The Press. — London, England, 1856-04-12 00:00:00

r APRIL 12, 1856. indeed it is very well known to be at the present time. Such is the account, not in vented by ourselves, but taken from the pages of WiLsos's " Continuation of Mill." These are facts which are amply sufficient to meet the charges of interested persons who, if the welfare of the people were really held by them so much at heart. have quite enough to do in that respect in the districts long since subjected to our rule. The true objects of tho annexation are the plunder of the Royal Family, the robbery of their treasures and their jewels, the seizure of districts supposed to be the richest in India, and the opening up a vast field of patronage in every department of the State. These are the true grounds of this iniquitous proceeding, and it is idle to put forth others, which, if damaging to the King of OUDE, must be utterly damning to the Company themselves. It is a farce for them to talk of misgovernment in a dynasty to whom, in the very height of its alleged misgovernment, they sold territory to the extent of a million sterling, and in whose exactions, if they were exactions, they have participated in the shape of loans and gifts to the extent of four millions seven hundred and thirty-nine thousand pounds. THE IRISH PLATFORNI. RECENT events have drawn considerable atten tion to the state of the Irish Representation. It is a subject of the gravest character, and is of such imperial interest as to require special vigilance. Its importance will justify our re questing the notice of our readers to some of its peculiar aspects. Our first observation upon it must be, that though nominally " Irish," the subject is sub• stantially " English." Since 1688 our British " parties" have been governed by ascertained rules, which act almost as regularly as the tidal influences. Statesmen and educated observers can calculate on and make allowance for the action of our contending social ele ments; nor did the Union with Ireland disturb our Parliamentary constitution. But of late years a pretentious power, which we shall call " The Irish Platform," has disturbed our do mestic politics. It is, a:+ a social influence, at once violent and mercenary—personally selfish and politically insincere. There were many anarchic ideas, but there was something of moral aspiration in the phantom of " Young Irelandism." Even the older founders of the Repeal delusion aimed at a onesid ed nationality, but recent events show that the contemporary "Irish Platform" is essentially grovelling, and that it acts by the Irish mob for a means, with "Number One" for an end. Yet base as is this anomalous influence, British Cabinets have been rocked by its vicious strength. To show how unfairly the present 'lrish re• presentative system is worked, we need only point to the significant facts, that though the vastly greater portion of the soil in Ireland is held by a Conservative Proprietary, and though there are but few " Liberal " Peers in the hun dred and ninety-five on the roll of the Irish Peerage, only thirty-five Irish Conservative Members are returned, owing to the organised domination of the tribunitian influences. In the year 1826 the Conservative and Liberal Members from Ireland stood upon a par. But in that year the secret was discovered by the Whigs of employing clerical tribunes. The priests, for the first time since the Union, turned electioneering canvassers, and returned Mr. VILLIERS STUART for the county of Water ford by means of their religious authority. Wysx has stated, in his " History of the Catholic Association," the remarkable fact, that up to that time the priests had feared Agitation." The French Revolution had made them instinctively recoil from the use of the platform. But once that the young Maynoothian clergy Were unloosed their thirst for power could not be easily slaked. They decided the historical event at Clare in 1829, and since then they have patented their discovery. They exercise almost absolute authority over forty seats, and over thirty more they wield a preponderating zontrol. The latter fact will not he denied by any estimable gentlemen who pretend to o:f:iflratcliss whicho N's‘‘ C are onaatimn up charges of , pe of the people were real!: at heart. have quite enoi in the districts long sin! The true objects of t : plunder of the Royal I their treasures and the: districts supposed to b and the opening up a vi every department ofthi true grounds of this and it is idle to put damaging to the King of damning to the Compai farce for them to talk dynasty to whom, in alleged misgovernment the extent of a million exactions, if they wer participated in the shit) the extent of four milli thirty-nine thousand pi TETE IRISH RECENT events have (In tion to the state of the It is a subject of the g of such imperial intere vigilance. Its importa questing the notice o of its peculiar aspects. Our first observation though nominally " Irii stantially " English." " parties" have been gc rules, which act almoz tidal influences. Sta observers can calculate for the action of our meats; nor did the Uni our Parliamentary con years a pretentious poi " The Irish Platform," inestic politics. It is, once violent and mercer and politically insince anarchic ideas, but tt moral aspiration in tt Irelandism." Even th Repeal delusion aimed s but recent events show "Irish Platform" is ess that it acts by the Irisl "Number One" for an t anomalous influence, been rocked by its vici To show how unfair] presentative system is point to the significant vastly greater portion held by a Conservative there are but few " Lit dred and ninety-five Peerage, only thirty-f Members are returned domination of the trit the year 1826 the Cc Members from Ireland in that year the seer( Whigs of employing priests, for the first turned electioneering I Mr. VILLIERS STUART f ford by means of th Mr. Wysx has stated, Catholic Association,' that up to that time Agitation." The I made them instincts` of the platform. But once that the yc were unloosed their ti be easily slaked. Tht event at Clare in 18‘, have patented their di almost absolute autho Over thirty more the control. The latter fe any estimable gen THE PRESS. think themselves Whigs, and who sit for Irish seats, though they have allowed " The Sadleir ites " to carry off the official honours due to their political connection. Now, so far from seeking to environ this subject with sectarian considerations, we rather desire to draw attention to the singular fact that even the heads of the Roman Catholic Church are beginning to quake at the ab sorbing influence of " The Irish Platform." Hence they are trying to induce some of the priesthood to retire from political action, and the Irish Roman Catholic Church is at pre sent on the verge of a mighty schism, in which the Catholic Primate, Dr. CULLEN, represents the "Austrian" policy of the Courts of Rome, and Archbishop WHALE undertake to manage the interests of the " national " Roman Catholics of Ireland. It is worth note that the administrators of the Roman Catholic Church should have thus anticipated peril to their order, while the territorial Whigs in Ireland never perceived the danger which yawned for their old sys tem. As a party the Whigs have ceased to have any root in Ireland. Their great historic names are blotted out of the representation of Ireland. Neither a Ponsonby, . nor a Boyle, nor a Grattan, nor a Brabazon, sits for an Irish place, though those eminent families have not declined in social power. " The Platform " has taken the place of a Parlia mentary system ; the legitimate influence of educated and industrial classes is depressed, and the power of petty pretensions, endorsed by trading partisans, is exaggerated. It is a mistake to suppose that this is an old evil. On the contrary, it is of modern growth, and threatens to become worse every day. Rank, property, and education, are not fairly represented in Ireland. The genius and public talent of the country have declined under the ascendancy of such a system. The empire has not gained in power, while Ireland has lost a reputation by an order of things which, unless checked, threatens to become one of the worst political evils of the United Kingdom. It gives us pleasure to have learned that there are strong symptoms that at Athlone, as well as elsewhere, a reaction is setting in against trading tribunes. We sincerely hope that the constituency of that borough will vin dicate its character by electing Captain HAND COCK as its representative. THE CRIMEAN INQUIRY. Tv there be one thing clearer than another in regard to the late war, it is that the Govern ment to whom our fortunes were intrusted, at the time it broke out, never performed that most necessary operation of looking before they leaped. A prey to alternate fits of the blindest credulity and the most reckless precipitation, they so long refused to believe that war was the inevitable consequence of their own diplomacy that, when it did break out, deliberate preparation was impossible. Yet they did not hesitate to undertake a dis tant expedition against a most powerful foe, in an unhealthy climate, with troops, though brave as lions, utterly uninured to physical hardships, and to which WELLINGTON, with his army of Peninsular veterans, would have been no more than competent. To the mingled credulity and rashness of the Coalition Cabi net we owe the loss of 20,000 British soldiers, the flower of our costly army. Yet what punishment has been inflicted on the prime authors of this mischief at all com parable to that with which Lord LUCAS is now menaced—or, indeed, may even now be said to be undergoing ? The loss of professional reputation is the soldier's death ; hut merely to question it is to inflict a severe wound. This would be true of all strictly professional men, but it is not so with politicians. A man may be a bungling diplomatist, but he may understand the education ques tion. He may be unable to victual an army, but he may have a talent for public debate. Something frequently turns up by which a 330 disgraced statesman may readily regain his popularity and his power. When a practical emergency arose, the " heterogeneous energies of the Coalition Cabinet were completely at fault. The Peelite members were supposed to be inspired admi nistrators, and, from a feeling of honour, their Whig colleagues stood aloof from the manage ment of details. They were willing to let them have all the credit of success; though they have not, be it remembered, borne all the odium of failure. Whether, however, the Peelites had ever been inspired or not, Fortune deserted them on this occasion ; and they wove round themselves such a labyrinth of blunders that we may go round and round, from commission to commission, from depart ment to department, for years, without finding our way out of it. But there is worse behind. To a War Mi nister (who knew not war, we have to add a Prime Minister who hated it—who hoped that every step he took in the matter might be the last—and acted as he hoped ; who sent troops to Malta, and hoped they would go no further; who sent them on to the Crimea, and hoped they would not fight ; who, when the battle of Alma was won, hoped that the war would be over; who, when the allies sat down before Sebastopol, hoped they would be afraid to stay there. These hopes, which so marvel lously resembled other people's fears, seriously damaged the whole expedition ; and of course nothinglwasi ready when it was wanted, be cause Lord ABERDEEN had chosen to hope it would not be wanted. The consequence of all that was, that neither officers nor men could see a single step in ad vance. Lord LIICAN had not ascertained, even so lute as Christmas, what was to be the ulti mate destination of his cavalry. Such faults of detail as arise from simple inexperience the Noble Earl does not disavow. He was unac quainted with the best method of erecting that kind of stabling. But surely, after a forty years' peace, there is nothing extraordinary in that. However, let his faults be what they may, it is totally impossible for Englishmen to forget that the administrative machinery came to a dead lock at home ; that there was neither food for men nor forage for horses ; and that the blame attributable to officers in the field must be altogether subordinate to that due to the political authors of the greatest disasters since the American war. FINANCES AND TRADE. Tin Statistical Abstract, presented within the last few days to Members of Parliament, contains so interesting a summary of national finance and pro sperity, that we are induced to lay before our readers a few of its principal calculations. The first table drawn out by the Treasury is that which indicates the state of the revenue from 1841 to the present time. In these fifteen years six have been years of deficit, nine have indicated a surplus. The largest surplus has been that of 1853, amount ing to 3,255,0001. The largest deficit that of 1855, amounting to 21,141,000/. In this last year the re ceipts were 63,364,0001.; the expenditure was 84,505,000/. ; or, in round numbers, the income equalled three-fourths only of the outgoings. Taking the last year of peace, 1853, we find from Table (I 1), that the Customs gave 20,902,000/. ; Exci5e,15,337,0001.; total revenue being 54,430,0001. Again resorting to round numbers, the proportions would stand thus : Customs .. 7 18ths of the whole. • Excise .. 5-18ths of the whole. Other sources 6-18ths, or 1-3rd of the whole. We prefer taking the figures of 1853, as those of the last two years refer to a state of things now happily gone by. But coming down to this later period, we find in 1855, a total of 63,304,0001., divided thus : Customs £20,987,000. Excise .. 16,389,000. Other sources, 26,000/. nearly ; the increase being due for the most part to property tax, which from 5,500,000/. in 1853, has swelled to more than 13,500,0001. in 1855. Examining next (No. III.) the items of expendi ture, we see in 1855 For interest and management of debt, funded and unfunded .. £27,615,000 Army .. .. 19,745,000 _ _ Navy Ordnance .. 19,014,000 .. 9,632,000 ..4