mr. Nt's birth. said something on the present quest i on a s to Austria. day. He found from the speech of the Right Hon. If the struggle in which she was now engaged was Secretary, that they did n o t agree , an d of course he not forced upon her by France, she seemed to have could not expect him to c o ncur i n t h e Ad dress to his chosen an improper time for it. It appeared that it Majesty, which he should h ave to propos e . Mr.Wll;t -had been entered into without a n y concer t o r advice bread thought the most dangerous of all misrepresen of. this Government ; that every thing had been in tations were those by which the public expectation the language of coldness ; that they had even dissuad- was improperly raised. In this situation was the in. ed her from the contest. Th e events themselves which formation furnished as to the defeat of Marshal Souk's had occurred sheaved that the Austrian Government army. He was convinced none but the rear of it had had gone to war not with any correct calculation ever been engaged. He concluded by moving an either of their own or of.their enemies' strength. The Address to his Majesty, expressing, the satisfaction of French Emperor was already, as he had been in the, the 1-iouse,'that there was no suh,idy granted to the year 1805, in possession of the Austrian capital. We Emperor of Austria, and that any fat ther grant to hire had, indeed, heard of resistance, but was it from the would be improper. Mr. W. SMITH spoke at considerable length, and expressed his concern at being obliged to differ with his Hon. Friend; but he conceived Austria to be en. titled to our assistance as far as the ability of the country would permit, and he should therefore give the Vote of Credit his cordial support. Mr. C. HUTCHINSON spoke at some length in . favour of she Vote of Credit, and thought a supply • should be afforded to Austria, even although it enabled her to hold out but for one week longer against the common enemy. He condemned the tedious and ill. . concerted milita. or- .tions of this G, try operas__ _ uis Government, who contrived to send our armies into the field always out of piece or time. Mr. PONSONBY, in rising to state Ms senti ments on this subject, said that it seemed agreed upon all hands tkat all the assistacce in our power ought to be given to Spain and Portugal. The only question at which those who thought upon the sub ject were at issue was with respect to the supply which England ought to give to Austria. He had no hesi. tation in giving it as his opinion, that no aid which we could give to that country could be of any etiec tual service to her. However, when he raid so much, he did not mean to deny, that if Ministers thought proper to support her cause, and could shew any rca. son tor it, they might be freed from blame upon the subject. The made, however, in which Austria chose to make her demand was novel end extraorde nary, and one which Ouebt by no means to be al lowed as a precedent. Considering all the circum. stances of the case, lie was compelled to sly, however delicate such a declaration might be, that in his opi nion the hopes of Austria were fir ever blasted,— But when Fe said this, he did not wish to be suppos ed as renrainieg the efforts of this country in her support, it Ministers had any probable prospect of undertaking it with success. Austria was the great prop of the Continent; she was their principal military power, and in many instances the friend of England. In preportion, however, to the opposition she might make, no doubt would be the effort of her enemy, and that effort seemed now to be directed toiler total ruin. The case was different with regard to Spain and Por tugal. Wewere there bound so,by treaties and engage- I ments, that to withhold our aid would be b - ah unjust and impolitic. Delicate as the subject might he, still he was resolved to give his frank and full opinion on it, considering es lie did, the greatness of the stake fur which we played. He thought then, that in the present s suggle Spain and Portugal would totallyfall, and that in a very short time the Emperor of France would he. them in as complete a state of vassalage ashe did many of the Continental States. While we had it in cur power then, we ought to take possession of the in sular American Colonies of those countries, and pre. vent Joseph Bonaparte from being really what he assumes to be--a King of the Indies. He did not mean that we were to effect this by a system Of piracy, but by giving our counsel to Spain, and lending her all our aid to carry such counsel into cs ecution. He hoped we were not so far entangled with Ferdinand VII- as not to allow the people of South America, in case of the failure of the Spanish arms, to adopt a Constitution of their own. If France succeeded in her contest with those countries, she would naturally look upon them with a jealous eye and govern them with a hard hand. We ought then, in the probable anticipation of such an issue, to take care that we left them to the enemy in as little advantageous a state as possible ; that by their conquest she should give no maritime accession, and that their great seaports should not become so many naval resources in the hands of our enemy. Why should we allow Cadiz, and Lisbon, and Carthagena quietly to fall into the hands of France ? He did no! mean that we should turn pirates, but that we should be in time upon our guard, and if France did prevail, ' see what she gained, and that those Who opposed lost as little as possible. Mr. CANNING said, that all sides of the House seemed so unanimous in their opinion as to the vote