Star. — London, England, 1811-04-27 00:00:00

House to see the amonnt of the expence, and not ta e eglert any opportunity of making it less when pro w time should arrive. The contest, they bad been !A* told, cost the country ar.nually near 21.,000 men, and thii, he contended, imposed a twofold tax on the people. He then adverted to the expence and loss which attended paying the army in Poi- • togll, as sending money there ; and to the Mediterra nean, it had been said by one• of his Majesty's Minh. te rs, a loss was sustained of 80 per cent. on every a.; 90. He did not undervalue the brilliant successes of Lord Wellington ; and repeated, it was not his will that we should withdraw from the contest, or that any present alteration, should be made ; but he thought tt right to give this warning of •the magni tude of the expence. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER :ad wished to abstain from discussing the policy at the contest in Portugal ; but on the present question :.e should be as happy to enter into it, as he had been .;esirocs of avoiding it then. He hoped he might .:, , ,isiJer the Hon. Gentleman as approving, not only Cie vote of Thanks to I,ord Wellington ; but as ...pproving 9f the line of conduct pursued with respect to the Peninsula, and feeling• the wisdom and ;niponance of acting on that policy which had been a dopted. 'Leaving this subject, rather sorry that it i had not beets more fully entered into, he observed, they were now on the Army Extraordinaries, which, it appeared,. exceeded the graiwoflast year by about e 600,000. This, he thought, was not so great an ex cess as might have been expected. There would not have been even that, but for the unfavourable state of the exchange. The Hon. Gentleman had said it was stated by one of his Majesty's Ministers, that 30 pet cent. was last on every .4100 sent to Portugal.-- He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) knew of no such assertions having been made by any person con-1 fleeted with Government. He remembered such a statement coining from a Gentleman opposite ; but as he unfortunately was nor one of his Majesty's Mi nisters, his intormation might not be quite correct on that subject. The Hon. Gentleman had enumerated the expenses sustained by the country ; as he had thought it right to give a warning on that head ; but if it was clear that no reduction could be made ; he did not see what benefit could be hoped from the warning. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would lament with the Hon. Gentleman the necessity of imposing such burdens on the country, but when they could not be avoided, he thought it better to ex hort the public to bear patiently that which wits ne cessary, instead of anticipating and exaggerating the inconveniency, which might, but which he trusted in GOD would not be felt hereafter. Mr. FREEMANTLE explained, after which the Resolution was carried. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER seized this opportunity of moving the Grant for the present year. He thought it better to vote the Extra- ordinaries for England and Ireland in one Resolu. tion, and therefore moved, That a sutra not exceeding £3,200,000, be gran rd for the Army Extraordina rics of Great Britain and Ireland for the year 1811. The Resolution was put and carried, as were seve ral others for smaller Grants, without opposition. The House then resumed, and the Chairman made his report. On the motion of Mr.' FOSTER, a Committee was appointed to inquire into the state of the Road leading from Shrewsbury to Holyhead, and to era ar.ine the state of the Funds atising from the Tills collected at the Turnpikes. Lord PALMERSTON obtained leave to bring in a Bill for increasing the rates of Subsistence to Innkeepers forquartiring Soldiers. THANKS TO LORD WELLINGTON. _ _ .- • The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER. in pursuance of -a notice which, we presume, was given at a period when strangers were excluded. from the gallery, ..then rose, 41(1 - addressed the Speaker to the follOWinjeffect t-- • Mr. Seenesa—lt is the misfortune of a person who holds the official situation which I have now the • honour to fill, not unfrequeatly to find himself under the necessity of submitting to the consideration of this House, various measures which it is as unpleasant for him to propose, as it is for the House to adept. In a state of liar, such propositions '44C multiplied in proportion to the duration and extent of the contest, and to the burdens which it becomes necessary in con sequence to impose on 'the country. But the same state of war is not unfrequently also productive of propositions of a very different nature—of proposi pans the most pleasing that any man can be called upon to make to such an Assembly. It is in the si. tuation, Sir, to which ). have last alluded, that I now conceive myself to stand. When an opportunity oc curs to recommend to the approbation and gratitude of Parliament the distinguished exertions of our Naval eir Military Forces—to point nut brilliant instances of individual or collected merit, and vs - dwell on the advantageOus results whiA may fairly be expected from such gallant atchievesnents, all are prepared to sympathise with the individual on whom the delight ful task devolves, and to share with him in the gene ,.d of gra ct ['mat lon. ( Hear, hear, hear!) Sir, the case before us is one which furnishes as many circumstances of pleasing and animating contempla tion, as can well be conceived to be united in a single instance. I am not aware that the merits of any cam paign can be said to have exceeded the merits of the • campaign in Portugal. (Hear, hear, hear.)- - Whether we contemplate the wisdom with which :the plan of that campaign was conceived, the success which has attended its execution, the glorious prospect which the result opens to the world, or above all, the little loss which remains to be set against so great a gain, I believe , that there has scarcely ever occurred an event whi . eh warranted such unqualified applause, or excited such wellioanded exultation. (Hear, hear.) I particulaeise the comparatively small loss with which this great gain has been accomplished ; because .1 am persuaded we all feel that there have been many occasions—occasions on which the approbation of Parliament has been justly bestowed—in Which the splendour of victory has been darkened by the me lancholy resulting from the contemplation of attend ing aid 116 icting events. In the recent instances at Talaveri and Barrosa, glorious as were those battles, the mind was compelled to dwell , with pain on the - number of valuable lives by which that glory was pprchased. This is a sentiment, .Sir, which does not in th e least alette our sense of the merit of those gal issotechiesonteists, although it prevents tit from con-; ranee sidclAthetn with • a feeling of untninglad and un- &Wad L- Oteyed satisfaction. T wal an to the recollection of the House ftne of the most distingui.hetl victories on our naval am-la/m-411e rattle of Trafalgar. I ask them if they do not well remember; that (mt the re- 'ceipt o'.-* the intelligence of that most glorious victory, there was no: a suspension iii the public mind whether to consider it as an event of joy or of grief—a doubt whether the extraordinary advantages which the country derived from the occurrence, were not coun terbalanced by the loss of Lord Nelson and the brave men who fell with him ! lam satisfied, that if the question had been put to the nation, whether they would agree to efface that day from our history, on the condition of recovering those to whom the glory of it was attributable, many voices would have de• dared for relinquishing the victory, if by so doing the victors could be reiecm2d ! (Hear hear, T do not contend that such a sentime•;t is politically correct. All I contend is, that such . . a sentiment does exist, and that it will continue to exist ;—and I will add that it is a sentiment asp connected with the best feelings of our nature, that I should hes:tate long before I ventured de cidedly to condemn it. Little of this sentiment, how ever, can mingle with our feelings on the present occasion, free as it almost entirely is from every cir cumstance which could damp our joy and gratula tion. I trust, Sir, the House will do me the jus tice to believe that it is not my intention to attempt to enter into any detailed statement of the cam paign ; but I conceive that it is due to my Lord Wellington distinctly to recollect, that while we at tribute to his skill, activity, and unexampled exer tion, the extent of the success which we have gained, we must, to the caution, moderation, fozbearance, regard for the lives of his soldiers—and above all, to that enlightened foresight by which, at the com mencement of the campaign, he anticipated its close.— I say, Sir, we must to all these great quali.- 1 ties ascribe the comparatively small less by which that success .has been purchased. (Hear, hear, hoar !) I repeat, that it is not my' intention to enter into a detail of the campaign. Such a task is perfectly out of the reach of my powe , s, and indeed 'of the powers of any one at present. It must he' left to the Historian, and by him alone can that full justice be done to Lord Wellington which his merits demand. At the same time the objects which Lord Wellington had it in view to accomplish, and the means confided to him for the accomplishment of those .objects, it may very naturally be expected I should briefly describe to the louse, in order to enable them in some degree, however imperfectly, to appreciate the recent events. It is not for us now to consider the wisdom of defending the Peninsula in one way or in another. We are not to inquire whether it was ex., pedient that we should apply our military force for the purpose, in the aggregate, rather than in separate bodies—or whether it w.ts wise to choose Portugal as the spot on which to contend with France. All these considerations are unconnected with the present question. The defence of Pot tugal having been con. fided to Lord Wellngton, his me; its must be esti mated by the way in which ,he has t xectited the trust reposed in him, and depend in no degree upon the expediency or inexpedieacy of the original plans at home. From this observation, however, I must make a simple exception, nsmely, that I have a right to, call on those who formerly declareittliai the measares of Government in this respect were most unwise, and against all rational calculations of a successful result, most readily and warmly to applaud My Lord Wel lington for having overcome difficulties which they proclaimed vi be insuperable. (Hear, hear, b e ar.) — Sir, Lord Wellington knew it to be the intention of Government t!iat the defence of Portugal should be the primary object of his attention. He knew that for that purpose there w.ts con:lied to him a large portion of the military force of this country—a por tion, indeed, too large to be lightly hazarded. He knew also that, as additional means of effecting his object, he had the population of Portugal, which, however, it was necessary to discipline, before it could be available in the common effort. Lord Welling ton had deliberately considered the best mode by which Portugal could be defended. I think it right, Sir, to state, that it never entered into his contempla tion to imagine, that if' Portugal were attacked by a large and imposing force, he should be able to effect any thing like a complete defence of that country on the frontier ; but that he always contended, that in such a case, Portugal must be defended, where it actually was defended, in the lines and fastnesses of Lisbon. I may be asked, why then all the trouble and expence of carrying the British army to the frontier ?"f be reason h obvious. To gain time for disciplining the Portuguese army—to gain time kr the purpose of obtaining reinforcements from this country, and from other parts of the world. Lord Wellington had also in his view the impoitance, by delay, of increasing the .difficulties under which the enemy must labour in Maintaining a great number of troops in the seat of war. By waiting on the frontier lie secured the cer tainty that no attack could be.. made on Portugal, but by an army so numerous, as, on that account, speedily to operate on ha own resources ; and such was the event. • While, however, Lord Wellington was defending Portugal on the banks of the Coa, he was, fortifying Lisboa on the banks of the Tagus. While limping the enemy off the frontiers, he was strength ening the heart of Portugal. At length, finding k necessary to retire, he retired to Lisbon. I say this, Sir, to obviate a most unfair criticism on the campaign, namely, that the result was accidental ; that Odious') It was a subject of congratulation, it was an occur rence which could never have been reasonably ex pected. Now. Sir, nothing can be mere unjust. If there be any thing certain in the whole history of the campaign, it is that my Lord Wellington distinctly calculated on the difficulty which the French would feel in maintaining their large army before Lisbon for such a length of time as would enable them to force his works there. Whatever may be said of other mi litary opinions, that of Lord Wellington has been completely justified by the event. I will read to the House extracts from two dispatches written by, Lord Wellington, after he retired from the frontiers,' in order that they may judge of the accuracy of ni r statement:—ln the first dispatch, dated Cartaxo, De: camber I, his .Lordship says, ' I do not propose making any mov: vent by which I - may incur the risk of bringing on an action on less advantageous ground han that which lat present possess. Theenemy can • relieved from their difficulties onlrby she occur soUtc misfortune to the alliestarmy, and I - r_ their übiectome I, hum" :;. >•••••,.-,^' t . , of remaining on the ground which I have setlctcd, to move to that which has been selected by them.' 1 other dispatch is dated December 29. After describing the relative situation of the armies, Lord Wellington goes on to observe, ' Under these ctrcunistances, hay ing such an enemy to .contend with, knowing that there is no army in Portugal capable of contending with that enemy but my own, and feeling that ever. success in an attack, if accompanied with great loss, would occasion the ruin of the cause of the allies, I shall persevere in the system which I have hitherto pursued, and which I hope will end in the defeat of the enemy's object. Part of Portugal will unques tionably stiffer ; but, much as this is to be--lamented, it is better that a part should suffer than that all should be lost. On the whole, I entertain no doubt of the final success of the measures I am carrying on, and I am certain that they are the only means Which can be entirely successful.'—(Hear, hear, hear.) Such were the sentiments entertained at that period by Lord Wellington. When, therefore, Sr, it is said that we ought to bless our stars and hold our tongue,' I cannot follow the advice. I thank my GOD, but I cannot hold my tongue. I must proclaim to this House, to the country, and to the world, the merits of that illustrious man who has been the instrument, under Pitovimiscr, of effecting this great good—. (Hear, hear, hear.) I .7ostain from dwelling partied lady on the succession of allant actions which have been fought by our bralVtroops, from the battle of Barrosa to the last brilliant achievement on the banks of the Coa, by Colonel Beckwith—(Hear, hear)—lest in enumerating those which ought to be distinguish ed, (fought as they have been, day after day) I should omit many justly entitled to applause. But I beg the indulgence of a few minutes, for the purpose of adverting to the actual advantages which we may consider as derived from the campaign in Portugal. I shall consider those advantages as they affect our allies, ourselves, the enemy, and the rest of the world. And first, respecting our allies, there can be no doubt that the direct effect of the campaign, in having em ployed so large a force intended for their subjugation, has been materially beneficial. It has at least given them an additional year in which to struggle for their independence, and it has afforded them an example of what they may effect by a strict attention to disci pline. The advantages derived to ourselves by the result of the campaign are by no means inconsider able. This country, Sir, may be considered as di vided into two opinions with, respect to its ossn power and prosperity. Those who have thought that Great Britain never stood higher in those points, are gratified at seeing their opinion confirmed. Those, on the contrary, who have entertained the desponding idea that the sun of the British glory was for ever set, must now congratulate themselves and the country on the proof that at least our military character never stood so high as at the present moment. To them the recent occurrences must be infinitely mote gratifying than to us, woo were more sanguine on the subject. Ne" . longer can any fears remain, that should the Fiends seek our shores we should be unable to meet them. We have a British army, composed of a General who has • outteneralled theirs; and troops by whom their troops have been subdued. (Hear, hear, hear !) As , to the effect on the enemy, 'what his feelings must be, after all his boasts and threats against the British array, may easily be conceived. What the effects may be in ternally on France, I will not pretend to predict.— , How far their discomfiture in Portugal may put an end to the delusion, that extent of dominion is extent 'of strength; how far it may open the eyes of the French to the intolerable and disgraceful tyranny by which they are at present oppressed, future events will disclose. With regard to,the rest of the world —to Europe it will be an useful lesson, pointing out the only road to security. I avoid saying any thing on the probable effect which our succes may have . in another part of the world, but I cannot close my mind to the expectation of an impression being made by it in the highest degree favourable to the interests of this country. (Heir, (rear, hear.) Sir, it was impossible to suppose that it could be the Divine in• tentiOn long to permit the continuance of that system of oppression and usurpation under which Europe has so long groaned. It may, perhaps, not be presump tuous in us to 'tope that we may be the instruments of delivering the world from its thraldom. It is not impossible in the dispensations of PROVIDENCE, but that in that very Peninsula in which the tyranny of France-hLs been so cruelly manifested, she may re- , ceive her death-Wound if not her rave. (Hear, hear, hear.) pot, to revert to. that which is our it business, namely, to give our thanks and appEn t r to those who have put us in such a situation to talk this language. All we can do on this occasion is only the commencement of my Lord Wellihgton's glory.— For, as long as a vestige of the present eventful times remain on record—as long as it shall be conge nial to the heart of man to be gratified with military glory, acquired not in extending the ambitious pro jects of a tyrant, but in resisting. tyranny and defend ing the oppressed—as long as execration shall follow the contemplation of violence and injustice—as long as praise shall be deemed due to the most zealous and , patriotic exertions in a righteous cause—so long shall the character of Lord Wellington be venerated by posterity, and be embalmed in the memory and gra titude of mankind ! (Load and general cries of Hear, hear, hear.) I move, Sir,— " That the Thanks of this House be given to Lieutenant-Ge -1 petal Lerd Viscount Wellington, for the indefatigable zeal, and consummate ability wish which, in successfully defending the Kingdom of Portugal, he has rendered the most important ser vice to his King and Country." The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER trusted, that the impossibility of naming the various Officers who had distinguished themselves, would justify the departure from the usual course, on this' occasion. Mr. CANNING then said, that,in rising to second the motion of his Right Hon. Friend, he felt some difficulty in deciding whether he should content him self with barely seconding the motion, or preface the declaration of such intention by the expression of his sentiments upon the subject to which the motion refer red. There were many situations in which we telt equally diffseilli to determine, either trs speak or to be silent. The impression, however, on his mind, upon this occasion, was so forcible, as to render it , impos. 'Bible for him to abstaip from addrtiming,a few oboe. *adorn to the Hoiise before it shOuleCoide to a To' vms impossible, Atecittiting to IfeelieVe lif . title, to contemplate the true situation of the -country under the present circumstances, s:ithout taking at the same time into consideration, as well the means b r which that situation had ben brought about, as the advantages that were likely to result from it. Onc of the consequences of that situation was, that, in decid ing upon the question then under their consideration, they were relieved from . all the difficulties which usually attended such votes. Engaged as the country WAS in a contest of such magnitude and extent, it sel dom happened that unanimity was to be expected— that the merits of the service to be remunerated elf peered to all persons in the same lighr—or that it was felt unnecessary, more or less, to compare the means with the end—the exertion with the effect.. Whenever upon any occasion a failure unfortunately took place, every particular was uniformly inquired into, every action examined, every probability can vassed, and the necessity of failure clearly demon strated. All this usually took place atter the re. • sult was known, and when the test of experience removed every difficulty of judgment, and the event itself furnished the means of an unerring deci. siun upon the measures which may have been resorted to. Whenever, on the contrary success was brought under the consideration of Parliament, the debate woe generally ushered in by deprecating all discussions of the events or measures which may have preceded the particular service to which the attention of Parliament may be called, and by insulating the object to which the Vote of Thanks called for applied ; whilst those even who acquiesced in the vote, felt it necessary to keep out of sight every thing which might have pre ceded the particular service—this was like a natural practice. There were many actions, which, whatever may have been the character of the system of measures . that led to them, could best be made a subject of dis cussion upon the splendour of their own merits. But was the question then under consideration the case of insulated action in a series of operations, or even of a single campaign brilliantly terminated ? Notwith-* standing all that his Right Hon. Friend had said of forbearance, as to the introduction of other topics into the discussion, he must be permitted to say, that this was not the case of a single signal action, or of , an isolated acquisition ea' glory ; it was, he should contend, the fruit of two years exertion—of the ap. • plication, during that period, of an understanding of the first order, combiaed with military talents scarcely ever equalled in history, to a state of difficulty unpae sanded, and crowned with exemplary success. He considered this state of things, therefore, which they were about to honour with their thanks, not as the consequence of one campaign, but as the result of the labour - of two years. He considered Lord Wellington, in the accomplishment of the success he had achieved, as the•instrument in the hands of PROVIDENCE for the deliverance of Portugal. But when contemplating the merits of Lord -Wellington's services in Portugal, he could not look to the evacuation of that country • .by the French as a military act, without reference to the means by which that desirable event had been , affected and while the end was so well deserving of the applause of that House, and the approbation of the country, he must contend, that the means e:1.- ployed for bringing it about were no less entitkd th credit. His Right hon. Friend had adverted to the effect which this state of affairs would have upon ourselves, upon our allies, upon our enemies, and upon • the rest of Europe; and he concurred with his Right Honourable Friend, that the effect must be conside. rable with respect to all. To look first, to the effect it would have upon ourselves, he would ask, whether, when two yearsago welted taken the resolution to make our stand in Portugal—when we determined to make that country the theatre of our struggle with France—. the question was not considered doubtful, how far we might be able to maintain the contest ? Whether • those even who thought success attainable, did not feel that it was still a question of doubt? But when the determination was formed, those who looked to the contest with confidence, took the most effectual means of realizing their sanguine hopes, by the selection of a man to conduct the operations, whose natural genius and , military experience insured the accomplishment of all , that was attainable by human sagacity—who, calculat. inghismeans,and eompatingthem with the end he was to accomplish, would take every necessary measure to insure it. How could the House sufficiently appreciate his merits, when they followed him from the fatigues of the day to repose in his tent ; and contemplated his feelings whilst looking for consolation from home under his laborious duties—when, instead of consola tion, he found accusation—instead of encouragement, misrepresentation and obloquy—when he found all his dangers magnified, and all the means of the ene my uniformly exaggerated—when every one of his measures was traced to temerity or compulsion, and • 11 the movements of the enemy to wisdom and mill. tary skill ? When they took all this into their consi deration, it was impossible not to conceive what his feelings must have been, and not to ascribe his steady and unaltered perseverance ist the plan he had previ ously laid to its final and glorious accomplishment, real magnanimity and to true valour—(dear, hear.) Whilst exposed to such misrepresentations, he never deigned to notice any of the.untounded statements he saw published upon the subject ; he determined not to reply to them in words, bat to let the , result put them to shame—(Hear, hear.) During this time he saw all his plans ripening into maturity, and, steadily prosecuting his purpose, he forbore, throughout the whole of his correspondence, from introducing one word expressive of discontent. If there was any thing which could not be contemplated without admiration, it was the case of a man exposed to such misrepresen tation, and yet disdaining to indulge in any cxprecsion of his feelings. But what Lord Wellington had done, was eitherbencficial orruindus: they had now,however come to that state when they could look back without re. gret or look forward with hope, and when consequently they could discuss the question with many advantages, His Right Hon, Friend had adverted to opinions which had divided, and fairly divided, the country, as to whether the strength of this country was equal to maintain the contest in the Peninsula against Franca —vrhether we could bring our military sneans, with any prospect of success, into competition with that of the enemy—whether our strength was not necessarily confined tonne element—in short, whether some eter. nal tate had not separated the trident from the sward s He did-not think with those, who inclined to cllstrilit the military means of this country ; and rather Woad to those, who thought that this country should either become a-great military power, or a vassal of France, She had,' then, become a t•reat military power, .