The Press. — London, England, 1856-10-25 00:00:00

1012 lortign 6orrrspoubtatt. PARIS, October 23. THE note in the 2lfoniteur has made little of the expected sensation after all, resulting as it has simply in recalling the legations. All part►es will now lie upon their oars till the conferences are over, when the King will probably make some concession, accom• panied with a great flourish about " the allied fleets not having dared to enter his harbours," S:c., and then all will be smoothed over once more. So much for the position into which Loral Clarendon has got England. The natural remark of all persons is, why cannot England act by herself if she is so anxious about the matter, and let France pursue her own policy. As it is there is, at least in Parisian circles, no second opinion on the low position in which the English Foreign Minister has contrived on this as on other occasions to place his own country, and the only wonder expressed is that we (English) tolerate him at all. Some sharp language between the Epoca, Madrid paper, and the Parts journals serves as a sublets& for their comment Bin for the last two days the its semblie Nationale and other papers have got a new topic. These clever journalists it seems have dis• covered that Savoy, and in fact Sardinia generally, has become " a sick man," which France must take into her own keeping ,just as the Czar Nicholas in tended taking Turkey into his. The idea is laugh able and preposterous, but not without a mischievous tendency ; and for what the censorship of the press exists in France, if not for the suppression of such articles as those in the Union, Assemblee, and other papers here of late, it is not easy to divine. On the other hand, it is bruited about as a good remedy for the present state of things in Italy that France should take Naples and England Sicily !—not a bad notion in its way, though Russo American in cha racter perhaps. Apropos to the latter "civilisers of the universe," as they call themselves, they are by no means popular in France just now—probably the Emperor does not tpprove of their everlasting preaching about republicanism. The discontent es to the high price of apartments is as great as ever, notwithstanding the Empress's benevolent efforts to relieve the prevailing distress in that way. The Bourse gambling is as usual going on faster than anything else, and fresh smashes take place in private families daily. At present the speculation is peculiarly great, as the Bth and 15th October (pay-days of rent for the lower and higher classes respec.ively) are but just passed, and money msking is therefore more an object than usual, and is peculiarly the case amongst those members of the gentler sex "qui mangent la fortune" of their ad mirers, as most of the latter find about this time of year generally. In truth the moral effect of the Bourse is just as bad as that of the old Palais Royal gambling•houses, suppressed twenty-six years ago, and does infinite harm. New taxes are talked of, but it is difficult to see on what they can judiciously be laid. As to free trade, at present it is hopeless— ere long it is to be hoped juster views may be attained here. Lord Hertford having demanded 75,000 f. in place of 20,000 f. per annum as her!tofore for the Café de Paris, that famous establishment came to an end a week ago, and is to be transferred to Very's, in the Palais Royal. Some changes in the Court retinue are talked of, and certainly is much required, the stamp thereof as regards the gentlemen being dis tingue the wrong way. The Emperor and Empress are, so far from being unwell, in excellent health, and the Prince grows, it is t 3 be hoped, in wisdom as he certainly does in stature. Divers small changes, but all important to the comfort of residents, are about to be made—a reform of the present absurd cab fare system, ditto of the sewerage and F as -pipe works, and other useful improvements small in them selves, but showing that the Emperor has his eyes everywhere, and can attend to small things as well as great—•the true type of a really great man. The press is busier than ever just now—seldom have so many new books been published as of late, and fresh announcements figure daily. The Congress no one speaks of and no one cares about—the ambassadors, in fact, will only meet to discuss a foregone con clusion. E. W. BRrSSELS, Oct. 23. GRACIOC9 and manifold as have been the Imperial courtesies at the coronation of Moscow, there yet have been heartburnings underneath the superin cumbent ma.s of stars and collars, and which the silken trappings of distinction have not been able to conceal. The Prince de Ligne, the grandson of the friend of Catherine IL, was selected, and be it THE PRESS. said right worthily chosen, to represent Belgium at the coronation of the Emperor Alexander H. He was preferred to cne of a less pure and less legiti mate race, whose name is historically connected with that of a beauty belonging to the French Re public, unquestionable on the score of personal attraction. In the distribution of the coronation honours the Prince de Ligne failed to be invested with the collar of St. Andrew, the highest order of knighthood conferred by the Czar, and received one of a I ,wer grade. Whether the grandson of the friend of Catherine had just cause of complaint is a matter of opinion, yet the excuse offered cannot be held to be satisfactory, namely, that no difference could be made betwixt the representatives of Bel gium and Sardinia. A remark of the Czar at one of the Moscow rec3p tions deserves to be chronicled for more than one reason. In a conversation with General Broglia, the Ambassador of Sardinia, the Emperor earnestly recommended his Empress Mother to the care of King Victor Emmanuel ; and then, turning to the Prince Esterhazy, he added, "Do not be surprised at this proof of esteem towards an open and avowed enemy. Such have always a right to be held in honour." A circumstance, remarkable in its legal and politi cal bearing, occurred a fortnight since at Ath. Four of the common councillors of that town have been tried for libel. They were accused of having stated at an official meeting of their town council (dans une protestation faite en conseil) that the Burgomaster had made an incorrect and false statement to Go. vernmeat in reference to the municipal administra tion of the town. The accused, persons of the highesi cespectability, have been condemned to fines and various terms of imprisonment not exceeding three months. An appeal has been made to the Court of Cessation. In a constitutional country, where free discussion is a part of the political char ter, this unwise severity seems superlatively wrong. The University of Brussels opened on the 6th. There was a numerous attendance of professors and other literary and scientific personages in the College-hall, under the presidency of the Burgomas ter, M. Charles de Brouckere. M. Verheegen, the chief inspector, addressed the meeting at great length. After having congratulated the professore on the progressive success of the university, he observed : But the demon of religious intolerance, with a lie in its mouth, and with hatred in its heart, has again appeared amongst us. It calls us, who will not submit to its tyranny, perverted in our ways (des homme pervers), accuses ns of being Freemasons, covering our iniquities with mysterious secrecy, and prohibits parents to place their children under our guidance and tuition. Twenty five years ago, in 1830, the Roman priest shook us by the hand and said, "There shall be no mare religious dissen siou; diversity of opinion shall he respected, and worship of every denomination tolerated ; public instruction shall be unshackled, and the liberty of the press be free as air." It was a solemn compact betwixt the teacher of knowledge and the teacher of faith. Then came, in angry defiance, the encyclical letter of Rome in 1832. It pro claimed the liberty of conscience and of worship, regis• tered in the constitutional pact, to be a maxim false, ab surd, and extravagantly sinful ; that the liberty of the press was pernicious and to be held in horror ( cette liberty est funeste, on ne aaurait avoir trop d'horreur); and that the liberty of speech and debate was inimical to the peace of the Holy See. In fact, the encyclical letter of Pope Gregory condemned the very essential principles of the constitution. From that moment the Roman bishops became the enemies of Belgian liberty. They had to choose betwixt the duty towards their King and country, and their allegiance to the Pope. Their selec tion was not doubtful. They violated their engagement to the constitution of 1830, and ever since have been en deavouring to create a reaction in favour of absolutism, in order to place Belgium under the protection, the tolerance, the security, the well-being, the benevolence, and the hap. p!ness of the Roman States. (Loud and ironical cheer ing.) It was the practice formerly to stop opinion by putting the opinioniats to death, and therefore the rack of Innocent 111., the axe of Philip If., and the arquebuse of Charles IX., were called into requisition. Public opinion, fashioned by philosophy and morality, arrested the cruel tyranny of popes and kings; and the progress of instruc• tion, in teaching the true principles of social virtue, has developed the human intellect, and led to civilisation. It is against the one and the other that the Roman priest is at war. The Roman Church no longer contents itself with the province of teaching religion ; it assumes to be the irresponsible arbiter of right or wrong, in hostility to national government. It is more than a religion—it is a political institution in conflict with the State, and bases its ideal of social perfection upon the theocratic absolu• tism of Rome. (C'est que l'Eglise Romaine nest pas seulement une religion, mais un parti politique, un parti qui marche i l'assaut de l'Etat, et qui voit l'ideal de is societe Lumaine dans Tabsolutisme theocratique de Rome.) 'The Bishops of Ghent and Bruges, in their pastorals, deny the right of liberty of conscience, liberty of instruction, liberty of speech, liberty of worship, and the liberty of the press ; and this political faith, published and proclaimed by the Pope in 1832, has never been annul led. It must, therefore, be considered as a n ju a i, l injunction —serious, final, and obligatory upon the faith ful, at least in SATURDAY, Belgium (nous devons done hi considerer comme serieuse, definitive et obligatoire pour les Miele., da moins en Bel gique.) This explains the present conduct of the clergy, and this never changes, for the history of the past is the history of the future. Between obedience to the Pope and respect for the constitution they will not hesitate, and they have not hesitated. We know what we have to expect; history explains that. It is said that the Roman Church dare not push matters to extremity; but what may not be done openly, may be done secretly, and a covert attack under the fostering wing of Rome may effect the object for which the priests now are plating. It is in this light that the pastoral letters of the Bishops of Ghent and Bruges must be regarded. They are the result of a league betwixt the bishops and clergy against the fundamental charter of Belgium, and menace both our tranquillity from within and our independence from without. (Les eveques et le clergy Beige forwent une ligue contre notre pacts fondamental, et ils menacent noire tranquillity interieure et notre independence an dehora.) We Belgians have shown ourselves capable of appreciating and understanding the value of liberty and selt•government. Under the guidance of an upright and just king (sage et loyal) we have enjoyed for twenty-five years the rights of conscience, the Iherty of speech, and the liberty of the press, even when neighbouring king dome, more powerial but less sensible, have failed to pre serve similar advantages. As we won these liberties, so will we maintain them, giving to religion faithfully its due, and keeping the Roman priest aloof from the exclu sive tuition of our youth. This remarkable speech, delivered by a Roman Catholic authority before the " notables" of Brussels, and the professors and students of the university, under the presidency of M. Charles de Brouckere, was cheered vociferously from beginning to end. In the Cabinet of Vienna M. de Brouck, the Minis ter of Finance, has bad differences of opinion with the Ministers of War and Marine upon the question of the enormous expenditure upon the defensive works of the northern frontier. These several mili tary works will cost enormous sums, and when the Italian expenses, of themselves sufficient to drain the Austrian exchequer, are taken into account, it may readily be imagined that the financial apprehen sions of AL de Brouck are not without foundation. In the Danubian Principalities a strong opposi tion is being organised by the Stirbey faction against the Government of Prince Alexander Gliika. The propagandist committees have a largo amount of money at their disposal. A portion of it probably is disposed of in the active canvass for the presi dency of the High Divan, for which post MM. Johan Vivaresco, Alexander Belo, and Alexander Gbika, are candidates. There is also another election, not less tierce and corrupt, for the Ministry of the Inte rior, upon the presumed resignation of the Beizade Constantine Ghika. For the latter, M. Manuel Flo resco, whose daughter is married to a Russian officer, appears to have the best chance. The Bessarabian Commissioners, Dervish Pacha, Muchtis Pacha, Colonel Benson, Colonel Staunton, and Colonel Batik, have arrived at Jassy, and are about to join the Russian Commissioners at Kicheneff, where, it is said, they will await further instructions from Paris. A similar delay will, in all probability, attend the deliberations of the Moldo-Wallachian Commissioners. The protocols of the Congress of Paris vary in their interpretation, according to the political bias of the commissioner ; and the bond being broken, this political bundle of sticks shares the rate of that in the fable. One of those tragic occurrences, often the subject of an Eastern tale, has taken place at Constantino ple. The favorite Sultana, one of a few dozen, died prematurely and suddenly. She had been suspected of entertaining a preferenco for a young Armenian Giaour, who upon suspicion was put to death under circumstances of aggravated crutlty; and, shortly afterwards, as is reported, the Sultana perished her self of a disorder said Lo be natural. With respect to the affairs of Italy, the /alunicipal Council of Brescia, in the name of the town and pro vince, bas again resolutely refused to subscribe towards the expense of the fetes in honour of the arrival of the Emperor of Austria. Subscrip tions for the Alessandrian cannon, and for the 10,000 muskets, are solicited and obtained, in spite of all precaution taken by the authorities to repress them. M. Landucci is showing signs of being unable to cope with the spirit of resistance risin g around him. His resignation is expected, and in that case he will prcbably be succeeded by the Ridolfi party in alliance with M. Baldasseroni. He is strenuously supported by the Palazzo Pitti party of the Grand Duchess, to which Lord Normanby gives his undivided and courtly support. In Bologna robberies are com mitted in the open day. The palace of the Marquis Mazzacurati was broken open without any attempt either at impeding the robbers or endeavouring to discover them, and the brigands who publicly assaulted and rifled the Marquis Guastavillani in the street, and are known, still reman free from arrest. On the 3rd, oth, 10th, 13th, 14th, 15th, 18th, 22nd, 23rd, 24th, 28th, and 29th of Septemb. r, houses and palaces were broken into and pillaged su c cessfully and without any molestation of the house b reakers on the part of the police. These are in league with