The Press. — London, England, 1856-11-01 00:00:00

1044 THE WEEK. WE are reminded this week by the organ of the Premier•, that on Mon day last " expired the six months fixed by the Treaty of Paris for the final evacuation of the Turkish territories, and for the closing of the Straits of the Dardanelles to ships of war, with the exceptions stipu lated for in the text of the Treaty." It is to be greatly regretted that the stipulations of the Treaty have not been executed. The Ministe rial print asserts, that Russia is chargeable with the delay. The diplo matists of Russia would, of course, tell another tale ; nor does it appear that that Power has anything to gain by the protraction of a state of things which allows Austrian forces to retain possession of the Principalities, and leaves the Black Sea open to a British squadron. To whatever cause the delay in the execution of the Treaty is to be referred, it is to be regretted, as it keeps Europe unsettled, and affords probability to those rumours so industriously propagated by Minis• terial jonrnals and speeches—that we are still, in their favourite lan guage, on the edge of a volcano, and that we must keep ourselves in a state of pi eparation for a renewal of European warfare. At present, we are certainly not in possession of those benefits which we had a right to expect from the return of peace. The attitude of our Foreign-office continues to be still extremely ambiguous. It is generally understood that Austria is countenanced by the British Cabinet in her continued occupation of the Princi palities, and that the two Governments are closely allied on the general question of Turkish policy. On the other hand, Lord PALMERSTON'S Admininistration favours the idea that it is totally opposed to Austria as respects Italian affairs; and the remarkable ex pression of the Premier's organ, that the Italian question is now narrowed to a sharp point, and that point a sword at the heart of Austria, is not to be forgotten. Without presuming that a print known to be in the confidence of any distinguished political per sonage, will on every occasion express his sentiments, it is only reasonable to suppose that on cardinal points of policy it will not be opposed to the views of the person who is known to inspire it. How the Cabinet of Lord PALMERSTON can be cordially agreed with Austria on one question, and most hosti!e to it on another•, is not easily to be understood. Yet we must suppose this double-handed game is being played, unless we accept what is probably the more rational supposition, that the hostility affected towards Austria on the Italian question is merely a trick of bottle•holding to satisfy the Liberal propagandists in this country. We have some reason to believe that the French Government regards this ambidextrous dealing with great dislike, and that explanations have been required concerning it. Sir ROBERT PEEL seems determined to maintain his character for indiscretion. It would have been easy for him at his recent after dinner display to have given his bearers some account of his expe rience at Moscow without, at all events, using any offensive expressions towards the representative of France. But Sir ROBERT seems to have been eager to show that the insinuations against our great Ally did not want for his concurrence. He remarked most invidiously, that Lord GRANVILLE knew how to maintain the dignity of his country without descending to those unworthy concessions to Russia which marked the conduct of the representative of another Power. The allusion could only he to the Count DE MORNY ; and we imagine it impossible that this indecent remark front the lips of a member of the British Government, and from the Secretary to the Special Embassy sent to grace the coronation of the Emperor ALEXANDER 11., can be suffcred to pass without a demand for explanation For the very reason of Sir ROBERT PEEL'S personal insignificance and levity, he may be regarded as a straw in the air to show the direction of the wind. The present Viceroy of Ireland continues his career of catering to the appetites of Roman Catholic place-hunters. Whenever a Roman Catholic official dies or is promoted, Lord CARLISLE immediately fills up the place by gazetting to the post another gentleman of the same persuasion in religion. This week we have to record the nomination of Colonel KEOGH of Carlow to the Stipendiary Magistracy vacated by the Honourable MARTIN FhENCH. Like his official predecessor, Colonel KEOGH is a Roman Catholic. Taking this promotion in connection with Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL getting the valuable office of his brother-in- law, and the continuous appointments of Roman Catholics to the judicial offices in Ireland, we are justified in concluding that the Whig party has resolved to keep up its old connection with the Roman Catholic influence. In England the Whigs will, after their old fashion, excite the prejudices of the Protestant Dissenters, while in Ireland it would appear that they intend to use Roman Catholic instruments as means of securing themselves in office. The policy of the Whigs is therefore laid bare by Lord CARLISLE'S system of patronage, and it is important that such a peculiar dispensation of the favours of the Crown should not be overlooked by the Protestants and Conservatives of the empire. Nor let any one be deceived by the fact that Mr. BLACKBURNE, an eminent Conservative, has been just chosen for the Judge of Appeal in Ireland. We had already drawn attention to the circumstance that out of the twelve judges at Dublin only four have been chosen from the Conservative Bar. Under such circumstances we doubt whether the Whigs could have had the audacity to pass over the matchless claims of Mr. BLACKBURNE for the office of Judge of Appeal. As ex-Chancellor of Ireland, independently of his unrivalled legal efficiency, Mr. BLACHBURNE was obviously most suited for the post : We have not the least desire to oppose the legitimate claims of qualified Roman Catholics aspiring to political office. We do not make any charge against any of the gentlemen selected by Lord CAR. SATURDAY, LISLE, although some of them, from their rather peculiar antecedents, are fairly obnoxious to criticism. But we do complain that too much of the official patronage is given to the Roman Catholics, and that the claims of Protestants, whether " Conservative " or " Liberal," are improperly neglected. The magistracy of Ireland, whether stipendiary or local, ought to be kept from the taint of electioneering bias ; and it would really seem as if "J. C." of the Reform Club had telegraphic communication with the particular department of " the Castle "at Dublin where warrants for the nomination of "J. P's " are issued. Lord AULGRAVE'S system of appointments was condemned by Parlia ment: and the Irish Executive iu the Repeal year of 1843, and subse quently, had reason to recollect some strange things which had been done when Lord MULGRAVE was in Ireland. It were to be wished that Lord CARLISLE was 111013 cautious, but it shall not be our fault it the public mind be deceived about the one sided system now prevailing at Dublin Castle. The public may yet have reason to regret that Lord CARLISLE had ever been a candidate for the representation of the city of Dublin ; and we would recommend his Excellency to remember the Imlay motto of his ducal kinsman, whom he has recently visited at Lismore Castle, " Tutus cavendo." Alderman FAREBROTHER is reported to have observed last Monday at the Guildhall, while investigating a betting case, that " all bettors " were rogues, and should be sent to the treadmill. I would have all of " them," added the Alderman, " whipped round the racecourse." On the value of this aldermanic respectable-indignation suggestion there may be a difference of opinion, but of the Alderman's logic there can be none Every one will admit that what is here sauce for the goose is certainly sauce for the gander, and that the rule which condemns the many of one class for the villainy of its few, will apply equally to every other class. Hence, according to Alderman FAREBROTHER, every member of a profession which numbers in its ranks a leg or a swindler, should be punished for the sins of his less scrupulous brethren. Mercantile morality is just now at a discount; and if the rule were put in force, Alderman FAREROTHER'S class would suffer severely. Bankers who once claimed a Strahan, Paul, and Bates, or acknowledged a British and a Tipperary Bank—merchants who recognised a Davidson and Gordon, or clerks who envied a Robson, will by this system be classed together under the speciality of their rogueish brethren. To bring the case more home to this worthy but suspicious Alderman, we would even say that all auctioneers should be ranked with that branch of the fraternity given to mock auctions and terminating its brief existence in the tread mill. It is clear Alderman FAREBROTEitIfB experience of life has eventuated in the commonplace consequence of looking upon every man as a rogue until you prove him an honest man. No doubt this contracted view of life results from the nature of that " skill and enterprise " required to constitute a successful auctioneer. For a man who has made his money and his way in the world by auctioneering, or any legitimate mode of taking his neighbour in, to cry down the good old English sport of horse-racing—and because a few blackguards infest the ring, to publicly express as a magistrate his opinion that some of the best and noblest men in Europe should be sent to the treadmill because they backed their horses, and to utter as his conviction, that they were all rogues and Vagabonds, and de served to he whipped round the racecourse, is slightly inconsistent, and reminds us rather of the Giant Widenostrils, who, after feeding for a twelvemonth upon windmills, was choked one summer day by a put of butter at the mouth of a hot oven. We would recommend the legend and moral to Alderman FAREBROTHER. Our Liberal contemporaries have been completely nonplussed by Mr. LAING'S recent address to his constituents. We can fancy them sitting upon it—turning it over and over like a set of old gentlemen handling some newly-discovered specimen of animal or vegetable life, and perfectly at a loss bow to describe or classify it. They seem, however, at last to have made up their minds that the thing was dis• agreeable, and that it was necessary to put it down summarily if they would retain any degree of composure. The fact is, our contempo raries have had to choose between praise of Mr. LAING'S professions of independence, and censure of his audacity for venturing to speak truth of rHE PRESS. Hate with many men is stronger than love, and accordingly they have had no hesitation in sacrificing a testimony to the truth of their convictions for the pleasure of abusing a political opponent. People, however, who act in this manner are not unfre quently betrayed into inconsistencies which the blindness of passion conceals from themselves, but which are tolerably conspicuous to the world at large. Mr. LAING professes to be a gentleman of liberal opinions, but wedded to no party. Is not this the model politician of the Liberal press? We had certainly thought so. But when he ven tures to give the plainest proof of this independent tone of thought which a man can give, by acknowledging the merit in a particular case of those from whom he generally differs, he is held up immediately to the scorn and derision of the public. The real reason why 11r Luso has failed in public life—why he started in 1852 full of hope and vigour on his career of independence, and returns to his constituents in 1856 simply to tell them he zan do nothing—is not the fanciful one adopted by the Scotsman that he used up his political dodges too fast, and is consequently in a state of political blue-devils. The simple truth is that representative Governmeilt is a machine which can onl) work well by a certain union and good understanding among the workmen. In an eight-oared boat, for instance, any ono rower may think the stroke oar a very bad stroke, but he knows that he shall not make the boat go by refusing to keep time with him, and pulling in a style of his own. Just so with the House of Commons. It may or may not be an institution well adapted to the end for which it was designed. But no man can hope to do any good there who refuses to keep himself iu harmony with its requirements. And the THE PRESS.