The Press. — London, England, 1856-11-29 00:00:00

/770Aef._ Zbt ;/rdt,6l4 rtss. plished diplomatists of Europe. The language and acts of our representative would be the language and acts of our Government, and by his words and deeds the nation would be bound. From such a test of its sincerity the Administration of Lord PALMERSTON might well shrink. It lives by protestations to the people of this country which it would never think of putting forward at a European Congress. It has one vocabulary for its diplomatic dealings, it has another for the press and the hustings at home ; and it may well dread a renewal of the Paris Conference, as it must know that this eontradiction of tone would be brought forth, and that its double dealing could not possibly escape detection and exposure. When the Conference assembles will be the proper time for Lord PALMERSTON'S Adminis tration to openly make those charges of bad faith against the Russian Government which it has been profusely circulating for months past, through a hundred :secret channels. If there were just ground for supposing that the Court of St. Petersburg did• really mean to treacherously evade the stipulations of the Treaty, it was to the Russian Government that remonstrances should have been addressed. Under any circumstances, it was a vile office to endeavour to set the two nations against each other, and to rouse popular passions to keep alive a sentiment of animosity which should have been allowed to subside when the war was concluded. We shall see whether at the Conference those charges of Russian in trigue will be made which the supporters of Lord PALMERSTON have been so industrious in propagating through this country, by every means at their command. We shall see whether the Princesses of the Imperial family of Russia will be accused of visiting different countries of Europe solely that they might corrupt the public men of the nations they visited, and throw obstacles in the way of the honest execution of the Treaty of Paris. We do not accuse Lord PALMERSTON of any intention of restoring to Russia that influence which she lost by the war. But since the war his policy has tended to rescue her from a wrong position, and place her in a right one. He has given her a vantage ground which she never could have acquired by her own un assisted efforts. He has exhibited such a contrast between the course of his Adminis tration towards Russia and that of the French Government, as irresistibly forces the conclu sion that France, in the differences which have arisen, sides with Russia and against England. This a moral advantage gained b y our opponent of incalculable value. It destroys the weight and prestige of the Western Alliance, and leads opinion to the belief that the preponderance of European authority no longer sides with England upon the Eastern question. What we desire in the conduct of our foreign affairs is an open, honest, and straight forward policy. There is no reason why the representatives of nations should not meet each other fairly as man meets man in the ordinary transactions of life. There may be rivalry and opposition of interests without secret intrigue or covert hostility. There must be something wrong in the constitution of those Governments which deem it neces sary to hold one language to their own people and another to foreign Courts, and which find their account in pandering to prejudices which LONDON, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 29, 1856. followers. For ii pose that the d. between the Premier of the Rouse of No. 187.—VoL.IV. LONDON, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 29, 1856. WralMiii,:.sFi,xvPEFAZE. in the face of the world they dare neither to justify nor avow. When the next Conference assembles at Paris, it is to be hoped that clean work will be made of the differences which have grown oat of the Treaty of Paris, and that other questions of continental import which now cause un easiness, will he disposed of. We strongly doubt whether it is the true policy of England to interfere much with the affairs of the Con tinent, more especially since Hanover, our only contimental possession since the accession of the house of Brunswick, has ceased to be attached to the British Crown. There are poteitt reasoiis why England, with her habits and institutions, should never warmly sympa thise with any Continental Government. Motives of policy may instruct us to draw closer our alliance with particular States at particular times; and, as a general rule, the desir3 to live on terms of amity with our neighbours, may dispose us to maintain friendly relations with the de facto Govern ments of the Continent. To interfere with their internal concerns, or to endeavour to make our diplomatic relations the means of propagating political principles, may involve this country in great complexities, may force us into enormous expenses, or may entangle us in war, but must, from the essential oppo sition between our ideas and those of conti nental nations, end in eventual disappoint ment. We may hope to assist in preserving the peace of thelContinent, and in maintaining those geographical boundaries which prevent any one State from acquiring such an ascend ancy as would threaten to disturb that balance of empire, tz rather that distribution of poli tical power, which at present prevails. We may even make use of our influence to favour those general principles of government which we conceive to be most conducive to prosperity and happiness, for we never can be indifferent to the interests of humanity. But there our efforts must end. Our action on the internal affairs of the Continent has been limited by decrees beyond our power to control, and be yond either the effervescence of popular im pulse or the vanity of restless diplomacy to alter. Our true work lies elsewhere ; and if we persist in overlooking this fact, we shall act as foolishly as does the man who neglects his own business, which would bring him wealth and honour, that he may pursue chi merical schemes, which can bring him nothing but vexation and loss. THE PREMIER'S DILEMMA. THE friends of the Prime Minister are much alarmed at the attitude kept by Lord JOHN RUSSELL. "Does Lord JOHN, in the course of " the next session, mean to play the part of " an open foe, or a candid friend?" is a ques tion often asked by them ; and an untimely discussion of the subject has been indis creetly precipitated by the active supporters of Lord PALMICRSTON. It ought not to require any reference to " special authority " to know that for the presen judicious on the • , - • esent silence wou4 be - toori — P's • part of Lord PamaNappws 7 -1 " - " a "-; fs! i it is quite a mistekelli ' 4 , ~;ii r .i .;• delicate relations:4 1 .... 1 -- tibsi a -, A remier and the se leadet ' i-I of Commons in.itlir/Agipt• i c 4a ....„. , ; "PRESS" OFFICE, Friday, Night, November:2B. IT has been finally settled that the differ ences respecting Bolgrad and the Isle of Serpents shall be referred to a second Con ference. The Conference will again assem ble at Paris. We have every reason to believe that the above announcement is correct. Should it prove to be so, the Administration of Lord PALMERSTON will again have received a diplo matic check, through having put forward pre• tensions which it was unable to maintain. When differences arose as to the interpreta tion of the Treaty of Paris on particular points, the Administration of Lord PALMERSTON de tided that its own view of the questions at issue should be carried with a high hated. It scouted the notion that any other interpreta tion than its own could be honestly en ter tained, and it set its face against a renewal of the Conference to settle points which it de clared were too clear and certain to admit of rational difference. The Court of St. Petersburg, on the con trary, held that the differences were not ficti tious, but real ; that no one party to the Treaty could pretend to dictate the interpretation which should be put upon its terms ; and that, as there was an actual bona-fide difference of opinion, second Conference would alone have the autlority to decide the contested points. The French Government leaned to the latter view as the most rational, and, on the whole, the most conciliatory. Hence the partial, and we trust but temporary, estrangement between the Administrations of France and England ; and hence the impolitic and unjustifiable attacks made by a portion of our press, not .only on the French Government, but on the Imperial Court. It was assumed that the French Administration was Russianised, because it came to the conclusion with Russia, 'that only a Conference of European Powers could authoritatively interpret the terms of a treaty which a Conference of those Powers had made. We can imagine that there might be strong objections to a renewal of the Paris Con ferences on the part of Lord PALMERSTON'S Administration. Whoever might represent England, whether Lord CLARENDON or Lord COWLEY, or both, would have to hold plain, direct, and intelligible language. He would have to meet as equals men as able as himself ; he would have no opportunity to exercise That " bottle-holding," which, however suc cessful it may prove with a deputation from a metropolitan vestry, would meet with little con sideration in an assembly of the most accom- ~~.~ r.. ,~