The Press. — London, England, 1855-06-23 00:00:00

4 %4/ ('-a? '• a l :43 • ■ II • ~~~Gfa / 1) - bt No. 112.—VoL. 111. gly Vrtss. LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 23, 1855. Government was left to conduct them as it pleased until that moment came when they could no longer be permitted to continue with honour or safety. We recollect but one instance in which the Opposition interfered in the slightest degree to control the purpose of the Government since the war commenced, and that was in the case of the Foreign Legion. The wisdom of its course on that occasion must be judged by the result. The argument then used was, that the same exertion and expense made to enrol this Legion would procure an equal number of troops from our own population or our colonies—more to be depended on in the field, and sooner formed into effective troops. The little progress made with this Legion yet, and the fact that it has been thought neces sary to offer foreign recruits higher induce ments than are offered to our population, con firm that view. Why prefer mercenary to native soldiers, or publish to the world that, moderate as our army-roll yet is, we are unable to fill it up with our own subjects? If there was faction in opposing this measure, it was a kind of faction which the public cor dially sympathised with and approved. Apart from the ordinary business of the Executive, three great questions have occupied the attention of the Legislature—the Com mittee of Inquiry into the conduct of the war, the tone of the Government in relation to the Vienna Conference after the return of Lord JOHN RUSSELL, and the subject of Administra tive Reform. On these three questions the Opposition have arrayed their forces, and taken a decided course ; and the point to be determined is, whether in doing so they acted for or against the country. As for the interest or the convenience of the Government, with that the Opposition had nothing to do. It had to regard only the solid interests of the commonwealth. ...... The Committee of Inquiry was opposed by the whole force of the last Government; and, as we learned from the revelations of Sir JAMES GRAHAM, Mr. GLADSTONE, and Mr. HER BERT, the present Government was formed on the understanding that it would oppose the Committee also. It would endanger our alliance with France, it would impede the effective prosecution of the war, it would tie up the hands of the Executive, it would be unjust to public servants, it would encourage insubordination, it would be unconstitutional. The Premier would be the youthful Richard to head the discontent, and to safely lodge it in the pigeon-hole of some public office. The facts of the most terrible catastrophe in our military annals were too strong for his ele gant pbrsuasion and romantic imagery ; the sacrifice of the twenty thousand heroes, struck down by the pestilence of Ministerial inca pacity—a pestilence like that of the locusts, the lice, and the frogs—more odious and fearful from its apparent insignificance, had roused the public wrath ; it was an insult to common sense to deny all inquiry into the source of such colossal calamity ; and had the inquiry been refused it is doubtful whether the House of Commons would have existed a dozen years hence. The Committee has ended its labours—we have the evidence it took and its Report. None of the threatened evils have come to pass; but we have the in formation we desired, and are brcught face to face with the main causes of the failure of the Crimean expedition in the first instance, and of its waste and suileringlin the second. PRICE SIXPENCE. When the Plenipotentiary of our Governs ment had returned from Vienna, and the Con.. ferenco was virtually dissolved, 'Parliament had surely a right to some better information than was afforded by such evasive replies as that the Conference was only suspended, and that any propositions from Austria would be most favorably received. An Austrian alliance was the favorite project of Lord Assn. DEEN. Ho had been deluded with it from the commencement of the dispute. It seemed exceedingly probable that some new juggle was to be attempted. The Opposition again acted, but in this instance acted alone. The re solution of Mr. DISRAELI amounted, in effect, to this—that the Legislature had a right to demand from the Government, after the failure of the negotiation, some explicit de claration of the policy it purposed to pursuer that further concealment or evasion would not be tolerated ; that it was time fur the silence of Ministerial reserve to be broken, that the nation might know what it had to expect, or whether to prepare for peace or war. The motion was a protest against the shifts of a timid and uncertain diplomacy. It had its effect. The Vienna Conference, which before was " suspended," was almost instantly closed : tho propositions of Austria, which were to receive a favorable consideration, were re jected ; the Premier assumed a warlike tone ; the war tolif a more active shape; and the Opposition 'did unquestionably—as may be seen from a comparison of the language held by the Ministry before and after that motion— dictate a policy to the Government, and com pel it to assume an attitude consonant to the honour of the nation—an attitude of which it became so proud that it over acted its part. and crowed over its late failures as if they were successes of which it had reason to be proud. Administrative Reform, it has been proved, is not a new question It is not the property of the empirics who now claim it. as their ex clusive property. It was seriously considered by Lord DERBY'S Administration. The object in view was to raise the character of the Civil Service, and increase its efficiency. The weak points of the system were then visible, though not so prominently as the strain of the war has brought them forth. To throw open the higher posts in the Administrative Depart ments to merit and service, instead of reserving them for political connection, would be a great reform in itself. The subject dropped with the overthrow of Lord Derby's Administration. To the party which originated the question belongs the right of directing it, and of giving it practical shape and development. The sys tem is not to blame for the disasters of the war, but the system is open to improvement, and vigorous minds, untrammelled by official routine, are required to initiate the necessary changes. The resolution offered by Lord Ettsw- BOROUGH to the Lords affirmed the principle that merit should be the great qualification for advancement in the public service. It was opposed by the Government, and defeated by the aid of Whig-made peers. There is this evil attending the House of Lords, or rather perhaps attending the long-continued rule of a political party, that the House is so domi nated by new creations that it loses all inde pendence of action, and becomes the almost servile instrument of the party to which a , number of its members owe their votes. Sub . stantially the same resolution was offered by MIIMMIIMINIIIMMIMik LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 23, 1855. MORE than once during the session Lord JOHN RUSSELL has, with characteristic spitefulness, charged the Opposition with faction, and in sinuated that it was ready to rejoice in national disasters if they damaged the Ministry. The charge has been duly caught up out of doors, and we have heard much of discussing momen tous public questions in a party spirit, and of endeavouring to turn every change in the fortune of the war and in the politics of Europe to party purposes. Let us see to what all this accusatory talk amounts. An Opposition must, from the duties im posed on it under a constitutional system like ours, be peculiarly exposed to the charge of faction. It is its office to narrowly watch the conduct of Government, to criticise its acts, scrutinise its measures, suspect its intentions, oppose whatever seems likely to prove injurious in its principles or course, and make manifest its deficiencies. But it must be careful to separate the interests of the country—which it is equally bound to forward with the Adminis tration itself—from the interests of that Ad ministration. It must not attempt to wound the occupants of office through the public service, for that would be to betray its office. Opposition to the Government in the interest of the country is patriotism ; opposition to the Government against the interest of the country is faction, unmitigated, revolting faction; sacrificing the good of the State to what is shortsightedly conceived to be for the benefit of the politician. Under which of those two heads may the conduct of the Opposition this session fairly be classed ? Now, in the first place it is to be remarked that the Opposition, so far as regards any measures necessary to the public service are concerned, has been no Opposition at all. A loan of sixteen millions was sanctioned in six teen minutes ; new taxes were imposed without a remonstrance; whatever men and supplies were . demanded were voted without question. , Even negotiations—though on this point Par liament might salutarily exercise greater vigi lance than it seems disposed to do—were un criticised while in progress. The Executive requires large discretionary powers for the due discharge of its functions, and it has had them. Extending our view back a little beyond the present session, we find that the Government planned and executed the invasion of the Crimea without control, and that it sanc tioned the occupation of the Principalities by Austria almost strange as it may seem—without a question being asked. Even in the recent negotiations with Russia, the /(a •.