The Express. — London, England, 1850-05-18 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS —FaIDAT, MAY 17. Th. hewn abestly attar fear eolith ; Lord ChtirszlA sat Speaker. ROYAL ASSENT. The royal sweat by comishass was Oven to Um rellowilirl bills, namely: the Eugequir Bills (9,200,000 1 ) ; tM BOA Device; the Commons Ineleseire: the School District Con tributions ; the Indemnity ; the Titles of Religions Congre gations (Liectlandl; the Lloreessd Unions Actresses sad litripsynho at of Musses tlrelsati); the Bristol Water Weeks; the Batolk and Geaeral County Amicable Dint twee Mee ; the Birkenhead Imprirement ; the West Br e t Rates ; the Brightest Improviser's, Pardue of =Pavilion sad Orunda. and Amendment of ay Acts; the Beath Wales Railway (No. 1 ); the Dahlia sag Belfast Jost:Moe Riilway • the Clerisal„ Medical, end General Lire A s s u rance Sosaty; the Ambi ent*, Civil Engineers Builders, end Ostlers' Fa* sad Life Insuramer, RevUssimmey Interest Amenity Casepsay isitz. y rporatles of scompuy wader a different name); the , Upward, sag Cheat Bartley Tart leas and Loek splt Loft and Lockspit Lauds Dutra,. sad Improvement ; tkeiffekelleld Biennia Market (New Bite) Approaehen; the Buckinghamshire Railway; the Ohre* aid Shotu Tem plate-reads Immurement; Ilarthry's Divots*. The Livia CJIIIMINdosers were Lord Campbell, the Mw gait ot Luadowat, sod Eerl Grenville. Theis lordships then adjourned daring pleasure. The house resumed at 1 o'clock. DEFECTS IN LEASES ACT AMENDMENT BILL. On the !notion ot Ltsd CaIIPBRI.L, this bill wan read a woad time. PARISH CONSTABLES BILL. - - - • • . .... This hill re. tfreil • third tine and passed. PEI'ARTURE OF THE FitieNCH AMBASSADOR. Lord BROUGHAM believed he might now say, and he grieved from the bottom of his heart to do so, ho believed he might now justly and correctly say that he did not yesterday take too grave eta too solems a view of the event of the de whirs of the Frerch ambassador. It now tamed out, sod Iss should ark for no explanation from his noble friend—it tuned out that instesd of using the word " departure," he (Lord Broughsm) might have used the more Ipswich:nu word " recall." It turned out that the French government had deemed it their dud to take a step which had not been taken since the year 1903. God avert the omen no such years of war and mischief follow this step as bad followed its prided-dew 47 years ago. He must now give lit noble reload opposite an opportunity, which no doubt he would gladly dewed, to explain how it happened that their lordships were given to believe yesterday, by the most wail minister he bad known—by one of the most fair, honest, and honourable friends he had ever had the adds tare of possessing and holding deer in this world—how their lordship. were siren to node rstai.d yesterday that there was ' nothing to be alershended from the return of the French ambassador to Paris. llis noble friend had etidently been kept in profound end unaccountable ignorance of the facts of the case, when be was induced to give him and their loed ships to understand—not in terms, indeed, but taking all his statement tether -to undies:and that the recall of the t ' French authessa icr, by order of his ginernment—which he (Lord 'rout ham) had viewed Si • matter of grave importance, but which Lis noble friend viewed, according to his nicotine tin, and naturally end justly viewed, as of inferior importance —was for the par. ore of enabling that very able, very Intel hest, and very excellent person, to give important expiate,- Roos rite rday.witich was the day appoiated for interpedlitior a in the National Assembly o' Freed. It turned out that there was not a shadow of frundatioa foe this view—it tinsel out that the French unbasearLe was resalled, not to give expla nations. but In cause, and is token of—(for he, Lord Broug ham, had the despatch in his pockirt)—the grave dissatisfies. tan of the French government. echoed by the vociferous cheers of the representatives by universal suffrage of the French peeple—dimatisfacties with the conduct of oar go• ointment, and with the breach of promises made by our government to the French government. He should be told, no doubt, a. he was yesterday, that it was a mere accidental coincidence that her Majesty's birthday should have been c !edited on the day on which the French ambassador was retell d. Be it so. And that no offence to her Majesty was ever intended. Be it so. And that any offence to her elejesty would bet • slight to the British nation. It was so. Bat now di tit happen that if the French nobinsedor bad been recalled to give explanations, his charge' dgdai.ta who w-s not gins' ezplasatiors on Wednesday, but who was left as the representative of France, oid not think fit, because he was conandaded sot to think fit, to testify his respect for that auspicious solemnity by attending the *fli ng banquet of the foreign secretary ? lie (Lord Brougbam) had also been told that measles were in the house of the Russian ambassador, (A laugh.) There was that com plaint is his family two 'months ago, but was there such a complaint in the family re' M. Mareetholithl. who had no family—(a laugh) to did it exist in the family of M. de Cetto, the Bovine& ambassador? He should be told, no doubt, that there wee an exception to the cheering in the French Assembly, but all the party of order vehemently cheered the commusfeation of G viral Labitts on the sub ject if the spp trent rupture. There was en exception in the owe shly—oeed sienna was observed by the Montague, by the party of disorder, anarchy, and brood; but the whole party of mederetion and Rood order, republican as well as legitimists. "reheat. nely applauded General Lt itte*s numinous statement. He must now add one word after having obtained the concurrent wren of the miditahle porti•• of the 'reliably to his comenunicartoo, General Lehitte adde d in his letter, which wee read from the tribune, that he had directed his despatch to be c immitnicated is terrnso to Lord Palmerston. That statement drew forth a repetition, still more loudly and heartily repressed, of the sane applause. Now, one of two thane must have happosed : either M. Hems de l'lluys disobeyed the pond", orders aat to his, and did not com munions that despatch, or said that he was only going over to give luformirion to his government in which case, of worse he would never eruct be employed, for no ambassador bad a right to disobey an important order from his govern. m tat—this was so, or he had onnounicated the dispatch tothe Secretary fur Foreign Affairs, who had neglected to communi cate it to the noble marquis (Lansdowne),or the noble marquis bad taken a view of it diffsreat from 'hat which he (Lord Brougham) and the world at large would take of it. Be this as it might, he was bound to add his opini•n on the eights et the goes:los, whether England or France was right or wrong. The question of those rights was totally apart grim anything he had said of the unhappy circumstance of the French anbassador's recall. He should form his opinion with the leaning which every good patriot ought to have to wish to fed his own government in the right; and if he fouod the French government was wrong, he should be the first and most :sliding to support, by all the force and power of the British empire, our government against the French government. (Hear, hear.) He hoped his noble friend would be able to dive some information to soothe the diesp pointed and irritated feelings which prevailed not only in Paris, but in this country, be those who were acquainted with the facts. (Hear, bear.) The Marquis of LANSDOWNE—I am sore not only the hoses but my noble and leaned friend will appreciate the motives whiett it duce me to make a very short statement, confined simply to setting my noble and learned friend right as to matted ot face,and without comment in g on the facts them *elves. I have nothing to retract from the statement which I made last sight. At the time I made that statement, I knew what I +leo know now, that when the French ashes sailor left this country, he left it without having received or presented soy letters of recall. (Hear, hese.) If those letters had been snit from Paris, they wild sot have retched him who he left L mime and up to this moment no such notice has been communicated to bar Majesty's government. (Hear, hear.) The French ambaseador having had various consmuniertions with the Secretary for Foreign Affairs in this c iuntry, and he hensr beta furnished with a variety of documents which could not be known to the French govern meat, thus had the means of supplyirg them with valuable information, sad affording explanations. I will not soy what the result of those explanations may be, but I moat earnestly and certainly hope it may he such as to prevent any sort of interruption of the friendly intercourse between the two countries, and the continuance of which I can say, not individually, but kw her Majesty's government, effectively, we attach se muck importance to as my noble and learned friend. (Hear, hear.) Now, with regard to one matter of fact diem importance, to which my noble and learned friend has adverted as wearing a peculiar and un lucky aspest—the accident of this occurrence having taken place on her Majesty's birthday, and the feet of that very excellent and distinguished person who now fills the office of French Chsrdi d'Affaires not having attended the dinner given by my noble friend the foreign secretary—l will tell my noble and Warned friend that the only significance which he can attach to that circumstance is that 11. Marimalehi did not on where he was not invited. (Hear hear, and • laugh ) It appears, also, that H. de Cetto was p tel from attend ing by indisteositio , . I will merely add the expression of my hope that the unnatural excitement which prevailed in be French Assembly when the communication from the French minister was made will not be followed by the exhi bition of a similar feeling is the course of any further dis cussions which may take plate there on this subject. All the papers will tee e onnunierated to the house. (Hear.) Lord BROUGHAM said that M. Marise•lelisi was no longer secretary of legation ; he was Charge d'Affaires. Lord Palms/roc had been told this by M. Drossy, de L'lllays, and he ought thereto.* to have gives bine the tend iuntatio• whist he had conveyed to the anthamedon from the Unions other darn The invitation from the President of France to M. Decays de L'Huys to return to Paris was recalling the asalhaesador to all intents and purposse, because it was said that his lousier sojourn had would not he com patible with the dignity of the French republic. Whether letters of recall bad or not been received, he must insist that this assoupeed tousuhstantialrecali. 'jibe. Marquis of eat'd it wu usual when as ambasmdor left a court that he should present him letters of recall from his own government, and no such intimation had been Oven in this instance. Lord BROUGHAM had just heard that the statement of the noble marquis was inconsistent with that which had been just made in the other house. He never sail that the despa tab bad been communicated to Lord Palmerwon. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that no copy of the drepase h bad beta left. Lord BROUGHAM said that a parol communication had bees Rude. . . After a few words fro. the Marquis of LONDONDERRY, the aohjeet dropped. LEABEL'OLD TENURE OF LAND (IRELAND) ACT AM ENDMENT BILL At the retplP4 - iti Lxd Bu vttobr , ti• - criMmittat a tkis bill Ito imestpesed until otter the Whitman realm. SUNDAY TRADING PREVENTION BILL. After • abort esevereetere the Lan of ifLibrow kr post postil the smatime se this ba BEER, BH9PB. Lord EDDISBORT prenotad o petition from a pine in Wales, *sot aay hither limns bU i issued to beer 6014 Their Irrdships edjoersed of Ave Lashes pest 0 °Wash. to Moeda/ wtsk ,it. HOUSE OF COHNOPTE.7 II : I RATe MAT 17. Tho 81.1•1tRit took PUBthe chair • LIC BUSINESS • MOYAL COMMISSION. Shortly after 4 o'clock Mr. Palmas, the tow Thee, 01 the, Black Rod enured the Hewes, anti mliameolA th e Oemeneas to stts in the Hoses of Pm" Ile hearth* Royal mew giros by commission to *Mid bills, for the Shies of which see Lm&' report. BWRATINO EITSTIM.—By Mr. Aldenthot SIDNEY, teem adios ise Landes, for a messare to prevent this bystora. VINTITATING SUR Hoven or Commoca.—By Mr. 08. BORNE. from Dr. Raid, M.D., and ventilator of the House of Commons. complaining that his plan of ',palettes had bun much misrepresented, and praliog to be examined at the bar of the house ea the subject. LORD LIBIITINAMOT OP lIIRLAND.—By Mr. GROGAN, from Dahlia, stalest the proposed abolition of this cam. Poor- onion. —By lewd R ND LES HAM, from • team fa Suffolk; Mr. ELLIOT, from Orrennek Mr. ROCHE, from several parts of Ireland ; Sir R. INGLIS, Irma Oxford; flir M. CHOLMELJIY, from a place in Liacolitshire; Mr. PINNEY, from a plea* not heard ; Mr. BATSMAN , from Loadocdern ; Mr. W. PATTEN, from places in Leicester ; Mr. WYLD, from the pa-ish of St. Sampson, Cornwall, against Sanctity labour in the Pos•-olltee. Factotum BILL.—By Col. LINDSAY, from Wigan, in favour of this hill. THE ADJOURNMENT FOR THE HOLIDAYS.— BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Lord J. RUSSELL, is moving that the house, at its rising, do adjourn till Thursday next, intimated that he proposed to take on that and on succeeding days the remaining navy estimates, and some other votes in committee of supply. Mr. HUMB objected that that arrangement would be in. convenient is members who proposed to leave town for the recess. and who might not have retarned by Thursday. The Monday following would be more convenient for taking the committee 01 supple. (Hear, hem) The question of the adjournment having been pat from the chair— THE RECALL OF THE FRENCH AMBASSADOR. Mr. DISRAELI rose and sad—lt having been officially announced in the French chamber that the ambassador of the French republic has been recalled by his government from the e,urt of St. James's, and that that recall has been inicasioned by conduct on the part of her Majesty's revere mint, which is supposed to be derogatory to the French republic, I hope the noble lard the Ant minister of the crown will feel the necessity of frankly communicating to the house the causes which have led to an incident of such grave importance. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Lord J. RUSSELL—AII I can at present state to the hen. member is that General L shin*, the milliner of foreign affairs for the French republic informal my noble friend, Lord Normsnby, that in consequence of what he conceived to be the ill-treatment of Fiume by the government of this country, the French government bad thought it necessary to nrcall M. Drouya di l'Huys, but at the same time he stated 'hat M. Dronyn de l'Huys having been sent here to settle the affairs of Greece, and to come to sane arrangement with the government of this country on that melee, and those 'fain having terminated, and their endeavour to effect en arrangement by the interposition of their goal office. having failed, it was natural that the ambassador who had been sent for that especial pumase should be replied. That is the only statement I can at present make. (Hear, hoar.) I east only add to it that I am very sorry such a helm, should exist on the part of the Frereh government, because on the part in her Majesty's government there has b:en every wish to listen to the representations of the French retirement as to the affsies of Greece, and we had hoped for • long time that the minion of K. Oros would have been sucesegrul, as we were ready to give every facility to bring the affair to a conclusion by means of the goat offires of France; and my belief is, that if K. Gros had not—for what rearm I cannot imagine given up his mission, on the 22cd of April as he (10, bat had waited for the snivel of the deepatchas from London. the affair would have been so settled and this saissuidervanding would not have taken place. Sir J. WALSH —lt is a matter of notoriety that the letter of recall from General Lashes to M. Drouyn de l'Huys was road publicly in the Fr nett Chamber, and that it was there rated that M. Drouyn de l'Huys was directed to communing' a copy of it to the English government. I want to know if • copy of that letter was in tne pentagon of her Majesty's oovernmest when the noble lord anewered the question addressed to him by the right hon. member for Manchester yesterday ? (Hear, bear.) Lord J. RUSSELL—H. Drouyn de l'Hnys did not com municate • copy of the despatch to my noble friend the Se cretary of State for Foreign Affiirs. He lett no copy of it with him, and my noble friend has not, nor have her Ma jesty's government. any copy of it. Mr. ROEBUCIL—I am sure the noble lord is not desircus that there should be any misapprehension on this subject. (Hese.) But it might be presumed from what In has now said that on the part of the French minister who has been recalled by his government there had been some waist of duty or of courtesy, to which the noble lord's ex *nation has not referred, for, in the letter reed by General Lillian to the legislative assembly of France, there is a state. ment that M. Drouyn de 'Kays was directed to communi cate the c Inuits of that letter to the foreign secre:ary of this country. I believe the ordinary way of communicatiog on such occasions is to reed the lett, r, the person directed to read it bolding it in his own hand, and if it were so com municated by reading to the noble lord, he would have been in possess:on of the contents of the letter when he made his explanation yesterday to the house. (Hear, hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL—There are two modes of dealing with matters of the kind. The one is to reed the letter, and the other to read it and hand • copy of it. The former course was the one adopted by the French ambassador ; and in adopting that course there was no want of courtesy in tended. Toe ambassador followed the orders he had re ceived, and he ha , . not left a copy of the litter. Sir J. WALSH.—I presume that although a written copy of the despatch had not been formally placed in the hands of the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, yet that the noble lord was in full posseuion of the contents of that despatch ? Lord J. RUSSELL—There is no doubt that the French ambassador read to my noble friend a copy of the despatch he had received, accompanying it, however, with his own comments. (Hear, hear.) Mr. ANSTEY.—May I ask whether die Marquis of Nor. mushy may shortly be expected to arrive in thin country (A laugh.) Lora J. RUSSELL—There has been no order sent needling Lord Normanby, and I trust no such order will be necessary. (Hew, hear.) In reply to Mr. Homo, Lord J. RUSSELL said—it had been my intention not to ge tato the estimates until Monday week. In can, how ever, any further explanation should be required upon the statjact to which the hoc. member for Buckinghamshire has now called attention, it may be advisable to propose the coat minim of supply on Thursday next, because that will afford an opportunity to hon. members to a, k for and obtain far ther explanations with reference to France. I therefore do net think it advisable to propose any postponement of the question of supply. Mr. DISRAELI.—It would be very convenient to have the papers on there transactions on Thursday next. Lord J RUSSELL—The papers are very voluminous, and therefore it is hardly in the power of the house to enter into any discussion with reference to them immediately, but there may be some explanations to be offered on Thursday, and I should like hon. members to have the opportunity of asking for those explanations upon that day. (Hear) The motion that the house at its rising do adjourn to Thurs day next was then agreed to. BURTHENB ON LAND. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY wished to ask the noble lord at the heart of her Majesty's government if there was any intention to bring in any measure for the eduction or equalisation of burdens that now pressed on the cultivation of the land in the United Kingdom, during the present session of parlia ment? Lord J. RUSSELL said a bill had been introduced by the boo. member for Herefordshire rn the subject. The hon. member who had asked this question had referred to a re mark of his which had appeared in the newspapers as having been altered when he received a deputation of protectionists. He begged to inform the hon. member in reply that, so far is his recollection served him, he had not alluded to the subject in presence of the deputation. (Rear, hear.) TEE ESTIMATES. Mr. COBDEN askodWl;aiierthaZile lord intended to proceed with the estimates on Thursday next, or telt a vote of supply ? Lord J. RUSSELL said he proposed to go on with the votes on Thursday. Mr. E. DENISON asked what was the character of the votes the noble lord proposed to take ? Lord J. RUSSELL said he proposed to take, in regular order, the naval estimates which had not been concluded, and afterwards he would propose to protest with the other votes in their regular order. Mr. HillaiiigcoznpiXined that the annual financial accounts had not been deli d this year as early as they usually were. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER was sorry the accounts had not been delivered, but they would be in the beads of hon. members as soon as possible. Mr. BRIGHT said he had understood the noble lord to state that be would bring on the naval 'nitwit, son Thine day. Would the noble lord consent to an understand ing that no other estimates but those should be proceeded with en that night, in order that the miscellaneous estimates might not be taken before Friday or IL•uday Lord J. RUSSELL said the naval estimates only would be his •a on Thursday, and that the miscellaneous estimates would not be taken until the Monday following. (Hear.) Col. SIBTHORP expressed a hope that, whether the hon. member for Manchester or for Lincoln attended or absented himself, the Ruble lord would not be deterred by any circumstance of that kind from going on with the estimates, because it was of much more importance to attend to the public bunnies of the country than to the presence or ab sence of any hon. member. (A laugh.) THE ECCLESIASTICAL COMMISSIONERS. Sir B. HALL begged to ask the noble lord, the first lord of the treasury, certain questions of which he had given him notice. It appeared from a paper he held in hie hand, containing tho cages detern•ined by the judges In the matter of appeals against the assessed taxes, that in 1842 the Bishop of Butter left hist palace, and in 1844 refused to pay the assessed taxes, is consequence of his absence from his episcopal residence. This fact in keel( proved that the bishop had not resided at the palace from 1842. The questions he wished to ask were time : 1. It appear* b the wooed report of the eeeleeteetlati commis. donor, ue that ea the SW Await. MS, sag the Mk Nay, lON, am smarodocto SAM wile paid foe " ottorlad mad tolooolog koodo at tootio.. utiodur 411, Mbar nun hod ten otommodt for a ditellit V.. Yr dodo "Imo egosood sod sta moat. dol by obi nib mos mods ofvulood ; ortoilkod Ng odoosit bed boo to Its ormYdrotoot oodustoMooro teas mime la oil& dim mos toe Woo so NA tem the dolls it net ostoomt owl olds ft yr ;•tst , orto• the opidelliaral 000mmidoZn Idot the 1111111 MS. a ile A dotal& audiol47F= l kii loordo• dar putif Orb; pens% la amIK to dim Ow odebs law la ff' 115arina lb, wend tunel. tt set, apse Moo dela Os oodolootkol modorm UM about to gold Me flo 10114=riparstrittor doos.. ole n dro omoo tug iijils sioasooWrodis • nem n ur oduda lips whisk ell pooli it roo wirl. Whether the esiodrolien amdeimere Me i sr hove link reedved tall sad perewelor emomelle des Mies emend the mods le Ilea ash preporty Pe rlese i re i dels et the several the Imo end reeds 'vented by the era biolsop blelmg. end the memo et the patios to wham eases ham been gnawed. As It egweese_by the at Immo mode is 1445, that the set Memo dem nine et was tellreod leen 14,51114. ea. eL In list, so MOM es. le VIA nekoollememeog tee Paddistee estate wee belt men 111111111. aft 101/6114 red Ma Ithiep et Ensues net Memo MI hem Veal. de 54. la MM. re NIL tee. Id. la 114 A to me weether anytime= ewe ghee thr emit leminatiens, and co, to oplateereem easy nee allsetonalle. 4. Mew the soisolided entemilioners moms making any report at their proweilege, no report Whig Wee mode it three ;sera Lord J. RUSSELL said, in answer to dm first question, he had to state that by orders in council of the but of Au gust, 1645, and the 26th of May 1846, a sum amounting to 2,5001. was ordered to be ado .nctd " for altering and im proving house at Eseter,"—that that had been advanced cut of a sum standing to the credit of the ere of Exeter, and that the bishop could himself have drawn that aunt daring his incumbency. Sir B. BALL asked whether the noble lord had any ac. count of the rents from various sources which the dignitaries of the church derived, or whether he knew upon what data lA2 larger sets bed been reduced, and money bad been paid over to the pooror sees? Re was anxious to emertaln what really was the property of the archbishops and bishops ; and perhaps, in entwines the question, the noble I.rd would state whether any late report had been bested by the sale 'timbal commissioners? . _ _ Lord J. RUSSELL begged to state, 4 n reply, that the ecclesiastical commixdoners bad reosived in 1844 a return containing a revision of the incom sof the several bishop., I and there was no objection that the data upon which that return and revision were founded stiou'd be given the hon. bironet. He believed that no such pirticular account could be furnished ea the hon. baronet sought toe, but in the next session of parliament a further report from the *eel,- needful commissioners would be pretested. (Hear.) THE FACTORY BILL. In !sole to Lord J. illaxxxats, Sir 0. GREY said ►e proposed to bring on the Factory Bill on the 13th instant, instead of the 23rd, the day he hxd orientally named for the purpose. LANDLORD AND TENANT (IRELAND) BILL. In reply to Mr. 8. CIAW7OIID, Lord J. RUSSELL said that a deputation had waited upon him on the subject of the Lutillord and Tenant (Ire land) Bill, and that they had objected to the measure. He tell them to submit their objections in whine, and until he had considered those objections he could not fix a day for the second :tatting of the bill. NAVIGATION OF THE MERSEY. Mr. HUME asked the Ent Lid of the Admiralty who. ther any measures had been adopted to meet the wishes of the inhabitants of Smathport (as laid before this house in petition), respecting replacing of the buoys in the South Commack of the Minty, which were removed in 1840, and we removal of which had led to loss and to great inconve nience to the commerce of that part and channel. Sir F. BARING replied that it was not is the power of the Admits , It to interfere in the matter. THE WEST INDIAN AND SOUTH AMERICAN MAILS. Sir T. D. ACLAND asked the Ere Lird of the Adoei• rally whether a fetish contract had been entered into, or was in coarse of negotiation, with the fityal Mail Steam Packet Company, for the improved conveyance et the main to the West Indies and South America; and whether provision had in the former ease been maur, or in the latter was in tended to be made, in such contract, for requiring the packets to put in at some western port for the purpose of taking the mails en board, if such gement should appear to her Msjesty's government, tiering the existence of the contract, to tie conducive to oubtic convenience ? Sir F. BARING said that, without discussing the ques tion, the case stood thus: The contract had not been con chided, aod nothing would ba lost sight of by the Admiralty in any new contract that might be entered into. Mr. GROGAN rase, but before Le had time to my a word, Sir F. BARING excited much taught.' by excLuming— Oh ! Ireland will be considered too. EXPULSION OF A BRITISH SUBJECT FROM TUSCANY. _ . Sir R. INGLIS gave notice that on an early day he would put a question to the noble lord, M.. Secretary lot Foreign Affairs, relative to the expul.ion of • British subject from Tuscany, on the ground of his having intended to make proselytes. METROPOLITAN INTERMENTS BILL. In reply to Lord D. STUART, Sr. G. GREY raid he would postpone the Metropolitan Interments Bill until the Monday atter the Whitsuntide resets. COLONIAL BISHOPRICS. Mr. GLADSTONE gave notice that in committee on the ecclesiastical bill he would move a resolution to appropriate certain monies to the au; port of the cninniol hiihoprics. DUTIES ON HOME-MADE SPIRITS. _ _ Lord NAAS gave notice that he wou:d move on Tuesday, the 11th of June, that the house do resolve itself into a com mittee of the whole house to consider the auties on home made spirits in bond in Ireland. CAPITAL PUNISHMENTS. Mr. EWARIgi;e notice tha --- thew;;li Mora the lion of capital punishments on this 11th of June. THE MALT TAX. Mr. COBBOLD (for Mr. Coley) gyve notice for the 11th of Jane that he would move the repeal of the malt tax. INDIA. Mr. BRIGHT gave notice that he would bring forward his motion relative to the growing of cotton in India on the 11th of June. THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, MAY 18, 1850. SPANISH VESSELS. Upon the motion of Mr. ANDZIMON, the following ra. turn watt ordered: Return of the numbzr and tonnage of Spanish vessels whiehentered inwards and cleared outwards at the ports of the United Kingdom and the colonies, during the years 1818 and 1819, distinguishing the ports, the entrie. from the c!esiances, the vessels in ballast from those with cargoes, and also those clearing with igoes ot fish. PRELIMINARY INQUIRIES. Upon the motion of Mr. Gacy, the following return was ordered: Return of the number of preliminiu7 iogairies bell in cases of applications for local acts, under 9 and 10 Victoria, e. 106, and 11 and 12 Victoria, e. 129, stating respectively the titles of the bill., the names of the surveying effivers ploysd, and the number of days occupied in the prosecution of each of these local examinations and inquiries. m T r. H R E E L y O N H O D- Lo L s lE pre U . T . E nt N ed A a N pi CT titi O on F fro lH m E a L D A.4l gr D e . itate meeting of the citizens of Dublin, signed by upwards of 10.000 of the inhabitants of all religious persuasions and shades of polities, against the bill for abolishing the Lard- Lieutenancy of Ireland. Mr. GRATTAN presented four petitions from different parts of Ireland, to a similar effect. Lord J. RUSSELL—I now rise to make a proposal to the house en • subject ,of the greatest importance, not only to the administration of Ireland, but to the future welfare of the United Kingdom. (Hear, hear.) Before I enter upon the immediate subject of the motion which I have to make, I wish t. clear away two misapprehensions which have been sedulously circulated upon the subject of this motion. The one is, that there is an intention at the same time, or im mediately afterwards, to remove the courts of law from Dublin to Lonaon. I can only say that there was any foundation for that report—that we had in postern. plation suck a measure, one that would be so injurious to Ireland and the bests interests of this country. (Hear, hear.) The second rumour, spread through the means of an anonymous publmation, is that the determinati on to w hi c h her Majesty's government had come of making this proposal is one of recent origin, and that it had grown out of proceed,. logs which took place a few months ago en Ire land. Sir, I think it right to state that that report is also totally without foundation—that, in fact, the member. of the present government have (or a very long time bad in contemplation the measure I now have to propose, and that when Lord Clarendon went to Ireland he went there on the distinct understanding that the office of Lord Lieutenant should be, if parliament would concur with us, totally abolished, and th a t w h et h er that should take plies in a few months, or be postponed until a later period, must depend on the state of Ireland or on the opportunity that might arise favourable to such a pr .position. (lieu ) Whether in or out of office, I would say that although I thought it desirable, it should be left to the executive govern ment to chem. the time when it should he carried into effect. I now proceed to the motion. I think no one will deny, that upon the general principle of the two coun tries being united, there ought to be but one single adminis tration. (Hear, hear.) The course of that administration must be more steady, more uniform, and more easily de termined on, if those who are to carry it on have the opportunity of meeting constantly to gether, and arranging the measures which it may be deemed advisable to adept. This was so strongly the opinion el one of the greatest men this country ever pro duced, who took a great part in the revolution of 16118, awl who was mainly instrumental in carrying out the Union with Seotl sad, that he strongly objected to a temporary mainte nance of the Privy Council of Scotland after the union. We lame in the Hardwick. papers, that have been pub.iahed, the minutes of a speech which he addressed to the House of Lords upon that occasion, a law words of which I will read to the house, as bearing upon this question, and as sho wing how strong was the opinion which that great man held on the importance of having but one administration when the parliament was united. The proposal was to give to the council a condensate of several months, in reference to which he said True concern for preserving the public peace. heartily' &grow of the union. No lew deeinnui to mute it entire and complete. Nut at gl perfect while two political adminiatrationa pubis*. The deem titg, of magland in to have the rang easy acia,i to the prince; to be under the immediate palatial care of the prince ; and tot to owe their protection net countenance to any mulawdinge lottitutlon. This was my argum en t at Um Union. Will not prevaricate. Wong Mate titer the Union, if • distinct admitintrAtion eitailnuo. Now no p arliamen t to resort to in Maitland. The marks uf dignmtlun wit That is an extract of notes crisis speech, made by Lard sown, in whose hands they received their elucidation. There were reasons which, at the time of the union oh Baalas4 and Inland, presented the government of that day from taking the same course whisk had bath taken with respect to the union with Scotland. Bat that cobra was pointed oat in this house when the proposition for a salon was broughtiorward. by blr.Sheridaa's alluding to the*** of Lord Swam, sad doctoring that the time for a union had am yet arrived, Wowe they were not prepared to msks It emnplate by uniting tee adeninistrotiona. When next pro posed we were in a state of war, and being so, It wee thought seeessery to maintain an administration In Irehad, and have some perms at the head of the executive there who wild apply all the ammo of war spasm any enemy *at might present hhaselL Bat it appears that at the done of the o f the subject of the abolitioa of Uth olio* of Lord Voutenont was taken into • coosideration by the sovereign who then ruled the destinies of this *nutty. I have been kindly furnhkei with a letter, addremed by George 111. to Kr. Addington, showing hat although he thought it expedient to oontlnueAtie °Mos of lordlieutenant he was of opinion that its abolition might be wisely adopted at a fetus tines • - - - - Mr. rust hot think that the Leg will ansenearily take up his time with lettere; bat, as dm wart of ass hairy, It waddle highly wrong le hove enytham smiled tilt emu The men the king taken en the aonverestles of hat night swine pen. = v seviliemeate, the way he spasm et them. MO he biomes M hang anhol es seinen the asieniA say.seessmsy re ars at the Moan Cornwallis ham IreleaL IS well knew many have thesight the lake of Loni.lieutesont siselienimaile SIM on such on egeft. The hinge oldster k 4eszt yet that maybe pew, but Mat at meant it nee M up that office with apemen that shall clearly undefeated thst the mita has closed tie retga at Irish jobs; that be le a Inn el preident ot the wawa there; that the panilme taw be open toils rests menattice, bat weft entirely be lidded be Ibribral. Earl lf he tea ho pererda, is the msa whore beaver. rectltute a eria brataese, le bent calculated for that Ptak., perbaularly bus hie love for the Whim protons son, to whin be le span retuned. That shows clearly that George 111. was of opialoa that at a future time the office might be abolished, and that the per , tons qualified for it were persons who belonged to the military profession, and who could commend the ' military forces of the country. The question now nears therefore whether the time hu c doe when, as lug. gated by taro. 111., the office might be abolished. In coo sidering that question I shall first advert to the general reams which rem to ma to make such on t ffice lead for the government of Ireland, and nest to the parti cular objections that may be made to such an office. I thick then can be no doubt that it must be better that the persons who have to carry on the alminis: ration of Ireland should be able to have aural intercourse with those who are carrying on the general government of the country—an arrangement which is found to he of se much use it all the other d epartments of administration. - When I was in the governme;St of Ireland, I always felt the difficulty of being obliged to ask for and return explanations by letter, instead of oral communication. I think, in the next phee , that it is a disadvantage to the Imperial government null'. But 1 think it is a much greater diesolveitage to Ireland. I think Ireland is a great loser by not having a minister in the cabinet who can state the count he thinks it desirable to pursue, and who can enforce it by means of his peculiar knowledge and ability. (Hear, hoar.) I think, therefore, that the keeping up of the office of Lord Lieute nant is disadvantageous for the conduct of Irish business, whether administrative or legialstive. Indeed, the ine.onve nine* of it has been so strongly felt that on more than one °maim the Chief Secretary for Ireland has been placed in the cabinet owing to the deficiency of the means at the disposal of the government to obtain the requisite information on questions under discussion. That is a step which would not otherwise have bun had re counts to, and which in principle is most objectionable. AO regards the nee( salty of having an emotive on the spot, the noble lord observed : lii seven hour you can go from Dublin to Cork, by the South AV.-stern Railway. That far exceeds in rapidity the communication that could have taken place with Scotland at the time of the unmn when the separate administrations were abolished, and it refutes and puts an end to all the arguments derived from the oiffieulty of COIL• reunication, and to the necessity cf having an executive in Ireland in order to cagy more rapidly into effect the desires and wishes of the goMoment. These are, gen.rally speak ing, the reasons which make it appear to m J to be advisable to abolish the office of Lord Lieutenant in Ireland, and put a secretary of state in his place. But if we ask what are the benefice which that office confers upon Ireland, 1 think we will find that in many respects the existence of it is far more injurious than beneficial. (Hear, hear ) There are several points of view in which the injury can be shown. In the first place, the Lord Lieutenant is placed in a kind of anomalous position. (llar, hear.) He is asked for thing, appealed to for everything, and blamed for everything, without having the power which should belong to :to high a position. He rat in fact the semblance oily and not the immunities of royal dignity—the responsibilities but not the free dono of action of a minister of the crown. He is obliged to defend himself with great reserve. lie is un able to take that free line which a minister of the crown can take in defending his own acts. He is not treated with that reverence and respect which Iseiktes the king, but forms a small protection to the ether. y. We have seen that he appeared rather as a temptation foe attack end violence than otherwise—that the de.ire seemed to he to have in Ireland a representative of royalty, whom faction end sedition could attack. We have as en that no character, no shade of politic., tea station, no former services have suf ficed to nu the laud Lieotanant of Ireland from such at tuks. We can well remember the violent outrage committed smokes% Lord Wellesley, notwithteate ing all the cha racter and fame that attended his vice-royalty. We can remember the accusation against Lord Redding ton of being a partisan. We can recollect that Lord Anglesea who undertoog the government of Ireland with the best possible intentions, was denounced as the M eerut. Anglian, the friend of the deepen, and by every odious name of that description. When L rd Norm *Ay went to Ireland the great majority of the Roman Catholics combined to favour his vice-royalty, upon which a great number of persons of high rack refused to visit the castle, and to pay that respect which was due to royalty, because they disap proved of the line of policy adopted by the Lord-Lieutenant. I do not know that against this object, which sterns to me to be one of vat weighs, it would be objected that we ought not to destroy the separate local administration in Ireland en account of the expeediture of money which it caused in Dublin, and the access to the court which it af forded to the gentry ant nobility of the country. I own that it appears to me that while I consider that those taunts which have been thrown out against the vice-regal court are ill-founded, there is no reason why that access to the court should not, considering that we are only 12 hours die tent, be afforded by the Queen in person—(cheers)—or why there should be any other court held in Dublin than that of majesty itself, and to which those who felt so disposed could pay that homage and respect which is due to royalty. I do believe that the presence of vice-royalty rather bides than displays the splendour of the court. On the other hand I cannot but think that in this respect, as well gin many other, the Irish people are losers by the con tinuance of viceroyalty. I think that the habits of expense into which many persons are led by coming up to Dublin, and carrying up their families to be present at a levee or a drawl's' room, when they would otherwise be content to stay in the country or pay an occasional visit to London, must be attended with injurious results. There is moreover another evil in that fie lay of mint to Dublin, I find, as I have already said, that the Lord Lieutenant is snouted to for everything and blamed for everything. There are numerous questions up on which no one in England or Scotland ever thinks of asking the advice of the Secretary of Slate, questions upon which magistrates and others are con tent to come to the best denim they can and leave to the courts of law any ultimate proceeding. Bat the fact of having a viceroy in Dublin, with legal advisers dose by him, con tinually leads to appeals from the provinces to Dublin for the sake of getting advice from the Lard Lieutenant which it really does not belong to any minister of the crown to give. I do not think it would be desirable that the Irish people, when deprived of the viceroy, should never have the opportunity of seeing their sovereign. On the contrary, I nave great pleasure in sayirg, without being enabled to name any particular time, that it is her Disjuty's gracious intention to visit Ireland teem time to time— (cheers)—and with that view it is intended that the esti dence in the Phenix park shall be maintained for her Ma jesty. (Cheers) I cm also truly say, that the manner in which her WOE, was reale d when visiting Ireland, far the first time, last year, and the demonstrations of loyal affectlin which sprung so universally and so freely from the Irish people have left a deep impression on the mind of her Majesty, who will he at all times hippy to revisit her subjects in that part of her dominions. I come now to the manner of the proposed change, which is to take effect by an order in council at any time after the act is passed that her Majesty may direct. I propose that there shall be a fourth Secretary of State for carrying on the important affeire of Ireland. I will not say that the arrange ment will be that which now exists, because there may be sonic of the functions now exercised by the Lord Lieutenant which it would be more convenient should be exorcised by the Secretary of State for the Home Depa.tment. But cool hiring the immense amount of Irish business, and the number e f measures ne cessary to prepare for the consideration of parliament, I do not think it will be possible for the Secretary of State for the Home Department to undertake the whole—charged as he is of Utopian with much which formerly did not belong to the office. I believe, upon the whole, it would be better to keep . the Lord• Lieutenant, with all the disadvantages I have pointed out, than transfer the entire duties of the Irish government to the Secretary of State for the Home Department. I therefore prep - se that there should be a power given to appoint a fourth Secretary of State whose functions would nut be divided from those of the other Secretaries of State. He would be charged with the conduct and responsibility of the affairs of Ireland, but would be ca. : pable of discharging any of the functions belonging to the office of Secretary of B:ate. The bill I have drawn proposes that the differ• nt powers sow exercised by the Lord Lieutenant and Privy Council shall be exercised by her Majesty and Privy Council, and that the other po a erg usually given to the Secretary of State shall be exercised by a Secretary of State, recognising the power to appoint' one for Ireland, red if appointed providing that' he and one under secretary shall have pow er to sit M parliament. There are powers belonging to the Privy Council in Ireland of a judicial nature which we propose to leave mite the Privy Council, the Lord Chan cellor for Ireland being president, or, in hie absence, some other person named by her Majesty. With reepect to the other powers belonging to the Lord-Lieutenant upon the advi ce and recommendstion of the Privy Council, we propose that they shall be exeseleed uuon the advice and reoommen dation of the Privy Council to her Majesty. The poor law board will not exist under this act as at pre sent. At present the chief secretary and under secretary are members of that board, and we to f o unot o . f h t i te rpoo com r .. a bolish the office of assistant:commissioner, and . melee M ProPt° se abolish ffi ne c t e io ore s law whodunit . . The Load Chancell„r of Ireland has care f u lly looked at the provisions of the bill, with a view to its bearing on existing acts, and when before the house it mme r ri B w e i I , l h who pow . n r o t w o e holds erei will no t of those seta which give power to gentlemen, the Logd•Liageg. doubt receive the attention of who are nut, end who will me whether it is constructed runt " of to lts Pre lsod. rids I fe l i rave tb. not ill y t e u t ri tou g ered uponvetihne question of expense ',Web, In the eye of some may be of IthPorlallats bat which, I contra, I consider u nothing corn prod with the magnitude of the proposed change Oa the a : e wit h l i t m' e v e r a ith x : s ou whole, there will bee saving. But, at the same time, there n cl u erkt ios w pe ltose assuo s i ar . vf l eel ui es t u a Lot ofbaseirlLebethdair it t use ma d y be nay , as there is no provision in the civil list for any to goon to parliament for a vote of money to detfray any entnewellnasy expenses that may ha it sorted by the Quotes visits, but not at all on the same sale :as those incurred by George IV. My belief is that It is her Majesty's wish to visit different Mits of her kingdom, sa d they give such pleasure to her ajesty's subjects, that it is desirable that these visits should take place; and Ido not believe there will he any objectien to unction the expense. I will now resume by saying that du change bee been same time in contemplation, that it is, as I think, an improvement on the general government of Ire land ; that it will enable the Irish minister, whoever he may be, to being before the cabinet and before parliament Irish measures fir more completely and far more succeasfully than he ie enabled todo when rerident in that country. I have stated that as far as Ireland is concerned I think .bet, will be a great sdrantage to Ireland in this change. 1 have stated likewise that with regard to the load effects of the vice royalty in Ireland that however able, however well disposed thel ;Lied Lieutenant may be, it is inspire sible for him to take such a line that he will not icon the resentment and obloquy of one extreme party or the other, and that his presence there tends to keep alive end embitter party spirit. I have stated likewise that I think the presence of • government in Ireland leads to perpetual references to government on matters in regard to which no reference to a government should take plate at all, and that a cession of those references will be a benefit to Ireland. And I think there is nothing in the maintenance of • court in that country that ought to induce the house to refrain from abolishing that it, etitution, and to resort to the Cleireo's cenirt in London as the natural and proper resort of all her subjects in the United Kingdom. I will state finally, that I think, whether persons are fat urable to the parliamen tary union of the two countries, or unfavourable to it, they must all agree that this institution ought not to be kept up. If they are favourable to the union, and adhere to it as a settled t, and established part r f the corenitution of this country as I do myself, I would then ay that I think if Mr. Pitt had been able to propose this completion of the union at the time when he originally brought it forward that he would have followed the exan.ple f Lord Somers, end that we are more fortunate, half a century after, in having dr cut:unmet favourable to that abolition. I would sty that those woo think the union ought not to exist, should not be math fied with this partial independence which dots not give a parliament, welch does not give much power : but, in effect, while it don not give to the p:ople of Ireland 'he right of taking a part, and of having a representative among the ministry of Eoglend, gives them nothing in the shape of local power as • substitute. I would say in the end, that I trust the cirounistaeces of Inc present time are fasour able to this abolitioa. It happen,* that Lard Clarendon, in his aiministretion of the vice-royally, has had to eecoun ti r the effects of famine, the dreadful eufterings among the i.eople, alined by scarcity and by diiesse, and to meet the cutbreek of an insurrection which wee intended to overthrow British power in that country—he has over come some of these difficulties, and I trust by the mercy ef Cod we are not goieg to have the infliction of °then ; now, tnerefore, when that country is tranquil, now when that country is governed peaceably, and at the same time firmly, by the Lird-Lieuteneet, I think the time has arrived whin we may safely provide for thi: abolition of that vice-royal y, and merge toe substituted and delegated p twers into tt.e genteel powers of the United Kingdom. (Cheer.) I now move, sir, for leave to bring in a bill to abolish the office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and to sppeint a fourth secre tary of state. Mr. GRATTAN, in rising to move that the motion be rejected, said the speech of the noble lord was wi:huut argument, without solidity, without point, and without anything to ebtracteris, it as the production of a great man and a great mit inter. He rose to raise his voice to preserve the remnant of Irish dignity and nationality. He had not joined the Manchester school and be should not take any lessone from the financial re formers. The noble lord said there was to be a secretary of state fur Ireland, but what was his nest sentence ? That he was not to I.e confined to Irish businesP. The noble Iced said that the representatives et royalty in Ireland had been bearded, but he si em: d to have forgotten that in England they had it-t only bearded, but cut off the hesd of royalty. He liked to approach royalty, he liked to look at the SW, re ign's face. Now they could not look at the Sovereign's face across the water or even through the tube that the noble lord had alluded to. It was like the Frenchman who was looking at the king through • telescope when the sentinel interrupted him, saying, " Dlsnsieur on ne lorgne pas le roi." That gas the sort of government they should have. Who was it that had mane the I nib Lull Lieutenant so bad ? Why it was the English government. He charged them with having, as Englishmen, not only mismanaged the affairs of his country, tut with having poisoned the minds of honest men till they had made them a bye word and a rc ptoach, and thin the government did not disticgtesh between the men at d the office, but abolished the office. Lord Clarendon had made himself so unpopular in Ireland that the only party who supported him were the men he wanted to hang is liailingirry. (Laughter.) The men who supported him were the supporters of demo cratic government. lie to. k the liberty to say that if her Majesty's ministers withdrew the lord-lieutenant they mu .t send two commandere•in-child to Ireland. (Laughter.) The noble lord (Lord John Russell) was not the prime mi nister, he was not the minister of the home department, but he acted there as the solicitor of ills Treasury. It was Dawning street against Dublin. Now be (Mr. Grattan) de nied the right ana power of the court; he challenged the array. He told the noble lord that ha was seeking that which was above his powers, and that which he could not accomplish by law. In the nineteenth cen tury they had discovered some objections to the lord. lieutenancy. Why since the year 1361 they had had 94 lord-lieutenants, and they had not found these objections. And they had 37 kings, and there had been no ()W.I. tion to the office by any one of them except that there was a miserable litter from George the Third, end tee letter of Lord Somers. Allusion had been mane to Glasgow and Edinburgh. Allow him to state that persons had gone to those cities, ai.d h►d reported against the state of nudity —(laughter)—he did not mean personal nudity; but the state oi nudity those nit es were in. They had no court in Edits lough or Glasgow; there was no court at Holyrool.house, but when Scotcomen came to London they stopped as long as they could. It went to denationalise the people, and that was the object of this measure. Tote office was created by the people of Ireland. The peers, princes, and magis trates of the land chose to make the English monarchs lords of Ireland; they gave to them the rights, titles, and prerogatives of chief magistrates, and exacted from them that they should give charters and laws. What was that but a compact ? They would find it in the British Museum, in the works of Andrew Paris, in " Giraldis estate:elude," and in Brant. The office was afterwards performed by deputy, and in the time of King Henry VIII. an act was passed making him king of Ireland, and hence the name of deputy was changed into that of lord lieutenant. The noble lord had said that if Mr. Pitt had lived be would have sup ported the measure. Now in 1799, when the question of the union came before the house, Mr. Pitt made use of these words, " Ireland cannot justly complain, because it is not proposed to remove the lord lieutenant." (Hear, ►ear.) Then at that time Mr. Cooke, who was the friend and secre tary of Lied Castlereagh, published a pamphlet in which he told the Irish people that this effice was not to be abolished. And Lord Kilwarden said" Dublin will remain the perpetual residence of the representative of her Majesty." And Mr. Pinter, who was speaker of the House of Commons, went further. lie said " Dublin will continue the metro polis of the kingdom, in which, as in all other countries, its nobility and its gentry will reside." The noble lord said they were not to resort to Dublin, but to L indon. Now, he asked, was the noble lord about to do this —wee he about to improve and enrich Ireland ? The noble ford talked of jobs. Ile (Mr. Grattan) did no' wish to press government severely, because when he had the advantage of a man when he had him down, he did not wish to knock out his brains. He asked the noble lord how dare he talk about jobs? Ile would read him a lesson. Do not mention Downing street in connexion with jobs. He would call their attention to a certain transaction connected with Ireland. The noble lord had alluded to one revolution. He would allude to the revolution of 1732 Ire land hadat that time 100,000 men in arms to assert her rights. Then the government of England was changed, and William 111, was set up here, • name lie should always revere, how ever much it was reviled ; and a Lord Lieutenant was sent to Ireland, who was thought likely to assist in bringing their honesty to the Downing -street standard. In 1782, just as a proposition in favour of Ireland was about to be brought into the house, an English secretary was sent over, who addressed himself to Lord Charlemont and Mr. Grattan, and wanted to bribe them. Aye, a Downing-street secretary offered a bribe to Lord Charlemont and to Mr. Grattan ; and what was the condition? " Delay the question; don't bring it on in par liament (those were the very words); wait till we have ti ed ourselves in the cabinet, till we have shown our force to the English ministry, then you may bring forward your proposition." Those two men hail the wisdom of Fabricius, as well as the honesty of Cato—they were incorruptible, and Irish honesty carried them through. They brought forward the question a few days afterwards, and carried it triumphantly. They made a convert of the English secretary, who found out that Hiber nian honesty was much b han the dusky commodity of Downing -street. These patriots came to the followirg reso lution, and he would recommend the sentiment to the atten tion of Englishmen: " That we cannot fortear expressing our gratitude at his Majesty's appointment ef the Duke of Portland to the government of this kingdom ; that we are convincedthat his representation was faithful(alluding to the representations which the Duke of Portland and Mr. Fits• patrick hail made to the English court); and that a free people and an uneorrup: parliament will unite to give a constitutional chief governor decided support." That accounted for governors being bearded in Dublin. When they ceased to be constitutional and frugal, and wished the Iri.h people not to be free, then they were bearded, either by a man at Balliagarry, or a man as Dolly's Brae. (Hear, hear.) Whenever • minister had come from Downing-street on an important occasion he had been the author of mischief in Ireland. Hs would give an instance. In 1785, under the viceroyalty of the Duke of Rutland, he and Mr. Orde brought forward eleven proposition. in favour of the trade ef Ireland ; they were accepted, and parliament granted 140,0001. hay log before granted 100,0001. in 1782, and raised 20,000 seamen, who had afterwards fought In the naval battles and helped to gain the victories of Obi• country. The 11 propositions wan Nat .over to Ragland. What algal _--________........ the " fourth socretary," ma he might style him, then do He roposeid 22 resolutions, trenching noon the eight. to liberal. of Irelaad, and sowiag dissension brassier; t t, coup .,i N; th us were adopted in preference to. others; 1795 ntd Filsetillism bad gorse over, with a prom!se, is the very words Mr. Pitt had used, is fsvour at .he ca.h a l,W, or of • debl and on the strength of that, the parliament itr.lnt , A 290 bed Thera was no douht that while the Boekh i50 e ,.,.. r0a ; sent them good Lords-Lieutenant, and coaxing. phssant Is: eretaries, such utile hoe. baronet now on th., soi r d iteria bench—(laughterj—they were able to get al! the money they wanted. In this case the governmen. oh. mined fice grants, but the permis d measure of relief was i.evir pi tted. In proposing this measure, ministers were laying d .w, .b 4 principle; they ought to adhere to compacts and ; maim Nothing could be more dangerous than I r a in.., !ter to i tid the van in popular infidelity, for such it was. Ire, ruo to l, would be readily seia A on by those who.. ( 4 . duct began with treachery and ended with tre k .... But he would give the kenos EeK• l sh as well as Irish examples of the parity of 1)..,.w.,. street that polyglot museum of virtuous es e ,,, t ; , taries—(lond laughter)—where they were eosins ted is caw and may lot out ad ii6iNes, either at the will of th e itt i m - e ": tar, or the dictation of the sovereign. ISM they ma t e ts,a t t o! t t i h o : n i a n m t e h s e ol na l y r. T de r p at a t r e t r m , t o u r t, of or M o r t . th St e eel i r a ' peachm eot 0 Lard Melville ? Was It to be tolerated that tee ee..,..", of D.,woingsfieet should turn round and .ill the Lord Iho, tenant that herwas a jobber ? The nob:elm d deceived himself if he thought he could walk up and down DOWllliiiv..o" wi , Ireland u Ider his arm—dressed in tabinet, s e sa p ; ,,,,r; (Laughter.) The idea was so ridiculous that at would, doubtless, bo laid hold of in " Punch." The notik lose might imagine this would reconcile all parties, with the halo of some additiocs to the peerage—such as the ?Crud% of By lingarry end the Duke of 1/oily's Brae. (Great I,u:hter.) The truth wee, if theee continued rat ...as on Ire. land were persisted in, Irishmen wou.ii h e ...„ paled to hate Englishmen. This was nu (CV•O.• mind measure ; for it wou.d ii.vo;v: Fermi new app,intucense. The time was i.I chow.n k e bringing ir. this measure, when there were 40,01,0 soeien in the ouuntry besides police, and the people were fising fes, x . the country as last as they could get cut of it, I. Ism s it : 4 dripair,h , cauleit had been beggared and made u int.,!,!•aal e. He rested his case on the lac: that the sinvsrs.rusnt were homed by compact with the people of Irclavo s.. keeps court in Dublia. (Hear, hear.) LI: the vies s.,.,eut dis pute that if they could. But it was said tart th • i runt viceroy was lc-ring Inland in a condition that was ~It. ,y to ',rove the commencement of a career of post prsi-srity. He denied the fact. The noble earl was !coring Intend l• a most wretched cor.dition. pint ingest Wore truncus andmungue hututris caput, et sine nonune enrv s s. (Hear, hear.) We have given you everything, • a,,, tee h i .. gentleman ; Ireland has last herself h. the service of this country ; we have given you men to :sp ),,sir h,..:1 1 and to gather in your harvests ; we have gi,. It 1..4 art tents and painters to ores/tient your cities ; sse i.. you men to fight your battles and to gait 1 , 10 %i .• have given you a Gough and a Wellingt.,e„ a. , , immortalised your name. Where is your gr ..,:o. ask not for money. You ask for our arlstuu , ..q cannot give, b cause the price you set up 4. a honour. (Cheers.) .ur ~ I. Mr. °HOGAN seconded Mr. Grattan'i. env .doe ; t, (The hoc. me elter had said a very 'ea ' r n fair rtes wade to count cut the hou.., bta t; ,; v be forty members pritent.) He COM.T. .cy a :c•n • . • .. having been no mention of this ie long tons:- r the ipeeeh from the throne, and span noteit done to iibiain the opinion of the Mil perip:e j , et. He was %insole to see the acirantargi iu arise from the change, inasmuch es 1 ela n he i.vermil by means of communkatiens tr sly ra. The Tic -royalty wcs the last r..i . what she pensioned b. tore the union, a- an could ill afford to lose it at n time wilt', is „iiia ..r for the benefit of English m►nutaetorers. r ei fortunes to the lovrestuebb. v rr.m. !,) He reed • vir• t to AiWif the mis rattly diminished ite•. mentioning that, while before the uni:n t' lin nineq•one zaaster mannfacturcri there mere cow but 12; end ►e 'Oder .! similer instances. From timer, and Ito:. t!, :1. r•:, 'r-. r.l and poverty in Ireland, be argued the ire! Jai y .• her of any portion of her limited moms :K. la. kl.: upon the :Nary which would be dote LS re m , sal • lord-lieutenancy to the charitable institu!'ons cf , t,e c and concluded by hoping that the Irish I'L• n'.(ll or e.i ; ti '4 would unit,• in opers:tion to the Tea , su , e Mr. W. FAGAN raid that if the people or Ireland, c r the peeoplo of Dublin, had expreased auy cisc.cied fceing ad.iust tbi. measure, he should have felt is L i s .!uty to rt La own opinion upon the subject ; but s6els (ee:.. ; had been express,d, or, ,s he be.iesed, ctio, !, by was ,: I:tierty t) take his own course, which was to support mo . .ioc, or. the ground that ire nf.olition of tae lieutet.ancy would be a benefit to Ireland. Mr. MAL:RICE O'CONNELL opposed the mct . ...n. . Glaring that its beiag carried would lead, not to rept to separation. Mr. 13. OSBORNE uid he could not help adra!rir xtravasated genius of the hon. member for atn 1 Grattan), as exhibited in his opikilli'iO3 to the WI.; r c he refrain from congratulating the Lord Ma: or 1).. on his having found a colleague th in hid mede one of the bEst repeal spat zr.,e had Ever hard. (Hear, hear.) However im the q ustion at issue might be—and in pia of I tct :• v.lved the whole future government of Ire:and—. hear)—to him 1: appeared to rest within the narrow.. pass. It was nothing more nor less than wheat, government of Ireland was to proceed on the same ; r as the government of Eicotland r cr Wale*, and whe h land was to be finally incorporated with this country hear.) It it cLuld be shown that the difficulties of L., . • 11m:teen with Ireland were much as to voice nkr totally different position from Soothed • if it ihowni under brd-lieutaa'ant I hid pr.ept;ed, her people had b:enWerEaeOf • and her commerce had increased, or :archer, it c e proved that the retention of the all:e w-s I•ound up w.:h the feelings of the Irish native, in either a these cars :..c Nice ought not to be abolished, seeing ast it was as C2t.l: 3 pageant as the most antra financial rdo-mer c;L:d 11, but if the reverse of all this were true, then h n. m in might well consider whether they ought not to supp r: the • ... under consideration. Now he (Mr. B. Osborne) did ;„ r. .t.‘e hi/support to this bill from any abstract love of formic', ; for he believed that the great. et niiiet . .ie; had a: from attempts to engraft English ii.s•itutims on habits. (Hear, hear.) But, oa the otlr r hand, he was r. • to be deterred ;tom voting for the bill by the cuckoo cry : centralizatign. (Hear ) It indeed it was; ra cud to remov, i. courts of justice from Ireland, or t abolish Lll the boards of charity, or if, further, it were proposed to rcb hon. friend the Lord Mayor of Dublin o: his civ.c crown ' place it on the brow of the Lord Mayor of London— .i.i,th ter)—then would he admit that this wa. the in—'. mt. ch evous scheme of centralisation that could b. , .lu./.aid. ;Hoar, hear.) But he apprehended that nt.tLi.:e t sort was contemplated. He regsrded the of the office of Lord Lieutenant as a 1.n:.: of i...:. I serfdom, and knew of no other office whin tetilea to demoralise Ireland and to weaken Ec i tland. hear.) The office of Lord Lieutenant was oliginat, A: a time when the difficulties of going to Ireland were than those attending a voyage to Nays Z•::::1 at present, and when the inspired worts o. G:r' . were near'y true, that " the sea protested ag.“.4: union of theme, Countries." When 'Lord ::rod' r; cost about to proceed to Ireland as Lord-Lieutenant in I . La was delayed three months by contrary winds, ...cd started, he was unable to proceed, be:ause the Irish was infested with pirates, until a ship of war had lu:n round from the Thames. But now that the ahill of tLe it :xi r had outstripped the genius of the legislator, and :h. eel. r f Stephenson had done more to incorporate Irelat.l w: h lend than a, the laws which had been placcd on the shnute book--(cheere)—distasee at least Lim-1 for retaining the office of Lord-Li,:s:enszt. The hon. member for Meath had asked the house whether they would abJlish a rat: csl institution which was dear to the hearts of the lrnh A national institution! Why, if ever there was an inst);u tion which was anti-liish in its tender.cy and au::-n .:: in its design, it was that of the Lord-Lie wetion:. ie. n 1 From the year 1172, when the tint Lord-Licat.nsL: *55 appointed to rule over a miserable tertitcry under netts II . down to the present time, how many Itishiu.)). cr •coal ask, had been appointed to till the °thee ? k lhar. Lest ) From 1711 to 1800 only con Mahal iii he.l the otlice ; from 1800, down to the present day, it held by two Irishmen. If they ran ever the list of L. I): Ow: cellars he thought the case would be found toe same . it was certainly the same as regarded the chief sslialitlCll 10f Ire land. The hen. gentleman (Mr. Grattan) had rderted to the his:ory• of lord-lieutenants, and had writers to show that the existence of this rtilee ea, the jeet of a compact between the Irish roc pie aid 11. my 11. Why, surely we hon. gentlemen must know that the pc...tve did not then exist. A fewlinglo-Nortuan barons ettemptsd at the time to make some compact with the king. hut, withstanding that, the argument used wou'd not hold teeter. What were the histories of the lord lieutenauctro any Irishmen look back to them with pride ? He would quote to the hon. gentleman a passage front the life is: oar 01 the • most auccessful Lord-Lieutenants of his day—Lord Mount- joy. These were the result, of English policy under Lud Deputy Mountjuy, in the words of Sir John Davies: s. Whereupon the multitude being brayed as it were in a mortar, with sword, famine, and pestilence to gether, submitted themselves to the English govern ment with demonstrations of joy and comfort." Whet was the project of the Lord-Deputy Surrey in 1328? Why. to transport the Lrish altogether from the country, and to stock the land with English. In 1633 Lir.' Strafford, bein; Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, said in a letter to Charism L. " The Va. fi• of this crown shall be my principal and ssne end." He came now to the reign of Queen Ann. The fol lowing was the description given by Dean Swift—that patriotic Irishmen, who was always &hutting that he was net an Irishman—of Lord Wharton : He contracted such debts in England his fa iends were tOreol leave lieauil at his uteicy. Ile has sink hi. fortuni . by eitslo.ii eat ing to ruin one kingdom, and Rath raised it by Innis f r to ruin ntoinir. Ile hat gained 45,04101.—ha1f to the regular, half in the pralm - - 11 he (endowing was Mr. (rattan's description of the Mar quis of Buckinghamshire: This was the non who made his entry into Dublin. ,rand On a triumphal ear drawn by public credulity, on one side falLiehais hole, on the other many mouthed prof...won ; a figure wgh ten Li,. s w - one turned to the treasury, the other resented to the pooh., double tongue spiwking contradictory What inmate description givenot the lord -lietitinan t i lq popular agitator in 1850, a friend of the Lrd M a yor ? He termed the castle a sink of corruption. &e. I believe that if that sink of mutual in, that hot-boil of syeol'hr , v; ttli Dublin l'ast'o, as a vice royal institute be nniinisl front DNA.. Orangemen land &man ttiollanhkee and Wray. a ill ste IY of UM/ diviice4 and unite the good of theirCOLUMWS swede