The Press. — London, England, 1857-03-28 00:00:00

300 property of any foreigner in any colony, illegal and void, is consequently fatal to the registration of the ships of the Chinese residents in the colony of liong Kong. It further appears, from the official corre spondence laid before Parliament, that this objection to the validity of the ordinance was pointed out by the Board of Trade to the Colonial Minister (Lord JOHN RUSSELL) on the 11th of June, 1855, and by the latter it was formally notified to the Governor of Hong Hong. in a despatch dated the 22nd of June of the same year. Yet, in defiance of this notice, Sir JOHN BOWRING permitted the Arrow to be registered for a twelvemonth as a British ship, on the 27th of September, 1855. The registration of the vessel was therefore in the first place wholly illegal, as it was in contravention of imperial statutes ; and, in the second place, we have the authority of Sir JOHN himself for stating that, although the registration had been legal, the privileges it conferred had expired before she was boarded by the Chinese authorities. A grave question still remains to be consi dered is the Chinese Government, or is any other Government, to be bound by any new ordinance, however legal, which we may choose lo issue on the subject of British ships? Lord PALMERSTON and his followers have betrayed the hopelessness of their cause by heaping unon the people of China every term of abuse which our language supplies; but they cannot deny that we brand it, convenient to make a treaty with them in 1843. Are the parties to that treaty bound by its provisions or by the ordinances of Sir JOHN BOWRING ? The former defines a Biitish ship to be one thing, and t`-le latter another. The Chinese knew very well what a British ship meant in 1843, but it will puzzle them to tell what it means in 1857. The question in an international point of view, therefore, comes to this :—Can one of two nations which have virtually concluded a treaty introduce new terms for its own advantage without the consent of the other? Unless we can reply to this in the affirmative, the Chinese are clearly not bound by any new regulations we may make extending to foreign the privi leges of British ships. Sir FITZROY KELLY truly states that any systematic attempt to carry out a principle so manifestly unjust must certainly involve us in hostilities with other maritime Powers. Are the Governors of our colonies to be empowered to give licences to French or Russian vessels which shall, even in the harbours of their own country, protect them against all interference on the part of their own authorities ? The question is too ridiculous to require a serious answer, and yet it, is the logical consequence of the proposition which the Premier has pledged himself to maintain KING'S LYNN.—Lord Stanley and Mr. J. H. Gurney were yesterday re-elected for this borough without opposition. Lord Stanley, in the course of a length ened address to the electors, in which he was fre quently enthusiastically cheered, passed in review the subjects which have engaged the attention of the late Parliament, and glanced at the topics likely to come under the consideration of the new one. He utterly denied the charge of "factious combination and unprincipled compromise' brought against the majority on the Chinese question, declaring that he had never seen a division in which there was sa great a moral and intellectual preponderance. He d±nounced the war, as not only unjust to the Chinese, and economically unjust to the English people, but b,Tause, by weakening China, we laid that empire open to the aggressions of Russia, whose designs were already apparent in the north of China. Com mercially, politically, and diplomatically, that war was a mistake. 'ruining 'from foreign affairs, and from intervention in foreign states—a principle which he deprecated—he approached those domestic subjects which he thought of greater importance. He vassed in review, mere or less minutely, the subjects of sanitary reform, reformatories, electoral ref)rm ; the tariff (in which he desired increased relaxations) ; the paper duty ; the duty on in. surances ; the income tai. He pointed out the dangers to be dreaded from religious fanaticism and the jealousy of classes ; and urged, as the only means of averting it, that the Conservatives should wisely concede, and Reformers act with moderation. The noble lord, in an eloquent peroration, drew a contrast between the two sons of political ambition— the one based on selfish considerations, and the other on the love of country; and concluded amidst a burst of applause, by stating that the true patriot had at heart, not what England could do for him ; but what he could do for England. THE PRESS. THE IRISH ELECTIONS. (From our own Correspondent.) Duramt, Thursday, March 20, 1857. SEATS will be gained to the Conservative cause, in all probability, in the following counties and boroughs—Carlow County, Sligo County, Armagh County, Down County, Mayo County,LeitrimCounty, Newry, Waterford, Carlow, and Cashel. Among the rejected will be Mr. Ball, Under-Secre tary of the Colonies, and notorious as one of the keenest time servers and place-hunters in Ireland. Tho electors of Carlow are sick of men of this stamp, and Mr. Brien will occupy the position his lamented father held so long, and with so much honour. Sligo borough is Mr. Ball's harbour of refuge. This little town is famous as the scene of Mr. J. P. Somers' eccentricities, political and social. It is supposed to be considerably under the influence of Lord Palmerston, and it was as " his bosom friend, one in a position not only to ask but to command favours," that the gay Patrick—gay, albeit some what antiquated and faded—was a candidate for Sligo last year, and was defeated by the present member, Mr. Wynne. Every kind of screw will be put upon the electors, I hear, in favour of the Go vernment nominee, but Mr. Wynne's popularity as a landlord, as well as a politician, is so great, that his return is to be expected with reasonable confidence. The exile from Sligo will be Mr. Swift, one of the " Independent Oppositionists," who, doubtless, if he is wise in time, and swift enough, will be able to settle himself elsewhere. Colonel Furde is to oppose Mr. Kerr for County Down. That gentleman, like his brother the M.P. for Downpatrick, has become so ambiguous a Con servative, and seems so disposed to forget all his political pledges, that the Conservative electors have resolved to have in his place a worthy colleague for Lord E. Hill. Colonel Higgins (colonel since the militia furor only) will, it is strongly hoped, be ousted from Mayo. He is a man of no ability, of no property in the county, and no character in the Senate. At Tattersall's be is doubtless a sharp hand enough, and can take care of himself. But Ireland is be ginning to perceive that she wants something above the class to which Colonel Higgins belongs, to repre sent her counties in the Imperial Parl►ament. His colleague, Mr. Moore, though a politician with whom Conservatives have little sympathy, is, at all events, an honest independent man, and will be preferred on that account, if on no other, for Lord Palmerston's hacks have few friends in this country just now. Dr. Brady is another of that strange genus of "County Mirnber " which the Sadleir frauds inflicted upon Ireland. He is a harmless bigot enough, and a useful apothecary, no doubt, but not fit to stand sponsor for a county containing 120,000 inhabitants. A vigorous attempt will be made to unseat Mr. George from Wexford County. The Ministerial in fluence is varied and powerful here. If the Conser vatives fail one whit in their duty they will lose this excellent representative. The ranks of the independent Opposition will receive some accession of strength. Major Massy will be The O'Donoghne's colleague for Tipperary, and Cork will free herself from the disgrace and shame of having Mr. Vincent Scully as her member. In Kilkenny, too, a vigorous attack will be made upon Mr. Sergeant Shee's seat. He is another of the venal gentlemen who are a reproach to Ireland. The electors remember how placidly he submitted to the snubbing castigation Lord Palmerston adminis tered to him on the question of tenant-right. He quietly pocketed the affront, but then he hoped to pocket something else in addition. He is looking out to be Solicitor-General, and so he throws his shield over Ministers whenever they wsnt a champion. It is probable that a disciple of Mr. Moore's school will supersede the learned sergeant, but a Conservative introduced amid Liberal disunion and priestly quar rels would have a fair prospect of success. In Waterford County, too, there is some expectation of a contest. The present members are Whiglings, and that's enough to condemn them in Ireland. The gain of a seat to the Conservative cause in the city of Waterford in the penon of Mr. Hansard would be doubly welcome if followed up by a similar triumph in the county. In Meath and Westmeath, also, there are rumours of a conflict. Both counties should be represented by Conservatives if property had its due weight and legitimate influence. Mr. Urquhart and Captain Magan, the members for Westmeath, are Ministerial sheep, and are regularly driven into the lobby by Mr. Hayter. Sir R. Levigne or Sir F. Nugent are the men to come forward in this crisis; but then some SATURDAY, assurance must be given that the abominable inter ference of the priests at the last election will be kept in check by the presence of an adequate military force, otherwise no candidate's life is safe. Messrs. Grogan and Vance are quite secure in their seats for Dublin. The respectable Roman Catholics refuse to vote for Alderman Reynolds— they have not sunk quite as low as that yet. As for Mr. Brady, his pretensions to represent a great com mercial city consist in his being the son of the Lord Chancellor, and a barrister, with no reputation either for legal or political learning. The electors of Dublin are not very sweet upon the Lord Chancellor or his notions of equity, and they certainly don't think his eminence sufficient to compensate for the insignificance and feebleness of his son. Messrs. Hamilton and Taylor will be returned for the county, but the contest will be a sharp one. The Castle is doing its worst to bring itself into in creased odium with Ireland by its intrigues and its chicanery. Mr. Lawson, who is !a candidate for Dublin University, is an able lawyer and an amiable man. He has just obtained his "silk." His political opinions, however, are crude and indefinite. There is a waiting on Providence air in his address which produces suspicion and creates d►strust. If he is anything he would seem to be a Palmerstonian, and that is comprehensive enough in all conscience. His chanc's of success are very remote; but, then, Lord Carlisle will remember him, and his co-aspiring brother of the bar, for the service rendered—and tl at's something ! The Independent Roman Catholic organs declare that every honest Roman Catholic will vote for Grogan and Vance in preference to such Whig tools as Reynolds and Brady ! There is a talk of an inde pendent candidate being started for Dublin. He can't be as ridiculous as the alderman and the brief less barrister. Lord Palmerston's manifesto has produced a strong impression here that he is conscious O r a weak case, and endeavours to conceal his chagrin by an air of affected triumph. It is pronounced on all sides a tissue of falsehood and deceit. Dr. Blackwood, who puts himself forward as the champion of a Mr. Wilson (who has addressed the electors of Dublin University), has written a long letter in defence and eulogy of Palmerston to Saunders. It is so like the address of the Premier in many respects, so fall of gross misrepresentations and palpable un truths, that it would seem to have been written under his dictation. Dr. Blackwood is an ignorant fanatic, and just the material out of which the un principled partisan is made. LORD MALMESBURY'S LETTER TO LORD PALMERSTON. TO THE RIGHT HON. VISCOUNT PALMERSTON, K.G. My Lord,—l am one of those who thought it their duty to vote against your Government upon the China question, and who have, in consequence, been exposed to your public invectives and misrepresen tations on the subject. You have uttered and written these at a moment when we are unable to reply to them in Parliament, and I therefore adopt tl.e less usual course of answering you through the press. The invective is of comparatively little conse quence, but it is important that the public, who are now occupied with the primary causes and proceed ings of the Chinese war, and who have never read the Blue-book except in extracts, should know exactly what they were. That Blue-book was Sir Juhn Bowring's justification of his acts. It became our indictment against him, and the House of Commons, upon its evidence, gave a verdict against the defendant. Now, that verdict was founded simply upon what appeared in the Blue-book, as having occurred up to the time it was produced, and when the events were related according to their respective dates. But this undoubted evidence lives in direct contra diction to the statement which you make to your constituents at Tiverton. T.) them you write—" An insolent barbarian wielding authority at Canton had violated the Bri tish flag, broken the engagements of treaties, offered rewards for the heads of British subjects in that part of China, and planned their destruction by murder, assassinations, and poisons. The British officers, civil and naval, on the station, had taken those measures which appeared to them to be proper and necessary to obtain redress." Now, my lord, the inference which must be drawn from these lines is, that all these outrages preceded our seizures of ships, shelling forts, and bombarding Canton itself, and were the provocations to our aggression. This inference isnot true, for, with the exception of the first one—namely, the supposed violation of the British flag on board the Arrow—all the others were subsequent to and in retaliation for our operations, conducted without any declaration of war.