The Press. — London, England, 1856-11-01 00:00:00

1036 tension of secret societies and the decline of Imperial popularity, and to hint mysteriously at " vacillation and uncertainty " as character ising the French Executive. The Times replied on Monday that the para graph was framed "in terms of studied am biguity," claimed for itself the best feelings towards his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon, and expressed its belief that the Emperor was " the best and sincerest friend to the English alliance within his dominions " ; and on this prin ciple of alliance asserted the right to discuss the measures and men of the French Govern ment. The Times ! in a "friendly spirit," then deliberately misrepresents the views of the French Government, which, acknowledging the respect due to the freedom of the press, remon strates only against the abuse of the liberty, and proceeds as follows : We have observed with dismay the rise to the surface of the financial pool of vast bubbles ; we have witnessed the most reckless and gigantic private speculation combined with the direction of public affairs ; and we have seen with deep regret that, instead of doing everything in their power to check the rising spirit of ganib ing, some hiwli in office and favour in France have lent the whole influence of their position and their example to stimulate and exaggerate the evil. We have also observed with pain that the Govern. ment of France has conducted its operations in many respects ostentatiously in defiance of the ascertained and reeognise,l principles of political economy, and thus pro voked a collapse, which, come when it may, cannot fail to be injurious to the Government, calamitous to France, and deeply prejudicial to this country. We detest the restrictions on personal liberty in France. We abhor her whole system of passports and its attendant annoyances. It is idle to tell us that the free discussion of these things is inconsistent with the alliance between France and Eng land. It is because we are allies—allies to an extentwhich no merely political ant can make its—allies in commerce as well as in arms, because France cannot suffer without inflicting corresponding sufferings on England—that we now claim to exercise the right to discuss measures and men in which we as well as she are deeply interested. The Monileur and its injudicious prompters have drawn these observations on their own heads. The Globe the same evening expressed a view more in accordance with fact:— It is our opinion —and, being so, we express it without reserve—that there are some English papers, metropolitan and provincial, which allow themselves too easily to be made the vehicles of the inventions and imputations of one or other of the malcontent parties in France. The enmity of those parties to the Imperial Government and its chief finds itself gagged in Paris ; but it finds means of trans. mitring its highly-coloured views of the whole existing state of things in France to English journals, some of which, as regards French politics, are really the outlandish organs of the Fusionist or Confusionist parties in the royalist or revolutionary faubourgs of Paris. It is not surprising that the perception of this is annoying and irritating in many quarters more or less connected with the French Govern ment. The Post disclaimed any part in these attacks against the French Government ; yet the Post itself has been a great offender in its attacks upon the Government of Austria. But the most admirable reply to the coarse bluster of the Times and the insidious spleen of the Daily News, is that by the Morning Chro nicle. The writer denies that the question raised by the Moniteur affects the liberty of the press at all. It is a question, he asserts, of " self-respect ;" and he justly asks if it be right or becoming to taint the purity of press freedom with such misrepresentations of the views of the French Government as the Times gave on Monday, or by respectable journals copying anonymous libels circulated against the character of the Empress by "a virulent enemy of the present dynasty who writes from Paris in an influential Lancashire newspaper " ? The writer concludes with some excellent remarks replete with sound sense : On domestic questions, our leading journalists show themselves self-respecting, and sensitive on the point of honour and gentlemanly feeling, to an extent that does them credit. With such irresponsible power, it is marvel lous how cautiously they use it. Why should not the same qualities be exhibited in dealing with foreign topics? We speak not of freedom of commentary—for which we will contend as stoutly as our neighbours—but of a licen tious perversion of truth, and a facile circulation of false hood. The national interests—not to speak of our dignity among nations—are deeply and directly involved in such practices. When they were silently abetted, some years since, by the statesman who is now at the head of affairs, they nearly involved us in a quarrel with Europe, the embers of which are still alive though slumbering. But is not the national honour something? Is it worthy of a great and civilised people like the English, that their press shall become the receptacle for all the malignity with which disappointed foreign politicians—absolutists as well as moderates and republicans —vent their spleen and spite ? Yet this has been th e ease f or years , an d th e nuisance i s increasing in intensity every day. Our states men can no longer shrink from looking the question in THE PRESS. the face. The age for such modes of warfare is past; and it the international affairs of Europe are hereafter to be guided by moral influences, the English press must either voluntarily subject itself to the same laws of courtesy and self respect in foreign, which it obeys in domestic matters, or it will cease to count as anything in the deliberations of European statesmen. The article in the Moniteur was evidently intended as a friendly and timely hint to the British public, who will do well not to let the offenders to which it refers step in between the two nations, and, by perverting its meaning, increase and envenom a nascent imitation. On Friday the Times recurred again to the subject, and, in a far more daring and far more impolitic attack, directly accused the Emperor of the French of being influenced by persons surrounding him, to play false with England by instigating Russia to take an attitude, and to put forward pretensions, which would ren der the settlement of Europe impracticable. It will be noticed that the Times is even more than usually arrogant in ascribing to itself authority to speak in the name, not only of Lord Palmerston's Government, but of the whole British people. The Times begins by declaiming against the perfidy of Russia as an unscrupulous Power, stating that her " acts or actings " are intended for the benefit of the minor Courts of Europe. to give them an excuse for believing, or still pretending to believe, thst Russia is still unconquered— still able to protect them against their subjects—still competent to extend their lease of tyranny and misrule. It proceeds to say : We only regret the moderation which led us to conclude the struggle as soon as we had gained the exact amount of advantage necessary for our object, instead of protracting it until our superiority was not only obtained, but so notorious as to be incapable of misrepresentation. And it then makes a direct and most insulting and injurious attack against the Government of his Majesty the Emperor of the French : We find it difficult, however, to believe that, with all her cunning and all her audacity, Russia would have ventured upon playing the pari. she is now exhibiting had it not been for encouragement received from the alliance of the Western powers itself. We do not mean for a moment to impute to the Emperor of the French anything but the most honourable and loyal persistence in the engagements into which he has entered, but, unhappily, that honour and loyalty does not extend in the same degree to those by whom he is surrounded. The ides of dismantling the fortresses to be given up has been traced to a source not entirely Russian, and we cannot help believing that the secret enemies of both countries, who stand high in the confidence of the Emperor, are playing off Russia against England, in the hope that by so doing they will restore the prestige of their enemy, and lower the consideration of their ally. We warn these clever speculators on the endurance of one patty and the arrogance of the other to beware lest they meet with sue cess entirely transcending their mostsanguine expectations. There never was a moment when the people of this coun try were less disposed to be trifled with, and Russia may have, unless she awake to wiser counsels, to buy the false eclat of her present demonstrations at a price which she will be alike unwilling and unable to pay. Our resources are untouched, our spirits are unbroken, and having once made a treaty we will not suffer ourselves to be hel I up to ridicule as unable or unwilling to enforce its conditions. We only hope that this dangerous game will be carried no further. We have asked nothing but what is fair and reasonable ; and what we have asked we are thoroughly resolved to obtain. We have been obliged on one occa• sion to undeceive foreign nations as to the extent of our devotion to peace. It is by no means impossible that we may be called upon to repeat the lesson. It is for the public of this country to take into its most serious consideration the fact that the note in the Moniteur did not appear until after a series of such gross and violent attacks had been published upon the Emperor of the French personally, and upon his Government, as were directly calcu lated to give encouragement to whatever ele ments of discontent may exist in France, to stimulate into activity revolutionary societies, and even to arra the hand of the assassin against his life. Indeed we have noticed with shame and indignation that some of our even ing papers have published instigations to revolt and assassination still more atrocious. All of our readers will recollect the letter of Mr. W. S. Lundor, and there have been even more monstrous provocations Though it be true, as is argued by some of our principal journals, that the Government has no power directly to influence the press of this country, yet that argument only shows the expedience of great moderation on the part of conductors of news papers, and the necessity that exists of the public disclaiming, so far as practicable, any participation in sentiments which outrage public morality, and tend to give our great Ally any reasonable cause of complaint. SATURDAY, jortign CortrspolOtittt. PARIS, Oct. 30. THE remark in the Moniteur of the 24th, addressed to the English papers, has caused great excitement in the capital, but the Parisians pay too little atten tion to what appears in the English papers to under- stand very minutely to what articles reference is made, though English readers are, unfortunately, too well acquainted with the license of some of their papers to misunderstand the allusion. I need only say that the note has excited a most painful impres sion in the capital. It is to be remarked, however, that bitter attacks upon England daily emanate from certain of the Parisian journals—the Union, A seem blie Nationale, &c. As to the commercial crisis, it continues almost unabated; silver, however, is again in circulation, and things so far have amended. The Emperor's admirable example of taking houses for the artisans, who have been displaced for the street improve ments, at high and letting them at low rents, is followed in a praiseworthy manner by many of the haute noblesse here : yet the discontent continues almost as great as ever, and I fear will do so throughout the winter, which in Paris is the severest season. Some severe examples have lately been made of persons tried for the adulteration of food, &c. At. Bourges a trial has just concluded in which heavy fine and imprisonment were inflicted by the Cour d'Assizes. The paragraphs hinting at Lord Clarendon for the future Premier of England do not meet with much favour here. As special envoy he did not impress the assembled statesmen of Europe with a very high opinion of his talents; and, excepting a certain degree of finesse and skill in the art of over reaching, he displayed, it is said, no particular cha• racteristic entitling him to any distinction. Even in these particulars he was outdone by the Russian Envoy, and became the deceiver deceived. The Neapolitan question is in a fix. France will certainly do no more, at present at least, and Eng land seems to think she cannot act without her. In truth, so long as Rome is garrisoned by French troops France cannot take a forward step in promo ting the " freedom of Italy," as it is called. It' Lord Palmerton continues much longer Premier of Eng land, you are in a fair way of leaving no British envoys anywhere, it would seem ; already America and Naples have ceased to have any English repre sentatives—Turkey promises soon to be in the sante condition, and as for Florence, Lord Normanhy might as well follow Lord Howden's example in Spain and discharge the duties of his legation by remaining, like the latter, three-fourths of his time in England and France—anywhere, in fact, except where he ought to be and is paid for tieing. Apropos to the Florentine Embassy, a duel has just been fought between one of the attaches thereat, Mr. H— M , and an Italian mare nese, concerning the lady of the latter gentleman. The attache was wounded in the side. It has been a pleasant little hit of gossip for the Florentines, who, without such things, would feel dull at this season. Accounts from Bologna speak of that city as filling with travellers, and becoming gay in expectation of the Emperor Francis Joseph's visit. _ _ The recal of Baron Brenier excites little remark here, as it was well-known beforehand ; and at Naples the matter seems to be taken very coolly. All ver sons of influence here agree that some general con gress is necessary for the adjustment of the nume rous difficulties into which the last congress has thrown all the States of Europe. It is to be hoped a more judicious selection of diplomatists will on this occasion be made. Switzerhnd (Neufchatel), Sardinia and Naples, Spain, Denmark, Turkey, Austria, the Principalities, and the Serpent Island question, open a wide field for diplomatic manage ment at the next congress here. E. W. BRUSSELS, Oct. 29. AT the banquet given to M. Manilius, the Liberal candidate for Ghent at the late elections, a resistance equally determined as that at Brussels on the opening of the University, was exhibited against the Jesuit and Ultramontane party, of which the Bishops of Ghent and Bruges are the avowed leader , . The mention of the King's name drew forth long and loud plaudits, again and again repeated for some minutes. There was no affectation of an exuberant and servile loyalty, but it was a spontaneous demonstration, " una voce," of a personal attachment to a sovereign who on all occasions has proved himself worthy of the esteem and regard of his subjects :—"Un toast qui a provoque d'unanimes et chaleureuses demon strations de patriotisme et crattachement tout per sonnel au Roi et a nos precieuses liberte3 conEtitu tionelles." No king more thoroughly deserves the gratitude of his people —no monarch has more com pletely won and possessed himself of their undivided I