The Press. — London, England, 1856-08-02 00:00:00

AIMUST 2, 1856. I apprehend, then, that with respect to these three sub jects of foreign policy, on any one of which we may at any time be celled upon to act, there are distinctive opinions ; and that it is idle to pretend that parties have ceased, because on all political subjects men are now united in their sentiments. When I am told that parties are broken up, I say that the Conservative party in this country retains the opinions which it has always professed, and is prepared to vindi cate those opinions. I take it for granted that those who bold other opinions are equally earnest and equally ready. If I may be permitted to refer for a moment to a personal topic, I don't think that I am misrepresenting the feelings of hon. gentlemen who sit on this side of the house when I state that in the observations which I have from time to time made, both on our internal and external affairs, I have generally expressed their opinions. (Hear, hear.) But if there is such a thing as a Conservative party—if there are such things as conservative opinions, I should tike to ask where and by whom in this house are liberal opinions represented? I really don't know whether her Majesty's Government represent them. (A laugh.) As ter as I can form a judgment of the opinions which the noble lord hat. generally professed—and 1 take him to be the chief and the ablest exponent of his political asso ciates—l cannot believe that he is not as ready to stand by the parliamentary settlement of 1882 as any member who sits on this side of the house. The noble lord has frankly and explicitly told you that he does net disapprove of the just influence of property on the exercise of the franchise—that he would resist any endeavour artificially to restrict it. He is not opposed to the land having a sensible influence on our representative system. This very session he announced his intention to support the Irish Church establishment—he cannot be supposed to be adverse to our ecclesiastical institutions—he has never been hostile to traditionary influences—he has on every oeJasion cherished and promoted them. The noble lord has never joined in any attempt to pull down the free magistracy of the country; on the contrary, he has in several instances upheld them. But I may be told that, although in domestic politics the noble lord does not differ from gentlemen on this side of the house, it is in his external politics that he is so dangerous—that he reserves all his Liberalism for foreign I affairs. (" Hear, hear," from an hon. member on the Ministerial side ) lam glad to have my statement borne out by a follower of the noble lord. (A laugh.) It so happens that during the present session, if not the opinion, the feeling of this house has been tested on the three great cardinal points on which the foreign policy of England must depend—the Russian empire, the Austrian empire, i and our relations with the United States. Let me for a moment recal what was the popular feeling this time last year respecting the first of these questions. The dismemberment of the Russian empire was then re garded as not only a probability but a necessity by a great party in this country ; and men high in office, colleagues of the noble lord, sanctioned those opinions. Gentlemen in office publicly announced that no peace could be ac cepted by England which did not restore the independence of Poland, and at least wrest the Crimea from the Em peror of Russia; and no doubt there was a general im pression that, in regard to the great power with which we were lately at war, the noble lord entertained very extreme convictions. It was, in fact, with reference to that very subject that I took occasion, in one of our debates, to lay down what I conceived to he the conservative principles on which peace should be negotiated. I maintained that the dismemberment of Russia, if possible, was perhaps not desirable, and if attempted to be attained, would lead to a struggle of a duration which I could not venture to estimate. I also indicated what I deemed were—to use the epithets of another—the wise and statesmanlike con ditions on which a pacification might be based. The views I then expressed were not sanctioned by those who sur rounded and followed the noble lord. But when the hour of practice arrived, when the solution of the question had to be effected, the conduct of the noble lord with respect to the Russian empire appears to me to have been as con servative as any conduct that we could have wished to see pursued. He agreed to a peace which recognised the in tegrity of the Russian empire, and the terms of the treaty were framed very much in accordance with the policy that I have sketched out. Therefore, as far as his views con cerning the Russian empire form a test of his opinions, the noble lord is as little a votary of Liberalism as he is on the wile range of questions of internal interest to which I have adverted. Then, turn to the Austrian empire. That unquestion ably was a subject on which—notwithstanding our recent experience of the conservative policy of the noble lord in regard to Russia—the greatest hopes are entertained by the sincere supporters of liberal principles; and the pro tocol of the Paris Conferences certainly seemed to autho rise those expectations. What, then, has occurred? Although but a few weeks ago it was supposed that a violent interference was to take place in Italy--although alterations of the greatest magnitude were anticipated which would have totally changed the balance of power in Europe--yet, as far as I can gather, there is no chance what ever of these dangerous courses being followed by the noble lord. On the contrary, in a truly conservative spirit, he is . endeavouring, in conjunction with our great ally, to oh tam those temperate improvements in the condition of Italy that all desire, by the aid and influence of Austrian authority. Let us come to the third case. A great many persons— and probably in this instance on more colourable grounds— believed that the noble lord would never have been con tent with less than a war with the United States. We were told that he was prone to resent an injury or insult with out so much as asking or waiting for explanations—that he was bent on picking a quarrel—and a quarrel he would have. Well, what happened ? A very lamentable circum stance occurred, if, indeed, a very great insult was not offered to the Government of this country. I may be THE PRESS. permitted to say that, when Mr. Crampton received his letter of departure from the President of the United States, I from the first strove to discourage any discus sion of our relations with the United States upon the narrow issue of the enlistment dispute. I thought that if ever that grave debate took place it ought to embrace the main principle ou which our policy towards that country ought to be founded. I was persuaded that, if that ais• cussion had been held in time, the people of England would have adopted a tone on this subject that would have relieved the American mind from the only cause which keeps alive any feeling of jealousy or suspicion towards this country—namely, the mode in which we presume to deal with their appropriation of lands. How did the noble lord behave, when the Minister of the Queen was—l may say—rudely expelled from Washington ? It was expected that this country might be involved, if not in war, at least in a bitter and protracted controversy ; but, on the contrary, the mild dignity of Conservatism was never more ade quately represented than it was by the noble lord on that occasion. After that occurrence who can suppose that the noble lord is the firebrand the world fur some time assumed him to be ? (A laugh.) Well, sir, under the circumstances, I cannot suppose that the Government of which the noble lord is at the head is the representative of liberal opinions. Whether I look to subjects of internal interest, of to the great ques tions of foreign policy, the Government seem to me to be pursuing a course which is in harmony with conservative policy and conservative principles. But, because the Go vernment are pursuing such a course, are we justified in saying that parties are broken up? It may be very convenient for some persons to promulgate this theory. It may be very convenient for some persons that such rumours should be circulated ; hut I protest against their authenticity. If the noble lord and his colleagues are pursuing a conserva tive policy, it is an erroneous assumption that the Con servative party is therefore extinct. What party is extinct it is not for me now to say. I would rather leave it to the country to determine. I know it may be said that it would be more fair and straightforward, and more in accordance with the habits of the people of this country, that a con servative policy should be carried out by those who are avowedly conservative statesmen. That may be so; but I would remind those in the country who maintain conservative opinions, and who deplore the conse quences of a parliamentary session like that now closing, that they have two sources of consolation in the present state of affairs. In the first place, what I think should be, and what have no doubt will be, the greatest consolation to them, is to see their opinions prevalent in high places. They may alsi find consolation in what will be the in evitable consequence of the existing system—the delete• rious influence which it will exercise upon the position of their rivals, the Liberal party. The Liberal party cannot exist when its chief and selected men are in power, and continue to hold office, not only without carrying liberal principles into effect, but without even avowing frankly their profession. (Rear, hear.) I see before me many gentlemen, members of the Go vernment, who have obtained their seats in this house by their protestations to their constituents—by their liberal engagements with the great Liberal Tarty, and who, by ob taining seats in this house, have also obtained seats in the Administration. It is for them to explain their position to their constituents and to the great party in the country with which it is supposed they are connected ; but I call upon the Conservative party not to lose heart, for if the present system continue, the Liberal party in this country will be thrown back fifty years. Nothing can long resist the deleterious influence of the position in which the Liberal party are now placed with reference to power, and the people will, I hope, upon reflection, soon discover the reason why measures of urgent public necessity are not passed in this house although they are proposed by a Minister. The Conservative party will find upon reflec tion that from the competitive emulation of great political parties has sprung that wise and temperate system of Go vernment which has so long characterised the history of this country; they will cherish with still greater interest, and they will value still more highly, the distinctive prin ciples which make them a party ; and when they are told that the present lamentable state of public affairs is occa sioned by the break•up of parties, they at least can say, " That allegation does not apply to us; we are a conserva tive party; we hold conservative opinions ; we are pre pared to maintain them ; and if a Minister who has no opinions cannot pass his measures, he has no right—and those who defend him have no right—to libel the Constitu tion of the cour.try, to which we owe all our reputation and our greatness." (Cheers.) The right hon. gentleman concluded by moving for a return of the number of public bills, and their titles, the orders for which, in any of their stages, have been discharged during the present session, and the date of the discharge of each of such orders. MR. PELLATT'S NEW BILL ON IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT 18 printed. It proposes that, except in actions for malicious prosecution, or for deceit, libel, slander, criminal conversation, or breach of promise of mar riage, no process for arrest is to issue. That persons in custody, except in the cases mentioned, are to be discharged. Persons discharged may be examined, and where there is property fit to be administered under the Insolvent Acts an order may issue to vest such property in the assignee of insolvents' estates. Parties may be committed for fraud, &c. In cases where the judgmant exceeds 3001., the original court is to have jurisdiction. Arrest is to be reserved on persons about to leave the country. 727 VrottOings arlianunt. HOUSE OF LORDS-SATURDAY, JULY 26. The Commons' amendments to the Bishops of London and Durham Resignation Bill were con sidered and agreed to, and also to the Leases and Sales of Settled Estates Bill. HOUSE OF COMMONS-SATURDAY. EPISCOPAL CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. Mr. GLADSTONE moved for copies of any cor respondence relating to the recent announcement by the Government of their intention to discontinue an allowance of 6001. a year heretofore made to the Bishops of the Episcopal Communion in Scotland, and called attention to this subject and to the legal disa bilities, not applicable to the ministers of any other religious denomination in this country, to which the said bishops and clergy are subjected, in common with the episcopal clergy of the United States of America _ _ _ Mr..l3l,Acx seconded the motion. The CHANCELLOR Of the EXCHEQUER admitted that he could not see any reasonable ground for this disqualification, wl ich existed under an act of Par liament, and must be removed by the same autho rity. The Government had no alternative between placing the grant on the annual votes, which was highly unadv►sable, and of abolishing it altogether. They had come to the latter conclusion with reluc tance, but would not be justified in taking any other course. The motion was then agreed to. MR. CONSUL MATHEW. Mr. GLkDSTONE made a brief personal explanation with respect to Mr. Mathew, one of the late British Consuls in America!-- He had been given to understand, however, that in the course of the debate on the enlistment question words were imputed to him (Mr. Gladstone) to tho effect that he was not disposed to give entire credence to the statements of Mr. Consul Mathew. If any such words had indeed been attributed to him, all he could say was that they had been erroneously attributed, for, in point of fact, he gave the fullest credence to the state- ments of that gentleman, whom ho believed to be an honourable and well-intentioned man. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TUESDAY. NEW MEMBER. Mr. H. G. STUNT took his seat for the county of Dorset. THE RAJAH OF COORO. Mr. MunßouGa moved for copies of all papers re lating to the deposal of Veer Wilder Wuddair, Rajah of Coorg, including copies of the corre spondence betweeen the English authorities and the said Rajah, previously to the deposition of the said Rajah by the East India Company in the year 1836. Mr. V. SMITH said it was impossible to grant the papers. THE COAT PENSIONS. Mr. ROEBUCK moved for a copy of the warrant in the reign of George 111., granting a pension of 251. per annum to Caroline Cort and Catherine Seymer, with a statement of the deductions made therefrom, and of the authority by which such deductions were made ; and of the warrant granting the same pensions in the reigns of George IV. and William IV. The return was ordered. CHURCH RATES. Sir W. CLAY gave notice that early next session he would bring in a bill on the subject of Church rates. THE CONSULATE IN AMERICA. Mr. H. BERKELEY asked the First Lord of the Treasury whether he was about to reappoint the Consulate in America. Lord PALMERSTON said that no steps had yet been taken in reference to that question. SIR C. TREVELYAN. Colonel NORTH asked whether the Governmen*, would take any steps with regard to the conduct of Sir C. Trevelyan in connection with the Crimean supplies, and his neglect to appear before the com mittee. Lord PALMERSTON said Sir Charles Trevelyan was but the organ of the Treasury. Colonel North said he should call the attention of the house to the subject next session. The CHANCELLOR Of the EXCHEQUER said that Sir Charles Trevelyan denied the accuracy of that portion of the report which applied to the Treasury. THE PROROGATION. Sir AUGUSTUS CLIFFORD, the Usher of the Black Rod, appeared at the bar, and summoned the house to the House of Lords for the purpose of hearing her Majesty's assent given by commission to certain bills, and also for the prorogation of the present Parliament. The Speaker, accompanied by Lord Palmerston, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. V. Smith, Mr. F. Peel, and about a hundred members, proceeded