Star. — London, England, 1811-01-02 00:00:00

wresting from her at any future time, rendered the tlittlt that was committed more evident, and chewed the full extent of it. 6 , An enlightened man,who during the short interval of the peace of Amiens visited Paris, and had learned to know France and your Majesty, was put at the head of affairs in England. This man of genius compre hended the situations of the two countries. He per ceived, that it was not in the power of ally State to compel France to retrograde ; and that the true policy consisted in arresting her progress. He perceived,. that by the success obtained over the third coalition, the question was changed ; and that it must no longer be thought of contesting with France the possessions' that she acquired by victory; but that it was neces sary, by a speedy peace, to prevent those new acqui- ' sitions which the continuation of the war would ren- ' derinevitable. This Minister did not conceal any of the advantages which France derived from the erro. neous policy of England; but he had in view those which she might still acquire. He thought that ' England would gain much if none of the Continen tal Powers lost more. Be directed his policy to dis. arm France, and to have the Confederation of the , North of Germany recognized in opposition to the Confederation of the Rhine. He perceived that rrussia could only be preserved by peace ; and that on the tate of that Power depended the system of Saxony. ofHessia, of Hanover, the fate of the mouths of the Ems, of the Jade, of the Weser, of the Elbe, of the Oder, and of the 'Visalia, ports necessary for the commerce of England. Like a great man, Fox did not deliver himself up to useless sorrow fur the rupture if the Treaty of Amiens, and dosses hence forth irreparable—he wished to prevent greater, and lie sent Lord Lauderdale to Paris. negociations`began, and every thing led tra:tbat they would have ended happily ; when Fox died. From that time they languished. The Ministers were neither sufficiently enlightened nor temperate to perceive the necessitr of peace. Prussia, erzcited by that spirit which England infused into all Europe, put her troops in mirth. The Imperial Guard re ceived orders to set out; Lord Lauderdale appeared terrified at the consequences of the new events that were preparing. gi It was proposed to sign the treaty ; that Prussia should be included in it, and that the Confederation Of the North of Germany should be recognised. Your Majesty, with that spirit of moderation' of which you have given such frequent examples to Europe, con sented. ' The departure ef the Imperial Guard was delayed for some days but Lord Lauderdale hesi tated lie thought it necessary to send a Messenger to his Court, and that Messenger brought him an or der to return (1). .In a few days after Prussia no longer existed as a preponderating Power. si Posterity will consider that period as one of the most decisive in the histories of Englaad and of France. • ft The treaty of Tilsit put an end to the fourth eoalinoti." ' a Two great Sovereigns, lately enemies, united in offering peace to England ; but that Power, who, -notwithstanding all the forewarning she had received, could not bring herself to subscribe to conditions vrhkb would leave France in a. ;more ai-antagrus situation than she was after ; the treaty of Amiens, would not enter into a negtictation; the unavoidable consequence of which would have been to place France in a situation still more to her advantage (2). We refused, it was said in England, a treaty which main tained the north of Germany, Prussia, Saxony, Hessia, and Hanover independent of France, and which se cured all the outlets of our trade ; how, then, could we agree at this time to conclude with the Emperor of the French, when he has extended the Confedera tion of the Rhine to the north of Germany, and to found, on the banks of the Elbe, a French Throne, a peace, which, by the course of things, whatever the stipulations might be, would leave under his influence 'Hanover and all the ports of the north, these principal arteries of our commerce ? " Those men who coolly took a view of the sitna tien of England, replied:—Two coalitions, of which each ought to have lasted ten years, have been van quished in a few months; the new advantages acquired by France are the result of those events, and England can no longer oppose them : doubtless the tteaty"of Amiens met never to have been violated. It was proper in the next place, to adhere to the policy of Fox. Let us at least profit by the lessons of expe rience, and avoid a third mistake. Instead of throwing our eyes back on the past, let us turn them to the future : the Peninsula is still entire, and directed by a Gavernmen . t secredy hostile to France. Hither is the weakness of the Spanish Ministers, and the per sonal sent;ments of the old King, have retained Spain in the system of France. • A new 2 eign will unhold the germs of hatred between the two nations. The Family compact has beereannihilated, and audit one of the advantages which England has derived' from the Revolution. Holland, though governed by a French Prince, enjoys her independence ; it is her in t( rest to remain as the medium of our coximercc with the Continent, and to favour that contna . ce . fer the purpose of partaking in its profits. Have we not Lesson to fear, should the war be continued, that France may establish her influence in the Peninsula, and her custom-houses in Holland.? 4 Such was the language cif men Ittefrlntew how to penetrate into the secrets of. futurity With pakt they saw the peace rejected, which Was proposed by Russia. They doubted not tkat the whole flontinent, *mild wan be ravished fronfEngland; end that an order of things which it was irnpossible to prevent would be established in Spain and in Holland. • ib in the mean whiile, England demanded of the Honipof &vans*, that it should quit the Peninsula, and take refuge on oho Brazils. The partisans of the English ministry sowed feuds among the Princes of the House oftpaft4 --The reigning dynasty was re moved for ever; and, in consequence of the arranle *tents *at ileyettne, a new Sovereign, having with France one common power and origin, was called to the Government of Spain. " The interview at Erfurth gave occasion to neve prepotals f r peace; but they were also rejected ($). The same spirit which bad broken off the Uegocia tions of Lord Lauderdale directed the affairs of Eng- The fiftli coalition broke out, the new events of which again turned out cdvantageous to France, the only ports by which England preserved an avowed ensurenalcition with the C.9lltillerit, torch!! ‘iitiA the Illyrian Provinces, paned under the power of your Majesty by the Treaty tsf Vienna, and the allies of the empire beheld their power increased. * • " The BritishOideri in Council' hatt overthrown the lams of the commerce of the world ; England, whose whole existence is attached to commerce, lied thus thrown disorder into the commerce of other nations. She had contemned all its privileges. The Decrees ot.Berlin amyl of Milan had repelled these monstrous novelties. Holland found that her posi tion was a difficult one ; her Government had not an action sufficiently energetic ; her custom-houses afforded too little security to permit that centre of continental commerce to remain much longer insu .lated from France. Your Majesty, for the interests of your people, and to secure the execution of the sys ' tem which you. had opposed to the tyrar.nical act of England, saw yourself compelled to change the fate of Holland. Your Majesty, nevertheless, constant in your system, and in your desire of peace, gave Eng land to understand that she could not preserve the independence of Holland, but by recalling her Orders in Council, or adopting pacific views. The Ministers of a .commercial nation treated with levity overtures so greatly interesting to its commerce. They replied, that England had no power over the fate of Holland. In the illusions of their pride, they misconceived the motives of that measure ; they pretended to see in it an acknowledgment of the efficacy of their Orders in Council, and Holland was united (4). Since they would have it so, Sire, I think it useful at this mo ment, and I propose to your Majesty to consolidate that union by a Senatus•Consulta. 4 , The annexation of the Hanseatic Towns of liau enburg, and of the whole coast from the Elbe to the Ems, is commanded by circumstances. That territory is already under the dominion of your Majesty. ~ The immense warehouses at Heligoland, - ould always threaten to inundate the Continent, if a single point remained open to the English trade upon the Coasts of the North Sea ; and if the mouths of the Jade, the Weser, and the Elbe, were for ever closed against her. . • " The British Orders in Council have totally de stroyed the privileges of neutral navigation ; your Majesty can no longer supply your arsenals, and have a sure channel for your commerce with the North, but by means of internal navigation. The repairing and enlarging of the canal between Hamburgh and Lubeck, and the construction of a new canal which will unite the Elbe to the Weser, and the Wezer to the Ems, which will only require tour or five years labour and an expenditure of 15 or 20 millions, in a coun try, the soil of which offers no physical obstacles, will open to the French merchants a cheap, easy, and sate route. Your empire can always trade with the Bal tic, convoy to the North the produce of her soil and her manufactures, and draw from thence the articles necessary for your Majesty's navy. " The flags of Hamburgh, of Bremen, and of Lubeck, which at present wander on the seas, dena tionalised by the British Orders in Council, will share the fate of the French flag, and join with it for the interest of the common cause, in re-establishing the liberty of the seas. _ Peace will take place at last ; for sooner or later, the great interests of nations, of justice, and of hu manity, will prevail over passion and hatred. But the experience of 60 years has :hewn us that peace with England can only afford to commerce a deceitful secu rity. In 1756, in February, 1793, in 1801, in the in. stance of Spain, as in May, 1803, the period of the rup ture of the Treaty of Amiens, England commenced hostilities before she declared war. Vessels which navi gated in the faith of peace, were taken by surprize ; commerce was plundered, peaceable citizens were de prived of their liberty, and the ports of England were filled with these disgraceful trophies. Should these, examples be ever renewed, the subjects of England travelling either for pleasure or business, whose pro. perties and persons shall be secured in all our ports from the Baltic sea to the Adriatic gulf, will be an swerable for these attempts; and if the English Go vernment, for the purpose of making the people of London forget the injustice of the war, will gratify them with the sight of prizes taken in contempt of the law of nations, they will also have it in their power to shew them the losses which will most certainly re rult from it. 41 Sire, your Majesty will persevere in your decrees so long as England persists in her Orders in Council. You will oppose to the maritime blockade, the conti nental blockade ; and to the plunder on the seas, the confiscation of English merchandize on the continent. It k my duty to acquaint your Majesty, that you can have henceforth no hope to bring back your ene mies to mote moderate ideas than by persevering in this system. The result of it will be to place Eng land in such a disagreeable situation, that she will be at length compelled to acknowledge that she cannot violate the laws -of neutrals on the sea, and claim their protection on the continent ; that the sole source of her misfortunes is in her Or ders in Council ; and that the increase of the power of France, which will icng excite her spite and jea lously, is owing to the blind passions of those, who,' hdving broken the Treaty of Amiens, put an surd to the negotiation at Paris, rejected the proposition from Tilsit and Erfurth, disdained the overtures made be fore the annexation of Holland, have given the List blow to her trade and her power, and conducted your Empire to the fulfilment of high destinies.—l am, Sir, with respect, your Imperial and Royal Majesty's devoted subject and servant, (Signed) CII.IIIPAGNY, Duke of Cadore. " Paris, thec. S. Mo." BREAM—Yesterday there being no Court of Alder. men, the LORD MAYOR, after inspecting the Returns, I ordered it to continue at present prices. CORN MARKET, MARK-LANE, JANUARY 2.—To-day 1 there are but few arrivals of Wheat at Market,...net much remaining on hand, and last prices fully sup , • ported—Barley at the last advance—Malt at little va • nation—White and Grey Peas somewhat cheaper— , New Tick Beans 345. to 40s.—Old as under—the re : maining quantities of Oats' re rather considerable, and prices nearly at our last quotation—Flour without al-, teration. 1 CLXIMILII CV/CRISICY AS (INDEX. Wheat, MK Rds air. Beans (old), Ana. 561. Fine tttto, 96. 106 s, 't IA duro (old), 454. 51s. Rye (new), 24.. Sec Oats, 231 v7s. 3&*. Barley, 255. 411. Poland dlrto, Sri. 354. Istal., 66. 731. Putatoe ditto, S6s. 6d. White Peas (boilers), SO& Ms. 'tape Seed, £45, £4)41. 1 . .Fuw Flour, Ws. %Ric —Sezvakis, 7so. W ilk. • MitLIABIIINTARr PROTBEDINGS. dimmannm•limamil HOUSE OP COMMONS, JANUARY 1. The House having resolved itself into a Committee The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose. He said, ticit after what he had alreadY stated upon the subject in general, but more particularly upon that part of it which now came under their con sideration, he should not delay them long. There now remained little more for him than to repeat what he had said upon the former occasion, and recom mended it to the particular consideration and aiten*- tion of the Committee. The general substance of the Resolution which he was now to submit, whatever might be the opinion as to its particular points, was of great importance. lie felt no hesitation to press upon their minds, on this night, as he did the night before, the consideration of his Majesty's feelings. If after an early recovery, which no man in the House could say might not take place—( Rear, hear, from the Opposition Benches;)—if atter the lapse of sir weeks his Majesty was to surmount the dangers of his dis order, and recollecting what had been done in the former instance, should find that he did not meet with the same consideration now, as under similar circum stances he had then experienced, he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would ask, what must be his sen sations on such a discovery ? (Some dissatisfaction ex- pitted on the OPp.fitiOn Jae.) He observed, that if 1 there was any impropriety in what he had said, he ' hoped Gentlemen would have the gOodness to state it, in order that he might have an opportunity of no ticing the objection ; but till some reason was advan ced, he should feel himself entitled to contend, that if any duty was binding on them after a due atten tion to the public service, it was the duty of consul ting the feelings of the Monarch under the present distressing circumstance.. He would with to know whether he could be called to order for a sentiment of h is description. (Har, hear.) Or whether he wit to be prevented from putting to the feelings of the House what operated so strongly upon his own ? ( Hear, hear.) He would beg the Committed to con sider, that the question this night was, whether any, the smallest, pause should be interposed with, lie would not say a sanguine, but even with the smallest hope of his Majesty's recovery. Surely Parliament would not think it necessary, with much less grounds of expectation than they had at present, to re-establish the Household, and prepare a different state of things than which his Majesty could be presumed to wish. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) should think, that even if the smallest period was allowed to inter. pose, it would be better than nothing; but was at the same time confident that no national injury nor constitutional danger could result from agreeing to the period he proposed. He knew that some Gentle. men considered the question of economy involved in the vote of that night, and the proposition of his Right Honourable Friend (Mr. Canning) under the gal lery was calculated to give some countenance to the opinion ; but did that question of economy bear with any weight upon the subject ? There was the Lord Chamberlain, the Lords of the Bed Chamber, the Groom of the Stole, and some few others ; and the Prince of Wares would probably not require so many. ' The whole expence would be covered by fourteen or fifteen thousand pounds, so that if Gentlemen would *consider it lairly, tale question of economy was not involved, at least to any degree, that should make them apprehensive of the consecoenCes. When they considered, in addition to this, that the grant was not required for any length of time, but merely for the space of twelve months, surely there was not a liberal man in the country who would wish for any altera tion while a hope remained. But it had been urged that this establishment, being in the power of the Queen, might be 'considerably abused. lie would allow that it was possible a Member might be dismis sed for his conduct in Parliament by her Majesty, and this he would allow to be a great abuse of the powers with which her Majesty was entrusted ; but he would put it to their own common sense whether they could suspect her of such an attempt, with a powcr so limited with respect to time? Yet.still, if Gentle men would be satisfied with dashing out the words— " power of removal," he would not object to such a modification. In principle he conceived it to be wrong ; the porter at his Majesty's gate was appoin ted by the Lord Chamberlain ; the scullion in his kitchen by the Lord Steward ' • and others in like manner ; yet this should not interfere with a Parlia mentary regulation. Such being the view he took of the subject, he would leave it with the Committee to decide ; but again he would intreat therm to consider the mischief they would do if they did nut agree to the proposition for a little time ? He allowed that the question of Peerages was a much greater Consti tutional consideration than the present, but the pre sent had a nearer application to his Majesty's perso nal feelings, and was more calculated to secure his easy return to the functions of his high office, and the resumption of that power with Which he was invested by the Constitution. He concluded with moving the fifth Resolution.—The question being put, Lord GOWER stated his objection to the expence which would attend the proposed establishment, and which was now unnecessary. The nation, he was persuaded, would willingly give every thing requisite to support the proper magnificence of the Executive Government; but dining his Majesty'sretirement there was no necesaity for external splendour, besides, the granting of it in the present instance would go to con . s:itute another political party. For these reasons he should move, as an amendment to the Chancellor of the Exchequer's Resolution, that that part which re lated to the removing of his Majesty's attendants should be left out, far the purpose of insertng, 4,to gether with the sole direction of such portion , of his Majesty's Household as should be deemed suitable to a due attendance and regard to the Royal Person." Mr. MARTIN protested against that mode of ar guing, which consisted rather in professions of per sonal attachment to the Sovereign than in observa tions upon the merits of the question. He did not wish to be judged by his professions, and therefore should make none. The measure proposed was not, of a mere negative kind ; it did not merely refuse to intrust the prerogatives to the Regent, but it entrusted them to a person not recognized in the Constitution. As to the question of economy ?be not consider it as disconnected with the present question, as had been represented. Did the Right' Honourable Gentleman mean to propose ne.w Wes) supply 'the very while gent. a bad Privy Mr. from to _ expellee An 4 did ht not know that i is was Nat se mull the such, as the consideration that it might isespatrod,which would operate upon thepeople, All thiy-weernow called upon to do was, to provid. for his Majesty's comfort and conienience, for splen.*l dour was a thing W. could not now enjoy ; it there. I fore would not be right to impose an additional taxa tion on the people for the purpose of supporting an additional household. Seeing nothing to dread from the management of the hotisehold by the Regent, be should heartily support the amendment. Mr. G. .Net-INS I'ON F. declared, that he was ac. ' tuated by no other motive than the eon,' of the coon. try in the conduct he pursued in 'that Home. He approved of the sentiments of the Right Hon. Gen tleman under him (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) with regard to his Majesty, and would have thought that be was wanting in that respect which he owed to a beneficent Sovereign if he had delivered himself in any other teems. ' But although he approved of his cot-KlWl...that respect, he vfrotad . no: agree with him in filite"te he 'should give this fight. •He had , considered the precedents upon the"subject to the best of hii ability s 'especially that of 1788, and though he agreed sirith it, as far as it Rent to recognise the ri in the House to supply the deficiency that had tunately taken place, he did not approve of , 'frictions which were then intended to be put .upon the Regent, or consider them as judicious; and the same motives that should induce them ' to consider r the powers of the King to be granted for the good of the people, should influence them to look upon the powers of the Regent as granted for a similar pur pose. He was surprised 'to hear the expences of the Household stated at so low a rate, and believed that he was not mistaken when he asserted, that it would give the Queen the command of £406,001. He would de the Right Hon. Gentleman on the bench under him the justice to say, that he did not see in his con duct a wish to arrogete-any powe r t o hi mse lf ; h e didl not wish to go out of his way to pay him a oomph ment, he had not done so when his power promised to be of longer duration than it did now ; but in justice I he must remark, that he had shewn an independence and vigour of conduct which did him honour. - • 1 Mr. ADDINGTON said, that he rose principally for one purpose, and one only, to advert in a manner not quite so cold as the Honourable Gentleman silo spoke last, to the extraordinary language which the Learned Gentleman, who spoke last but one, lied made use of. He could not but express his esontiA ment, in which he hoped a great majority of the House, ) would concur, that the Le ar n e d Gentleman sho ul d ' have had the indecency almost to call his Right Hop.' Friend (Mr. Perceval) to order, for having made use of his Majesty's name, in the way, and with the vire with which it had been done. It had been made staid )in the strictest correctness of argument — for what wls lit adverting to ? To the much-desired event of Ins Majesty's restoration to health ; that which a greater national object it was, at this time, in every point of view, impossible to contemplate. What, when we were discussing a subject, in every step we took anon which his Majesty's rights and deareit interests were involved, were we to be told that k was our daty carefully to abstain from even making use of thel Royal name ? I; such was really our duty, be defied Any Member of the House who might be delivcrr 'hie sentiments, to execute it, whatever might• be his efforts. He would tell the Learned Gentle %an that, on parliamentary grounds, heeds i n a complete ems-, al would assert, without fear of contradi c ti o n, die t whole question might be argued exc l us i ve ly; : i round Sovereign on the Throne. Where w as th e mais a. , ~ had a spark of generosity or loyalty in his breast, w..• would disclaim such feeling ? He (Mr. A.) w , • not rest on that ground, conscious that hi the part. was taking he stood on firmer ground — ou t h e spi t of the Constitution itself—not to be trampled op,ii s but to support him. And yet he could by no mean, wish that the question should be argued quite ee dray as the Learned Gentleman seemed to recommend. He would not do it himself. " Este mei memeres„" might surely be supposed to be the sentiment even now, from the bed of sickness itself, uppermost in the Royal mind, as directed to his Houses of Perhiment assembled in deliberation on this distressing and pro. mentous occasion—" Este mei memores," not from sym ' pathy in my affliction—not because I feel that I have any claim on your gratitude and that of the country at large for my unceasing efforts, during a lo ng and eventful reign, to cherish your rights, and to protect per privileges, but because I know that the preser vation of my tights is inseparebly connected with your present and future welfare—because I am still your King on the throne of my ancestors, with my polio, ' cal capacity entire; and as such, which you all know, an integral part of the British Constitution.—Mr. 4. added, that not having quite made up his mind to the immediate question before the House, he was de • rous to hear the opinions of other Gentlemen upon 3 before he decided. He rather thou g ht t h e amen - ment too loose and indefinite, and was inclined at present to think, that on the resolution now move it might be safest to adhere to the precedent of 1788, at least . in principle; and, amongst oth er reasons, foe the very powerful one given by the Chancellor of tilt Exchequer. Perhaps some useful modifications of it Might be introduced in the subsequent stages. • Lord MILTON said that the question now was * not Whether the Prerogative.should be withheld from one, but whether it should bc taken, and* given to another, whether they would ereate e an Estatg,wiehia an estate ? The Right Hon. Gentleman wits desirous to give the influence to her Majesty, he (lositel,M.) entertained every respect for her Mejesty As the wire of his Sovereign, but he did not sell why any one should wish to place in the hands ofahe Queen those powers which they would not entrust to,the,harels.9f the Regent. The object was to separate the ..-- from the Government, and create an influence ag+. which . - '• • -- to struggle.-- The Ri) a to be' jurious Gentle would for the would ich the Government would have to struggle.-- e Right Honourable Gentleman appeared to bey y cautious of establishing a bad precedent, but ile he was so anxious to guard against a bad It.. t, he forgot that it was necessary to guard against ad Queen, as if ambition might not be equally us. ions in one character as in the other. He begged atlemen also to carry in thpir minds tliat they ild hereafter be called upon.to vote same proVisioit the notitica:'n aof the King's recovery and that 31d probably e not by Parliament, but by the vy council, vonic4 wa# the Council ut the Queen. Qr. STEPHEN ;yid, he coull - Larslky rvir.ii:4 n ; uttering his .Qf eij