The Press. — London, England, 1857-08-22 00:00:00

813 rate . struggle, with all its attendant horrors, its mas sacres and murders, its robbery and its rapine. The silence of the Time: upon the great question, with which every English heart is full, appears re markable. The Times avoids the subject. The special correspondent, to be sure, has been despatched to Hong Kong, not to Delhi ; but the Times is not usually so silent upon a subject of such vast interest. However, it has found space to admit that the con duct of the native princes is " not satisfactory," that "the religions and races of India are opposed tons and that we cannot help it," that " Mahomedan pre tenders and Hindoo fanatics" are" allied against us," that we have " only a few thousand men held in thin solution over seventy or eighty millions of natives," and that the whole affair is " a desperate struggle." In the face of all these admissions, to say that the last news was " most encouraging" appears slightly inconsistent. The Daily News, remarking upon the singular congratulation the Ministerial journals offer that, be cause the whole Bengal army is either disbande4 or in open mutiny, all danger is passed, observes : This much seems certain, that the insurrection has not been a sudden unpreconcerted outbreak—a mutiny in one regiment spreading by a kind of contagion to others. . . It is no mere military mutiny, it is an attempt. at revolution that we have to deal with in Bengal. The paucity of Euro. peen troops, and the protracted resistance of Delhi, are enabling the insurrection to assume consistency and spread southwards. The Morning Post, which at the first held to the mere mutiny creed, and characterised the rebels in Delhi as " a rabble rout," with " not much artillery, and no ammunition," now admits that the whole affair is " a conspiracy," that the real secret of the rebel lion is in the intrigues of the King of Oude and some of bis neighbours," and that "the greased cartridges had nothing to do with the movement." The Morning Advertiser regards the entire revolt "as a deeply-laid and long preconoerted plot," and adds : It is difficult for us to conceive how, under the circum stances, the opinion can be put forth that the insurrection " does not expalid," and that the rebels " fail in carrying any of the native population with them." A more erroneous view could certainly not have been advanced. The Morning Chronicle remarks : These last accounts lying some proofs, also, of the causes of this mutiny—proofs, both positive and negative. They all tend to confirm the views taken by Mr. Disraeli, and which have never yet been refuted by the authori- ties. The mistaken spirit of propagandism, and the deliberate attempt to interfere with the religious pre budices of the natives, stand forth as the primary incentives, ut there is also the insolence of a superior race, and the indifference to treaty engagements, generated by a sense of overwhelming power. The Morning Star regards the movement as a oonspiraey against our rule, and, referring to our past misgovernment, remarks : If we are to continue in the path which we have so long pursued ; if we are to raise external enemies by acts of spoliation and conquest; if by oppressive taxation, a pira tical body of police, a system of covenanted service, and, still worse, a scandalous interference with the religious convictions of the natives, we are determined to exasperate our Indian fellow-subjects to the highest pitch of indigna nation, then we had better make up our minds for a rising, sot of the Bengal army only, but of the hundred millions of Indian people who are subject to our sway. The Evening Herald : The papers presented to Parliament abound in proofs of the foot that the exercise of ordinary ovation and energy would have effectually prevented the outbreak of any mutiny at all. Its real charsc• ter, the causes which produced the explosion, and the measures necessary for its suppression, have been alike either accidentally or willfully misrepresented and underrated. The Examiner observes:— The mutiny, in a word, turns out to be a Brahminical conspiracy of the army to oust us from India. The plot was skilfully and secretly formed, but the means of execution were egregiously miscalculated. The Spectator, though it regards the news as pre senting no " striking change" in the general position, admits that the mutiny is " spreading." The Weekly Dispatch is of opinion That practically 132,000,000 of Asiatics are either passively against us, neutral—caring neiLlapr whether we sucoeed . or fail—or actively prejudiced against and hostile to us. The Saturday Review, though it regards the news as " free from disheartening circumstances," con fesses that if " anything could convert the rising of the Bengal soldiery into a great national movement" it would be the continued occupation of Delhi by the rebels. But it adds that " this danger appears to have passed." The Leader:— We have a fatal assurance that the usual means of com munication are becoming more and more impaired by the spread of disorder lt is most devoutly to be wished that the next mail may bring us tidings of more decisive import. We cannot but mistrust vague THE pntss, accounts of "tremendous repulses " and " awful slaugh ters." Had the rebels really suffered to the extent which inch phrases imply, in six or seven successive actions, there should have been none of them surviving by this time. In the meanwhile the progress of disaffection has received no check. These expressions of opinion indicate the decided tendency of public feeling to regard the present rebellion in India as the result of an organised con • spiracy, arising from general discontent throughout India, and from the estrangement, by our perma nent misrule, of the princes and proprietary classes from that authority which they were once disposed to reverence. lortign dorusgoillunct. PARIS, August 20. Au. accounts agree in stating that Austria has given her full consent to annul the recent Moldavian elections, and that, in concert with England, she has advised the Porte to issue orders for a fresh election ; but, on the question of a union of the provinces, Austria reserves to herself the right of abstaining from giving an opinion until after the European powers shall have declared themselves. The con ference at Osborne is, in point of fact, the most important affair of the moment, since it has cut the Gordian knot that was becoming inconveniently tight, and threatening shortly to resolve itself into a emus belli. Turkey, it is said, is sensible of being placed in a most embarrassing position. The Sultan will probably change his Ministry, but without any result in respect to his relation with foreign powers. To them, one Turk is as good as another, if no alteration be made in the system of government. That which is imperative on the part of the Ottoman Government is to understand fully and literally that, to deserve being admitted into the European family of nations (according to the stipulations of the Treaty of Paris), and to preserve its station, it must vigorously perform the promises made to conform to the progress of civilisation, by which alone it can secure to itself vast internal advantages and the security of the empire. Reform—amelioration— progress—are the three words that the Turkish Ministry must adopt as a principle of action and the mainspring of government. A Palace revolution, in these days, is a nullity and a farce, for the time is past when the public atten tion was absorbed by the simple news of the nomina tion of a grand vizier as successor to the one who had been summarily strangled. The Sultan now understands his sovranic mission a little better, and is aware that to insure the well-being of the millions intrusted to his care is not only his duty, but a means of self-preservation. He must assimilate his mode of rule to that of the other powers of Europe ; and in this worthy task he will find himself sup• ported by his firm and trustworthy allies, France and England. I have no other political news to give you. Most of the foreign ambassadors, and several of the Ministers, have quitted Paris for the season. M. Fould is gone to Tarbes, where he has consider able property. A great change has taken place in the personnel of the French diplomacy throughout Europe, and of late there have been many alterations of appoint ments at the different Courts. The members of the high aristocracy no longer decline to accept diplo matic situations under the Empire. Some of the highest and oldest titles of France may now be found in the lists of foreign ambassadors, charges d'affaires, and secretaries of embassy—names that have figured in the history of former monarchies. This is a convincing and public proof that the prejudices of the Faubourg St. Germain do not extend beyond the antiquated and worn-out generation that is fast has tening to the grave, and that the younger scions of the old noblesse, by enlisting themselves in the service of the Imperial Government, exhibit an example of patriotism which must insure the glory and prosperity of the country, and at the same time be a safe guarantee for its future welfare. The question of the commercial prosperity of France has recently been much discussed in England. That the commerce of France is gradually increasing will be seen from the following statement : The number of foreign merchant-vessels which unloaded in the principal ports of France from the month of January to July of this year was 9,00 8 9 with a tonnage of 1,508,312. In 1850 it was 8,089 1857. vessels, of 1,432,295 tons, and in 1855 it was 7,614 vessels, of 1,186,038 tons. As regards the exportation of merchandise, there is a great falling off in wine. In the first seven months of 1856 it was 823,875 hectolitres, whilst for the (same period of 1857 it was only 651,743. The exportation of "species" has greatly increased. From January to July in 1855 it was 7,965,511 hec tolitres, fir the same period in 1858 9,209,973, and for the first seven months of 1857 13,621,292 hecto litres. The exportation of corn has also greatly in creased. In the first seven months of 1855 it was 594,5(X) q.m.; in 1856, 410,561, and in 1857, 1,245,623 q.m. The importations have also increased. France received in the first seven months of 1855, 48,849 q.m. of cotton, and in 1857, 71,865 q.m. From January to July it, 1855, the importations of coal from England was 5,197,305 q.m., in 1856, 6,090,547 q.m., and in 1857, 7,497,380 q.m. During the first seven months of 1856 the importations of iron in bars from England was 500,871 q.m., and in 1857, 523,220 q.m. I have thought proper only to notice to-day a few items of importation and exportation. In one of my next I will refer more fully to this important subject. The Minister of the Interior has drawn up a report for the Emperor on the present state and prospects of the Orphan Asylum, under the patronage of the young Prince Imperial. This institution was founded for the maintenance and education of a certain number of orphans, and to supply them with the means of establishing themselves in life accord ing to their wishes and calling. The project has been most successful. In the month of January the number of inmates amounted to forty seven, and in this short time it has increased to 150. The report of M. Billault, Minister of the Interior, details a number of interesting facts, show ing the advantages to be derived, and proving their realisation by the large number of orphans who have already benefited by the benevolent plan of the Prince Imperial, and of the uniform good conduct by which they have been distinguished. It is hoped here that the Queen has been satisfied with ber reception at Cherbourg. Orders were sent from the offices of the different Secretaries of State to receive her Majesty and the Prince Consort with all the honour due to their illustrious rank, and to show them everything worthy of been seen. Her Majesty reached Cherbourg on Monday last and left on Wednesday. Orders were also sent to the same effect to Havre, and two batteries of artillery were placed on the Place de la Providence and the South Fort to salute her Majesty, in the event of her approaching the harbour. THE MILITIA. TO THE EDITOR OF "THE PRESS." Sir,—Permit me to offer you my best tharks and those of many brother officers for your spirited article on the militia. The best of us, sir, and, I re joice to think, the majority, have higher wishes in joining the militia than to air a uniform at a levee or a) country ball; and nothing can be more dis heartening to us than the having the opportunity denied us of acquiring that knowledge of our duties and of our men, without which we are but an empty sham. We are ready and willing to devote our time and energies, and money too for that is often necessary), to maintain and promote the efficiency of our regiments; but the best of us will shrink from a service which in peace is but a name, and which on any sudden emergency would call on us to perform duties of which we are kept in studied ignorance. Had the militia been called out for training, as they should have been, and should be every year, in May and June, how different would have been the position of Government ! One stroke of the pen would have produced as many volunteers as they could wish, and then they could have retained and embodied such battalions as in point of numbers and efficiency proved themselves most eligible. But a paltry economy interfered, and we were told that after twelve months' disembodiment we were too efficient to require drill! One word more. I hear and read flying rumours of foreign legions; why pass by the militia a second time with such studied contempt? As one who has volun teered before, and is ready to do so again, and as having a pretty considerable acquaintance with militia regiments, I would stake my commission on the certainty of Government securing the services of twenty militia battalions, from the colonel down to the youngest drum boy, for foreign service in any quarter of the globe, if they would only apply to them instead of to the sweepings of Germany. I feel that I owe an apology for the length of my letter, but the subject is one on which I feel deeply, not, God knows, from anything I have to gain from embodiment, for there are few to whom it could ba more embarrassing ; but I do wish to assert the claims which we have to be allowed to share in vin dicating the honour of our oountry.—l am, sir, your obedient servant, A blzurza OFFICER. i