The Press. — London, England, 1855-01-06 00:00:00

JANUARY 6, 1855. that they fight and bleed, and the Throne is environed in their eyes with splendid illusions. It is well, therefore, to have Monarchy per sonified to them in the presence of a generous Queen who "night and day," thinks of those " noble fellows." We can readily believe that many a wearied soldier, worn with pain and privation, would be stimulated into cheerfulness on hearing a soft womanly voice read aloud those simple and touching words that came from her Ma jesty's heart. Sympathy has magical effect upon those who are suffering. The sturdiest of us cannot do altogether without it even in our season of prosperity, and in darker hours it cheers with cordial efficacy. The smile of kindness then beams with almost heavenly sweetness, and feeling solicitude from the august wearer of the Royal diadem will irra diate the gloomy wards at Scutari and Bala klava. It is remarkable that her Majesty says that "she hears fur details of the wounded." Such being the case, it proves her Majesty's thought fulness and genuine amiability in resolving that the whole of the painful facts should be communicated. It was to be expected that those who have so shamefully neglected making arrangements for the casualties of a campaign should be reluctant to expose some of the consequences of their carelessness be • fore their Royal Mistress. We are glad, therefore, that our suffering heroes should, under such circumstances, have an autograph letter from their Sovereign to assure them of her hearty personal sympathy. It will console many for the blunders of incapable officials, who have trifled with the lives of " those poor, " noble, wounded, and sick men," to whom her Majesty alludes with such pathos. They will rejoice to know that the Queen feels affec tionately for those who have fought so bravely and suffered so severely for the honour of her flag. COMMON SENSE ON THE CABINET. - - - - IF the proposition were true that a free country experiences more difficulty in war than a despotism, it ought to be a necessary consequence that constitutional kingdoms should exercise extraordinary care in the Ministers selected for a military crisis. We believe it to be an error, that nations with liberties are unequal to the sustained conduct of foreign wars. The brightest passages in ancient and modern annals attest the con trary; but we are safe in affirming that, as in the case of every other human possession, there are certain disadvantages in free institutions necessarily more apparent in times when reso lute counsels should be followed by decisive deeds, and when no official pretext should be given for vacillation or delay. At such a time, in a free kingdom, it should be the part of sagacious and patriotic states manship to take the most careful means for employing the energies specially appropriate to each office. A Cabinet divided in itself is a Ministerial anachronism in a period when vigorous national action is demanded. Bold hearts, clear heads, untiring energy, and com plete union are then paramount necessities, ' unless it were desired to give the advocates of despotism an opportunity of mocking at the delays and diversity of design supposed to be inseparable from the enjoyment of popular liberty. Now, let us apply these views to a practical examination of the aptitude of the present Cabinet. Our Ministry is composed of two sections, with hostile antecedents and conflict ing principles of policy. On the balance of power in Europe, on political progression in England, on the French alliance, on our rela tion to the German Powers, and even on American affairs, the chief persons in the Ad ministration entertain opinions entirely irre concilable with each other. Nor is there that social harmony, that friendly sympathy be tween them which ought to be found at the present time. Illustration in detail of this notorious defect in the Ministry might be in- THE PRESS. vidious, but it is not needed. Hansard passim supplies dreary evidence on that point, while the hesitation and ambiguity of the last year's policy furnish lamentable corroboration of the divided counsels in Downing-street. Then as to the general aptitude of our pre sent rulers for carrying the country through a trying war let it not he forgotten that the Cabinet was constructed for effecting civil reforms. It professed to be a Ministry for adjudicating on plausible social schemes. But, instead of times of peaceful internal change, the Coalition has to encounter difficulties, not merely English, but. European in their extent. The Ministry which has truckled to the Vatican attempts to overthrow the Kremlin. The requisites of 1855 are not of the kind boasted of in the first days of 1863. It is not to a Peace Cabinet that we are to look for that sturdy resolve and strenuous energy impera tively demanded during a momentous crisis. Turning from the general inaptitude of our present Cabinet for the conduct of war, we are compelled to say that, with some exceptions, our Ministers are not physically equal to their toils at such a time. Plodding energy was never the merit of the Leader of the House of Commons, and the state of his health was assigned by his friends amongst the reasons why Lord JOHN RUSSELL had no leading office in the Cabinet. Is our Prime Minister a statesman who can electrify the Senate, inspirit a wavering public, awe the enemies, and cheer the Mends of England ? Lord PALMERSTON, whose energy and dashing versatility no one will dispute, is appointed to carry on a war against smoking chimneys' and parochial nuisances. He has sunk into a mere parish reformer, and is a very different character from that HECTOR who held forth to patriots from the suburbs whom he took into his special confi dence. His former part'of Foreign Secretary is given to the Earl of CLARENDON, whose jaded appearance and flurried features were (as we have hgard) painful to behold during his recent examination by his quondam subor dinate, Mr. BIRCH. Finance, figures, consols, loans, taxes, Exchequer Bonds, dividends, the Share Market, all dance in mazy confusion before the Ministerial financier, Mr. GLAD STONE. Ingenious on his legs, and plausible on paper, we have never denied the talents or disparaged the personal pretensions of the Right Honourable Gentlemen. But, eloquent, adroit, and subtle though he be, MV*GLAD‘ BTONE is confessedly deficient in the towering qualities which give a man' strong personal ascendancy over others. He is more calcu lated to shine as an orator than to succeed as a statesman; with his command of style, thought, and erudition, he might be brilliant in polemical literature, but his love of intri cacy, and his ambiguity of political creed, will ever be barriers to his taking a first-rate rank in political leadership. Yet these are the five principal persons in a War Ministry, when Energy, Energy, Energy, is demanded brthe crisis. The immediate conduct of the war is consigned to the inex perienced Duke of NEWCASTLE, and to the elegantly sentimental Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT. Surely it bi to this department that the cry of " Head, Head, Head,' should be directed. The Duke of NawcasTLE has been for nearly twenty years in Parliament, and he has never displayed one quality befitting the first rank of administrative power. Neither his intellect nor previous experience qualify him for the office of War Minister for England. As for the apprentice statesmen of the Cabi net, the Duke of ARGYLL and Sir WILLIAM Moutswoarn, their special aptitude is for Scotch theology and literary Radicalism. In politics they have neither followers nor in fluence. To conclude : these considerations show that the evils attributed to the Cabinets of free countries in a time of war are actually exaggerated in the constitution of the present divided Ministry, in which there has been an entire neglect of that appropriate official apti tude for each department required at this grave crisis. Without any reference either to Peelites or to Whigs, we say that a Coalition of discordant parties and heterogenous ma terials cannot carry England triumphantly through a terrible struggle. War demands unity, and in Downing-street discord. There are, oddly enough, too many old and feeble, as well as too many young and inex perienced politicians in our Cabinet. Some ought to be superannuated as too senile, and others should be sent to school as too raw, for their posts. The common sense of English men must see that the present Cabinet is not constructed for drawing forth in full power the exhaustless resources of this mighty empire. IMPOSITIONS BY THE INDIA-HOUS ON THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. ONZ of the greatest difficulties which th.' reformers of Indian abuses, have to encounter in Parliament arises from the plan invariably adopted by the East India Directors who are members of that body. No matter what the charge, or however clearly made out to the comprehension of the public in general—no matter how obvious the necessity of the Legislature's interference to the world at large—the case is invariably met with a flak denial of the facts on which the motion inf, based—a denial to the truth of which they do not hesitate to pledge their words in th most solemn manner. Of course in most in stances this terminates the discussion in the favour; for there are few members of Peril . ment who have any very extensive knowled or Indian affairs, and there are fewer still w are acquainted with the country personally ; and therefore when men who have spent the best part of their lives there deliberate pledge their words on a question of fact con. fleeted with it, an assembly of Gentlemen naturally inclined to yield. It may be felt some, to be sure, that all is not right, and these the denials may not be held to be ea factory; still they will hardly venture to ex.- press the feeling, and the adverse motion is generally lost. This has been the invariable game of the India-house hitherto—a game played so far with tolerable success—but in proportion to the confidence placed iu any body or indivi dual is the indignation felt when it becomes clear that such confidence has been abused ; and we shall be very much surprised if, after the disclosures made in the late Indian jour- nes establishing the fact of the frequent use of torture by the East India Company's ser vants, the credulity of Parliament be again speculated on by Last India Directors with I effect. It will be fresh in the recollection of our ' readers that during the last session a motion was made in reference to the laud revenue of Madras in which it was stated by those sup porting it that torture was often resorted to in the collection of the impost, and it was added that in magisterial cases in India the use of torture to extract confessions from accused persons was not uncommon. On this, Sir JAMES HOOO and a brother-Director, men who had both held office for years in India, got up and solemnly assured the House that of their own knowledge the statement was utterly de void of truth, and that such a thing as torture by the servants of the Government' in India was entirely unheard of. Their word taken, the motion was negatived, and so the India-house triumphed. Nay, more, Lo HARRIS, the lately-appointed Governor et Madras, a nobleman new to India, and who, tor give him his due, appears to be infinitely ton honest for the connection he is now associated, with, was so far imposed on'by the disclaim. ers as actually to appoint a torture commission of inquiry—not, as his manifesto on the subject shows, that he believed in the practice, but in, order to give a weight to the denials of Lila Directors, which their simple word might b * held as wanting. " Save me fro m m y friends, is an old adage, and the result of this : has shown that Sir JAmire HOOO and Di r ectors have infinite reason " saver " from our Governor, Lord dependently of the evidence the inquiry has brought able letters to the editors of the Indian papers, all incontestibly - every one connected with known well enough iii ' nt nuence. vo To conclude: these considerations show that order to give a weight to tne uemais vi ...‘, 3t- the evils attributed to the Cabinets of free Directors, which their simple word might be 411 of countries in a time of war are actually held as wanting. " Save me from my friends," i n exaggerated in the constitution of the present is an old adage, and the result of this inquiry la- divided Ministry, in which there has been an has shown that Sir JAMIts HOOO and the on entire neglect of that appropriate official apti- Directors have infinite reason to say " save us .d- tilde for each department required at this " from our Governor, Lord HARRIS " ; for, in hi re- grave crisis. Without any reference either to dependently of the evidence officially taken, iat Peelites or to Whigs, we say that a Coalition the inquiry has brought forth innumer- ... , )e- of discordant parties and heterogenous MS- able letters to the editors of the different he terials cannot carry England triumphantly Indian papers, all incentestibly proving what , his through a terrible struggle. War demands every one connected before —that to ith India must have . in- unity, and in Downing - street there is discord. known well enough 4 r'~e 4 •• .. .. , , .. ~• . ..ir