The Press. — London, England, 1857-03-14 00:00:00

- 244 such changes as these, but honestly desires others which the Tories would accomplish, is vigorous in abuse of them. He has been so long accustomed to abuse them, that with true British doggedness he would rather cut his throat than relinquish the practice. He is, without knowing it, as bigoted a Tory as ELDON or WETHERALL. Yes. With the Radicals the Tories have a fair fight to sustain. They will uphold the existing framework of society by the preser vation of primogeniture, and the protection of that love of family which is deeply implanted in Englishmen. They will maintain the in tegrity of the Upper House of Parliament, and the independence of the National Church. They are eminently Protestant, and have as their leader a statesman who, having sacrificed power to the preservation of Protestantism in Ireland, is not likely to misuse power for the injury of Protestantism in England. But faith must be kept where pledged, at whatever inconvenience. And the Tory party will lose nothing by tha secession of men who advocate a retrograde policy, and a deliberate bleach of obligations. Englishmen have been frightened by a bug- bear long enough. Let them pluck up courage and look steadily at the image which PALMERS TON waves before their eyes. They will find it a mere fiction—a bundle of old rags, repre senting nothing that ever was or ever can be. PALMERSTON knows that his power depends on keeping up the illusion, and, like Lord Peter, storms horribly at those who will not agree to disbelieve the evidence of their senses. But, if we are not mistaken, the reign of deceit is nearly over. PALMERSTON'S Liberalism is found out, and will be classed hereafter with the piety of Louis XI., or the tolerance of JAMES 11. MR. ROBERT LOWE AT KIDDER MINSTER. A SPEECH from Mr. ROBERT LOWE might not be entitled to much attention on account of the Right Honourable Gentleman himself. But Mr. ROBERT LOWE is Vice President of the Board of Trade, and in that capacity his re marks assume an official consequence. The country bad now (said Mr. Lowe at Kidderminster) another opportunity of returning to the House of Commons another body of members pledged to progress, not selected by the mere electioneering cries of the suffrage, the ballot, or any other cry. This is certainly rather cool and confident from Mr. ROBERT LOWE. The great Mr. Lofty himself could not speak in inure dictatorial strains. It may be a too little " fast" for some of the old-fashioned Liberals. According to the Vice-President of the Board of Trade " ballot" and " extension of the suffrage" are mere " cries," and what the counxy wants is " members pledged to progress." Some people will ask, " What is progress?" and others might reply that it means " Robert Loweism "reduced to system." Mr. LOWE has been for only five years in the House of Commons, and he contrived to become Vice-President of the Board of Trade and a Privy Councillor. A few more remarks from Mr. ROBERT LONE in the style of the close of his late speech in the Chinese discussion would soon settle his pretensions to become a Parliamentary speaker, and check his " progress" in public life. Mr. Lowe, however, elucidated his views still further : The country wanted men wh) would work on steadily and industriously in the drudgery of Legislation, which depended on hard work to bring about the changes that were not to be effected by the utterance of a few cabalistic words. We know what this sort of language means. It is the cant of red-tapism, and is meant as a sidelong panegyric on gentlemen of the class of Mr. JAMES Witsoit and Mr. LOWE himself. We do not doubt the capacity for " drudgery" of several of the Ministerial subordinates ; but something more than " drudgery" is required to make a railway or to build a bridge. Clerks cannot do the work of engi neers, nor red-tapists become politicians. Besides, we may ask, Where is the " drudgery" and " hard work" for which Mr. LOWE takes credit? Surely, in his attempt at shining as a commercial legislator, there was ro very "hard work" in adopting the hints of Mr. CAIRNS, the able and accomplished Member for Bel fast. THE PRESS. Vrotccbiits iii Varliantott. HOUSE OF LORDS.-MONDAT. DIVORCE AND TESTAMENTARY JURISDICTION BILLS. The LORD CHANCELLOR, in reply to Lord Lyndhurst as to what course be meant to pursue with respect to the Divorce and Testamentary Jurisdiction Bills, said that it was not the intention of the Go vernment to proceed further with either of these bills during the present session ; but they would be reintroduced, with some alterations, at the very earliest period after the reassembling of Parliament. THE OPIUM TRADE. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY, in moving a question to be referred to the consideration of the judges, as to whether the revenne at present derived by the East India Company from the opium trade with China was in legal accordance with an act passed in the 3rd end 4th years of the reign of his late Majesty William IV., said his first object was to ascertain whether or not the trade was one recognised by our laws, and then to proceed, with the assistance of their lordships, to devise some means for its total abolition. He believed it was illegal, not only as inconsistent with the spirit of our laws, but in direct contravention to many of them. He had been taunted with having brought the subject before the notice of their lordships in order to embarrass the Govern. ment and take advantage of the present state of feel ing among parties with regard to the affairs of China. But he denied that imputation on the honour of a gentleman. His simple object was to obtain an answer to his question. If the judges declared the trade illegal, then it was for the Government to put an end to it at once and for ever. If, on the contrary, they declared it legal, he would then start from a new point, and appeal to the moral feelings of the people of this country to put en end to a traffic which had nothing to support it either in a commer cial or a financial point of view. The LORD CHANCELLOR submitted that Lord Shaftes bury's question was one which from its peculiar nature could not fairly be referred to the consideration of the judges, who would in that case be called upon to try the whole Government of India unheard, and, if the trade was thought to be illegal, to condemn them and leave them open at a day's notice to the penalties of indictments for having systematically violated the laws of the realm. It was impossible to ask the Government to take such a course, and that, too, upon entirely ex parte statements. The question as to the legality of the trade, however, might be sub mitted privately for the opinion of the law officers of the Crown. The Earl of SRIFTESBURY had no wish to expose any parties to the penalties of indictments, and be was willing to withdraw his motion, on the under standing that his question as to the legality of the traffic was so submitted to the judges. Earl GREY thought that Lord Shaftesbury had exercised a wise discretion in withdrawing his motion, though he attached no value to the opinion of the law officers of the Crown based upon the legal tech nicalities of an Act of Parliament, as he believed the question of the legality of the traffic should be tried by far higher considerations. lie bad hoped that this motion would have included a question as to whether the Government had ever directly or indirectly connived at the practice of smuggling opium into China, for that was the main point at issue. The Treasurer of Hong Kong had stated that the passing of the recent Colonial Ordinance had been of great advantage to the colony, because it had increased the coasting trade in that colony in cotton, opium, and other products He could not help thinking that that observation was pregnant with significance. He had always been under the impression that it was the manifest duty of the colonial authorities there, under the treaty, strictly to abstain from anything calculated to violate that treaty by encouraging the smuggling trade to which allusion had been made. It that was a correct impression, he entirely concurred with his noble friend in the opinion that nothing could justify that smuggling trade. Our obligations under that treaty were clear and positive; and, when we were visiting the Chinese with punishment fur what was a doubtful infrac• tion of that treaty on their part, how should we stand if it turned out to be a fact that, while we were doing that, we ourselves, on a point of vital importance, and one in which the Chinese themselves took the deepest interest, hail by means of our local authorities deliberately violated the terms and the spirit of the treaty ? (Cheers.) The noble earl then referred to the announcement that a plenipotentiary was to be sent forthwith to China:— That announcement was a somewhat tardy one, and it had the appearance of having been extorted from the Government. as if those who had supported them during the recent discussions had intimated that they were not prepared to support them in retaining Sir J. l3owring in the inana2:ement of British affairs at Canton. But tardy as it was he ( Earl Grey) hailed the announcement with great satisfaction, and he trusted that the name of the person to be selected would meet with the general appro. nation of the country and command the confidence both of their lordships and of the other Rouse of Parliament. He SATURDAY, trusted also such person would be sent out with the view to ascertain, not only upon the matters now in dispute, but also upon all other questions, what were the best means of establishing peaceful relations with the Chinese. (Cheers.) Ho remained of the opinion which he had already ex pressed, that our proceedings at Canton had been utterly inconsistent with every principle of justice and humanity. (Cheers.) But assuming the very reverse—assuming those proceedings had been as right as he believed them to have been wrong, and that the Government could justify every step they had taken—still he said the occurrence of this Chinese war was a fearful calamity to this country and to the world; and their lordships ought to be most anxious to put an end to it. (Cheers.) He maintained, then, that the negotiator sent oat to China, whoever he might be, should receive instructions drawn up in no vindictive spirit, but of such a nature as should lead him to make peace at the earliest moment consistent with the substan tial interests of this country. Earl GRANVILLE denied most distinctly that there was any ground for supposing that the smuggling of opium into China was encouraged or connived at by the colonial authorities. It was the intention of the Government to despatch an envoy to Canton in order to place our relations with the Chinese empire on a satisfactory basis, having at the same time due regard to the real interests of this kingdom. _ _ The Earl of DERBY said the Government had come to a private understanding with the noble earl whose motion was before the house to put certain questions to the judges. He hoped 63 house would not he considered bound by the decision. The motion was ultimately withdrawn upon the understanding that the question should be submitted to her Majesty's law officers, though their lordships should not in any way be bound by that decision. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-MONDAY. INCOME-TAX BILL. The CPANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved the second reading of this bill. Mr. DISRAELI said : I had intended to offer a proposal to the house with re spect to this bill, but it appears from what I have read in the accredited organs that we are now at war with China. At least, I suppose no one will deny that such is the case, since we are told that a force of 7,000 strong is to be sent there; and I think, therefore, we had better make up our minds at once to our true position, and cease to indulge in those dreams of economy and administrative improve. ment which I had hoped might have been realised this year. ( Hear, hear.) That hope has now passed away, and I do not feel justified in opposing the measure now before the house, as I think it is absolutely necessary that the Ministers of the Crown, to whatever party they may belong, should have sufficient supplies for carrying on the struggle in which we are now unhappily engaged. (Hear.) There is also another reason why I should have felt some difficulty in proposing to the house that modilication of the present rates of income tax which I had contemplated. The house, very unfortunately, as I think, agreed the other night to an increase of indirect taxation, and in the face of such an increase I should be very sorry to urge a diminution of direct taxation. That, however, is a con sideration of secondary importance in comparison with the state of our external relations. (Hear, hear.) The policy pursued towards China has, as I feared it would, involved this country in a war which may be of some length, and which must be necessarily attended with con siderable expense. I hope that our constituents, who are continually pressing upon us for a reduction of taxation, will carefully consider how far the amount of our taxation must depend upon the system which we adopt in the management of our external affairs. (Hear, hear.) We have been at war with Persia without the knowledge of Parliament, and we have recently had the satisfaction of being informed that peace has been concluded. So far as we can obtain any information upon the subject, these appear to be the facts of the case. The war with Persia was occasioned by a cause which was really too contemptible and shameful to be mentioned. (Hear, hear.) Either thaticause was the true cause, or it was not; if it were the genuine cause, the house can at once draw the inevitable inference ; if it were not, then it was a part of that system which in every quarter of the world appears determined to distract this country front its domestic arrangements by a turbulent and aggressive diplomacy. ( Hear, hear.) Admitting that the shameful cause as signed was really a pretext, and that it was not the abso lute reason for hostilities, what occurred? In consequence of the war breaking out negotiations, as I am informed, took place between the British and Persian ambassadors at Constantinople, and certain terms were offered there which we refused. (Hear, hear.) This refusal having put an end to the negotiations, these transactions in good time—Parliament being assembled—are brought under our notice ; and the feeling of Parliament with respect to the Persian war, commenced without our knowledge, being evinced in a manner not to be mistaken, fresh nego tiations then occur. These negotiations are successful, but by what means, and in what manner? By our accept ing at Paris the terms which we had rejected at Constanti nople. (Hear.) IVhat I want the country to consider is how much the rejection of these reasonable terms at Con stantinople has cost us,—how much this quarrel with Persia has cost. ( Hear, hear.) If we take this quarrel with Persia at 500,0001.—end from what I have heard we can scarcely take it at less—and if we have half-a•dozen of these difficulties every year, anti average them at 500,0001. each, how is the remaining 7tl. of the In come tax ever to be taken off? Four difficulties at 'mita-million each make up 2d. in the pound of the income tax, and not only will the tax remain at 71. but we shall probably have the popular Pd. reintroduced to our notice in a very abort time.