The Press. — London, England, 1856-04-05 00:00:00

obtortl;1 -- v .. t ri- , t .~ •y . `o4` v l~ A *.# A Of 4 (gt,OV 1; . ~ . + L'L/ i . ) No. 153.—V0L. IV. LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 5, 1856. STAMPED .... SIXPENCE. UNSTAMPED..FIVEPENCE. Ot ',fuss. LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 5, 1856. THOUGH it was quite certain that the Court of St. Petersburg meant Peace when it accepted unconditionally the Allied Propositions, and though it was never doubtful that the Paris Conference met with a determination to put an end to the War, yet our readers will expect from us some observations on the facts that -a Definitive Treaty has been signed—that all hostilities are over—and that Peace has been restored to the world. For some time we stood alone in arguing that the fall of Sebas topol might naturally close the War. Our position then was, at least, an independent one, and we must crave leave to retain the _ to did Tr_ the objects for which arms were taken up, _ it expressl3 stated the terms ou which it con ceived a satisfactory and honourable settle ment might be founded. [PRESS, Nov. 24 and Dec. 1, 1855.] We never countenanced the idea that such settlement could be equally honourable to all the belligerents, except so far as acknowledgment of error is honourable, and as concession is honourable after a gallant resistance has been made. We said that a Peace which should be satisfactory to the Allies " could not be otherwise than humili " ating to Russia" [PRESS, Oct. 20, 1855], as she would have to concede the objects for which the Western Powers contended. We only insisted, that with the great military success of the Allies, and with the fall of that fortress on which Russia relied for maintain ing her supremacy in the Black Sea, a favor able moment had arrived for concluding the War with the attainment of its original ob jects ; while, if the War were to be continued further, it must of necessity be for objects not originally contemplated, as the obstinacy of Russia would compel us to materially reduce her strength by depriving her of territory, and to degrade her from her rank as a first-rate European Power. It was our object to show that if, clearing our minds from visionary ideas of conquest. and from the passions provoked by the struggle, we held firm to the just and moderate bases of settlement enunciated by Mr. DISRAELI in the House of Commons, so far back as Bth June, 1855, we might hope to establish the great and beneficent principle— that wars were under the control of statesmen. and that they could be prevented from spreading by their inherent activity, or by the inflamm a t ory act i on of national pre judices. In opp os iti on t o t h e tone o f t h e ar Party, we held that it was especially our duty at that turning-point in the contest to set forth the objects which would then satisfy the demands of sound policy, and encourage, to that extent, overtures of submission from our foe. be at once concilia- tory and firm. Is it quite sure that our Go vernment has not acted on directly contrary principles, and been at once unconciliatory and yielding? We have better hopes of the Peace which has been signed than can rest on the sagacity of Lord CLARENDON or the " vour " of Lord PAL MERSTON. We believe that the Russian Govern ment has decided on a total change of its sys tem. The policy of the Emperor NICHOLAS be longed to the first and rudest stage of national development. The star of young nations, as the first journal in Europe has acutely ob served, is apt to mislead them. From the nature of things their life, like that of a young plant, is for some time marked by unchecked progress. It germinates in darkness and obscurity with apparently irresistible strength; but as it advances it has to submit to the restraint of superior influences, and it is then tutored and forced into the shape it is meant in the gracious economy of Providence to assume. Russia has been taught a severe lesson. Her dream of universal empire is at an end—a result of the War unquestionably glorious; and it is probable she will now ac knowledge that she must look for an increase of power and strength, not to an extension of territory, but to the use and expansion of those immense natural resources which she pos sesses, and to the essentially industriois genius of her people. However great the progress she may make in this direction, we shall not envy her. While contributing to her real greatness, it will con tribute also to the prosperity of the world at large. We shall feel much more pleasure in contending with her as a rival than as a foe, nor shall we ever dread that kind of power, or ever seek to repress its growth by arms, which springs from natural sources, and is extended by pacific influences. If it be the fate of nations—though the experience of the Christian world on this point is opposed to the experience of the ancient world—to pass through periods of infancy, maturity, and artaiminate likewise. Education, -_ tration, fthance, law amendment,' Parlia mentary reform, will again supply the clubs with conversation, the masses with subjects for a vague and often aimless, but not ungene rous, enthusiasm, and professed politicians with weapons of natural attack and defence. But this will not come to pass in a moment. The English mind is slow, pertinacious, persever ing—not ready to drop a subject which it has once been thoroughly roused to consider, nor quick to take one up which is not specially forced by circumstances upon its notice. An interval must elapse before slosh a degree of interest is excited in any now suspended controversy as to afford hope of its permanent settlement. That interval it is the duty of statesmen and journalists to fill up with such suggestions as may at least be lmrtnless, and possibly profitable. We have mentioned five questions which, the four first especially, seem likely to engage public attention. But there is one, as yet un named, still better suited to the requirements of a period transitional between war and peace. We refer to army reform, to the practical use which is to be made of our vast expenditure, of our trained regiments. and of an experience dearly and gloriously obtained during the campaigns of IBM and 1855. Everybody says " England ought not to " disarm." Right or w there is afloat a vague regards our relations which will long discos» economy from that of With this feeling we st some recollection of an the wisdom of him tha, torrent. It is there—L Ministers, always averse task of cutting down care to foster it ; and, td would in any case be a % loose ou the world a '^S . J ; J : vue, anu we must crave leave to retain we stances on record to show how often bluster is country a ita . . same independence of judgment now. weak while moderation is stron g ? We con- incapable •It was a gross and Malignant misrepresenta- tended that whenever negotiation was begun, tion of the whole tenor of the argument of it should be carried on in a spirit of sincerity, THE Tux Pas* to wo r t that i advocated an nu _ , but at the same time in a spirit of justice :• p sAca i s ailft'att n'nwise, or an %glorious peace.' ou , wiage we avoided .Insisting on trifles, we war that the contrary, it insisted t at no terrusithouid should resolutely atilt,re to princip/es that be listened to which did not completely satisfy were essential; and in the eousciousness of *36, 1 , 1 the objects for which arms were taken up, and our magnificent strength be at once concilia- will termi wrong, wise or unwise. feeling of insecus with other, ivatilifia N connect tilq r .idvii . :A os N i our military' ' do not quail ,• • ' n ancients," • • w c • • ut goeth -there i : 144 ' .rse to 411 , • ' 4 l 'H . 4 .4 • C w: • expend re ;'_. in. ! td do theirj difficulty abou multitude of men who It is six months since we began to hold that language, and now we have nothing to retract, nothing to qualify, nothing to alter. Our position now is the same as it was then. But what is the position of our opponents ? The impression produced by the language of THE PRESS i 3 matter of political history. We saw with regret, though without surprise, that sonic of our friends were led away by the abuse showered on us ; and that journals, supposed to be devoted to the support of the Conservative cause, contrasting the language of Lord PALMERSTON with that of THE PRESS, inclined to the support of the former Surely those journals owe us some reparation now. Is it quite certain that Lord PALME [ism:: has not accepted terms of Peace lower than those which THE PRESS uniformly declared this country had a right to expect, and which it ought to insist on? Is it quite clear that Lord CLARENDON has not conceded the principle that such terms of Peace as the Allies had a right to demand could not be otherwise than humi liating to Russia? Are there not enough in stances on record to show how often bluster is weak wt." iodi is 9 decay, there will be little cause for regret though Russia should assume an aseendan over the older States of Europe, when she h established a superiority over them, in the • acts which civilise and elevate mankind. Till then let her wait, and he content with the place which her natural and productive forces entitle her to take in the European Common wealth. Whatever the conditions] of Peace may prove to be. when the Treaty is published, it certainly never can be matter of regret to THE PRESS that it took the earliest opportunity of pointing out the practicability of a pacific settlement, and the terms on which it might be concluded. To fight for prestige, or by whatever other name superiority in arms may be termed, is admirable while the necessity for war exists. The necessity has now ceased; and if we think our achievements have been on the whole below our powers, we must hope that the world now, and posterity hereafter, will know how to distinguish between the high spirit of the country and the blunders of an insincere incapable Administration.