The Press. — London, England, 1856-06-14 00:00:00

J .t. joe /17 1111 rt STAMPED .... SIXPENCE. TINSTAMPED..FIVEPENCE. No. 163.—V0L.1V. LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 14, 1856. qt V rtss. LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 14, 1856. THERE are more unlikely things than a war between England and the United States. We do not suppose that the people of either country would anticipate such an event with calmness, still less that they would delibe rately plan the means by which it could be brought about. Without some more hostile and aggressive action on the ono part and the other than there is any reason to expect, the two countries are not likely to be furnished with any such large ground of quarrel as would lead them willingly to embark in war. Their interests are substantially the same. The commercial ties which unite them are mutually beneficial. They have far more reason to desire each other's continued pro sperity than to desire each other's hurt or destruction. The boundaries of British pos sessions on the North American continent are well defined, and between those possessions and the States there has, from the advantages of increasing trade, grown up a much better feeling than formerly prevailed. It. is most improbable that war should spring from any real opposition of national interests, or from any vital antagonism of policy on any matter of importance. Whence, then, the likelihood of war at all? From little motives and petty disputes ; from feelings of jealousy rousing hostile passions ; and from questions utterly insignificant in themselves—whether as regards claims to territory or extension of influence, or admi nistrative differences—being embittered by mutual misunderstanding or angry corre spondence. While no quarrel, then, is likely to arise from any cause involving the essential in terests of the two countries, a quarrel is not unlikely to arise from causes in which their Governments conceive themselves specially interested. It may be laid down as a prin ciple that when war breaks out it will be directly attributable to some governmental mismanagement, and not, in the first instance, at least, to the pressure of national animosities. We say in the first instance, because, if the Governments of the two nations are for any length of time hostile—if they are bent on provoking and insulting each other—if they make demonstrations of armed force, which are a challenge to hostilities—it is impossible to avoid inflaming the public mind on both sides of the Atlantic, and preparing it for an appeal to arms. It is this danger which has to be guarded against at the present moment. and the danger is neither visionary nor distant. For twelve months past the intercourse of the two Go ♦ernments has been growing continually more angry, and it has now reached a point when col lision—without some such concession on either side as cannot be made without an acknow ledgment of blunder or wrong—is inevitable. The Government of the United States con tends that Mr. CRAMPTON, in endeavouring to give effect to the Foreign Enlistment Act in its territory, has violated the laws and sovereignty of the United States. The Go vernment of Great Britain contends that Mr. CRAMPTOI4 . B proceedings from first to last were justifiable, and that the United States Govern ment has no just ground of complaint against him. This is the question which has to be determined. If the countries themselves remain silent—if they have such perfect con fidence in their respective Governments as to support them in whatever decisions they may arrive at—then it is no longer the Govern ments merely, but the nations, which are in opposition. The people of the two countries will accept the acts of their Administrations, and the quarrel from being in the first instance purely governmental will become national. The dispute has arrived at that stage when our Legislature cannot shrink from the respon sibility which devolves upon it of discussing the whole question. It cannot remain silent without approving the conduct of the Govern ment ; and if that conduct be really worthy its approval and support, it will act a more honest and manly part by making a declara tion to that effect in face of the world. In any case we must not close our eyes to the gravity of the situation. Let no one sup pose that the difference between the two Governments can advance a single step fur ther without seriously compromising the con tinuance of peace. A total rupture of diplo• matic intercourse may not immediately lead to a declaration of war; but from the moment when the rupture is complete, the outbreak of hostilities will be but a question of time. The honour of the two countries will be committed to the support of the Governments whose policy they have approved ; and when national honour is concerned, we have no faith what ever in any of the grounds of interest or good will on which some politicians rely for the continuance of peace. The public men of this country must, then, seriously consider the question at issue, and must prepare for its discussion. The Foreign Enlistment Act has produced that difficulty which its opponents said it would produce, and which it could not be carried into practi cal effect without producing. It has embroiled us with the Government of the United States, and has placed us in a position from which we cannot advance without plunging into war with a country bound to us by a thousand ties of peaceful relation and mutual advantage. and from which we cannot recede without an acknowledgment of terror. To the country and the Leg►slature alike we say, this is the situation. Do,not be deceived as to its import and imminence. It has reached that point when diplomatic skill can neither shift the issue nor avert the decision. Consider it well—deliberate calmly. At present the re sponsibility is on the head of your Govern ment ; but be assured of this, if you miss the opportunity for action, you will take the responsibility on yourselves. In certain quarters there is a disposition, we know, to throw all blame on the Cabinet of President PIERCE It is assumed that he is playing an electioneering trick, and agitating for the Irish ticket. The Govern ment of the United States, like our own, has its political necessities. But this notion that a Government at the head of thirty millions of people—acting in the face of day—with all its acts closely scrutinised by a free Legisla ture and free press, with all its diplomatic documents published without reserve, would dare to trifle with the great interests com mitted to its charge, and seek occasion for quarrel with England that it might gain the suffrages of the foreign and least influential element of its population, is too monstrous for belief. There are the despatches of the United States Government—we can judge of them for ourselves. Whatever may be our opinion of the justice of their ideas, it is impossible to deny them the credit of great ability, and equally impossible is it to deny that the statesmanlike attitude of the United States Cabinet at this moment is entitled to high respect. If we proceed on the assumption of the weakness of that Cabinet, or on an opinion that the strength of factions in the States will render the Executive powerless for hostility, we shall find ourselves deceived. While firm on the point of dismissing Mr. Camarrox, the Washington Government shows itself eminently conciliatory on other matters. All grounds of dispute, save this one, are virtually at an end, and on its decision depends the peace or hostility of the two greatest maritime Powers of the globe. RECRUITING IN AMERICA. IT was announced last evening by Lord Cu- RIENDON in one House. and by Lord PAL meturrom in the other, that Mr. CRAMPTON, her Majesty's representative at Washington, had received his passports from the Government of the United States, and that their exequaturs had been withdrawn from Consuls BARCLAY, Rowcaorr, and MATtiew. The accompanying despatches from the Washington Cabinet are conciliatory in their tone, and express an anxious wish to settle the Central American question by direct negotiation with the Bri tish Government, or by the arbitration of a third party. The only question, then, now at issue is, whether the conduct of Mr. CRAltirroN and the incriminated Consuls, in endeavouring to give effect to the Foreign Enlistment Act in the United States, really gave the Govern ment of that country just cause for dissatip faction. No one will suppose that Mr. CRAMP TON intended to give offence to the Govern ment to which he was accredited, or to violate the neutrality laws of the United States. On the contrary, there is abundant evidence that he endeavoured to keep within the law. But he had a difficult part to play. Before the Foreign Enlistment scheme was brought before Parliament, Mr. Ca.otrroe, at the instigation of his Government, addressed to British Consuls in the United States a ‘• confidential circular" as to the number of British subjects in the States who were willing to enlist in her Majesty's service. He states:— I inculcated upou her Majesty's Consuls the utmost caution in conducting this inquiry, stating to them dis tinctly that " enlistment and enrolment of citizens of the United States, or of residents therein, for the service of a foreign Power with which the United Sates is at ream, would be clearly in contrave the United States' neutrality measures which might infraction of those laws Government, would be p. 130. This was as far when the Foreign contemplation. The ntravention with the provisiin • of Aridity laws ;" and adding that any t even have the a of any is by the age • • • • s •- e highly Ob . ty. 1 •P„.- („ , •'4 back As • , Enlistniqn ,i; extrenicWftilL b a • • s -N T ? v i o .• rP4 04`