The Press. — London, England, 1857-04-25 00:00:00

APRIL 25, 1857. on the night of their flank attack, or "if" they had made a dash at Bushire, they would probably in some measure have verified their version of the whole affair. As to their " fleeing in a disorganised " state" after the battle, that would appear highly improbable, for they carried off sixteen out of their eighteen guns. Our men, it is an undeniable fact, immediately after the battle became thoroughly die organised. They dropped into Bushire by " twos and threes," worn out, dispirited, and " panicstruck." This is not the usual appearance of a victorious army. With respect to that splendid charge of the 3rd Cavalry and Poonah horse, we do not think it can be accepted as a practical solution of the question whether cavalry properly led can or cannot break a square. That the cavalry should only lose seventeen men in the charge is one proof that the fire of the infantry in this case could neither have been accurate, nor of long range ; nor could it even have been sustained. Then, again, the Persian Infantry, though well drilled, are not well armed. One musket between two men is a common provision, and, if that was the case at the battle of Kooshab, it can scarcely be mantained that the cavalry charge, imme diately preceded as it was by the fire of our field-guns playing on the square, must be accepted as positive and final proof of the incon testable superiority of the one arm over the other. The conduct of the war with China—for it is no longer denied that we are at war with China—is attracting the attention of jour nalists impatiently waiting for the opening of Parliament. The Post speculates upon the obstinacy of YEH, and with wise foresight, calcu lating upon the unhealthy nature of the season timed for the arrival of our Crimean soldiers florid with beef and beer, suggests that hospital ships and lady nurses should instantly be despatched for any emergen cies that may arise. The Times, looking at it from another point of view, questions the ability of the general selected to command, and asks who is General ASHBURNHAM? Many replies in detail have been given, which, on the whole, are more creditable to the gallant General's dis cretion in field operations, than to his valour. But more remarkable circumstances it is even said owe their origin to General ASH BURN HAM'S recent appointment. Just previous to the Dissolution one of the most severely-contested elections occurred in a southern county. The powerful influence of a relative of the gallant General was upon that occasion given to the Conservative candidate. Meanwhile arose the China debate, and then came, rapidly following the vote, the Dissolution and a Chinese war. A second contest occurred in the same county, and this time the influence as well as the honour of General ASHBURNHAM'S relative was thrown into the opposite scale, and the Ministerial candidate as warmly supported as he had been, previously opposed. General ASHBURNHAM had been appointed to the command in China. During the dull days of next week, we would suggest " PALMERSTON and Patronage " as a fit subject for journalistic reflection. The Noble Lord's mode is varied, but his principle is the same. A reverend gentleman of the name of RULE—which seems a singular misnomer—has been recently lifting up his voice in favour of the burning and bombardment of Canton. This gentleman, who is " understood to be intimately connected with the " Methodist religious press," said that "by pouring shells into " Canton the Chinese were brought to their senses, and that " our guns had cleared the way for our admission into " that corrupt city, to plant in the midst the standard of the Cross." Is it by such barbarous inhumanity that this man believes he serves his Maker? Of a surety Dr. RULE has been born some centuries too late ; he ought to have been sword bearer to MAHOMET ; and would certainly have made a most worthy companion to Balfour of Burley. Seriously speaking, is this sort of thing " Christianity ?" or have we all along been in a dream ? To punish the body in this world for the good of the soul in another one has been the doctrine both of Eastern asceticists and Western Romanists, but never, to our knowledge, of either Prates tants or independent Catholics. It has been reserved for Dr. RULE to belie the spirit of his sect, to preach proselytism by the sword, to uphold persecution, and to exhibit the lamentable spectacle of a Christian man, who professes that he belongs to the ministry, justifying the means by the end, and equalling in spirit the worst sophistries of the Jesuits. Mr. HORSMAN'S retirement is, we have reason to believe, now quite certain. Various reasons have been assigned for his secession. On one hand we hear that Mr. HORSMAN has ceased to be a Minister because he thought Lord PALMERSTON a lukewarm Reformer. On another that it was because Lord PALM ERsToN thought Mr. HORSMAN indifferent to the Liberal interest in Ireland. Wo do not think the Premier has any real reason to regret Mr. HORSMAN'S absence from the Emerald Isle, where we are convinced he would have done more harm than good to the Liberal cause. But, at all events, this little split is a symptom of the thofough want of cordiality between Lord PALMERS TON and the Liberals, and the growing indifference of the Liberals themselves to their own principles. CABINET CERTIFICATES. (From a Government Organ.) WHETHER the Minister will deem it expedient to bring in a Reform Bill or not is still uncertain, nor do we pretend to be morA deeply in his confidence than he himself is ; but we have been informed, upon good authority, that he has consulted his colleagues individually upon the subject, and that their recommendations have assumed various shapes. The following will, we have reason to believe, be found a iiithful analysis of the opinions of the members of the Government THE PRESS. upon this vital question. We do not, of course, pledge ourselves to the literal ac3uracy of the expressions, though these will, in most cases, he found to be correctly given. The Duke of ARGYLL is decidedly of opinion that there ought to be a new Reform Bill, and is willing to prepare one, conditionally on no one's taking the liberty to alter what he may suggest. Among other points, he stipulates for reducing the electors of Sutherlandshire (registered at 207) to 50, and giving them four members instead of one. He also proposes that the election shall be held in the Great Hall at Stafford house. Sir G. C. LEWIS is not prepared to make the subject a Cabinet question, conceiving it to be of minor importance', but he should not be opposed to such a renovation of our Parliamentary system as should assimilate the Legislature to the Amphyctionic Council, with the addl. Lion of Qtuestors and 4Ediles. Sir GEORGE GREY will give no opinion whether a Reform Bill is expedient or not, but unhesitatingly declares his conviction that the present Premier is not the person to propose one. Sir CHARLES WOOD thinks that a new Reform Bill is very much wanted, because the discussions upon it will draw away the attention of the House from other matters, and will, therefore, permit himself and others to administer their departments without molestation. Ho has not much to suggest as to the Bill itself, but thinks that all sailors and marines ought to have votes, but should be disqualified if they vote against Government. The LORD CHANCELLOR strongly objects to the introduction of a Reform Bill, or any other measure whatsoever which is likely to be criticised in the House of Lords, and which he will therefore be expected to defend. A Bill that would reform the manners of certain law-lords, and prevent them from tearing to pieces the measures introduced by their noble and learned friend on the woolsack, should have the warm support of the latter. Lord CLARENDON thinks as Lord Palmerston thinks, and requests the latter to be the " old girl " upon the present occasion, and " let the Cabinet hear his (Lord C's) opinion." Lord PANMURE thinks that an exceedingly strong Reform Bill is wanted ; but as he means to retire from the Ministry at as early a date as is convenient, he will not think of intruding with details. Should such a Bill be introduced, and he as an independent nobleman should not support it, he requests that his refusal may not be attributed to any lukewarmness in the cause of Reform, but to certain Scotch reasons which it would be difficult to make an Englishman comprehend. Mr. LABOUCHERE has no very strong feelings on the subject, but will have much pleasure, should the measure he introduced, of sup porting it with any number of speeches of any length that may be desired. Mr. VERNON SMITE! ditto to Mr. Labouchere. Earl GRANVILLE thinks that no Reform Bill is needed. If Government would only make itself popular, and amuse the people, and work the Royal Fau.iiy a little more in the way of spectacles and ceremonials, there would be no bother about Reform Bills. There is the Art-Treasure Exhibitions, and the,Handel Festival, and Piceolomin:,, and the Royal Academy, and plenty of other things fur the preseLt season at all events. Lord CARLISLE wrote over, intending, it was supposed, to express his opinion upon the political question, but having got into a long account of some private theatricals at which he had been assisting, and in which some Marionettes performed the Trovatore, his Lordship appears to have forgotten all about the Reform Bill. His observations on the general beauty of the Irish ladies are, however, very edifying. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL had no leisure to prepare a Reform Bill himself, and certainly should sanction no such measure from the hand of any less trustworthy person. Besides, Ministers could not hope to pass such a measure while he was too much occupied with his Law reform Bills to undertake its defence. He would endeavour to gh e consideration to the matter in the next vacation; in the meantime, nothing must be promised. Mr. FREDERIC PEEL was not in a situation to give any opinion. But there must be something wrong in a system that permitted the exclusion of such a person as himself from Parliament. He believed that his noble friend Lord Monck, and his gallant friend Admiral Berkeley, and his Irish friend Mr. Ball, would be proud to entertain similar sentiments. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE is, of course, theoretically a Reformer; but if one septuagenarian might be permitted to say so to another, he would remind Lord Palmerston of the meaning of a proverb cited by Shakespeare, wherein the painter is told to keep to ins nets, and the fisher to his pencil. Is Lord Palmerston exactly the man to re model a representative system ? Mr. HAYTER said that he had pledged the Government to changes enough for twenty Reform Bills : he merely mentioned that. As matter of Whip statistics, he could manage without any Reform Bill this session ; but he recommended a strong promise for the next, which Providence might enable them to avoid the necessity of keeping. Mr. BERNAL OSBORNE said that the reason the little pigs lie with their backs quite bare was—everybody knew why ; and the reason the little Whigs lie, and say they want a Reform Bill, was equally patent. He did not know that anything was the matter with the constitution ; but he had come in for Dover, and they might try Dover's powders. He had heard that he was t. , ) go to Ireland. Did they know why Ireland was the richest country in the world ? Because its capital was always Dabbling. Why was a Reform Bill like Jimmy Wilson's paper? Because nobody asked for it. (Further coruscations in our Second Edition.) 409