The Press. — London, England, 1855-01-13 00:00:00

leaves the intellectual properties inspirited with fresh strength, and gives birth to a catholic sym pathy that changes the proud bearing of the victor into the less respectable aspect of a bigoted and oruel gaoler. In all contests for the supremacy of the Absolute, violence is only adopted as a remedy, and when the more suave influences of seduction have failed to debase the natural and higher im pulses of man. It has been the egregious folly of unphilosophical historians and cramped philosophers to lay down as positive that the unvarying essential of tyranny is a general state of ignorance. This only holds good in a sacerdotal sense, but is not an infallible rule, and the immediate proof is furnished by the mode of war, whereoy the imperial and pontifical absolute strive for exclusive power. The temporal and governmental Absolute, erudite and accomplished, grasps sacerdo talism as an engine of service, but the Pontifex, with angry gesture and ill-suppressed anathema, would coerce the temporal to re-enact the humility of Bar barossa, and would close at once and for ever the book and the channels of knowledge. Leaving the diabolism of the Tiara to its own devices, it is neces sary for the present to trace the onward path of the imperial Absolute towards the enslaving of the subject. In the first ages of Christianity the priesthood looked to the princes for support, but after the reign of Charlemagne the pontiffs of Rome reversed the ease, and made the princes dependent upon their will. This enlightened Emperor, who is the origina tor of the present European system, in his zeal for Christianity, and excited by gratitude for having been crowned Emperor of the West by Leo 111., accorded to the Pontiff that temporal sovereignty which, in its time, has desolated the world and cor rupted religion. Charles V. of Germany successfully fettered the influence of the Papal Absolute and made it yield to his will. The Constable of Bourbon, at the bead of the imperial army, sacked Rome and imprisoned the Pope. Charles V. ordered prayers to be offered up in the churches for the release of the Pontiff as a Spiritual Absolute, whilst in his character of temporal prince he scrupled not to keep him in durance. The malicious irony, the biting satire, and the imperial blow prostrated the Papacy and made it ever after submissive to the interests of the Germanic empire. The Emperors of Germany have carefully followed the policy of Charles V. Claiming to be the eldest sons of the Rlnnan Catholic Church, they have at the same thug reduced the apostolic father to a state of dependance upon their power. The remonstrance of the Roman Catholic has been listened to with patient reverence, but has also been systematically neglected. The Guelph yields to the Ghibelline. The Justinian paudects have been modelled to a Christian code of jurisprudence to suit the temper of the times and the exigencies of the day. The law is paramount, justice is revered, and the poor are pro tected against the encroachment of the noble and the sufferings of want. Such a Government may justly be said to be paternal, and such a Government in cne sense is that of Austria. Where, then, is the drawback ? Law and justice, protection and punish ment, are put into operation by one will, butthe same Absolute that directed justice can perpetrate injustice, and the irresponsible power that can create and perfect can annul and deface. Thereis no security against the tyranny of the Absolute. In the lectures of the univer sity professors, the liberty of the subject and the pri mitive rights of man are prohibited themes. These topics have no proper definition in their dictionary of science, and in their practical higher and constitu tional sense they are the forbidden fruitof knowledge. Hence the freemasonry of the wild student and his secret and republican societies. This is the difficulty and danger of the Austro•-Germanic Government. It is never safe against conspiracies for its downfall. Under a paternal Absolute the happiness of the sub ject is negative,—he is de facto a slave. Under a monarchical and constitutional Government his well being is self-dependant and affirmative. He is free in virtue of being a part of the ruling power and the framer of his own laws through popular representa tion. The unity of a nation depends upon race. The essentials are a common ancestry, like habits, like desires, like customs, and like laws. When the word is used simply as a collective appellation of different tribes or people, inhabiting a certain extent of tern• tory under one rule, the word ceases to be correct in its particular definition. A compulsory obedience to a law foreign to all is equal to a violation of national right and custom in each separate province, and the centralisation of power has as many bands of conspi rators as there may be distinct races. To restrain their ill will and to keep them in subjection force is the common and readiest means. Let us examine the present state of Austria. Napoleon extinguished the prestige of the Holy Roman Empire of Germany, and the sovereign was adjudged to assume the less august title of Emperor of Austria. This was a petty duchy, taken from Hungary, and annexed to Germany, A.D. 1040. I{un- THE PRESS. gary is, in fact, the Austrian centre, surrounded by numerous states, viz., Austria, Bohemia, Moravia, Ge'bele, Transylvania, the Banat, Sclavonia, Croatia, Istria, Dalmatia, Illyria, Styria, Tyrol, and the Lom bardo Veneto. They contain the following races— Sciavons, Bohemians, Wallachians, Germans, Poles, Magyars, Italians, Armenians, Albanians, Zingaris, and Jews. The religions are Roman Catholic, Greek United, Russo-Greek, Lutheran, Calvinist, Arminian, Unitarian, Jews, Turks, and infidels. The languages spoken are German, Bohemian, Polish, Sehlovac, Magyar, Italian, Greek, Turkish, and Hebrew. The Metternich policy determined to amalgamate these heterogeneous masses into a consolidated absolutism. Hungary, in this amalgam, was the chief difficulty, since the Magyar Government was separately pro tected by the Golden Buil of Andreas 11., A.D. 1221, confirmed by subsequent treaties ; and it was to de stroy this golden bull, so dear to the Hungarians, that Prince Metternich devoted a long life of political labour. Should Hungary be refractory, the military power of the empire would become immediately pa ralysed, as from that country is drawn the greatest number of recruits, who are, in time, their best sol diers ; and a declaration of Italian independence would reduce the exchequer to a state of bankruptcy, by closing the richest source of its wealth. Bohemia year by year loses some landmark of nationality, and each country of the empire undergoes a similar pro cess, by a gradual effacement of the signs of race and country. When a nation is thus ruled—ay, well ruled in a certain and general sense—the preserve tion of its integrity is in constant peril, and the utmost pitch of national tranquillity and national well-being can never exceed a state of morbid quietism. Such is Austria since the battle of Hungarianindependence. She exists by means of a vigilant and military police, at war with public opinion, attempting to crush even the forms of liberty, and punishing the crime of free thoughts breathed in words by imprisonment and exile. The late Emperor Francis was one of the most amiable of men in his private character. Affectionate in his family relations, unusually kind as a master, and truly beloved by his subjects, he was called, and public report said with justice, the tether of his people. This benevolent Emperor was his own pri vate Police Minister. The reports of the prison governors were directly given to him, and each re quest of the prisoners chained and kept on bread and water were submitted to him before such request could be granted. The reports of the surgeons were duly forwarded, not with a view to alleviate suffering, but to discover how much more of passive torture could be borne by the suffering prisoner. This man, in other respects kind, benevolent, humane, and sensitively merciful to brute animals, even to eccen tricity, was a cruel and implacable gaoler. It was by his order that Count Gonfalonieri was deprived of the pillow used by his countess, the sole relic of an amiable consort, on which he nightly placed his head—his one solace, the last and only memento of an unalterable affection. It was by Lis order that the countess was informed of the illness of her hus band, and by another order she was debarred the satisfaction of being made acquainted with the pro gress of the malady, or his recovery. It was by his order that the petition of the friend of Silvio Pellico to have his leg amputated by an expert surgeon at his own expense was refused, and the old and in. capable barber-surgeon of Spielberg was commanded to perform the operation, and this was accompanied by the unfeeling remark that the headsman was the fitting surgeon. The corrupting process, and the corruption of the Absolute, are here brought to light, and it comes from one who received the personal commands of the Emperor Francis the beloved. This is flagrant evidence cf the sickethe , s of the so called "Haute Politique." All the gentler and more honourable impulses of man are checked and lie under ban, not unwillingly, but willingly, by the creature of system. It is set aside, and is apart from, the duties to God and man. It spurns mo rality, and defies religion. The Austrian army performs the double functions of a military and police establishment. The opinions of Marshal Radetzky on the special requirements for a happy government of the disjointed empire are before us. The minimum strength that the marshal lays down as necessary to keep in check the force of public opinion in the towns within the imperial dominions, is 150,000 men. This is for the police only, and he shows that, if public opinion is aided by foreign co-operation, that number would not be sufficient. In Italy, during the revolution of Mitt, the marshal commanded an army of 80,000 men, which did not permit him to act on the offensive, and he was compelled to abandon the principal towns and take up a position behind the Adige. The police force in a time of suspicion, when on guard against danger front within, and for the pur. poses of gagging, should consist of a force not less than 200,000. The Germanic contingency of Aus tria amounts to 153,000, ready to be brought into the field at the shortest notice, and the Hungarian eastern and north-eastern frontiers also require to SATURDAT, be guarded. Tl,e calculations of Marshal Radetzky go to show that the Austrian empire cannot preserve its quietism without a standing army, in round numbers, of 400,000 men. The officers of this army recognise 130 other nationality than that of the sash and sword, a /la. tary imperialism, an armed absolute by which they are isolated from other classes to form the blind executive and absolute Government. They are dis tributed through this enormous establishment pur. posely, without reference to race and country, and can rarely speak the language of the soldiers whom they command. With these they communicate through the medium of a non-commissioned officer belong ing to the country of the regiment, and who is con versant with the German language. Thus is formed a military absolute, self-dependent, perform. ing the functions of the executive, and interested in the preservation of its system and power. Both officer and soldier are imbued with the same pride of professional order, and are obedient, even unto the death, to that military code of honour which makes the will of the Emperor superior to the law of God and man. We now arrive at another document wbich is extremely applicable to passing events. This is the assurance of Prince Schwartzenberg that the Hun garian revolution was greatly assisted by the example of constitutional England, and the imprudent per mission—this must be well noted—the imprudent permission given to her nobles to reside for so long a time in London, and at " ge maudit Melton" (sic in origiste). The executioner of Nadje Scindor and Bathyany might have been mollified had their names not been made familiar at "cc maudit Melton," by members of their respective families. The antecedents of the late Prince Schwartzenberg in regard to England and Italy are somewhat re markable, and hardly less so are those of Count Diedrichstein, the late Ambassador of Austria. Prince Schwartzenberg says in this letter to an exalted personage, " le poison," meaning thereby the desire of constitutional liberty, was greatly in- creased by these " vilains chasseurs " of the fox. This is singular, as coming from the Prince, since he was present at Naples in 1822, together with Prince L—, Baron de B—, Count N—, Chevalier J—, Prince W— l'rince T— T—, Count D—,Count M—, and others, at a conver sation wherein the general opinion was frankly expressed that after the decease of the dear and good Emperor Francis, above mentioned, Hungary would not remain quiet. The commercial interests of Austria link her by the Danube with the Black Sea, and by Trieste with the Mediterranean. Her object is to assure the free navigation of the Danube, and to possess the undis puted entrance to the Black Sea, in order to secure oriental marts for her growing commerce. The Euxine interests are thoroughly distinct from her Germanic policy and relations, and she will side with England and France to attain the coveted end. When that shall be satisfactorily secured her policy will revert again to that of Russia, and she will view with disrelish any approach on the part of England and France to share the honours and profits of the Euxine. In the Mediterranean she is already vexed and disquieted by the lonian Islands, and considers their possession by England to be prejudicial to her Adriatic development. In her commerce, govern ment, end general policy, she is diametric Illy at variance with England. Her tenure of an heteroge neous empire by brute power, and the unceasing vigilance against the just force of public opinion, contrast lamentably with that proud security and haughty spirit with which England relies on popular opinion for support in the hour of danger. And her sympathies were never Gallic. The supremacy of the Absolute is the common cause and bond of union betwixt Russia and Austria, and their existence is so identified with the system that a departure from its authority would endanger the stability of the respective empires. Russia, how ever, possesses a distinct nationality in race and reli gious faith, and can, therefore, combat with her entire strength, reckless of future consequence. It is not so with Austria. Her religious faith is purely nominal, and her imperial nationality is that of the bayonet. The battle of France and England against Russia is that of civilisation against barbarism, and is in spirit as much opposed to governmental Austria as to autocratic Russia. How, then, can Austria unite in real sincerity with the Anglo-Frank policy against her old ally of the North without endangering her future? With her Orleanist predilections, with her Orleanist advice of fusion, and her Orleans-Germanic Prince, she has stooped to petition the Emperor of the French to protect her from Italian insurrec tion. The crazy empire cannot be faithful at one end the same time to good and evil, to right and roag. A termination to the Russian war is a mat ter of time, and then her fate is at hand. SPIZZA?LIMO.