The Press. — London, England, 1857-05-02 00:00:00

THE WEEK. THE proceedings on Thursday in the House of Commons were more tame than is customary on the first assembling of a new Parliament. The ceremonial of electing a Speaker did not evoke those warm cheers which were heard on former occasions. The crowd of new members could not be expected to feel particularly interested in the elevation of a gentleman with whom they were not personally acquainted, and whose merits they had to take on trust. The oratory of Lord HARRY VANE was not calculated to awaken the feelings of the House, though politicians keenly discussed the reasons which induced the Premier to choose so narrow an " Old Whig "' to act as proposer of Speaker DENISON. Such a choice does not smack strongly of any new-born zeal for more Reform Bills. The Premier too was less happy than usual. In referring to predecessors, it would have been as well to have con fined his retrospective eulogy to Speaker SIIAW LEFEVRE, or, as he mentioned Speaker ABERCROMBY, the Noble Lord ought to have men tioned Speaker MANNERS SUTTON, who was excellent in preserving order. One remark was awkward. In congratulating the Speaker elect, Lord PALMERSTON said : While you are yourself a new Speaker, there are a great number of the Members o this Parliament who are new to its walls ; and consequently the task you will have to, fulfil will be more difficult to discharge than that of your predecessors. - - - - It was for that reason, even in a Reformed Parliament, Mr. MANNERS SUTTON was chosen Speaker ; and we still think that the present emi nent occupant of the chair may want special fitness. Now, however, that ho is elected, we sincerely desire that Speaker DENISON may realise the expectations of his friends. But how will the new Parliament work? Are its elements more placed above the popular passions, or more democratic than the last? Are the new Members men who will bring to the work of the session the fresh ardour of newly-born responsibility; or are they dis• posed to fall into the beaten path of the House? Such are among the questions we hear on every side. There probably never wits a time when the conduct of our public men was so likely to influence the destiny of the nation. The want of confidence in the professions of Ministers, especially the shifting, evasive expedients by which dangers are averted and difficulties met, have latterly impaired to a great extent the weight of that influence which the House of Commons ought rightfully to exercise over the nation, and this, too, at a time when the House has virtually assumed the chief agency of Government. The terrible shock to public credit we have seen of late; the social stains from the fraudulent bankruptcies; the iniquitous speculations ; the swindling associations, involving names we were used to think among the highest in the trading world, must be effaced by the spectacle of character and propriety in Parliament. It is there must be seen the denial that exceptional crimes are the characteristics of our time. If we cannot refute the opinion that there are signs of an inevitable degeneracy—the marks of impending decay—our prospect will be indeed a dreary one. The downfall of the late monarchy in France was believed by many to be accelerated by the rottenness and corruption of Parisian society ; crimes the most appalling were rife among classes where such were once utterly unknown, and men saw in their portents the evidences of that infi delity and untrustfulness which sooner than all else saps the moral sense of a people. It is therefore essentially by the influence of Par liament that we hope to see the country brought back to its national self respect. Feelings like these are irrespective of party. We desire, RR Conservatives, to see a House of Commons composed of men strenuously devoted to discharge their high trust, faithful to their oath as statesmen, true to their duties as citizens. There are many names in the list of new Members which strengthen us in these hopes. We sincerely hope that the House will merit the confidence of the country. There was something more than a burst of passionate warmth in that declaration of the old King, that he would take the first sixteen men of honest character he could meet with to govern his realm. There was the innate consciousness that good faith and principle were the greatest requirements of State-craft; and if these were deemed such in days when to the almost despotic will of a few was committed the whole fate of a people, how much more so are they now, when society boasts so loudly of its " progress"? The death of her Royal Highness the Duchess of GLOUCESTER, though it will naturally be the source of deep regret far and wide, is not an event that is in itself melancholy. The Royal Lady had passed a long and honoured life. She had reflected the lustre of private worth and profuse charity upon the race to which she beonged, and had contributed to endear the name of royalty to the English people. She has died full of years and honours, and surrounded by respect and love, and has left not a bitter memory behind her It is pleasant to reflect upon the character which the numerous children of GEORGE 111. won for themselves among the Eng lish of that hearty generation which witnessed their adolescence, and to remember that the genial admiration with which they were regarded in youth was exchanged for respect and esteem in their maturer years. Her Majesty can desire nothing better for her own daughters, than that they may live and di. like the Duchess MARY of Gloucester. SATURDAY, With some earnestness the French journals describe the visit of the Grand Duke CONSTANTINE to be non-political, and abjure any idea of its being other than an excursion purely pleasurable. This is simply absurd. No one has a right to question the motives which have induced the Grand Duke to travel. In Russia, his brother, the Emperor, has invested him with a high and important command ; and if, in examining the arsenals and studying the improvements of naval gunnery in which the Western Powers have shown their marvellous superiority, he should be able to acquire scientific information that he may practically avail himself of on his return to Russia, no one can question the right or the prudence of such a step. In the meantime au occasion will be afforded to the Grand Duke to judge of the friendly disposition that exists towards his country, and of the perfect good faith with which the memory of the past has been effaced from the minds of his former foes. Ho has been received everywhere in France with the most marked attention—a fact that must be gratifying to all who are sincere in their desire for the general peace of Europe. It is not anticipated that the Imperial Duke will extend his visit to Eng land. It is not correct that the differences between Austria and Sardinia are in a fair way of termination. Both Governments have relinquished their projects of a camp for this season; but the interference of Austria by local and Italian agents in the question of the removal of the naval arsenal from Genoa to Spezia is not likely to diminish the mistrust of M. DE CAVOUR towards the Court of Vienna. The priest party are also particularly active in their opposition to the Speziaii project. They declare that it is proposed with a view to consolidate the growing disaffection of Italy, and to render that place the great harbour for Italian commerce. Why the general eligibility of Spezia as a naval arsenal should be quoted as a reason in disfavour of a removal from Genoa does not appear. At Milan the entry of the Archduke MAXIMILIAN was more favour able than had been anticipated. Tuscany at present interests itself in the Modena succession, and sets up a claim for the Archduke CHARLES, the second son of the Grand Duke, to be ultimately invested with that honour. Without entering into any discussion upon the subject, it may be affirmed that the absorption of the petty Duchies into the larger States would be of benefit to Italy. That lethargy in Neapolitan affairs which had induced a hope of either the King or the Western Powers becoming more accessible to negotiation has been dispelled. The late activity of MM. ANTONELLI and CARINI has been in vain. With respect to the Danubian principalities, there is little to be said at present. The elections are postponed, in consequence of certain difficulties which have arisen from the arbitrary conduct at Jassy of the Kaimakan Vogorides in suppressing by force all public expression favourable to the Moldo•Wallschian union. Against this official violence a formal protest has been published, bearing the signatures of E. CATEROIO, P. MAUROJENT, C HORMOURSAKI, J. A. CANTACUZENA, D. COSADINI, GIORGIO STOURDZA, C. ROLLA, A. PANO, and B. MALmEsco. They claim the right of deliberation as well as elec tion, accorded to them by the Treaty of Paris, and deny the right of official interference to influence the decision. Conferences are now sitting at Constantinople upon the questions raised. The last China mail has brought us important intelligence. We find the effects of the Canton bombardment spreading throughout the China seas, and the cunning Asiatic spirit kindled into " detestable acts" of retaliation. Among a race of people so situated, so com bined, and so provoked, we must not regard this fact as a matter of light consideration. Assuming that the bombardment of Canton was an act of justice, it must at least be acknowledged that it was neither one of sound sense nor politic. From the last day of the bombardment to the latest date, Sir MICHAEL SEYMOUR has been barely able to maintain open the passage of the river. He can afford no support to distant points, and on the first insurrection we find Sir JAMES BROOKE, in defence of his very existence, driven to turn loose those wild and inhuman savages the llyaks, revelling in murder, robbery, and rapine. The Chinese of Sarawak doubtless deserved their terrible chastisement, but it is painful to contemplate such scenes of savage cruelty, and to observe howsoon the national character becomes infected with the merciless spirit of our antagonists. Sir JOHN BOWRING'S position is not one to be envied. Upon his head lies the blood of every murdered man and woman, English and Chinese, at Sarawak. He has aroused a spirit of revenge among the Chinese colonists that he had neither the sagacity to foresee nor the power to restrain. The inhumanity of his conduct has only been equalled by its impolicy. As there can be no longer any doubt that the war will be a great war, it is legitimate to assume that it will embrace great objects,—the extension of our trade to the north, the opening of fresh ports, possibly a resident ambassador at Pekin. From the recent republication of the old China Parliamentary papers, it would seem that the occupation of Chusan or Formosa is intended. Now. we want trade, not territory, in China. If we wish to preserve our friendly relations with the other great Powers of the world, we THE PRESS. 432