The Press. — London, England, 1856-07-26 00:00:00

Lt;lit ttls No. 169.—V0L. IV. rtss. LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY 26, 1856. THE question raised with so much pomp at the Paris Conferences of the political state of the Italian peninsula, has evaporated in a cor respondence which determines nothing except the right—a right questioned by Lord CLA RENDON—of the King of the Two Sicilies to conduct his Government according to his own notions of policy. The Cabinet of Lord PAL MERSTON has withdraivn from the position taken up by its Foreign Secretary when the question was discussed by the assembled representatives of Europe. On the Bth of April last, Lord CLARENDON going much further than Count WALEWSKI had done on the expediency of addressing repre sentations to the King of the Two Sicilies on his system of government, expressed his deli berate opinion that. the Neapolitan Court had made interference with its internal affairs a "right and a duty." His Lordship's language is recorded in the twenty-second protocol:— As regards the Neapolitan Government, the first Pleni• potentiary of Great Britain that it must doubtless be admitted in principle that no Government has the right to interfere in the internal affairs of other States, but he considers there are cases in which the exception to this rule becomes equally a right and a duty. The Neapolitan Court seems to have con• ferred this right, and to have imposed this duty on Europe "We do not wish," he says, "that peace should be disturbed, and there is no peace without justice ; we ought, then, to make known to the King of Naples the wish of the Congress for the ameliora• tion of his system of government—a wish which cannot remain without effect—and require from him an amnesty in favour of the persons who have been condemned. or who are imprisoned without trial, for political offences." His Lordship has never explained what were the peculiar circumstances which justified, in the case of Naples, a violation of that princi• ple of non-interference he had acknowledged to be abstractedly just. But it was not to be supposed that the first Plenipotentiary of Great Britain would express himself so decidedly without being convinced that he had sufficient grounds for his opinion, nor without being prepared to' carry it into effect. The immediate effect of this language was to produce an impression throughout Italy that the Western Powers were hostile to the existing Governments of that country, and especially to the Government of the King of NAPLES. The disaffected believed that the time for action was at hand They thought themselves sure at last of powerful support from without. Thc: whole peninsula was agitated by the increased activity of the secret societies. While preparations for insurrection were made on one side, the Governments, on the other, consolidated their resources for crushing it. The publication of the Tripartite Treaty did not at once dissipate these illusions, though it had the effect of strengthening the position of Austria, and of immensely increasing her influence with the Governments of the penin- LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY 26, 1858. UNST STAMPED .-. SIXPENCE. AMPED-FIVEPENCE. sula. It was intended that the Treaty should ' be kept secret ; but the discovery of its ex• istence by the Russian Court compelled its publication. The Government of Sardinia was not deceived as to the difficult position in which it was placed by this Treaty. It had hoped, as the price of the great services it had rendered to the Allies in the war, to be sup ported against Austria when Italian affairs were discussed. By the Treaty of the 15th of April, it saw Austria closely afflict with France and England for the regulation of European politics. It had hoped to emerge from its position as a minor Power, and to be recognised as the natural leader and guardian of Italian interests. By the Treaty, it found its position weaker, more indefensible, and more isolated than it had been previously. Internally it was agitated and urged forward by the revolutionary party; and externally it was confronted by Austria, allied with the Western Powers, to whom Sardinia looked for support, and in close league and correspondence with the Govern ments of the Italian peninsula. Had France and England decided on sup porting the Liberal party in Italy, Sardinia must have gained that influence which Austria now possesses. The Governments of Italy would have been radically changed,and from policy and inclination would in that case have entered into close alliance with Sardinia. Under her auspices a national Italian treaty might have been formed uncompromisingly hostile to Austrian influence. At the Paris Conferences the battle of these interests was fought. While Lord CLARENDON ostensibly supported Sardinia, he secretly and really supported Austria. The Tripartite Treaty decided the contest. It assured to Austria a predominating influence in Italian affairs, and crushed together the prospects of Sardinia and the hopes of the Italian Liberals. We never had a doubt what the effect of the Tripartite Treaty must be. The blustering language of our Ministerial press could not conceal the truth. The menaces thrown out against Naples were but a part of the delusive and hypocritical system by which Lord PALMERSTON'S Government, while deserting their principles, sought to maintain their credit with their followers. They knew that the representation addressed to Naples would come to nothing. They never had the slight est intention of enforcing it. It was a mockery and a snare to the Liberal party in Italy ; it was dishonouring to Great Britain from its evident insincerity and inevitable failure. If the " right and duty" of Lord CLAREN DON have any real existence, how is it that no attempt has been made to enforce them? Why advance pretensions only to withdraw them ? Is the Government of this country so weak, that it cannot fulfill what it has, in the face of Europe, declared to be its moral obliga tions ? All pretence of coercing Naples is now abandoned. The game of menace is given up. Her Majesty's Government intend to rely solely on the good offices of the Au strian Court. They will thankfully receive what ever measures of amelioration the King of NAPLES may be persuaded by the Cabinet of Vienna to adopt. In one other country the Liberal cause, after receiving Lord PALMERSTON'S support for twenty years, is now, in its greatest need, de serted by his Government. Inconstant on other points, Lord PALMERSTON Ina been tui• ceasing in his efforts to maintain the Liberal party in Spain. Every Oovernment in that country has had to encounter his hostility which would not subscribe to his constitutional formula. ESPARTERO was his statesman for all emergencies, and his ascendancy was identified with British in fluence. The Constitution and ESPARTERO are suddenly overthrown together. The Liberals, rising in insurrection, are shot down in Madrid, and sabred in Barcelona. Lord PALMERSTON'S friends look to him for aid, and he has no other answer to give them—he who has been intriguing and interfering in Spanish politics since his Foreign Legion helped to found the Throne of ISABELLA than that Spain has nothing to apprehend from French interference. The blow has been struck, and his Lordship acquiesces in it. On the Continent, the constitutional system now finds refuge only in Belgium and Sardinia, and those countries are, from the mere fact of their isolation, placed in an uneasy position. The first year of Lord PALMERSTON'S Premier ship has been signalised by his entire aban donment of the Continental Liberalism with which his past career has been mainly iden tified. RETROSPECTS AND PROSPECTS. THE session has now drawn to a close, and its retrospect is most unsatisfactory. Whether we consider the conduct of Government with reference to the existing parties in the country, or to the practical exigencies of our social system, the verdict in either case must be adverse to the Downing street officials. Although war terminated before Christmas the progress of the civil legislation of the country has been nearly at a stand•still. Less has been done for law reform than in any ses sion of the last few years ; and Mr. LOWE'S attempts at commercial improvements are only the continuation of the original efforts of other persons. The name of " Administrative Reform " sounds ridiculously with Lord PALMERSTON at the head of affairs. In truth, it would be foolish to expect from the present Cabinet any large measure touching the ad mitted evils of our present official system, since the Ministry has not had sufficient poli tical power to carry some pressing questions like " Appellate Jurisdiction," even when helped by external aid. Retrospective censure in such a case is idle, unless we consider what are the prospects of the future. The Cabinet has broken down, mismanaged questions with which it meddled, and avoided taking up subjects which press for legislation. Is there the slightest hope of things being better in the next session? Will Lord " -tuft° more reforming or CORNZ• City "? such -still and the iberals. attempts Lord PALMERSTON acquire more reform"' zeal, or Sir GEORGE GREY more vigour, Lord CLAREND •fr , z.171 ra - ' .dour, or Sir CORN WALL LEWfiC .tre4!l_7l3). 57th " the City There is rafoer* ? , . • J ' g „,,l,e, i p rood of SW results. 'Me :'" ': , ,T,,' s is a stand-st is / Cabinet. , i ..,,,-' dli •• er direction al p. it is cer% e 4 r, 4. . zi , ,, 1 , 1 „ L ; nd it lacks tl high ad n& --t• It .10„,.; : • , which migl .f , t-- .rts ~„ .• ...• atone for r. • It is a coaliW o f ex haus ...7191t‘,11 1 i .' twavering Libera It turns,k, ~I.Z- -' r l ..) ." ,te es; W it attemp nothing great-;'.70---"'-'7.- represents no lar masses of opinion. There is a remarkal similitude between its condition and that