The Press. — London, England, 1857-04-04 00:00:00

APRIL 4, 1857. that provision should be made for the extension of educa tion, and to see reforms effected in the law, an alteration in the law of settlement, a reform of the military esublish ments, and more salutary regulations adopted with regent' to beerhouses. He also thought the Legislature ought to take such measures as would secure the abolition of the income tax at least in 186(1. - - - - Mr. CAVENDISH briefly returned thanks, and declared his continued adherence to those Liberal principles which he professed when he became the representa tive of the county ten years ago. In anwer to a question, he declined to support the ballot. Mr. DISRAELI then came forward, and was greeted with load cheers, on the subsidence of which " One cheer more" was demanded, and heartily rendered. The right hon. gentleman having reviewed at length the conduct and measures of the Opposition when in power, having pointed out how Lord Derby's Government raised the militia on the voluntary principle, created a powerful steam fleet, carried out important law reforms, re-established the artillery of the army, and laid the foundations of a firm alliance with France, and having briefly passed in review the various social and financial schemes t'..e noble earl's Government had proposed to adopt, called atten tion to the conduct of the Opposition as an Opposition during the late war:— After the fall of the Government of Lord Derby the most important Event that has occurred since I was last elected as a member for Buckinghamshire was, no doubt, the war with Russia. Now, what was the conduct of the Opposition when that war commenced? lam bold to say that they pursued such a course as was never before taken by any Opposition. (Cheers.) We called our friends together; we said the country was in great danger; that it was involved in a struggle with a continental power of colosaal military resources; and that the occasion was not one on which common parliamentary controversies should ►e encouraged. We said there must be no struggle for political power while the country was in such a posi tion, but that we must show foreigners that, however we may criticise each other's conduct with respect to domestic affairs, when the safety of the empire is threatened we are all united. (Cheers ) We said that we must support the Government cordially and completely in the prosecution of a war which we believed to be most necessary and politic, and that we must not only afford them support by voting men and money, but by refraining during the progress of the war—though it should last four years—from introduc ing any motion which might enfeeble the Administration or endanger its existence. (Cheers.) This isnot merely my own view of the conduct of the Opposition, but Lord Palmerston has, to his honour, done justice more than once in the House of Commons. and very recently on the hustings before his own constituents, to the patriotic con• duct of the Opposition during the war. (Cheers.) But has that always been the conduct of the Opposition ? Did the Opposition pursue such a course during the great war with France? On the contrary, the Government of that day were harassed and assailed on every opportunity ; the talents of our military leaders—even of the Duke of Wellington himself—were decried and depreciated ; and no hope was ever held out to England that the termination of that struggle would be successful and glorious. Now, acting in a different spirit, we did what we could to support her Majesty's Government. (Hear, hear.) We have opposed no measure which they brought forward will the view of placing great resources at their disposal. The only course we took was to stimulate their exertions, and the only objections we ever urgad were objections to the inefficient mode in which the resources placed at their disposal were applied. (Cheers.) (A voice—" You knew the people were with them.") I should be very sorry to find that the people of this country were not with their Government when the nation was involved in a severe straggle with a great military power. (Cheers.) I never thought ot• that; I took it for granted. (Renewed cheers ) Mr. Disraeli then touched upon the credit Lord Palmerston has hitherto obtained for having entered upon, and carried on, the war with earnestness:— It is said that Lord Palmerston took the reins of Govern ment and carried on the war with very great efficiency . Allow me to 'mention this fact—that the instant he took the reins of Government he cominenced negotiations for on ignominious peace. (Cheers and some expressions of dissent.) lam now stating facts, and lam quite sure it is your desire, as it is your interest, to have accurate and precise ideas upon all these subjects. Lord Palmerston sent Lord J. Russell to Vienna with instructions to nego tiate peace. I have heard, and I believe, that those in structions which Lord J. Russell received to guide his conduct at Vienna were drawn up by Lord Palmerston's own hand. Indeed, I thins it highly improbable that the most experienced statesman of this country in the manage ment of foreign affairs would refrain at so critical an emer gency from performing such a duty. Well, it so happened that, although these proceedings were very secret, some communications were made to me of the terms upon which peace Was about to be neiptiated, and they appeared to me to be terms which would prove most unsatisfactory to the people of England and m os t i n j ur i ous to t h e i nterests and honour of the country. My information, although accurate, was not complete, and I was in such a position that I could not make so frank a use of it as I can do at the present day. I brought forward a motion in the House of Commons— on the eve, I think, of the Whitsun holidays—asking the house on the statement I made to resolve that the am biguous language and uncertain conduct of our plenipoten tiary at Vienna were sources of great distrust and anxiety to Parliament. That was as much as I could do, hut it was sufficient to warn the house as to the state of affairs, and to check the Government. The resolution which I brought forward, on the eve, I think, of the Whitsun holi days, vrae defeated by a large majority —a majority of 100; THE PRESS. and it was defeated because Lord J. Russel: had at that time returned from Vienna and made a most warlike speech. in which he appealed to the spirit of the house and the country. He was supported by the Prime Minister with so much apparent sytopathy and cordiality that the house could not believe the impression wished to convey was justifiable, and a majority was in favour of the Govern ment. But it so happened that M. Drouyn de Lhuys, the French Minister present with Lord J. Russell at Vienna, annoyed that the negotiations had failed, and that his own Government had not supported him, resigned his office ; but not only did he do that—he reveaied ia his own vindication all that had occurred at Vienna : It happened, therefore, when Parliament met again after the holidays that these transactions became matters of notoriety, and several of the most distinguished mew. tiers who had spoken and voted against my motion—some privately, and others publicly in their places in Parlia ment—expressed deep regret for the course they had adopted. In consequence I asked a friend of mine, a very distinguished member of the House of Commons, the representative of a neighbouring county, who 1 hope will be a member of the next Parliament—Sir Bulwer Lytton—to bring before the house the whole subject of the Vienna negotiations. He gave notice of a motion with that object, and what was the consequence? The exist• ence of the Government was ut stake. An indignant House of Commons would have terminated the existence of the Palmerston Cabinet as it terminated the existence of Lord Aberdeen's Cabinet, and the Government were only saved by Lord J. Russell coming forward and making himself their voluntary scapegoat. I am bound to say that Lord Palmerston offered to sten' or fall by Lord J. Russell; but, as the majority against Lord Palmerston's Government would have been overwhelming, Lord J. Russell himself offered to be the scapegoat, and I must say in justice to that noble lord, who has incurred so much unpopularity, that I think such unpopularity undeserved, because although the terms of peace contemplated were, in my opinion, unsatisfactory and Ignominious, Lotd J. Russell as an individual was not responsible fur those terms, but the responsibility tested upon the Cabinet which he represented, and upon the Prime Minister of that Cabinet. (Hear, hear.) It is necessary that sound ideas should prevail as to the conduct of public men, and it appears to me requisite to enter into these details in order that you may not suppose that I deviated from what I maintain was the patriotic course of the Opposition in supporting the Government in their conduct of the war by counselling that the resolution to which I have referred should be brought forward. I say, then, when we are told of the energetic manner in which the war was carried on, that something is due to the parliamentary Opposition of England during both tile Governments of Lord Aberdeen arid of Lord Palmerston. (Cheers.) Peace was at length concluded : My hon. colleague has given great credit to Lord Pal merston for the manner in which he insisted that the terms on which peace was negotiated should be carried out in their true spirit. I have also given Lord Palmerston credit in the House of Commons for that conduct ; but allow me to tell you that there never would have been a question about the terms of peace if our negotiator at Paris had not committed one of the greatest blunders probably recorded in the history of diplomacy, for he agreed to a treaty of peace in which the principal object for which we went to war—namely, the freedom of the Danube—was entirely omitted. What Lord Palmerston, therefore, de serves every credit for is this, that, having discovered that we had made a very great blunder, and that the country was deprived of the very object for which such great sacri fices of blood and treasure had been made, he determined, like a true Englishman, not to shrink from his demand, but to fight out of the blunder, feeling sure the country would back him ; and at last we got what we might have obtained without all this bluster and disturbance. Mr. Disraeli alluded to the conduct of the Opposi tion after the conclusion of peace ; and first with re spect to the income tax : The present Government claims very great credit for taking off the income tax what is called " the war nine. pence," which might have been cont;nued for another year. I am gratified, gentlemen, that you are relieved from that " war ninepence " hut I am not perfectly sure if a certain notice had no: been given in the House of Commons on the first night of the last session that you would have got rid of that taxation. (A laugh and cheers.) All I know is that the estimates of this country—as I have the highest authority for stating—were reduced I believe within forty eight hours by the amount of 3,0t5),0101., and you have upon records which anybody may consult evidence that those estimates which we afterwards had to consider were originally of much higher amount, for many lords lieu tenant of counties received instructions with regard to the militia which were subsequently suddenly revoked in con sequence of the expenditure which the maintenance of that force would have occasioned. lam not at all quarrelling with or carping at the Government for making these re• ductions. Unless the Opposition sometimes performs such services to the people I don't see what the use of an Opposition is. One of the duties of an Opposition is to perform the part of a constitutional critic upon the Govern. went, and it we succeeded in the object of our criticism I don't think we ought to " look a gift horse in the mouth." (Laughter.) With respect to the income tax as a tax, it was the opinion of all public men that no scheme for its re vision was practicable. It should therefore be abolished, but before any reduction of taxation could be effected the expenditure of the country must be restricted. At present it was most extravagant_ upwards of 0,000,000/. beyond that of 1852 53. But 331 the reduction of expenditure was dependent upon the general policy of the country : Without dwelling too much upon this point, I may say I consider the general policy of tile country, as I have de. scribed it to be, one which entails considerable expense. It is a policy which I am told is very popular ; it is a policy of perpetual meddling in every part of the world, occa sioning disturbances which cause expense, and conse • queotly lead to increased estimates. I am told that this is a very spirited policy—(laughter)—that there is nothing like making the influence of England felt, and that there is nothing"of which an Englishman should be more proud than to feel that he is like a Roman citizen in every part of the world. (Laughter and cheers.) But I must say I generally find that this spirit, which I have described as turbulent and aggressive," is always exhibited to weak and not to powerful States. (Hear.) I find that Greece and Persia and China are perpetually the means by which the glory of British arms is to be established and illustrated (" Hear," and a laugh )—but that we receive insults from Russia and Austria, and that two or three years ago we even received insults from France, which are passed over in silence, but which, if these States had been weak, would have been resented by the presence of admirals and generals, The practical effect of this policy is to add to your ex penditure 2,000,04/01. or 3,000,0001. a year, and you must remember, when you consider whether the income tax shall be reduced to 7d. or rid.. that the difference of 2,0(10.04)0/. between the sums raised by those rates of duty is probably the amount of expenditure occasioned by the expeditions and interferences resulting from your present policy. have referred to the case of Persia, and I have shown you that, under difficulties analogous to those which have recently taken place, we settled the Persian question without the expenditure of a single shilling. What will the course adopted by the present Government of Lord Palmerston cost :he country ? Will your bill be less than 1,000,000/,, or Id. in the pound of the income tax? How, then, can you look forward to getting rid of the income tax unless you exercise strict control over the conduct of the Government with respect to interference in foreign countries? (Hear, hear.) This brings me to the question which it is said led to the dissolution of Parliament—our interference in China. I am told the news which has just arrived from China is itself a justification of the course adopted by her Majesty's Government. In the first place, however, I am by no means sure that news is true ; but supposing for the sake of argument that it is true, I draw a totally different in t fereuce. I draw the inference that if the present Govern ment had taken means to act upon the Emperor of China similar to those adopted by the Government of Lord Derby with regard to the Shah of Persia, we should probably have gained all the redress we required without resorting to the extreme, the wanton, and, I must say, the cruel proceed ings to which we have had recourse, which have already involved us in great expenditure, and which may lead to increased expenditure. I say, then, if you want to reduce the taxation of the country—and all persons at the present day profess a desire to do so—if you want to get rid of war taxation, and to fulfil the contract between the Government, the Parlia ment, and the people with regard to the income tax, you must impress upon the Administration of this country that their perpetual and unnecessary interference with foreign States, and especially with weak States, is a policy which you will not sanction. (Cheers.) But if, on the other hand, you like the excitement of it—if you like to get up in the morning and hear that Canton is in flames, or that a sanguinary battle has taken place between the cavalry of our army and the Persian cavalry—if such ex citement as this is necessary for the satisfaction of the English people, be consistent. Don't complein of your expenditure ; don't complain of your taxes. Understand that you must pay war prices for the necessaries of life if you adopt such a policy. Agree that you will have a per petual income tax if you want all this glory which arises from vanquishing what we are told are barbarian poten tates; but don't say, "We will have fireworks and illumi nations for constant victories," and at the same time com plain if the Government and Parliament call upon you for increased taxes or for the continuance of war imposts. (Cheers.) The right hon. gentleman, expressing his satisfac tion at the present dissolution of Parliament be cause he believed it would result in the return of the great political parties with definite opinions, pro ceeded to touch upon the great question of parlia mentary reform. There were two aspects under which it might be regarded : There are parliamentary reformers, who are what are called moderate men. They are in favoi:r of what is termed " bit by bit reform." Then there is another class of men who describe themselves as real and earnest re formers, in favour of what are called " comprehensive measures." I will make one or two brief observations upon these two classes, not to dictate my opinion to you, but to offer some suggestions of which you may chew the cud—(laughter)—during the time that will probably elapse before I have the honour of meeting you again. I confess myself, that I am not a " bit by bit " reformer. There are, I think, many measures of parliamentary change of a very moderate and partial character, which appev very plausible when described in newspapers and speeches; but I have invariably found that a " bit by bit reform" as regards Parliament always ends in a job. (Laughter, and Hear, hear." ) Some years ago an immense outcry was made by—l don't mean the term offensively—the greet Liberal party, or, in deference to my hon. colleague (Mr. Cavendish t, will say the Whigs—(a laugh)—against the "lose boroughs of the Tories, and the people, acting with the Whigs, said, " This is a most infamous system, and we will put an end to it," Well, they put an end to the close