The Press. — London, England, 1856-08-23 00:00:00

796 creation of two large and important constituencies in the room of certain boroughs which had been dis franchised. The speech of Mr. Disraeli on his review of the session was worthy of him as a statesman and a Conservative leader—it was a bold and faithful ex position of the principles which should govern, and the policy which should actuate, that party which he so ably and worthily leads in the House of Commons. That the speech was powerful and effec tive was proved by the manner in which it was handled by the Ministerial organs—and well will it be for the country when a Government shall be in power ready and prepared to reduce to practice the right hon. gentleman's ample programme of Con servative theories ! Although " Liberals " are for ever harping upon what they are pleased to call the disorganisation of the "Conservative party." how is it that they say so little of the unity of their own ? They well know they dare not—and they cannot appeal to the events of last session as a proof of it; for it is notorious that although a self styled Liberal Government held possession of the Treasury benches, yet the innu merable times which upon a division of the house they were placed in a minority, and that whenever they found themselves in a majority it was owing mainly to the votes of their opponents, clearly prove that, instead of taunting their adversaries with a want of organisation, it would be far better to look to their own differences and dissensions. The Post, which has the credit of being the special organ of the Premier, but a few days ago maintained that the present Government was Conservative, and that its policy was Conservative—how will those gentle men who sit behind the Treasury bench digest suel► a statement ? However, ►f the destruction of our hereditary peerage, and an utter contempt for the rights of property, come under the category of con servative measures, then, indeed, the Palmerston Administration is as Conservative as could be wished. If such be Conservatism according to the Post, what, I would ask, would be its definition of Liberalism ? I have often tried to fathom what is the meaning of the term "Liberal "; but I never yet succeeded to my own satisfaction. " Liberal," indeed ! "liberal " on the hustings, of words—" liberal " of promises, made to be broken—"liberal " of abuse of their political opponents—" liberal" with the purse of the nation, as witnessed in the wanton waste of money for the new bridge at Westminster— " liberal " towards the Civil Service, as exemplified by the Chancellor of the Exchequer's legislation on the superannuation question—" liberal " in creating disturbances, by thrusting bands in the parks on Sunlay—" liberal " in introducing legislative mea sures only to withdraw them—" liberal !" but here I must stop, for your columns would fail me were I to attempt any further exposition of the modern political genus, " Liberal." There can he no cause of regret for the Conserve. tive party upon taking a calm retrospection of public affairs during the last four years. It is just that period since Lord Derby's Cabinet was overthrown— a united and vigorous Administration was destroyed to make way for a Coalition, more heterogeneous and factions than any other Coalition which has ever been formed. The results of that Coalition Government were, a war with Russia—the destruction of as splen did an army as ever left the shores of Great Britain—an enormous increase of taxation—a heavy blow inflicted upon the prestige and fair tame of our country—and a disastrous shipwreck of the reputa tion of many eminent public men. Order ilas turned into chaos, and "confusion became worse con founded." It is for the Conservative party to refer with pride and satisfaction to the ten months' ad ministration of affairs by a Cabinet of their own per suasion. When the political history of the last ten years shall be impartially compiled, these ten month• of office by Lord Derby and his party ►ill present a cheering and favorable contrast to the expiring throbs and internal disruption of the Whigs under Lord John Russell, on the one side— and to the wretched and blundering mismanagement of affairs by the Coalition, and its ignominious end, on the other. The conduct of the Conservative party, also, since it has been in opposition, especially during the war, has been calm, dignified, and patriotic—another favorable comparison when contrasted with the factiousness, Sec., exhibited by the Whigs during the Peninsular war. Let, then, the Conservatives reflect on there things—sooner or later they will gain the reward due to their conduct. Let those gentlemen in Parliament who sit on the back benches on the left hand side of the Speaker, fearlessly and unani mously respond to the movements of theirleaders ; and let those gentlemen out of the house who pretend to uphold Conservative doctrines and sentiments shake offtheir apathy and listlessness, and the time will come, ay, and that soon, wh en our glorious country shall again be invigorated and strengthened by a firm and nnttekl Government , who will s wa y th e d es tinies of this mighty empire by the healthy principles of THE PRESS. Conservative progress.—l remain, sir, your obedient servant, August 20, 1t36. JUVENIS. COLLEGE LIVINGS. TO THE EDITOR OF " THE PRESS." Sir,—Will you allow me to ask your correspondent on the subject of venerable college tutors whether the following propositions meet his views ? That no fellow be eligible to a college living after he has attained the age of fifty years, in case the living exceed the value of 2501., or the population of the parish number more than four hundred souls. That when a college tutor has held his situation for a period of at least ten years, he be permitted to marry and still retain his fellowship for an equal period, provided he reside in the university town during this latter period, in the discharge of similar duties to those imposed upon him while still unmarried. That it he in the power of the major part of the fellows of any college to assign to not more than for the smaller colleges two (and for the larger in proportion) retired tutors' pensions of a reasonable amount, not tenable however with more than a fixed amount of income from any other source. Without venturing to claim the authority of one— like your correspondent—evidently well acquainted with the (subject, I throw out these hints fur con sideration. —I am, sir, your obedient servant, R. CANYNGES. Leicester, August 20, 1856. THE MAYNOOTH QUESTION AND THE TORIES. TO THE EDITOR OF " THE PRESS." Sir,—Wili you permit me to allude to one point in Mr. Perceval's letter? He has succeeded in doing what neither Mr. Spooner on the one side nor Mr. Maguire on the other have often achieved. He has introduced a new feature into the discussion. After upbraiding you and the other leading Conservatives for the consistent support which you have given to the Maynooth grant, he concludes by saying that he has opposed it, and will continue to oppose it, because he is a High Tory. I trust Mr. Prrceval will excuse me for expressing a doubt as to whether he knows the meaning of the term High Tory•. If 1 may venture to judge from the general tenor of his letter, he appears to me to belong to a totally different party. So far from being the letter of a Tory, it would seem, on the contrary to be the letter of an Orangeman. I am not one of those who fall into the error of thinking that such a question as Maynooth has any claim to be put forward as a test of party. Our party tests are very few indeed; they are, in the words ot Mr. Burke, " some great leading general principles of Government," and they should never be confounded with such ephemeral questions as this. No doubt the Maynooth endowment may have a collateral re lation to some of those great principles on which the political world is divided, and it may on that account be entitled to the support of one side more than of the other. As far as such indirect influence can be brought to bear upon parties, it must be to win, as it has always done, the support of the Tories. The Whigs, recollecting how their property was gained, have an instinctive aversion to religious en dowments. The Radicals, being opposed to anything like a union between Church and State, will, as a matter of course, vote against a grant which is a broad recognition ot that principle. On the other hand, the Roman Catholic religion, whatever its doc trinal faults may be, has much to attract the sympa thies of a High Tory. As we look upon the family portraits in our old halls, as we wander in the cloisters of Oxford, as we read the history and the struggles of the Tory party, we cannot but feel that, in spite of their erring faith, the Roman Catholics of England should be, as they have been, the friends and allies of the Tories. When, therefore, we find that the penal laws were passed by the Whigs and repealed by the Tories—when we find that all the measures embodying a liberal and generous policy towards the Roman Catholics were the measures of Tory states men—when we find that the founders and the friends of Maynooth were the Pius, the Windham, and the Castlereaghs—we only find that which, from a priori reasoning, we must naturally have expected. I have before me a letter from the late Knight of Kerry, who was a model of a High Tory gentleman, to Sir R. Peel, on the Maynooth question. Allow me to conclude these few words with a sentence from that letter If Conservatiiiu, :I..willered, demands a standard under which it can safely rally, I would require no better than that which was wielded fifty years ago by the firm hand of Mr. Pitt. I have the honour to be, sir, your obedient servant A HIGH TORY. London, August 19th, 1856. PS.—As Mr. Perceval has alluded to his father's views on the subject, perhaps he will excuse me for taking the liberty of re , ninding him that that distin guished statesman frankly stated, as his reason for not opposing the grant., that the Parliament of Great Britain was pledged to its support by the Union. SATURDAY, SIR CHARLES NAPIER AND CRONSTADT. Sin CHARLES NAPIER has returned home from his visit to St. Petersburg, and the first result is, the publication of his notes upon the strength of Cron stadt. This exposition is of as much interest as importance, and as the gallant admiral had every op. portunity afforded him by the Grand Duke Con stantine for acquiring accurate information, the statements may be depended upon. Sir Charles found the Russian ships in excellent order, their gunboat flotilla numerous and heavily armed, and the country covered with fieldworks to prevent any advance against St. Petersburg by land. Of the probability of success attending an attack upon the north side of the Cronstadt of to-day, Sir Charles writes : .. The steam gunboats, seventy.five in number, mount two 68 pounders and one 36; they are very fine vessels and well adapted for defensive purposes. They steam eight or nine knots, and were all planned by fee Grand Duke. I saw three building in floating docks. They appeared to be too sharp. They have, besides the gunboats, fourteen floating batteries, mounting four 68-pounders. well adapted for defence, they are constructed with one bulwark only, cased with iron four inches thick. I was anxious to go to the north of Cronstadt, but no one is permitted to do so. When I was there in ISM the passage was piled right across. Behind the piles lay four block•ships of the line, and four frigates; behind them again were 140 row gun boats, large and unwieldy, mounting two heavy guns, and in a calm not rowing more than three knots. Seventy of these gunboats were begun in March, 1854, and were ready when I appeared off. Mortar-vessels, however, could have thrown their shells into Cronstadt to the north, and might have reached the dockyard, and would have done great mischief, which 1 mentioned in my report. Before Admiral I)undas came out, they had put other ob structions to the north, to hinder the approach of mortar vessels within range ; but, not content with that, they have now run a barrier right across from Cronstadt. several hundred feet wide, at which they employed all last winter 20,000 men. The piles are several feet under water; at the end of each pile are iron bars, so low down that a cir cular saw could not be employed to saw them off under water. Behind these piles there are fine batteries, not yet finished, but which would have been ready, had the war continued. To support these batteries there are seventy. five steam gun-vessels, and about 1 . 20 row gunboats, and as many block-ships as they chose to place. After this Russia is not to be despised. Such tremendous exertions cannot be excelled. Against such defences Admiral Dundee, had he come out in the beginning or middle of July, would not have accomplished a single thing, even had he brought double the number of mortar,. As the weather was bad the probability is that many of his ships would have been swamped. On the south side aie the five granite forts, " beanti• fully built," the batteries on the two moles, and a redoubt, in all mounting 088 guns of heavy calibre, 68 and 100 pounders; beside eleven sail of the line, four frigates, ten large paddle steamers, twenty small steamers, and several corvettes and brigs; while in dock were two three-deckers, and five two deckers (good ships), one liner, and eight or nine corvettes building, with four more liners and four frigates laid up and not goad for much. "In 1854," writes Sir Charles, "they were all inside Fort !dens chikoff, in a line from it. The two three-deckers moored across the harbour, protected by strong booms; and I believe had an attempt been made to force the harbour, our fleet would have been destroyed. There was first the shallow water; then the smoke, which would have covered everything; and after passing the batteries (it that were pos sible) there were seventeen sail of the line to fight, and lots of int', real machines." The conclusion Sir Charles comes to, as to the result of an attack upon Cronstadt, is as follows : If fifty sailof the line, and 50,000 men in steamers, were to attempt an attack, it might just be possible to succeed, provided they did not sink ships between Menschikoff and Cronslott, and our ships did not take the ground in going in. It would be necessary for the leading ships to anchor against the batteries. Those following should go in and break the boom. If they succeeded, we would probably overpower the fleet, and the steamers would land the troops on the sea•wall. If we failed in breaking the boom there would be great confusion, and there is no knowing what would happen. It would also be necessary to have a strong reserve to take the place of the ships against the batteries, if they failel in silencing them, which is more than pro• bable. If all went right, Cronstadt would be taken ; and if all went wrong, the fleet would be lost. No one, I think, except the Timce, would have tried Cronstadt. They said it was not necessary to see how one was to get out; it was only necessary to get in. The Government have determined to build, with as little delay as possible, two new public offices, one for the Foreign Secretary, and the other for the War Secretary. These buildings are to be erected on a site between Charles-street and Downing-street. Plans are to be sought, too, for laying out the re mainder of the ground lying between Whitehall on the north, Great George-street and New Palace-yard on the south, the Thames on the ea-4, and St. James's-park on the west. It is intended to invite architects of all countries to offer designs for these undertakings, and we understand that particulars and instructions to competitors are in course of pre paration.—Builder. I