The Press. — London, England, 1855-07-28 00:00:00

702 The Conservative party is clear from all the blunders which led to the war—it is clear from the blunders of the war itself. None of the deplorable transactions of the last two years attach to it. But if it were not in a minority, it would not be in opposition. Its warnings have been ncOetsted. Thapeople would have Lord PALmEnstoe—they are not yet tired of him, though there is scarcely a man in the; kingdom more unfit for the post he tux. His nature is too trifling to be animated by a grand ambition, and his instincts too selfish to allow him to look beyond his own immediate personal ends. The one object of his life has been place, and by having early concentrated all his energies to attain it, and by pursuing it through every maze of change and intrigue, he has achieved a larger measure of success than would have been possible to statesmen of higher capacity and purer aim. In this manner, unprincipled mediocrity may often distance genius and patriotism united. He has no care for principles, except as they are in some sort or other connected with the party to which he attaches himself as best able to advance his interests. Such a man, however high he may rise, can never be anything better than an adventurer. He has dexterity, but no force. He wants intellect to strike out a vigorous and consistent course of policy, and moral passion to vivify it. The jester's bells, not the thunderbolts of supreme authority, are appropriate to his hand. It is a bad sign if the people applaud as he shakes them, and, ignorant of their peril, contentedly resign themselves to his giddy guidance. SIR WILLIAM MOLESWORTH. No more conclusive sign of the exhaustion of Liberal statesmen can be seen than in the de light of certain coteries at the appointment of Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH to a Secretaryship of the Colonies. Recollecting the whimsical conduct of the Philosophical Radicals in other days, the nomination of the enthusiastic editor of " Hobbes" has a touch at once of the hu morous and sentimental. It is not all at once that we can recognise the transitions from the Radical Baronet into the colleague of the pupil of CASTLEREAGH, from the follower of Mr. Roe- BUCK and Mr. WARBURTON into the associate of the GRANVILLES and the GREYS. But a Hob house, the patron of the Cobbett school, even tually became a Whig and a Peer. With some " Liberal" politicians the platform is sought for as the stepping-place to a title, and to rail against Lords is considered the best way of becoming numbered amongst them. Talking democracy while thinking of DEBRETT, your rich leveller chuckles as he uses the multitude for his tools. Constitutional Governments have no more troublesome politicians than the dandy demagogues. Against Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH personally we entertain no prejudice. We never liked the school to which he belonged, because it is unreal, unpractical, and un-English. What school he belongs to now, and to what extent be may be conventionalised, it would be difficult to determine. When first he came WILLIAM MOLESWORTR Was for his mixture of outlandish )utrageous Radicalism. He with astonishing waistcoats theories. His hat looked like ; his walking cane had a viduality ; and even his handker of crotchets. He lisped out sentiments with a die-away I, :ed long about the people, and about his tailors. It was im . him bring forward a motion the Constitution of England rget him. His foppery was wonderful ; and in those hardly blame him for professing (possibilities, since he himself . From SoLow and Mei:mous on to JEREMY BErrnAM and was original in his oddity, queer in the raptures of his dress, his appearance, his affectel tone of manners were being entirely peculiar, as if a IUECHEEK had been the pupil of .Ls, and started in the nineteenth imitator of Count D'ORSAY in a into notice, Sir 'V most remarkable fa dandyism and ou was then a senator and astounding th a circle of revolutic fantastic individus chief seemed full ( revolutionary sen languor, and talke thought deeply al possible to hear I for abolishing th and ever to forg really something days we could har to believe in imp looked like one. ho used to skip a himself; and he and singularly q egotism. His diction, and his a L ........_ suggestive of a bl Sir ANDREW AGM the Abbe SIEYEEI,I century as an im masquerade. • THE PRESS. But we have been diribing only the MOLESWORTH of aspirations. - The borough of Southwark knows a personage of that name ; and it is with a Ai baronet with a large estate in the baron*, a votary of the ballot, and wilt no oldactien la trimmers, and WWI vast resources of patronage, that they Kra practically conversant. The Baronet of theb' acquaintance is preciuss to them for his riches, his hailuences glad liar connection with tilo Cabinet. It is not the first time that a coati ' tion has been struck up between revolutionary theorists and political jobbers. But what the Radicals of Southwark may do is of com paratively little importance when compared with the more serious questions as to whether Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH is fit for his new office, and as to whether he has come to it fairly? Upon his aptitude for the Secretaryship of the Colonies, it is enough to say that Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH has never displayed capacity for affairs during his extended career of upwards of twenty years. With abundance of leisure, he was certainly able to digest blue-books, and speak pamphlets (not speeches) to the House of Commons. Apparently very for mid able on paper, he was never effective on his legs. Even when a question seemed to be shaped specially for his hand, he failed in de• cisivoly grasping it. Thus, on the Corn Laws he was immeasurably surpassed by Mr. CHARLES VILLIERS, Mr. COBDEN, and Mr. BRIGHT, and none of his voluminous writings on the subject ever approached the vigour and variety of General PERRONET THOMPSON. In dealing with individuals, Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH has never shown tact or facility. He tried to form a party nine years since, and to lead it. In doing so he utterly failed. He imitated BURKE, however, in one respect. His speeches cleared the House ; but, unlike BURKE, his speeches were made, not for posterity, but for " flimsy." The accuracy with which they were given to the world was considered a marvel lous feat in stenography. But it did not re quire much acquaintance with Parliamentary circles to know that the editor of " Hobbes ' was quite capable of producing an original work to illustrate the title of "Every Man his own Reporter." On the other question, as to whether the present Secretary for the Colonies came by his office fairly, we should like to inquire— " How long has he been a Palmerstonian ?" It is no secret that certain friends of the new Secretary openly boasted during the Cabinet dissensions last autumn that " MOLESWORTH " supported Lord ABERDEEN, and went with " him on all occasions." That such assertions were made and believed in is beyond doubt. But a change has again come over the " philo sophical" politician. He has again migrated when the Aberdeen regions were visited with severe weather. One of his qu ondam asso ciates was likened to a " bird of prey " by Lord, JoHN RUSSELL; and it is plain, by his facility in flight, that Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH Would be classified in any political museum as " a bird of passage." THE "LEADER" OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. IF there is any one feature in our English domestic manners more strongly marked than another, it is our dislike to " scenes," or those passages of personal display in which the coarser elements of character are glaringly revealed. On Thursday our Prime Minister again came out with his blustering language, and overbearing demeanour. This arrogant, menacing tone towards those members who wished to discuss the important question of " Limited Liability," was quite unprovoked. The Prime Minister attempted to crush there by holding them up as " monopolists." But if he had his wits about him, Lord PALMERS TON should have remembered that such a style of debate neither suited his own per. sonal antecedents, nor the dignity of Parlia ment. He is raising the question, whether the House of Commons ought to endure such manners in the person who is called upon to lead the Lower House. If such a tone of speaking be continued, either Lord PALMERS TON cannot long continue to lead Parliament, SATURDAY, or the Commons cannot long remain respected by the community. Of coarse, the obieet of such defiant de portment was plain to every one. Domestic legislation has been entirely neglected by the Cable* and, to make a show of work, the Minintry at the lant menient endeavour to pass the Limited Liabilky Bill. Owing to the differences of upinioa on it in the corn ' meroial world, such Mr measure should receive compiate discussion. It was not introduced until after Whitsuntide, and at the eleventh hour it is brought forward by the Cabinet. Under such circumstances it is really most offensive to talk cant about a measure being opposed by "the few" while the interests of " the many " are concerned in its enactment. If so, why leave the measure till the end of July ? Why consume the time of the House of Commons about the Scotch Educa tion Bid and the Irish Tenant Right Question, abandoned the other day? In such a case attempting to coerce the House of Commons is scandalous. Yet there might even be temper in doing that. There is no necessity for a shouting tone, an uplifted arm, and a swaggering air, in addressing the gentlemen of England. The exact reverse of such attributes are required from a man who is ex officio the Leader of the Commons. For once the Whig families seem to have been right in their long continued opposition to making Lord PALMERSTON their leader. Good breeding, not gross bullying, even if " Patrician," was deemed by them a prime requisite for the office, and the House of Commons ought to have even more self-respect than " the families." The Premier must be taught to change his manners u.s quickly as he has done his principles. OUDE AND CASHMERE. IN a late article on Nagpore and Tehree we gave an authentic example of the principle on which the Company deals with successions in the native States of India. If the country is rich, and worth annexing, it seizes upon the territory, and plunders the Royal Family of their private property as well. If, on the other hand, the district is one likely to be productive only of difficulties and loss, it is left to be governed as it may, and the absti nence from spoliation is trumpeted forth as an act of generosity quite unparalleled. We shall exhibit in the present article a further il lustration of the principle which really guides the Company in its conduct towards native States. The Company, be it remembered, professes to be guided entirely by the purest benevolence, by the deepest sympathy with suffering humanity, and by so ardent a devo tion to the cause of justice, virtue, and civili sation, that it deems it a crime in any native sovereign, to be expiated only by dethrone ment, if he falls short in the slightest degree of the very exalted standard which it lays down. Such is the principle the Company professes to act on. We shall see how far their profession is in accordance with their practice in their respective dealings towards Oude and towards Cashmere. Oude is, as all the world knows, the richest native State in India, and it certainly lies most invitingly exposed to seizure by us. It has long been greatly coveted by the Com pany, but the Company has hitherto held back its hand for very shame. The worst that has been proved against it iathat the King is not a very moral man, and prefers retirement and the indulgence of his pleasures to public business, as Christian sovereigns have occa sionally done before him. As to the rest, a good deal is said about the misgovernment of Oude by the servants of the Company who are seeking grounds to annex it ; but probably an equally dark picture would be drawn of the Company's government by the servants of the King of OUDE. One thing is certain, that when Oude was under a worse king than the present, Bishop HEBER testified to the false hood of these charges, saying that the country was everywhere cultivated like a garden, and that the people were in no respect worse off, and in many respects better, than those living under the Company's rule. The Honourable U