Star. — London, England, 1819-10-30 00:00:00

11 I $ Il t fl ?It 1. it 11 i a t I . . •• .6 . • .• the security of thz State, attention to the wishes of the People. isetAlliwnen-of rank, character, and respecta bility, inthe Country, unite and act thus, and the evil* which threaten us may yet be happily averted. Let them da otherwise, and the wcrst that the gloomiest mind can forebode, will not equal the reality of what there is reason to apprehend. Influenced by this opinion—the opinion of one who asks no more credit to his sentiments, than there :s reason in them— azting from a sincerity of motive, which no man Lying can impeach—(Much Cie:ring)—l have felt' myself imperiously called upon to stand forward, on the present occasion, in conjunction with those poli tical friends with whom I usually act, and in consistency with those true Whig principles which we have ever professed, and ever acted upon—prin ciples which, I am sorry to say, have, of late years, been much out of fashion, and much misapprehended by the People—butfrom which neither the frowns of power, nor even the disfavour of the People, will ever make us swerve—principles which bind us equally to defend the Crown from the madness of the People, as to defend the People from the en croachments of the Crown—(Hear, hear). Gentle men, I have now a complaint to make to you some what extraordinary, but no less true ; it is this, that the case I have put into my hands, to advocate, is too strong for me. " Take it as you will, Gentlemen, the bare recital of the fact,• without a single commert of mine, is sufficient to carry your minds to every conclusion that aspirit of truth can desire. I have done all I could, Gentlemen, to make myself master of the real state of the melancholy transactions of the 16th of August last ; tut in vain have I sought for one single fact or e!.,urhent which can justify or extenuate the sangui ,,,-, character by which they are distinguished.— at home, I have looked abroad among my rolitical opponents for information, arid where could 1 look to better than to the notable Declaration of this our City of Norwich?—(Flear, hear.)—Now, Gentle n.en, in this Declaration I do not find it said, or even attempted to be insinuated, that the Meeting at Man chester on the 16th of August was illegal, or that there was any tumult committed by the people. No, Gentlemen, they could not tell such a story. Neither do 1 find in this Declaration any one thing said to justify or excuse the conduct of the Magistrates and Yeomanry. Surely, Gentlemen, it must be a bad—a I very bad cause, in defence of which nothing can be said. But then there comes some Gentleman of lively imagination, who has hit on the word fret:d. , e. , Vrejudge ! In the name of common sense, or cf double-refined sophistry, how can inquiry be tor tured into prejudgment ? The fact is, Gentlemen, that there is no case pending—justice has been asked for, but justice has been denied—the tribunals have been appealed to, hut the tribunals have been shut against the injured. We may say of Justice in this case, in the words of the Poet— " The Spanish fleet thou tacit not sec, " For 'tis not yet in sight!" The Coroner at Oldharn had tripped up the only sort of argument or apology which the defenders of the proceedings at Manchester had ; he had put off the Inquest tc a period so remote, that he might as well Lave put it off altbgether. As to the prosecution against Hunt and others for Conspiracy, that can I..ive no connection, either one way or other, .wfth the conduct of the Manchester Magistrates and Yeci- 1 Inanry. These men may be proved guilty, but that not make the people who were killed and wound ed guilty. The only persons who have presumed to prejudge in this matter are Ministers, who have pros tituted the sacred name of Majesty, to expiess appro..' bation of measures which are a disgrace to humanity. It is possible that Ministers may have had the Ite gent's personal concurrence to this approbation; it is barely posible, that, with fleet horses and active rides s, with wind and tide favouring, (for the Prince, 'be it remembered, was at sea,) to have obtained his approval on the 21st, of what happened many hun. Bred miles distant on the ltith ; it is possible, but I believe it not"—(Load chee:ing.) The Noble Lord thou proceeded at considerable length into a detailed revi.:w of the conduct of Ministers with respect to the recent Public Meetings in the country, from which he deduced the conclusion, that they were pro ceeding on a systematic plan of putting down all cpposition to their measures by the power of the sword, and that the massacre at Manchester was only a part of that system. " When," he continued, " the human mind isshocked and disgusted, it naturally turns round in quest of some circumstances of alleviation or justification. 'Il-c minds of Englishmen have done so on this oc• casion—and consolation they have found none. The co:rse of justice has been interrupted—and it is in quiry into the cause that we demand. Let political feelings once mingle themselves with the adminis tration of the laws, and there will be an end of all se cmity to our lives and properties—the word liberty lt of our language—and no more' proud-sounding name offree-born te Noble Lord concluded a speech and ability, of which, we regret id limits, have allowed us to give by moving the following series of ance which, in their judgment is, or mt..) , grove to be itijarloas to the life, liberty, or property of she subject. X. That every attempt to disperse by force such an Antra -1 bly, as long u the persons met together conduct themselves peaceably, and no overt act of riot is committed r cannot be too strongly reprobated. 3. That it appears to us that the Magistrates of Manchester did, on the 16th of August last, authorize the Military to dis perse by force a Meeting not proved to be illegal, without suffi cient ground to justify so harsh a measure, and even witho4 having given due notice of their intention; and that moreover the Military appear to have carried their orders into effect with out displaying that moderation and lenity which should always be exercised on the most legitimate of such occasions. 4. That though every friend to real liberty must cordially de precate the danger of licentious tumult, yet it ought never to be forgotten, that an attack upon our constitutional rights, under the mask of attachment to order and government, is (to say the least of it) equally dangerous. 5. That we observe, with deep concern, that his Majesty's Ministers hive so precipitately given the weighty unction of his Royal Highness the Prince Regent's approbation to measures of so dubious a character; and we deeply deplore the advice re cently given to his Royal Highneu to dismiss from the Lord Liebtenantey of the West Riding of the County of York, a No bleman eminent for his virtues, his loyalty, and his patriotism, solely upon the ground of his having concurred with the County of York in petitioning the Throne for iqgniry into matters so deeply interesting both to the People and the Prince. 6. It is, therefore, resolved, that a Petition be presented to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, most earnestly riirlest log him to recommend to the immediate consideration of Par liament, the necessity of instituting an accurate and solemn in quiry into the real state of those unfortunate transactions, which have excited for some weeks past, and still continue to excite, an alarming degree of ferment on the public mind. S. T. SountweLL, Esq. rose, amidst loud cheers, to second the Resolutions moved by the Noble Lord, and felt happy in having his name associated with such a man, and in so honourable a cause. The Con stitution of England, formed on the principles of freedom and on the reciprocal duty of protection and obedience, had been grossly violated. History was full of instances of the patient submission and obedi ence of the people, when under the protection of the laws ; but at no period was it greater than in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, who, although surrounded with difficulties, and by no means free from faults, evinced a constant wish to protect, and an eternal love for, the People ; while they, in return, were obe dient, and there was not an instance of insurrection in her long and glorious reign. When the Stuarts, who succeeded, attempted to govern by a model of their own, the people rose as one man, and expelled tl-.o:e. This Revolution did not create, but re-esta ul'slleJ the Constitution of the Country. From this time to the lath of August last, a period of 130 years, protection was never so abruptly denied as it has been in the present instance ; and if we do not cause a strict e:.quiry to be instituted, our liberties are o:ertarned by the events of a single day. My Noble Friend who has preceded me, wished this County to be the first to espress its opinion on the foul deeds at Manchester ; but it is gratifying that the great, opulent, and independent County of York should have taken the lead—( Hear, hear.) The Meeting at York was more numerous, not more respectable than this, and the Members for the County attended both. At York, Mr. Stuart Wortley as serted, that Parliament could do nothing but refer the matter to a Court of Justice. But does he call it nothing to have Parliament, assembled and supported by their Constituents, and those who ought to be their Constituents, demanding a legal investigation? Is it nothing to prevent tumult, disorder, and confu sion ? • It is in fast more than half our request. Is it nothing to prevent Justice and Courts of Law from being twisted into engines of oppression? But Par liament can do more. There is such a thing as a High Court of Parliament—and will they be afraid to institute it ? (" Yes, they are too corrupt," from the erotvd ).—No, Gentlemen, continued Mr. South well, I hope not ; but that they will institute a High Court of Parliament, and the impeachment of Lord Sjdmouth. I am an humble individual—so are we all : but, united, we are all-powerful; and we must insist on our County Members calling for inquiry, and, if possible, for impeachment. The character of the Sovereign is the property of every man—and we must protect it against the wicked Ministers who have impiously and treasonably dared to use the name of the Prince Regent in the approbation of measures which his soul must, and does abhor, We must therefore give him an opportunity of vindi cating himself, and separating the Sovereign from the Minister. Since the Revolution, the personal character of the Sovereign has been little inquired into, bet it has often been exercised for the pro tection of the Rights of the Subject—(Applause). When the Earl of Albemarle, the grandfather of the present Representative of that Noble House, was Ambassador in France, he found an oppressed Eng lishman in the Bastile, that necessary appendage of a Military Government. The worthy representative of his Sovereign knew he could do nothing more grateful to his Royal Master, and he would not quit Paris until he had obtained the release of his coun tryman. Those times were better than the present. The Ministers were good men, and not like those of our day, whose talents are even below their charac ter. Humble as I am, I will not yield to any man in attachment to my country, and none can feel more sensible regret than I do at the melancholy oc casion of this Meeting. I therefore most heartily second the Resolutions moved by the Noble Lord. Mr. E. WODZIIOVSE, • M. P. Member for the County, now stepped forward, but it was with the utmost difficulty he could procure a hearing, for more l than a few unconnected words at a time. As far as we could collect what he said, he dissented from the proposed Resolutions, on the grodnd, that the con duet of the Manchester Magistrates and Yeomanry was under a course of judicial investigation.—( The hooting and clamour at Mit assertion, was (suasive.) That it was the firm conviction of his soul, that there was a faction at work, of which Satan himself was the leader, and whose covenitt was to destroy ; and that the right of petitioning had got into the hands of demagogues and levellers, who bad made use of it a dagger to stab at the very vitals of the Consti tution. " I prefer," said Mr. Wodehouse, in conclud ing, " waiting patiently, but firmly, the quiet course of the law, to embarking on a sea of peril, and being, thereby instrumental to a course which must lead to the utter rain and destruction of the Liberties of the country." T. W. Cora, Esq. M.P. rose amidst the most tu multuous applause, and the hisses of a few of his political opponents. After this had subsided, he cons menced :—" Mr. High Sheriff, I thaak you for the readiness with which you have acceded to the Requi sition, and afforded me an opportunitrof expressing my sentiments on an occasion of so much importance. Thanks are also dee to the Noble Lord near me; and the other Gentlemen who signed the Requisition. Gentlemen, I never addressed you with so much anxiety as I do at this moment. I have often told you, it was my firm conviction that the object of the Governmeot vas to rule by military despotism. In confirmation of this assertion, I shall avoid the ground .gone over by my Noble Friend, Lord Albemarle, with so much ability. But, Gentlemen, it is impossible to speak of the transactions, which we all view with horror, without expressing our abhorrence of them. We have been told that Christianity has been assailed ; but was it ever set grossly violated as in the conduct of the Manchester Magistrates and Yeomen ? Gentlemen, it is not a political question on which we are met this day, it is to - teek inquiry into those foul transactions: it is our right to demand it ; and if an inquiry is not instituted, we are no longer entitled to the name of freemen. This, Gentlemen, is not a question of Whig or Tory, but one that appeals to the heart of every Englishman. Were this a party question, I would not shrink from the defence of that to which I have been so long attached—for what is it that the Whigs have not done for you, and what have the Tories done ? The question of the proceed ings at Manchester has been so often discussed, that it is unnecessary that I should enter largely into it ; bat I must not omit to notice the plot which has existed on the part of Government for some years.-- Twice within the List three years has the Habeas Corpus Act been suspended, through the artful re• presentation of Ministers ; and so well did they con ceal their share in the plot, that they succeeded in obtaining the support of Earl Fitzwilliam to the mea sure; but when that virtuous and estimable Nobleman found that the plot was formed by Ministers, and the dangers imaginary, he would go no farther with them. I would never withhold the necessary support to Go- vernment ; but, Gentlemen, I can never suffer my un offending countrymen to be cut down, without raising my feeble voice to protest against the outrage.— To prove the share Ministers have had hi occasioning the ferment of the public mind, it is only necessary to glance at the Meetings held in different parts of the Country, within the last two years. The first I Meeting at Spa Fields was found to have principally originated with Government Spies; but all those that have not been thus excited have been peaceable. The first Meeting at Leeds did not take place until the poor distressed People had made applicition for work to every quarter, but without success. They then met to know what they should do ? At this Meeting ten thousand persons were assembled, which the Government hireling Papers swelled to twenty or thirty thousand. At the second Meeting at Leeds, not more than .5,000 were present; and a third did not exceed 2,000. The cause for which they met was dying a natural death. Government saw this, and despaired of making a riot, until the Meeting at Manchester, with the horrible proceedings at which, Ministers have completely identified themselves, and prostituted the sacred name of Majesty to sanction an outrage which humanity abhors. On that eventful day, Major Cochrane rode to the right and left, and saved the lives of many of our countrymen from the wanton attack ; but one poor woman, who co. vered her face with her hands, that she might both protect herself and avoid the appalling sight, was cut down by the sabre of a Yeoman, before he was able to protect her. Now, Gentlemen, is there one individual amongst you, that can doubt the amessity l of an inquiry into transactions of suc h a c h aracter ? I No—not even my worthy Colleague, for whom entertain the highest respect, can doubt For my own part, Gentlemen, I can do nothingmore than in exercising that trust in Parliament with which you have honoured me. Those who know me best, ' know I am a domestic and peaceable man; but I hope I shall never be wanting in advocating the liberties amp countrymen by whomsoever they may be attacked ; and I can truly say with that great man, Mr. Fox. that I declare to Goa I wish to live no longer than I can live free.' Gentlemen, the Gag ging Bills, the Suspension of the Habeas 'Corpus Act, and all the restrictions on our liberties, are of a piece with the transactions at Manchester. Minis- tens have been syitematic in their conduct ; and they are now bringing forward 12,000 additional men far active service. Why have constitutional farce of the coul they are afraid of trusting the of the Coroner's Inquest at 1 / 4 have taken place if the Coroner of Ministers. Gentlemen, there and I do not know but this we may have--(Cries of Ni may not be the case ; but other unconstitutional restr: adopted. That amiable Liam, whom to know is to esteem, from a high office for doing • People, who w: re pleased ducted themselves peaceably, 'firmly and conscientiously believe the Meeting at York did go nisters found they must dism; the courage and the honesty t countrymen in asserting the and protesting against their tary force. The Hon. EDWARD HARI Suffield, the Lord Lieutenant addressed the Meeting, at some man of no patty—he defied his adherence—he came forwart occasion on the most independent not without a very considerable feeling. A great apparent Rights of Englishmen had he would join most cordia' enquiry should be made it visited on the guilty. He rilous placard against Mr. very liberally distributed culatid to inflame the public not insult the good sense of it,but would treat it with that merited. (Here the Hon. Gem obnoxious placard under his The Hon. Mr. PRIMROSE, should not have intruded my , my name been in the ReqL Meeting this day. This, Gent ount of my not supporting friends who have preceded mi crisis, it is the duty of every berties of his country, which just administration oC the laws. sentiments a man 'Way possess, and a stake in the country, and declare it, and not act good can arise from the propagation aeons in a corner ? What, Gentlemen, persons in your situation ?—x petition, butjo call the anent of the Parliament to events Gentlemen, I am not bount debted to one more than Parliament. I am "as free But, hnwever We may differ jests, all must allow, that in t Manchester, there must have or the other. On that dreadfi August, hundreds of our fi wounded by a military force, they could possibly inquire made themselves a party in the our Meeting this day, produce these events in a course of jT that the Magistrates will right ; and we should be lost stand up fer the law when imi But, Gentlemen, Parliament • journed Inquest at Oldham; which never before occurred. adjourned for six weeks. It business of Parliament to gi' the execution of the laws, judgment of the case; but ing enough before it to That country is lost indeed, where the laws are perverted the proud boast of an Engli equal law for rich and poor, if the administration of justice rather, much rather, that the . however deep their crime, shoe guilty, receive a free pardon, should take place. This the " but let the inquiry be fairly made, to the Counts', that there is I hesitate not.to &dare, that k man that now Mors me, those to subvert al taw, all . " lenkniombilirhave w . 117-alireille, Wry other—lant .1 Intl wish um to stand in a lions, 1 with not to prejudge to inquire. Mr. M. PALMER, of Yarny are nos arrived at a crisis, stand in the gap, and stop the which threatens to sweep away all that is dear to us. The (Mr. Wodehouse) tells us, that of petitioning in the hands of made use of it as a dagger to the Constitution; but does not the Ministers who have brougt• stab the Constitution much more must be blotted out of our language—and no more shall we boast of the proud-sounding name offree-born Englishmen." The Noble Lord concluded a speech of great eloquence and ability, of which, we regret that our time and limits, have allowed us to give but a faint outline, by moving the following series of rtcsolittions : r. That (ht. People of this country have a clear eorstitutionat eptlt to us::utile tsr the purpose of discussing any political 44 ,itiaa, and of petitioStrig for the redress of any political ploy- . they suntry t ye c: m le u d ch i , nci s th e mit 44t •oner the iVhton:re,ainainnyolh)l7 t‘hVeefller,arl:w: N tt obl i e d m h an m , as e 6 n y v o a g u B do i n li n s b ) m y s °r : in b g ea s believe e l s h i os e a in i n v s anv e ' y d N, t ht h i po at ( a y ba s be t r t . l b .r E te k o e ym e t h aj s ;° v ya li e w met thr zl. o: • eiy kr ,r aß i -i n - sio • n r a y ttoooff unite see p e a h c n:i to h % s b 1 , 1 $ t hey th li f:aihpsinoee:tni Tally dy i o e g e n f r h i a' dln lta t d e t s h h-e n l g n od e gt oo rne ftl va omh d u tlEli ntha en die gß County, en -' th. caA arable sacrifice of p • nt infringement ca 4 been committed; . into it, and pttni then produced Coke, which had • against the Hall, . 'bile mind. He • the Meeting by rea that contempt it so j Gentleman trampled s feet.) M. Gentlemen syself on your notice, •• luisition for calling , entlemen, was not on ng the measures of - me ; for, in this air.' •y man to support the :h can only be done br vars. Whatever po .;. ess, if he has ach he should come f. :t in the dark; for . )pagation of political Gentlemen, is the dot , -what the sacred risk :ention of the Prince • which demand enqu', nd to any party, nor' , another for my seat t as air."—(Cheers.) r in opinion on other • a the melancholy aim re been faults on one ' readful day, the 16th fellow-countrymen • ce, and Ministers, bef e into the circums. the transaction. Sh• lute the effect of pla judicial inquiry, I • prove that they • ost indeed, if we did impartially adminis it will meet before the r; yes, meet, with a ed—an Inquest of d t has often been the f. give additional force • but never upon a • t as a Grand Jury • institute an inquiry ed, and beyond teem.: d to party purposes: a. Tishman, that there 4 • , can be made no lon• ,ce can be stifled. I en' Manchester Magis should,• on being f l on , t h an t hat no icq' e Sovereign could do made, and let us p s still one law for all. k detest, as much as those publications sr• • 1 religion, and all • • g s -111 7 g co an rn l y er rende m w t il a o n l aTs a r li : t t h i m ci s i l l e y : 0 : : 1 nouth.—" Gentlemen, ' when it is necessal7 the torrent of DesPo c ay all that is valu ab'•• be Honourable Metn at we have seen the rig of demagogues, who to stab the very vitals not the continuation ben us into ibis situa:; more deeply: The —..sceseena t 1 ; 1 I r. 1 g I