The Press. — London, England, 1855-12-15 00:00:00

* 1 " •i • , „ I t 1111114 I 1 111 - W IMP . • ‘. 71:4174111Prr.e6, q49III6EMBErMiWariVr C 1 ,.. I No. 137.—V0L. 111. Cip dress. LONDON, SATURDAY, DECEMBRR 15, 1855 THE public must look with anxiety for infor mation on the important subject which is now occupying the attention of the chief Cabinets of Europe, but wo must candidly confess that we have none to communicate. The specula tions in our journals are entitled to very little credit. They are either unauthorised, or aro in. tended to mislead by disguising the real points at issue and the nature of the pacific propo sals which are under discussion. The pro gramme put forward in some Ministerial prints resembles the display made in front of a show at a country fair. All the swagger and grimace are outside. The whole art is to en tice the innocent spectators to enter the booth ; they are to be attracted first that they may be cheated afterwards. For our own part, we have no wish to affect a knowledge of secrets we do not possess. We can reason only from probabilities, which are open to all. Facts are the best guide to judg ment. It is now six weeks since proposals of Peace were forwarded by the Emperor of the FRENCH to our Cabinet; during that interval there has been constant communication be tween the two Governments and with the Court of Vienna. Two Cabinet Councils have been held at our Foreig n-office this week ; and we have no reason to doubt that the negotia tion is advancing in a satisfactory manner to wards the settlement of a basis of Peace. The time that it has already lasted is a presump tion that no insuperable difficulties have yet been encountered. We are told that we are to expect little or nothing from this negotiation, —that it is only a kind of reconnaissance,—that it is extremely unlikely to lead to any practical result. We refuse to accept this explanation. As a strata rem, the negotiation would be both mean and motiveless. It could be commenced with no other object than to bring the War to a con clusion, and to effect a definite settlement of the question out of which the War arose. After the failure of the Vienna conferences last spring, and with the sources of that failure full in view, it is not to be supposed that fur ther discussion woul d take place without a strong probability that differences which were then found to be irreconcileable could now be accommodated. The negotiation must be a reality or a sham. If the former, there must surely be a reasonable prospect that it will achieve its purpose. If the latter, how dis graceful must it be to the Powers particiating in it ; and how, not o nl y unworthy, but p aim less must be the fraud. Even Austria is not likely to solicit negotiation which, if unsuc cessful, would degrade her influence, and expose her proffered mediation to contempt. To Austria the Allies owe nothing. She has lost the opportunity of assuming a potent place in the councils of Europe'. Eler voice was barely with them when great principles of European policy were to be proclaimed and her sword remained glued to its scabbard when it might have mightily prevailed on the LONDON, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1855. side of justice. This is the verdict which history will pronounce on her conduct. We recognise her neutrality, but it would be sim ply ridiculous to suppose that the Allies were bound to acknowledge her right of inter ference, or to shape their course by her dicta tam. They have very little to do with terms which will be satisfactory to her. The con test has advanced too far for that. It is with Russia that their account must be settled ; and it is only on the supposition that they entertain a well-grounded belief that Russia will subscribe to terms which they deem satis factory that we can explain the fact which stares us in the face—the discussion at this moment of terms of pacification. The great man who sits on the Throne of France has won his way to his lofty position through every peril that can beset the path to grandeur. It would be to detract too much from his sagacity to suppose that he favored this negotiation without some assurance that it was essentially practical and sincere, and without a tolerably clear perception that it would attain its end. This much is certain — if it fails it will be a great discouragement to all future attempts of a like kind. We leave it to our Ministry to reconcile as they best can the difference between their action as a Government and their language as a party. Their inconsistency is nothing to us; we are concerned with what they do, not with what they say. They may bluster as they please through their organs and dependants, while they act discreetly in the Cabinet. Lord PALMERSTON'S career is not one which we call contemplate with pleasure. There is but one word to describe it, and that is, " double-faced." But, to do him justice, he has usually been false to his friends the revolutionists, and his supporters the mob. By entering on this ne gotiation he must lose ground with them ; and that is an argument for his sincerity. There are weightier grounds for supposing that he must play his part in it fairly. He is at this moment the head of her Majesty's Govern ment. He represents the prerogative of the Crown, and the whole force of the Govern ment ; and he must be conscious that while Parliament will support a Peace which shall happily close the War by fulfilling its objects, it will not tolerate a policy which throws o b s t a cles in the way of a pacific settlement, and hazards our alliance with France. To the mind of all the belligerent Powers this weighty consideration must be present, that if Peace be not practicable now, it is not likely to be practicable for years to come. What purpose is to be attained by a further prosecution of hostilities ? The War next year must take far more gigantic proportions than it has yet assumed. It is not in th Criinea alone that the arms of' the Allies and of Russia will come into conflict. They must meet in Asia Minor and in the Baltic as nt well. Be the obstacle to P eace at the prse time on one side or the other—be it that the Allies ask too much, or that Russia will yield too little—the obstacle is not likely to be removed by that " one more campaign," which some t h oug htl es s persons so eagerly desire. Fur ther fruitless negotiation will confirm both parties in the belief that their differences can only be settled by the sword ; and who shall pretend to foresee what time that settlement will take to effect? If we err in so far underrating the resolu tion and resources of our foe as to suppose that our vigorous prosecution of the War will STAMPED .... SIXPENCE. UNSTAYPED..FIVEPENCE. soon " bring Russia to her knees," and enable us to " dictate our own terms of peace," she may equally err in relying on the fickleness of our people, or the instability of our alliance with France It is a remark of MACHIAVEL that free States are more constant in their policy and their alliances than despotisms. The spirit of England has not changed since the last great war. Let Russia rest assured of this, that if another war of twenty years' duration be necessary to the accomplishment of that design on which the country has set its heart, there is no party in the land that will shrink from its prosecution or support. For two centuries has England taken a leading part in preserving the independence and free dom of Europe. She has been successful in all her great objects, has closed her mighty wars with an increase of power and reputation, and has grown great by her sacrifices. It is not now that she will abandon her ancient policy. The statesmen of Russia will griev ously deceive themselves if they suppose that the resolution of the British people will fail them, or that the French alliance will be dis solved by accident. Both, we venture to say, will last as long as the War shall be necessary. But because we would not unnecessarily pro long it for a single hour, and because we believe that little more is wanting to a just and lasting peace than a sincere recognition by Russia of the integrity of the Turkish territory and of the sovereign rights of the Porte, we watch with the greatest anxiety, but strong hope, the negotiations now in progress. LORD JOHN RUSSELL. THE memorable declaration of Mr. DISRAELI that there was not a statesman in the Govern ment of Lord ADERDEEN who would not lose character and reputation by the connection, has long since become prediction fulfilled. One by one, as by a kind of mysterious fatality, did each realise the dire presages of the Con servative Leader. Circumstances which would have made the fame of other men, proved to them a cause of perplexity and a source of disgrace. From events which seemed to afford an appropriate arena for the display of those administrative talents which they were supposed to possess, and of which they spoke themselves with such fluent complacency, they derived their most bitter experiences. Their very opportunities were their ruin. But to no member of the Coalition has its tenure of office been more disastrous than to Lord JOHN R USSELL . His case was peculiar. Known as the Leader of the Whig party, who had worked his way to that elevation by a long an d eventful apprentices hi p , he occupied the distinguished position of being one of the foremost citizens of E n g land. His Premier ship, although it had the effect of consider. ably shaking public confidence in his ability, involved him in no p ositive It was to have been of his Governmew the colleagues he ink;, and abandoned would have done for a season of the and aspiration of his a partial oblivion, no positive humiliation. It expected that the overthrow p i it by the avenging hantisi es, v had deposed withoutiiars. ~,.-,„‘ ned without °amp C 13 0 14 Aoo 2 no more than ,de .bitix 7 4 1 7 ./ he power whichls , "'V his life. A temprrark,4 U mi, seemed inevitable; t , 0.4 P." f7 l lllllll 1....1 NZ' - t, 'b L ill .