The Press. — London, England, 1855-11-10 00:00:00

NOVEMBER 10, 1855. The decision, however, though not after much discussion, was taken to support him, and at the very moment when he was about to be raised to a seat in council his murder took place. It is a disaster which on every account is deeply to be deplored, but it can surprise no ono acquainted with the circumstances, however much it may excite our horror and regret. It is a satisfaction to know that his murderers have at the hands of our soldiery met their merited fate; but we do hope that th time is not far distant when any real gri ivances suffered by the natives shall find reiress from our authorities without the hands of either being imbrued in blood. The attack on Brigadier McKniiziE, and the murd r of Mr. CoNoLLY, being thus shown to bs cases resting on grounds peculiar to them s_lves, there only remains the pamphlet call ing on all Mahomedans to take up arms against us, and this has no doubt emanated f som some one interested in preventing our annexation of Oude. Nor is it wonder ful that strong endeavours should be made by the Mahomedans to preserve from our grasp this the last but one of the remaining gr •at Mahomedan States of India. If the question were one merely concerning the Sovereign personally, neither they nor any one else would trouble themselves about the business. But the question is not merely personal to the Sovereign, for annexation involves the ruin of every nobleman, office holder, pensioner, and landowner in the State as well. It involves the ruin of all the moneyed class who have mortgages on the properties of such persons as are in any way their creditors besides. It involves, further, the ruin of all the dependants of these people, and of all who live and thrive by the expendi ture of the Court. These form, combined, a mass of interests which our reviewers and journalists do not appear to take into consi deration, though we apprehend that the case would be plain enough to Englishmen if it were ever, which Heaven forbid, brought home unfortunately to ourselves. While, then, such mighty interests are at stake, we must not be astonished if we meet symptoms of an inten tion to resist us, such as this brochure which the Indian police authorities have seized betrays. Its object iu calling on the Ma homedans of India to unite in a crusade against us, is clearly to deal out to us the same measure which the Company purposes, if not anticipated, to deal out to the Sovereign and nobility and Court of Oude. WHO'LL BE A MINISTER? THE perplexities of Lord PALMERSTON'S present position, the difficulties which he has to sur mount, the dangers which he must elude, are altogether of so novel and peculiar a character that they seem to us to form an appropriate subject of examination by the student of English history. The period, too, when the crisis has come, is equally worthy of remark. If we are to accept as veracious the testimony of the Ministerial organs, the Premier has emerged from the clouds of thick darkness which ominously enveloped him, and is in full confidence of the country. If they are to be credited, his past transgressions are con doned, and his many backslidings forgiven. His adherents in vindication of his character have ingeniously adopted what is known in the Senate as the system of pairing off. The " ayes" and the " noes' are pitted against each other; the negative and the affirmative on the same question are found in equal abundance, and are made to do duty as the occasion requires. So that, for instance, when he is charged with weakness and vacillation at Vienna, it is astutely answered that he was bold and spirited at Melbourne. But in spite of the alleged success of these dexterous manoeuvres of the partisans of the Noble Viscount, it is, as we have said, a singular fact that recent events have seriously endangered the existence and impaired the popularity of his Administration. And we see in the causes which have conduced to such a result cogent grounds for concluding that he is still a Minister upon sufferance, identified with no THE PRESS. policy, and trusted by no party, who cannot command the support and has not enlisted the sympathy of the country. We believe that it will be generally admitted that a Government strong in its principles and in its following is at no loss to distribute the various offices of which it is composed. Poli tical ambition, although unadorned by those ancient ideas of honour and consistency which an enlightened age has declared obsolete, and pronounced defunct, is one of the characteris tics of the era in which we live; and a power ful Minister will not find himself in any strait when seats in the Cabinet are _ vacant. His difficulty will be of an opposite character. Hi: trouble will be to choose between rival candi- dates, and to adjust conflicting claims. Public men generally are not averse to the distinction and emoluments of power. Certainly, the Liberal party has never been famous for any thing but a voracious appetite for its good things. How comes it then to pass, that Lord PALMERSTON discovers it to be a hard task to supply the places made void by the death of Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH, and the removal of Lord CANNING to India? Some weeks have now elapsed since the exigency arose, and, as far as we can learn at the hour we write, the labour is still unaccomplished—commenced, we know, it has been, and not very auspiciously. The Noble Member for Tiverton has never been remarkable for much delicacy of feeling, or depth of sensibility. As for insulting his supporters, ridiculing their pretensions, and proclaiming their incapacity, he cares for none of these things. Unable to find on his own side of the House any one fit to take charge of the Colonies, he crosses over the way with that elasticity of movement and airiness of manner which distinguish him, and solicits the co operation of Lord STANLEY. There was about this artifice, palpable as it was, a seem ing magnanimity greatly to be admired. Lord STANLEY occupies a position in the country to which the adventitious advantages of rank and fortune would have been unequal to raise him were they not illustrated by a high order of mental attainments. His masculine intel lect, with its powers of independent thought— its industry, and its honesty—have made him one of the most conspicuous and respected statesmen of the fuze. And we do not, there fore, wonder that Lord PALMERSTON should consider him an acquisition which it would be well worth all the risk of failure, and all the reproaches of the neglected ones, to secure. But as Lord STANLEY naturally enough de clined the proffered honour, as we were from the first satisfied he would decline' it, Lord PALMERSTON is in a less enviable condition than before. The last state of the man is worse than the first. He has acknowledged that capacity should be regarded above all other considerations in selecting the Colonial Secre tary, by placing the office at Lord STANLEY'S disposal. He has confessed that among his own confederates such capacity did not exist, for he resorted to a prominent member of the Opposition to obtain it. Where then is he to look for aid in this aggravated dilemma? From the Cabinet he can scarcely expect any assistance, and will probably receive no sym pathy. His trumpet has given no un certain sound as to the qualifications any member of it possesses for a post of such responsibility. And what will the Adminis trative Reform Association say, if in his choice he shall seem to prefer rank to merit, or to sacrifice public interests to private ambition? Will not its chairman, in the indignant wrath of conscious patriotism, summon a council, and issue a manifesto? Lest this outrage upon our nerves and upon LINDLEY MURRAY be committed, we trust Lord PALMERSTON will go to work very cautiously. Is there no blustering demagogue whose prating he can silence by ma king him aplaceman? Is there n o buddi▪ n g Bernal Osborne available in the political market? To the rumours which are current on the subject we cannot attach any credit. When we are told that Mr. VxurioN SMITH or Mr. LABOUCHERE is to have the Colonial seals, because Lord STANLEY refused them, we feel more than ever t he truth of the old sayi▪ ng that there is but one step between the sublime and the ridiculous ! And FREDERICK PEEL too ! Will any one believe that an office which 1063 was deemed worthy of the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, could by any insane incon sistency be assigned to the Under-Secretary for War? The thing is altogether incredible, and yet who from so dull a lot is the coming man ? We confess we are perplexed. But till we know the fact, we will not suppose that Lord PALMERSTON will commit an act SO suicidal as the promotion of any of those standing dishes of incompetency, those stereo typed mediocrities with which the Whig family abound. His first idea was a good one—it was bold and it was original. Let him by adhering to it in spirit, show that he is wise, not by impulse, but by habit. The " mulier " tormosa superne," should never " desinet in piscem." The Minister who would have made Lord STANLEY Colonial Secretary on account of his ability, in spite of his politics, can never confer the onerous distinction on a Whigling on account of his politics, in spite of his incapacity. THE CONDITION OF THE ARMY. WE have heard a great deal lately of the drunk enness and want of discipline among our troops in the Crimea, and the country has been with justice alarmed at the report. The Times correspondent has drawn a most vivid picture of the former, and innumerable private letters teem with complaints of the latter. But we would hope there are certain conside rations which may tend to some extent to alleviate the uneasiness we must all of us feel upon the occasion. We must not, in the first place, believe all that we hear. We know very well that drunkenness is a vice which always makes itself disagreeably prominent. Mankind are very prone to generalise. A score of drunken men in a day would make a powerful impression on the spectator ; but he might not, perhaps, remember that he sees the worst of it In three words, we think it quite possible that the accounts may be exaggerated ; but, even if they are not, it is, we hold, our duty to consider whether there be not many extenuating circumstances. A soldier's life naturally presents many incentives to dissipa tion : these are exaggerated by hardship, and hardship is heightened by monotony. " Pry " thee, Jack, let's go drink a glass of wine, for " I am fit for nothing else," says a gentleman in the Spectator—for " wine" read " rum," and how truly do the words express that state of mind to which many of our soldiers must be reduced ? Total inaction—partial despondency —respect for their officers relaxed—none of the excitement of war—as the forced march, the ambush, the skilful manoeuvre by day or the daring surprise by night—to keep up the high-strung courage of the man, and the cheerful obedience of the soldier, which to gether make up the essence of the military character. Let us not be too hard on the un happy man who compensates himself for their absence as best he may. Yet, though we make all these allow ances for the offenders, we are far from wishing to lighten the responsibility of their superiors. Has all that is possible been done in the way of checks and counterpoise ? We ask not the question as implying any doubt that it has been, but we should simply like to know that it had. This is a fair question for publicity. What restrictions have been placed on the soldier's facilities for getting liquor ? Is it possible, as is intimated, that he has the full run of the drinking-booths, with no limit but the depth of his pocket, and that very amply fur• nished for the occasion? If it is judged inexpedient to exercise any physical control over his movements in this respect, is there no moral influence to which he can be subjected ? What has become of the schools and libraries of which we once heard so much ? Have the books. which we understood were sent out, gone the same way as the blankets and the port ? There are very good reasons why this should not have happened. But, then, what has become (of them ?—are they utterly in sufficient in quantity, or useless in quality ? Then, of the schools ?—are there no teachers, or are there no scholars? All these are mat ters we would give much to be informed . on, fur they are exactly thos e with which civibaxip a I