The Press. — London, England, 1858-07-17 00:00:00

674 in its manifestation. We are not disposed to criticize their newspaper utterances severely, either for their bitterness or their stupidity. Ill luck is a common excuse for ill-temper, and dejection is constantly the parent of dulness. But the outrageous inconsistency of their com plaints, the absurdity of their abuse, and the bra zen assurance of their self-laudation, destroy all claim to our compassion. They shift their ground as rapidly as our Indian mutineers, with as little power to defend their positions, and ex hibit Onental fickleness, as well as dishonesty, both in their boasts and their vituperations. One day we are told how dreadful a thing it is to have a " Tory " Government, pledged to the maintenance of every abuse, actual or possible ! The next, Lord DERBY'S Ministry figure on the " Liberal " canvas as a knot of reckless innova tors, heading the mingled host of Radicals and renegade Conservatives in an attack on all our " time-honoured institutions." Duly contrasted with these incongruous indictments, appear varying eulogies on the Palmerston-Russell " fusion," and pious offerings to the manes of extinct Whigdom. The same journals, which in June devoted their columns to fancy-sketches of all the reforms that would have been carried if the nation had only had faith and patience enough to bide Lord PALMERSTON'S time, in July are tremblingly alive to the perils of change, and panegyrize the high-souled Conservatism of the men who paid the Pope's Brass Band, dallied with Chartism, and rode into office on the Appropria tion Clause ! Now, as to the inconsistent attacks to which we have alluded, we can afford to dismiss them with little notice. On the one hand, the country will not readily be persuaded that a Conservative Government, as such, is pledged to the perpe tuation of abuses. Thinking men will rather hold that those who arc most averse to violent experimental change will generally have the most leisure and energy to devote to practical improve ment in the working of existing institutions. Could a body of men exist anywhere with that characteristic of mere obstructiveness which Whig pamphleteers delight to assign to' a " Toryism" of their own imagining, no rational man will believe the present Administration to be such a body. They are statesmen—not mere place holders ; working bees—not official drones. On the other hand, Lord DEany's friends need not complain if the public attention is drawn to their activity as reformers of abuses. While contrasted with their opponents by resisting the ten-pound county franchise and the abolition of Church-rates without a substitute, they may be content to have aided in abolishing a fictitious qualification and removing obsolete services from the Prayer-book. In fact, if an ingenious con temporary could persuade the nation at large that the present Government ought to be re tained in office until all nuisances are removed, we might be well content to see his conclusion accepted, without troubling ourselves with his premises. We know that the Whigs have always exhibited more aptitude for jobbing than for useful work, and we can scarcely wonder that, to alai/Want of the old exclusive school, the sight of real diligence and energy in the high places of Government must seem as portentous as it has lately been unusual. But when we find the pseudo-Liberal clique who have so long traded on the memory of one reform and the promise of more, who have been kept in office by cajoling the most advanced Radicals, or have regained it, after merited ejec tion, by conniving at the most destructive schemes against Church and State—when we find these men trumpeted forth as the " real " original Conservatives," our patience fails. It is as if a homeopathist, after twenty years puffing the wonderful virtue of his globules, should suddenly turn round and claim the support of the public on the ground that his infinitesimals were absolutely powerless ; or the vendor of a pointer that proved useless in the field should vow the animal was worth twice the money as a house-dog. - We never charged the Whigs with really wishing to reform anything, but the country will bear us out in affirming that for the last twenty-five years their desire to " conserve" has been mainly confined to their own places. In office, they have resisted organic changes by the aid of a Conservative Opposition, because they shrank from increasing the power of their Radical supporters, and so strengthening the ih, THE PRESS, JULY 17, 1858. Iclaims of " the movement party " to a large share of place and patronage. Out of office they have made common cause with the champions of democracy, and have descanted on popular rights without possessing one iota of popular principles or of large-hearted sympathy with the real se *rings of the muses. They have stormed the Treasury benches under false colours, and by the aid of pledges which they never dreamed of keeping i they have kept the fortress by bribing a few leaders of the free lances of Liberalism, and holding out hopes of foray and plunder to a host of irregular retainers. They are at length found out; their opposition tactics are as transparent as their official delinquencies are notorious. Those who had condoned " Finality John's" two abortive reforms of his own Reform Bill have heard of the empty pigeon-holes bequeathed to the present Administration—the damning proof that Whig promises do not imply intentions. Those who had forgotten the Appropriation Clause have seen the votes of our present Oppo sition on Mr. LOCKE KING'S Bill and the aboli tion of Church-rates. At such a time, the praises of " Whig Conser vatism" are not only absurd but insolent ; they are at once a futile attempt to falsify the history of a generation, and an affront to the common sense of a now awakened people. A NEW " NATIONAL GALLERY." WE rejoice to see that the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER has been enabled to announce, that the Government is sensible of the present dis creditable suite of the National Fine Art Collec tions ; that it is of opinion that sufficient inquiry into the subject has already been made ; and that it intends to undertake the responsibility of placing before Parliament a plan for making a more suitable provision for the National Gallery, and its kindred institutions. Thus after twenty years of discontent the economical plan of Lord GREY'S Government having proved an utter failure—we have at last a prospect of obtaining a suitable Palace of Fine Art. And we feel that we may confidently expect, that when such men as the present PREMIER, the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, the SECRETARY for the CoLoNzEs,'and the FIRST COMMISSIONER of PUBLIC WORKS, agree upon any plan of this kind, it will be a very different sort of a building from that which now disfigures Trafalgar-square. We suppose we may assume that no definite scheme has yet been adopted. The first ques tion, indeed, that will present itself, will be, What is the plan to include The nation possesses six valuable collections. In so saying, we presume we may speak of the Hampton-court Gallery in that point of view; for, although a Royal Palace, the Crown has dealt with it as a National pro perty. The Dulwich collection was bequeathed to the nation, and no reason can be assigned why it should be for ever buried in that out-of-the way place. The other four galleries—the An gerstein, the Vernon, the Turner, and the Sheep shanks—are all at hand, and each claims its place in any new arrangement. And the whole of these six collections, brought into one splendid build ing, would form a gallery scarcely exceeded by any other in Europe. The omission of any one of the six would so detract from the aggregate value of the collection, as to render it very desirable that the new plan should include the whole. Two objections of no great weight may be started against thus uniting all the collections. Some persons may shrink from the idea of strip ping Ilampton-court Palace of its pictures. But the Palace need not be so stripped. In Hampton Court, at this moment, there are many pictures possessing some interest, but which are not o f a sufficiently high class to be placed in the National Gallery. All such, therefore, will remain. But there is another proposition to be made which seems tolerably feasible. Why should not Hampton Court furnish accommodation for the new Historical Portrait Gallery. We cannot think of any better place; and thus Hampton Court, losing the Cartoons. might gain a new and scarcely inferior attraction. Possibly Dulwich College also might put in its plea, and object to be deprived of its beautiful collection ; but we must not forget that that lection was a distinct bequest to the nation, that Dulwich College has merely g►ven i lodging for some forty years ; and if the gen, good seems to point to the union of all - collections under one roof, no local or pee, claim ought to interpose an objection. Sush an aggregate, however, as we _ here contemplated would need a large galls for its proper display.. The two sites NO the Government appears to have at its mand, and suited to the purpose, are those in Trafalgar-square and at Burlington-house. Probably either of these sites might afford the quisite space ; and we do not know that either them possesses any great advantage over other. The present building in Trafalgar-square capable of extension in two different ways. might be enlarged in the rear, by the removal the barracks; or, without being extended in' direction, it is capable of great enlargemen its present site. That site was most lamentably wasted the present building was erected. To have duced a magnificent whole, the architect should have availed himself to the utmost of the length and height which were at his command. But h( chose to neglect both. lie gave us a low build• ing, when it was in his power to have reared up a lofty one ; and he wasted the length which was at his command, by cutting his budding several little pieces. To make use of the present site, and o) present building also, which is not thirty , old, it is only necessary to regard it as one story, and as fit, or to be made fit, to bear another stor of greater magnificence. The present building might be treated as carcase, and a noble gallery might be placed u it. One single room, extending from end to with one long series of windows, looking Trafalgar-square, would give at once to building, what it has always wanted, the racter of magnificence. The fit appropriation of the whole building a question upon which an opinion ought not be hastily formed. All will admit that if National Gallery itself requires the whole, the whole must be claimed. But the presen (so-called) National Gallery occupies only . half of the present building ; and if that building is doubled in size, the accommodation becomes, at once, four times that which the present lery now possesses. Probably the whole of quadruple accommodation would be needed, the Royal Academy must in that case recei notice to quit. This question, however, is one calculation and admeasurement, and an formed person can have no means of forming judgment. On one point, however, we may spec with confidence. The Gallery formed for, and the expense of the nation, ought not to be cumbered with third or fourth rate pictures • ought any but such as are in a thoroug' genuine state to be admitted into such a collection. SCRIPTURAL EDUCATION IN IRELAND. WHEN the advocates of one side of a question have a real grievance to complain of there device more common, whet ewith to meet complaint, than to get some one on the opposi, side to make an apparently opposite objection It is then affirmed with complacency, that neiK complaint is just, and that it is only because juste milieu is preserved that both parties discontented. This, accordingly, is the con nient inference drawn by the Times, from respective objections of Mr. MAGUIRE and LEFROY to the so-called National System Education in Ireland. Nothing, however, be more unfair than such an inference. Whethl the National system does or does not give lath to the inculcation of Popish doctrines sufficiem. satisfy the most bigoted or the most enlightened Papist, one thing is certain—that it is so trived that it presents no obstacle to Po) priests and laymen connecting themselves it ; since, in point of fact, the great majorE., of the national schools are under the manage ment of the Roman priesthood. On the other at col_ 1, and it a eneral these :culiar have ;allery which com. those house. ,he re- :her of 51' the are is rS. It )yal of in this ant on when e pro- should length 3ut he build- red up which g into of the years story, r story d as a d upon to end, ig into o the e cha- ding is not to if the e, then present y one- uilding comes, it gal- )f this and receive 5 one of unin- ming a 7 speak and at be in- s; nor oughly ection. iAND. testion is no et the ►posite action. either use a es are :onve- m the id Mr. em of can tether ,titude ient to atened ) con- Popish with ajority inage- other