The Press. — London, England, 1854-02-18 00:00:00

FEBRUARY 18, 1854. Sir J. GRAHAM adduced many practical difficulties, and suggested some economical considerations as being antagonistic to the changes in the internal arrangements of navy-ships, which the resolution now proposed would necessarily involve. Mr. MONTAGUECHAMBERS supported the motion, entering into various statements as to matters of domestic detail in ships of war ; upon which Admiral BERKELEY offered some corrections op posing the motion. The discussion wos pursued by Mr. Napier, Mr. Hume, Mr. A. Stafford, Mr. Brady, and Captain Scobell. On a division the resolution was nega tived by 210 votes, against 104 ; majority 112. THE EASTERN QUESTION. On the motion that the Speaker should leave the chair, Mr. LAYARD rose, pursuant to notice, to call atten tion to the Eastern question. The present moment, when the house was called upon to go into com mittee and vote the navy estimates, was, he remarked, peculiarly fit for introducing the subject. The ex traordinary reserve of the Ministers had left the public in much doubt as to the real position of the country with regard to its foreign relationship. These doubts he hoped would now be cleared up, and not only the future intentions but the past conduct of the Ministry effectually developed. Briefly touching upon his own proceedings with regard to this question dui ing the last session, and discarding all party prejudices, he declared that he had early arrived at a conviction that the Ministerial policy was wanting in vigour and straightforwardness, nor, after a careful perusal of the voluminous blue books lately issued, had he found cause to change his opinion. Mr. Layard then entered into an historical detail of events to support his assertion, that even in the earlier months of last year the British Government had received ample warning of the approaching danger, both from the military preparations and from the diplomatic pro ceedings of Russia. Comparing the contents of different despatches on various sides, he argued that the Ministry had overlooked the most obvious facts, had misunderstood the most unmistakable tenden cies, and trusted to the most evidently fallacious assurances. He quoted expressions from Russian despatches in which Lord Aberdeen was signifi cantly thanked and eulogised as playing a beau role. He noticed that no formal protest had been made against the occupation of the principalities, and re marked on the matter of the Vienna note that it was only the candid manifesto of Count Nesselrode which taught the Ministry what was the import of their own propositions, and enabled them to escape the rerretration of a terrible act of injustice. Adverting to the movements of the fleets, he found that in every step the French had taken the initiative, and seemed to be urging on their reluctant ally, although it had been urged in vindication of the English Government that they were hampered by the necessity of securing the co-operation of France. Declaring that the tragedy of Sinope impeached the honour of Eng.and, and required ample explanation, he drew evidence from the published documents to show that the admirals of the united fleets might have prevented the catas trophe, or the Turks by themselves have averted it, if it had not been for the timorous and vacillating instructions sent out by the British Government. Concluding his retrospect by urging that the Minis ten; were condemned out of their own mouths, he inquired, as to the future, what they were going to do ? On what system were they about to prose cute war, on what terms were they willing to negotiate a peace? He inferred from their recent language that they would still treat on the basis of re turning to the status quo ante bellum; and proceeded to condemn that presumed step as sacrificing at once the independence of Turkey, and the honour and interests of England. Great efforts had been made, and much blood already shed, and as war was practi cally begun it should never be allowed to close with out affording some tangible results, by sweeping away the treaties under which Russia had so long sheltered herself while prosecuting her aggressive designs. Mr. I,ayard then controverted the assertion that Turkey was not worth defending, declaring that the Turks had advanced more in fifteen year than the Russians had done in a hundred and fifty, and that the Ottoman empire was rapidly improving in wealth and commerce, in the liberality of its Government, the intelligence of its people, and all other elements of strength. In conclusion, he called upon the Govern ment to do their duty, in the certainty that the people of England would do the'rs. Sir 3. GRAHAM would not appeal to the forbearance of the house, but to its wisdom and justice, and was ready to rest the case of the Government upon the decision. The duty of the Ministry was to preserve peace, so long as it was consistent with the honour of the country ; and this they had done up to the present moment. Commencing his reply to the successive allegations affirmed by Mr. Layard with the charge brought against Lord Aberdeen of having trusted blindly to the assurances of Russia, the right hon. baronet declared that every colleague of the Prime Minister was ready to share in his responsibility in THE PRESS. this respect; and, after observing that Russia had been an old and faithful ally to Great Britain, urged that " dark, malignant suspicions did not easily take root in generous minds." The assertion that the Russian armaments would have been checked, and especially the Sinop° disaster averted, by a more prompt movement of the naval forces, he met by comparing the dates of the instructions sent out to the admirals with those of the successive events; citing several passages from Lord Stratford's des patches to support his argument, and remarking, also, in reference to the last mentioned catastrophe, that no one except the Turkish officials knew in how disgracefully defenceless a condition the harbour of Sinope had been left. Briefly vindicating the Vienna note, Sir J. Graham went through the catalogue of succeeding events, contending that in every instance the Government had shown quite as much vigour as the case required, or as was compatible with their hopes and efforts for averting war. Besides main• taining peace through many months of complicated negotiations, in which the Emperor of the French had been a faithful participator, the Ministry, he pleaded, had done much. They had cemented the union with France, and had obtained the consent of Austria and Prussia to such an interpretation of the pre-existing tieaties as secured the independence of Turkey. Both England and France were now pre pared for war; both were agreed upon the objects for which they should contend, namely, that the princi palities should be evacuated—that the independence of Turkey should be maintained—and that any inter ference on the part of Russia was inadmissible. This being so, what, he asked, would the house do ? The Ministry would do their duty, and intended to ask for an increase of 10,000 men to the army, of as many more for the navy, and of two millions to the national expenditure. Whatever their decision, be called upon them not to potter over blue books, or raise indirect debates, at the risk of creating disunion and delay. If there were serious grounds of com plaint, let them be manfully urged, and the Ministers placed definitively on the defence. But let the ma chine of government move on in any case at a crisis when it could not be arrested, even for a moment, without serious peril. Lord JOCELYN urged that the Ministers had in curred heavy sacrifices for the sake of conciliating Russia, who had outwitted them after all. Lord DUDLEY STUART had entered the house with a sincere wish to support Ministers, but his friendly feelings had suffered a severe shock from the speech of Sir James Graham. He contended at great length, and in reply to that right hon. baronet, for the fitness of the present moment, and the perti nence of the motion before the house, for a discussion upon theE astern question. In th at speech,he remarked, very little information had been afforded, and he trusted that some colleague of the right hon. baronet would supply the deficiency. For himself, he con fessed he had not found time since his return to England to read all the blue books on the question, but knew enough of them to feel convinced that the conduct of the Ministry lacked boldness, and could be best described as consisting of one part discretion and three parts cowardice. That it could not be termed wise he argued from the historical facts, which proved thAt the conduct of Russia had been perpetually faithless with regard to treaties. Throughout his recent travels he had heard but one opinion, that, if some bold and firm Minister had filled the office now occupied by Lord Aberdeen, the Pruth would never have been crossed, nor the Russian ambition taken the shape of acts. Another word, he added, was everywhere spoken, and that word was " Palmerston." Mr. ROEBUCK defended the Ministers for their conduct in a delicate situation. If they had rushed hastily into war the first to find fault would be their present opponents. They had to satisfy the people of England as to the neces sity of the war. While peace was possible, England spared nothing to preserve it. Now war was certain, England would exhibit all her energies in its prosecution. It was not now the time to inquire into the diplomatic faults of the Ministry, but it was now time for the Ministry to de clare clearly what they intended to do. Lord JOHN RUSSELL, thus summoned, recapitulated the history of the late differences. The conduct of Russia in her first pretensions was pure deception. The Govern ment had been on their guard, and had followed each move by decisive opposition. When the Russians invaded the principalities, it was by Lord Stratford's advice that war was not immediately declared. Turkey was not prepared for it. After tle fleets arrived at Constantinople, the am bassadors decided on their entry into the black Sea ; but just then the French Ambassadors were changed. The French admiral declined the order of a parting ambassador, and his successor took, unfortunately, another view. He characterised the congratulation to Russia from her officers after the affair at Sinope as afflicting and disgrace ful, after a catastrophe marked with cruelty, destruction, and want of generosity. The fleets then entered the Black Sea, with orders to send back to their own port every Russian ship they met. The rejection by Russia of the last proposition of the four powers was a grievous disregard of the peace of Europe. The counter-proposition, which contained all the old Russian claims, with the addition of a demand for the extradition of refugees, Count Buol, who presented it, 157 expressly refrained from recommending it. Referring to the last letter of the French Emperor, he said, it contained no concession to Russia, but there was no hope its terms could be accepted. Austria and Prussia had hitherto been but half independent, but Germany was now rising to a sense of its own dignity, and, if not actually with us at present, gave us its sympathies, and would, if necessary, assist us with its arms. England and France now pro. posed to Turkey that she would not sue for peace without their consent. He had no doubt that this condition would be accepted. He had always found our French allies frank, straightforward, and honest, and deserving all our confidence. It would be necessary to demand au increase of the supplies of three millions. War required rapidity, secrecy, combination—all these must be ensured by the proper means. If the house hail confidence in the ability of the Government to carry out the war, it would now show it. The country must submit to sacrifices, and he would cheerfully bear his part. Mr. CROSSLEY thought that as we were not a continental power we had nothing to do with continental politics. A motion for adjournment having been made, Lord :lons RUSSELL hoped that the vote fur the number of men might be taken at once. Mr. DISRAELI then said that if he had had the manage. ment of the discussion he would have consulted the conve nience of the Ministry in fixing its date ; but, as it had taken place. it cught to be continuous. The speech of Lord John Russell was worthy of himself and his position ; but the question had been most impertinently met by the First Lord of the Admiralty. The speech of Lord John itself contained fallacious statements and false positions, which demanded an answer. The world should know the sentiments of the nation, and its unanimous determination to prosecute the war; and the vote for the number of men should not be hastily concluded. The discussion ought to be adjourned. LOIN' JOHN RUSSELL, understanding that there would be no opposition to the vote of supply, consented to the ad• journment. RUSSIA AND TURKEY. The failure of Count Orlon mission was known in St. Petersburg on the oth, and had occasioned much dissatisfaction in that capital. A camp of 50,000 men composed of the reserves is to be formed at Warsaw in April. Two regiments of the garrison of Warsaw have received orders to proceed to the Danube. The Russian Commissioner-General Budberg has ordered the confiscation of all the personal property of Gregory Stourza, son of the ex-hospodar, because he has offered his sword to the Sultan. Two Greeks, accused of betraying the plans of the Turkish general to Prince Gortschakotf; had been sent by Omer l'acha before a court-martial, at which the Greek Bishop of Shumla and another prelate were present.. The two prisoners were proved to be guilty, and sentenced to death. In consequence of orders from the two Govern ments, the main body of the French and English fleets remain in the Bosphorus. Six steam-ships will convoy the Turkish vessels when necessary, and four will be kept constantly in observation. A grand ball was given in Constantinople on the 30th ult., by General Baragusy d'Hilliers, at which all the dignitaries of the kingdom, together with the foreign ambassadors, attended. It was reported that five ships of war of the United States would shortly arrive at Constantinople. A private letter from Constantinople, of the 31st ult., announces that the Austrian Lloyd Company bad been authorised by the Russian Government to transport passengers, merchandise, and letters, be tween Odessa and Constantinople, and rice rend, notwithstanding the war. The Porte, in pursuance of its system of moderation, had provisionally sanc tioned the arrangement. The affair of the Turkish and Egyptian officers who threw off the guardianship of the Russians who had brought them from Sebastopol has been tempo rarily arranged. M. Meyendortf consented to their remaining under the prctection of their ambassador. It is said that at the audience granted by the Emperor Napoleon to M. de Kisseleff, to take leave, his Majesty displayed towards the ambassador a tone and attitude of commiseration which exceedingly annoyed the representative of Russia. The report goes that the Emperor bade bim adieu in words to this effect :—" Say to the Emperor of Russia that I am deeply afflicted to see the relations be tween my Government and his own brought to a close. Assure him from me that should war break out I will do all I can to diminish the effect of the disasters that must fall on him ; and I will endea • your as much as in me lies to prevent any annoy ance to him personally." It is stated that M. do Kisseled* withdrew from the audience much cha grined. 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