The Press. — London, England, 1858-05-29 00:00:00

gone to the House of Lords to speak to Lord Cla- 1 rendon. But why did the noble lord go there? Why did he not consult the members of the late Government in this house ? Why did he not go to the noble lord the member for Tiverton ? There was no estrangement then that could have prevented a friendly and candid commut ication between the two noble lords. (Laughter.) But what happened two days before the break-up of the late Government ? The lion. member for Devizes (Mr. Griffith) asked a question respecting French politics, and the noble lord the member for Tiverton got up and said— ' Does lie want to have a war with France ? that is the question, and I for one will decline to answer such an inquiry: This was only forty-eight hours before the Government was broken up, and the noble lord declined to answer the query on the ground that it might decide the question of peace or wa r. ( Hear, hear.) I repeat that the circumstances of the country were of a most critical character at that pe riod , and the noble lord the member for the city of London, when he reflects, must know that they were. The French Ambassador quitted us at a very critical moment ; but three months have elapsed since that time, and what has passed in the interval has considerably and entirely changed the state of feeling which prevailed between this Court and that of the Tuileries. I say that the relations between the two countries have been entirely changed, and that the agreement which exists between England and France at this moment is shown by the entire accord which exists as to the management of transactions of great im portance. Well, but, says the noble lord, it is not merely the statement as to our relations with France which requires explanation. There was a statement made as to Sardinia which requires explanation ; and the noble lord, following the ingenious but not very candid tactics which he has preserved through. out this not very terrible attack, intended to convey to the house that I stated that an attempt was made by this house to upset the Government by en couraging a war between Naples and Sardinia. It is not true that I complained of the conduct of the House of Commons. Why, when I alluded to the great debate which had just preceded, did I not call the attention of the country to the fact that, when a vote of censure was proposed against us, this Govern ment was defended by the first men in this house in authority, in intelllect, in eloquence, not connected with us by party ties, but men stating their convic tions from a sense of truth and to the defeat of a cabal ? (Cheers.) Was not that a public expression on the part of her Majesty's Government that they bad confidence in the generous justice cf the House of Commons, and that they would endeavour to return that confidence ? and in that confidence we hope to be able to bathe the intrigues which I know are already forming. (Cheers.) Well, then, the noble lord says that 1 misrepresented in an extraordinary manner the policy of the hon. gentleman opposite towards India. He says that I stated that we were opposed to a policy of extermination, and that I intended to convey that those gentlemen were in favour of a policy of extermination. Now, neither in this house, nor in the county of Bucking ham, nor anywhere else have I have used the word "extermination." Sir, what I then stated, and what I have stated more than once, is, that we are not in favour of a policy of confiscation, but that we are in favour of a policy of discriminating arnn. sty, a policy which will respect the religion, and will respect the property, and that will pay due regard to the rights and customs of the people of India. (Cheers.) But, says the noble lord, all my observations on foreign affairs and Indian policy subside into nothing in comparison with the unconstitutional declaration that if we were not supported by the house a dissolu tion would have been the consequence. Will the noble lord read my speech again, and favour me with the passage in w hi c h I ma d e such a state ment? (Laughter.) What I did say was, that if, as was certainly not improbable, we had had to defend our. conduct on the hustings, we should have uppealed with confidence to the support of the country, and that I bad no doub that the verdict of the country would have given us their support. (Cheers.) Then the noble lord told us that it was unconstitutional to recommend a disso lution; and he said that in 1852 he never had coml. Belled the Queen to dissolve Parliament. Well, it would have been a very bold thing if he had. (Laughter.) He had been in office for six years. He had bad several intimations from the House of Commons that they panted to get rid of him. And that a Minister at the end of all this should claim the applause and the gratitude of the country and the House of Commons because be did not advise a dis solution, is the most remarkable instance of self-com placency that I ever heard of. (Laughter and cheers.) But although the noble lord was indirectly very sore on the subject of the dissolution of Parlia ment as his theme advanced, he could not, from the candour o f hi s disposition, resist making the admis bion that neither in this house nor in the other had there been any declaration of the kind which could THE PRESS, MAY 29, 1858. unconstitutionally influence the debate or the divi. sion. For neither in the House of Lords nor in the House of Commons was there an inti mation of the royal will, or of any recom mendation which her Majesty's Ministers might be likely to give. But the noble lord and his friends are very sore on the subject of a dissolu tion. People reflected that Lord Derby had been called in unexpectedly to take office. He bad not been eager to undertake it, but when requested to do so, had humbly asked her Majesty to reconsider the request, although at the same time assuring her Majesty that if, after reconsidering, she still wished him to take office he was at ber service. Her Majesty graciously reconsidered the matter, and again made an appeal to Lord Derby. This is no secret. (Hear, hear.) Well, the people of the country knowing all this, and knowing the circum stances under which we took this responsibility upon us, and knowing, as they did, that we had sedu lously and honestly, and not without success, administered the affairs of the country—the people, Whigs, Tories, and Radicals, knowing all this, when they saw the sense and spirit of the House of Com mons, when they saw the circumstances in which we were placed, felt, and felt truly, that no Government which had acceded to power under such circum stances, after encountering the opposition which we had experienced, could recede from office without humbly counselling her Majesty to exert her consti tutional privilege. (Hear.) It wanted not the in fluence of people in office to induce members to give their votes. The announcement of a dissolution came from the opposite benches. It was the generous sentiment of the country, which felt that Lord Derby could not fall without an appeal to the country. Public opinion was in our favour, because public opinion was outraged by the conduct of indi viduals. To that public opinion we appeal, notwith standing such attacks as we have met with here. (Loud cheers.) After a few remarks from Mr. Rios, Sir G. C. LEWIS said that Mr. Disraeli had de fended his speech only by denying the accuracy of the report. His own impression from reading it as published in the papers entirely coincided with that expressed by Lord John Russell, whose comments on various points the right hon. baronet proceeded to support and enforce. Noticing the delay that had occurred in appointing a successor to Lord Ellen borough, be called upon the Government to announce definitively their intended policy in India, especially as regarded the future administration of Oude, and whether it was their intention to recall the Governor- General. Mr. M. GIBSON believed that the Government bad been unwarrantably assailed for publishing Lord Ellenborough's despatch. The house had a right to be made acquainted with public affairs, and far worse evils had arisen from the refusal than an excess of publicity. As an issue to the discussions on the subject, he rejoiced to find that all parties were concurrently in favour of a policy of justice, amnesty, and mercy towards the people of Oude. Mr. COLLIER read some passages from the report of Mr. Disraeli's speech, in which, be contended, a charge of pursuing a policy of extermination was implied against the late Ministry. Mr. WHITESIDE replitd to various statements and arguments that had been advanced by different members in the course of the discussion, vindicating the Government generally as regarded its forelgn and Indian policy. He proceeded to remark with pungent sarcasm upon the ccnduct and speeches of divers supporters of Mr. Cardwell's resolution in the recent debate. After some explanations from Mr. D. GRIFFITH, the subject dropped. THE ARMY. Sir Da LACY EVANS moved as an amendment an address to the Crown, praying her Majesty graciously to take into consideration the hardship experienced by captains of cavalry and infantry, who, having been reduced to the non-effective list by order of Government, at the termination of the late war in 1856, and being replaced on the effective strength of the army on the breaking out of the war in the East in 1857, find themselves posted to regiments in rela tively inferior rank to lieutenants, who have obtained the rank of captain, by purchase or otherwise, during the intermediate year of peace. The motion was seconded by Colonel NORTH. General FEET, admitted the hardship suffered by the officers in question, but maintained that it was impossible to afford redress without creating in their favour a special exception to the ordinary rules of promotion in the service. The amendment was then withdrawn. SUPPLY. The house having gone into Committee of Supply, the rest of the sitting was directed to a miscellaneous discussion upon various votes belonging to the Army and Civil Service Estimates. The house resumed and adjourned at half•past twelve o'clock. 519 SECOND EDITION• SATURDAY AFTERNOON. LATEST INTELLIGENCE. We select the following from the Indian cor respondence of this morning : THE OUDE COMMISSIONERS. Chief Commissioner, Mr. Montgomery, late Judicial Commissioner, Punjaub Civil Service.—Probable salary, 5,500 r. (per month.) Judicial and Financial Commissioner, Mr. G. Campbell, Civil Service.—Salary 3,500 r. Secretary to Chief Commissioner, Mr. Forsyth, Civil Sery ice.—Salary 2,000 r. Military Secretary, probably Captain Hutchinson, Bengal Engineers, nephew to Mr. Montgomery.-1,500r. Commissioners of Divisions.—\l essrs. Wingfield, Davies, St. George Tucker, Couper.—Salaries, 2,750 r. Deputy Commissioners of Districts.—lat Class.—W. A. Forbes, Civil Service; Balmain, Civil Service; S. N. Martin, Civil Service; Captain Barrow.—Salaries, 1,500 r. 2od Class.—Mr. Wake, Civil Service; Captains Carnegie, Evans, and Freelin g.—Salaries, 1;200r.-3rd Class.—Mr. Capper, Civil Service ; Mr. G. Lawrence, Civil Service; and Captain Reid.—Salaries, I,ooor. P. Carnegy, Uncovenanted Civil Service. Not ap pointed. Inspector of Gaols, Dr. Ogilvie, Civil Surgeon; Dr. Fayrer, Assistant ditto; Mr. Collinson. THE REBELS AT BAREILLY. The commander-in-chief, under orders from the Gover nor-General, has determined to lead the force which will occupy Rohilcund. It is not imagined that the rebels will make any great resistance except at Bareilly, but there is danger of a despersts effort to escape. Their plan is said to be to trust to their legs, outmatch us, and press on for Central India and Bombay. There they will find a new army to tamper with, princelings by the score, and a popu lation which has not forgotten that it once paid its taxes out of the plunder of the rest of India. This is our real and permanent difficulty. We cannot march twenty miles a day, and the rebels accomplish forty regularly, and sixty when hard pressed. The cavalry might do better, bat, except on a raid of a couple of days, they are so hampered with baggage carts and impedimenta of all descriptions that their speed is lost. Experienced officers now say that for a war pike this elephants are the only baggage animals worth anything, but there are not a great many elephants in our possession. It takes months to collect a hundred. The Calcutta correspondent complains of the paucity of European troops in India : During the year Sir John Lawrence, in the absence of Europeans, was compelled to appeal to the Sikhs. They came torward 'ladly, and some 35,000 Khalsa were added to the irregular army. Four thousand Sikhs have been ordered into Bengal, in addition to the 2,000 already, and the total number of Sikhs alone is upwards of 82,000. The Sikhs are well aware of this, boast that they have saved the empire, and tell their officers complacently that " Who knows whose the raj will be?" Many chiefs—no. tably the Putteala Rajah—have warned British officers of the consequences, and I have before me a letter repeating verbatim an opinion given by that Prince—tliat the " Sikhs, if left idle, will be worse than the Hindostanees." All these statements signify nothing if England will send 20,000 more Europeans into Bengal, bat they are of serious importance if we are to be lett, as at present, with fewer efficient Etuopeaes than our nominal roll before the mutinies. The following remarks of the same writer are sig nificant enough. The Oude proclamation has not been withdrawn, but— Mr. Montgomery has received carte blanche to deal with each case as be chooses. His course is to compound with the aristocracy, and the landholders, finding that the chief gives them their property, are coming to him fast. There is, however, little hope of the pacification of Oude for some months. We hold only the city, and tkat we are compelled to fortify again. Official despatches, which have reached Paris from China, lead to the conclusion that the Envoys of England and trance scarcely hope to accomplish their views without further hostilities. An ordinary depatch sa)s : Advices from China to the 12th of April state rthat in reply to an address from the British merchants at Canton, Lord Elgin assured them that the demands of the allies were moderate, but that they would insist on their being complied with. They are prepared to resort if necessary to force, and they will not shrink, should it be found requisite, from carrying hostilities to the very walls of Pekin. The Hong Kong papers state that Teent•Sin, a small harbour about fifty miles from Pekin, will easily fall into the hands of the allies, and they urge that gunboats should be sent up to the capital. At Canton the native authorities secretly persecute and torture all who are suspected of favouring the allies. Great atrocities have been discovered. In the inland provinces anarchy is said to be on the increase. Achmed Pacha, eldest son of the late Ibrahim Pacha, and heir apparent to the Viceroyalty, has lost his life by a railway accident between Cairo and Alexandria. The Gazette of last night contaii of the Hon. and Rev. Augustus the Deanery of the Metropolitan rendered vacant by the death Cockburn, Bart.,D.D. _ ~.... ►ins tho appointment Duucombe, M.A., to n Church of York, th of Sir Williopt