The Press. — London, England, 1856-01-26 00:00:00

' •-•-• ..+: •:.... - %T.- - `... 0 ... -- :—. - •-. 4 , -- : i....,77.7 - 7,7 -7-, f; . - ..., -7 t47 . ~ .. Ks % - , AA• fo r V-, •-, •r. f . ( r , i T E r 1 . 1:1. ..,......•••••••- ...VA •••••••••.......••••••••••.....11.111 , / /' / p ee . „ ..0 ' )... • C. 1, •• ' . . . .... ,i VO e 6 .4. ,- :1 f..1' . 3 1 , 6 . t• iI . 1 ' ' t... 1 '' ' ";' . '1,:. , i 1: . , „ .. • . ', . 1 :; p•i I : f .; PI 1 i - I fi • , II WI ;. l I .----------____.) J. .. . i., ;I . .1, !I *tl „;:. : X ° t c A r + . .: ... • 1.. ... . 1. 7 : ( 1 ( 1111 No. 143.—V0L. IV. LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 26, 1856. STAMPED .-. SIXPENCE. UNSTAMPED..FIVEPENCE. ptss. Corn Laws. Differences of opinion may pre vail among so large a body of independent Menibers, but we think we may venture to assert that on the question of the Peace, the Government will receive the support of this great party. It is the kind of Peace which Mr. DISRAELI, in his speech of the Bth of June, in last session, shadowed out, when he declared that there were " practical, sound, " and solid means, by which the great pro " blew in modern polities could be solved." It will confine the Russian empire within definite limits, it will protect Western Europe from apprehension of Cossack encroachment ; will secure the Turkish territory ; and will afford a salutary lesson to the world that no State, however mighty, shall be permitted to increase its power by other means than those pacific and beneficent influences which, in pro , portion as they extend, must be productive of good to the whole family of mankind. LONDON, SATURDAY, _JANUARY 20, 1850. ENGLAND, in her path to greatness and renown, has not been exempt from vicissitude. She has been engaged in wars which were almost uni formly disastrous, and has been compelled to subscribe treaties humiliating to her power. Great statesmen living in her dark days have despaired of her fortunes. CHATHAM believed that her sun would set for ever when she recognised the independence of her revolted colonies, and Pin died broken-hearted after the battle of Austerlitz. Bitt in her greatest extremity she never sought safety in diplo matic subterfuge. She has constantly pre served her good faith free from stain, and has negotiated as fairly as she has fought. Her dealings with her enemies have been so frank and plain that she has been ridiculed by con tinental politicians for wanting that subtlety of spirit on which they pride themselves. We have been content to accept the reproach as a compliment. Our blundering honesty, as they esteem it, has stood us in better stead than all the wiles of their refined artifice. Proficients in diplomatic evasion will have it that we never concluded a peace without being cheated of the advantages we had a right to expect. Yet it has nevertheless happened that we have commonly attained our objects. In the end, the directness and moderation of our negotiations have proved as profitable to us as the valour of our arms. According to the Ministerial journals, this policy is to be totally changed. We are to enter into a negotiation for Peace with a de termination to disconcert it. The ingenuity of our Ministers is to be exercised in driving a coach-and-six through the preliminaries they have agreed to. It is insinuated that the last article of the Peace Propositions, re serving to the Allies the right of bringing forward conditions not expressed, will afford opportunity for creating dissension at the approaching Conference, and for rendering . it abortive. In the unwillingness expressed to suspend hostilities, and in the desire to pro tract formal proceedings, we see the dislike with which the prospect of Peace is regarded in certain quarters, and the hopes which it has baffled. It is not wise to let this mortification appear so plainly. Prudence, if not principle, should counsel reserve. Cannot the Ministerialists see that just in proportion as they manifest reluctance to Peace they proclaim their own impotence in submitting toit ? By their own choice they exhibit themselves as dragged in the train of a policy they are most anxious to oppose, and they lower the influence of this country by representing it as bound in the same chain of necessity, and as sharing their degradation. Events have arrived at a point entirely beyond their control. In all the affairs of life, that party which, against its will and its con victions, consents to a certain cause of action, is no longer a free agent, and can exercise no controlling or moderating power until some marked change occurs. Lord PALMERSTON'S Cabinet never believed in the probability of. Peace ; they made no provision for it; they have been surprised by combinations they did not expect; and, for the very reason that they are known to be hostile to that purpose which the Conference will assemble to carry into effect, they will find their sentiments re garded with distrust by the other Powers, and will exercise no real authority in the decisions which arc taken. The difficulties raised on their part to the conclusion of a definitive Treaty amount to nothing. They will never rise to greater force than to a petulant and undignified obstruc tion. They have committed themselves to certain principles of settlement, and Russia, by unconditionally accepting them, has dis tinctly signified to the world that she accepts their fair and legitimate consequences. Than this, nothing more can be desired. It would have been more satisfacto►y had the last article bore on its face the conditions which the Allies proposed to introduce. But though not expressed, we must suppose that they were understood and settled by the Allies; that they were communicated to Austria when the text of the Propositions was agreed to ; and that they were not kept secret from the Court of St. Petersburg. They form part of that arrangement to which Russia has assented, and on neither side can more or less be expected than that they shall receive a fair and reasonable interpretation. The part of England in the negotiation must necessarily rest with our Government, but the country and the Parliament will stand by and see that there is fair play. Nothing will depend on the private wishes of individual Ministers, or even of the collective Cabinet. Whatever they may say through their journals, they will be compelled to act honestly. Their course is marked out for them, and in it they must straitly walk. We do mot anticipate that they will make anj effort to escape from their position. Watchful eyes are upon them, and any attempt to evade their engagements would only expose their weakness, and cover them with disgrace. It has been foolishly argued that the Pro posals are Austrian, and that the allied Govern ments are not bound by them. The Proposals are Austrian only in the sense that Austria was the medium through which they were conveyed. They were strictly the proposals of the Allies. Each article was considered by them, and its import weighed. The only arti cle which properly belongs to Austria is that relating to the rectification of the Russian frontier. It will be vain for our Government to plead that they are not bound by their own terms for no better reason than that they did not expect those terms would be accepted. The Peace will I►e so far theirs that they have acceded to its conditions, and their wiser part would seem to he to close with it frankly—to forward, not retard its eonclusiov, and, as soon as it can be done with honour and safety, to arrange an armistice which would assure the tranquillity of Europe, and guard against any unnecessary effusion of blood. The reception which the Peace will meet with from Parliament is scarcely doubtful. The Conservative party will meet the Legisla ture more united in sentiment and stronger in numbers than it has been since it was broken up by Sir ROBERT PEEL. on the question of the THE PEACE CONGRESS. WE understand that the Court of St. Peters burg has expressed a wish that the impending Congress should be held at a principal metrc polis, and has suggested that . either Loudon * Paris, or Vienna should be named. The Allies, we hear, are rather of opinion that the Congress should assemble at some neutral city of less importance. Frankfort-on-the- Maine is much talked of. It is stated that Count ORLOFF and Baron de BRUNOW Will certainly represent Russia, and that Lord CLARENDON will appear on the part of England, though not alone. There is great difficulty in nominating a competent individual on the part of France, and no decision has yet, we are assured, been come to. LIFE PEERAGES. WE return to this subject from a conviction that its importance is not yet fully appreciated by the public, and from no ill-grounded suspi cion that a scheme is on foot for the total disorganisation of the House of Lords. What else, indeed, could be the result of creating a new order of nobles, who would be completely under the influence of the Crown, and com pletely above the influence of the people? And what else can be intended by the recent elevation of Baron PARKE to the Peerage, but the creation of such an order? That something is designed beyond the mere prevention of a new noble family is sufficiently evident from the fact that Lord WENstsv- DALE is childless and seventy years of age. Had that been all, a limitation to himself and the heirs mule of his body would have been an ample precaution. That it was not so considered afford. - tion that the creatiol dent—a precedent strongly of a sii which Englishin In some quart openly avowed, rife. Yet, though others, the Times silence. Is it the We doubt it. This measure and is also glari Lffo . rds but too clear a presump- creation is intended as a prece- lent, we affirm, • • cks sinister infl , •• Ir men loathe. cf: ) - 0 - 4 , :triers, inds, g0 : 440., I, and soun. - tgh it publi a "Vnalik ' ies itself pr • • he silence s • ".• • 1 " . " - \ •••• ••••" 1-.• • • iN2? re is uncoil* .;• *: v • laringly menac • 4001'm; 6 S de- Ada