The Press. — London, England, 1854-05-20 00:00:00

, : f, fr„‘ I - p _w ~... -r wpm" 'WV " //o ...:- -------__ • •S :Ail . bit 1)ttl;1 ~.. ... No. 55.—VoL. 11. C4t Vrtss. LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 20, 1854. THE recal of the Prussian Minister at the Court of St. James's (his Excellency the Che valier BUNSEN) has been involved in consider able mystery, which, as it arises from eircumstamces which may affect the future relations of the two countries as well as the European settlement, may deserve some eluci dation. We have reason to believe that the startling and very unexpected eventin question was occasioned in this manner :—His Excel- lency Chevalier BUNSEN, some little time ago, addressed a secret and confidential despatch to his Court, in which he sketched out a new territorial disposition of Europe, and indi cated the provinces now belonging to Russia which it was proposed to apportion to his own Sovereign. The King of PRUSSIA was very indignant and greatly alarmed when Baron MANTEUFEL submitted this despatch to his Majesty. The King ordered the instant recal of his Plenipotentiary, and commanded General GROEBEN to proceed immediately to England on a special mission, and obtain from the British Government distinct expla nations whether the proposals of M. BUNSEN had received their sanction. The Ministry of Lord ABERDEEN replied that the Bunsen pro ject was in nowise authorised by them, and that they recognised the integrity of the Rus sian empire as necessary to the political equilibrium which they wished to maintain. The Chevalier BUNSEN subsequently ad dressed a long explanatory letter to his So vereign, but without effect on his Excellency's altered position. The King of PRUSSIA ex pressed the anxiety of the German Powers to restore and secure peace on the footing of the statue quo, which was a sine quit' non. PHILOSOPHERS have often fancied that they could discover in little accidents and paltry motives the secret sources of those great events which fill the pages of history. VOL. TAIRE collected a crowd of instances to show " What mighty contests rise from trivial springs." But the notion is rather ingenious than pro found. Mere chance has not much to do with the government of nations. Great events have a more decided parentage. We must look for their origin in the character of those persons under whose rule they rise up. All history is resolvable into biography—that is, into the actions of men who have borne a pro• LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 20, 1854. minont part in directing national affairs. If we except those calamities which may be re ferred to the dispensations of Providence, the misfortunes of States may be directly traced ' to the weakness or criminality of those few indi viduals who in one way or other have had a large share in directing the destinies of their respective countries. In modern times the world has been mainly ruled by diplomacy. Our people have often been reproached with their indifference to the management of their foreign relations. It is not, as some pretend, that our minds are narrowed by our insular position, and that we feel no interest in the affairs of other countries. On the contrary, we aro often keenly alive to their movements, and are never more excited than when any state of the Continent is violently agitated by political contests, or when a weak but gallant nation is stoutly maintaining its rights and independence against the aggression of a powerful neighbour. On such occasions pub lic feeling is usually in advance of Ministerial action ; and the difficulty is, not to rouse our sympathies, but to restrain them. In quiet times we are indifferent to our foreign rela tions, because we cannot comprehend that our whole internal state and the peace of the world may depend upon the personal character of the Minister charged with their direction. We are accustomed to regard diplomacy as a kind of red-tape and despatch-box routine, limited to the exchange of bows, and compli ments, and purely courtly intercourse, with which we have no sort of concern. It is an article of popular belief that all our important business must be transacted in Parliament; and it does not seem credible that, while a bill for making a sewer or laying down a few miles of railway must be fully discussed and pass through many stages in both Houses of the Legislature, negotiations may be secretly carried on with foreign Courts for partitioning an empire or overthrowing the political system of Europe. It is absurd to suppose that the character of our Foreign Minister can over be without influence on the policy of other States. What tempted the Russian Government to assume its offensive attitude against Turkey as soon as the formation of the existing Cabinet was announced but a belief that the opportunity for carrying out its traditional policy had arrived? Does any one suppose that those confidential conversations on the condition of the " sick man " would have been held with Sir HAMILTON SEYMOUR had our Foreign-office been under the direction of Lord MALMRSBURY or Lord PALMERSTON? Our law holds that, in many cases, not to actively resist is to abet. The Czar was not to be discouraged by tem porising remonstrances. He made but one mistake. He had formed a just estimate of the temper of our Premier, but he mistook the temper of our people. That was the one great error in his calculations which defeated his designs. He estimated the clamour of Man chester at more than it was worth, and thought that our ancient spirit had departed while it was but slumbering. A like mistake is conspicuous in former periods of our history. The maintenance of peace has always depended on the idea which foreign Powers entertained of the vigour of our Administration. Why was the rule of CROMWRLL respected through Europe and that of Cusaucs 11. despised? The one secured PRICE SIXPENCE. for us a long period of tranquillity—the other, by the impression it conveyed of our degene racy, laid the foundation of those long and desperate Wars which terminated at last; through mutual exhaustion,—in an inglorious peace. War was forced upon the feeble Administration of NEWCASTLE by the haughty pretensions of the Bourbons in France and Spain, and how long it might have lingered on under his timid rule, or to what reverses it might have led, we can only conjecture from the disasters which attended its com mencement. When the nation transferred the reins of Government from his trembling hands to the nervous grasp of Prrr, the determined genius of the great War Minister changed as if by magic purposeless expeditions into con quering fleets and armies, and triumphed over his adversaries in three quarters of the globe at once. The confidence felt in his principle and character was the secret of his success. While the name of NEWCASTLE was ridiculed, and his pusillanimity invited aggression, the reputation of Prrr inspired ardour at home and terror abroad. As if to show in the strongest light the im portance which must attach to the conduct of our foreign affairs, we are now experiencing in a supreme degree the benefit derivable from the sagacity of one Administration, and the injury resulting from the mismanagement of another. Had not Lord MALMESBURY, during his short term of office, established an inti mate and cordial understanding with France, is it likely that we should be at this present time in nearly so good a position as we are— that our funds would be at 88, and our com merce comparatively uninterrupted ? Had not the Duke of NORTHUMBERLAND and Mr. STAFFORD distinguished their administration of the Admiralty by unprecedented activity in increasing our navy, and bringing it into the highest state of efficiency, would it have been possible to equip so speedily those noble fleets which now command the Euxino and the Baltic ? We do not underrate the talents of the present First Lord ; but, could he afford to be just, he would be the first to acknowledge how greatly our naval strength is due to the efforts of his predecessor. The policy of the French alliance was vehemently assailed by the men who are now but, too glad to profit by its success. A happier instance of sagacity is not on record. It proceeded from such a combination of just views as even the highest statesmanship rarely exhibits—from a true appreciation of the real character of the Em. peror NAPOLEON—from a most accurate per ception of the sentiments of the French people—and from a prescient knowledge of the quarter whence disturbance to the peace of Europe was to be apprehended. Had that vulgar clamour against the firm Government which preserved France from further disorders prevailed amongst us—as it certainly would have done under Whig sway—we might at this moment (had the justice of the French Emperor not proved superior to natural feel ings of resentment) have seen the forces of France and Russia arrayed against us, with the other Powers of Europe ready to join the stronger side. Should we then have heard with as much complacency as we do now of the formation at St. Omer of a camp of 100,000 men ? To the foresight of Lord MALMESBURY it is owing that the strength of the civilised world is arrayed on the side of right. If his policy was not appreciated at the time, it is I only because his views extended beyond -- .i_ e ... _ . _