The Press. — London, England, 1854-08-19 00:00:00

AUGUST 19, 1854. Beginning with a little Popery, adopting some 1. of its fond illusions and theatrical captivations for the senses, it is astonishing how fleet is the progress of the pervert to the grosser and more revolting form of the Paganised impos tures which the Church of Rome has conse crated. Once that the mind has abandoned the guidance of Scripture, and learned to place its faith in human inventions, its credulity becomes abject and infatuated. When a man like Cardinal Wiseman records his belief in the annual " miracle " of the blood of St. Januarius, we can easily comprehend the gross superstition of uneducated Papists who adored the holy coat at Treves. The apologies made by the Church of Rome occupy so large a space of this volume that we cannot commend its execution. The author is not profound in ecclesiastical history. We observe also that he attributes to Cicero what was written by Sallust (p. 191), and he quotes the passage incorrectly. There are some inte resting particulars given of Russian supersti tion, but, for the reasons stated, we can scarcely recommend the work to the attention of those to whom it is dedicated—" the Protestants of Great Britain." The Southern Quarterly Review, July, 1854. London : Triibner. THIS review is but little known in this coun try, and we have been much struck by the contents of the number before us. Published in the Southern States of the American Republic, it is strongly impressed with local political colour, and it seeks to justify the opinions that prevail amongst powerful classes in Virginia and the Carolinas. Its form re sembles that of our own " quarterlies," but it differs from them in having its essays signed with initials, awl its " we " is evidently of not so collective a character as is usually the case in our periodical literature. As it has now reached its tenth volume it is worth while examining the peculiar views of this organ of opinion. Upon the question of democracy it holds moderate principles. In an article on the " Political Philosophy of South Carolina " it argues at length in favour of "natural aris tocracy," and quotes all sorts of authors in support of its position that the doctrine of absolute personal equality is visionary and contrary to nature. We are amused at finding it pay such deference to " Fergusson on Civil Society "—a work entirely out of vogue in this country, but of which we recollect the late American writer, Doctor Channing, was an enthusiastic admirer. Amongst the numerous extracts on the first principles of government, we were particularly struck with those of Calhoun, containing many axioms of Cor • servatism. We find Calhoun thus writing : Liberty, then, when forced on a people unfit for it, would, instead of a blessing, be a curse, as it would, in its reaction, lead directly to anarchy—the greatest of all curses. No people, indeed, can long enjoy more liberty than that to which their situation and advanced intel ligence and morals fairly entitle them. If more than this be allowed, they must soon fall into confusion and diaor• der, to he followed, if not by anarchy and despotism, by a change to a form of government more simple and abso lute, and therefore betted suited to their condition. This sentiment is not very different from that of the constitutional Whig, Sir James Mackin tosh, who in his "History of England" stated that " Governments grow, and are not wade," assimilating them to trees, nut machines,—a sentiment ridiculed by Mr. Fonblanque as the "vegetable theory of government." After• en forcing the views of Calhoun, and also those of Lord Brougham (from whose "Political Phi losophy" several extracts are given), the article proceeds to say, "This is English liberty, and " the sort we enjoy in Carolina " (p. 48), and then anathematises " French liberty" in terms recalling to us the tirades of Burke and the Jeremiads of Eustace's " Classical Tour." Anxious, however, to prove its sentiments to be perfectly reconcilable with orthodox re publicanism, it quotes from the works of Algernon Sidney, and proceeds thus : With these explanations, then, we are prepared to re ceive Sidney's definition :—Liberty is an exemption from all human laws to which we have not given our assent. This is the liberty which is meant when, in the second section, ninth article, of the. Constitution of South Carolina it is declared that —" No freeman of this State shall be taken or imprisoned, or disseised of his freehold, liberties TIIE PRESS. or privileges, or outlawed or eiiled, or in any manner de stroyed or deprived of his life, liberty or property, but by the judgment of his peers, or by the law of the land;" — ant in the preamble to the Federal Constitution, where it is set forth that the compact was designed, among other things, to " secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." Here we have the words " liberties," " the blessings of liberty," and the grand idea of " our posterity," referred to. At this point we felt some curiosity in seeing how the writer would reconcile the position of the black man with such high privileges as those of " the liberty we enjoy in Carolina." With a clear perception of the incongruity between the theories and the practice of the American democracy, the writer proceeds : - - Let not the demagogue, however, or any champion of the various newfangled doctrines of the day, lay up the flatter ing unction to his soul that the great Sidney was disposed to invest every citizen with an individual veto, at least as to himself and those under his authority, over every law which may not please him. Individuals may enjoy all the liberty that an intelligent being can desire, and yet be forced to obey laws of which they highly disapprove. The merchant may not only disapprove but earnestly oppose the law which claims a duty upon his imports—so may the farmer that which taxes his lands, his negroes, or his pro duce. The writer thus hopes to have got out of the difficulty, and proceeds flippantly to put a commentary upon Sidney's meaning, which "applies to communities, but not individuals" (p. 49), and insists that "tile assent of citi " zees is neither asked nor needed ; it is pre. " Burned, and taken for granted." But, unfor tunately for the writers purpose, he is very decisively contradicted in his own extracts (ante, P. 42) by the concluding words of Alger non Sidney : This remains to us whilst we form governments, that we ourselves are judges how far 'tis good for us to recede from our natural liberty ; which is of so great importance that from thence only we can know whetherwe are freemen or slaves. --- We refer to this matter in order to show the grave political dilemma of the American states men with respect to the problem of how to deal with slavery. Either the slaves must be treated with the kindness due to human cre tures, or else be kept as mere brutes. If the former plan be chosen, their social privileges would, by inexorable moral laws, give claims for political rights ; but the other alternative, though adopted in practice, could scarcely in the face of Europe be acknowledged in legislation. On another alternative, if the social privi leges of black men were conceded and political rights withheld, the principle of democracy and universal suffrage would thereby be practi cally invalidated. In order to justify the bondage of slaves, it is thus necessary for the American democrats to start views of govern ment, which do not assimilate with those of their boasted freedom. Two other articles in this organ further illustrate the difficulties of the slave question. The Essay " Africans at Home" is a curiosity of ethnological vitupe ration and political sophistry. The. black men are bespattered with abuse of every kind on the Jesuit's principle—" Calumniare fortiter, aliquid adhcerebit." England and the English come in for some share of the hard words We can smile at such passages as the follow- ing Their palavers are their parliaments; and bills of at- tainder pass upon incautious ladies, as sometimes happen with the great in haughty Christian Europe. The Eng• lish fix their fines and prices for their wives in their pa lavers, hut then it is mostly in aristocratic life. Perhaps this is the secret source of the great sympathy felt by such as are of Stafford•house for sons of Africa, who show so little for their own white tenants and starving poor. And there is more to the same effect. In another article, " What is our Government ?" the very perplexing subject of the rights of each State of the " Union," as distinct from that of the collective body, is discussed, and left unsettled. At some future time the prominence given to the slave question will raise grave doubts about local and imperial powers, the difficulties being increased by the social antagonism of the Northern and Southern States. The other articles in the number are chiefly cosmopolitan in character, and the subjects are discussed with various degrees of ability. As an index to the phases of opinion in the slave states this review merits attention. 78 4 1 1. The Nations of Russia and Turkey, and their Destiny. Vol. 11. By Ivan Golovin. London: Triibner and Co. 2. Autocracy in Poland and Russia. By Julian Allen. London : Triilmer and Co. 3. Turkey, Past and Present. By J. It. Morel. London : Routledge and Co. 4. Russia, the Land of the Czar. London : Ward and Lock. Boors on Russia and Turkey continue to crowd our table—the demand of the public for information, if we may judge from the publications issued to supply it, having scarcely slackened yet. Some few of these volumes are good, more indifferent, and many bad. In general, written to suit the moment of public ex citement, they are hasty and ill-arranged—written by somebody, no matter by whom—containing state ments, true or false as the case may be, scanda lous, abusive, or laudatory of the great political night mare of the hour ! 1. Of the books before us, Ivan Golovin, in his se cond volume of " The Nations of Russia," relates a number of curious, though hostile, anecdotes of the domestic manners of the Russians anti their rulers, and gives much statistical detail on the army and population of Russia and Turkey. The concluding chapter, upon the war, is smartly written. " Autocracy in Poland and Russia" tells us of the lamentable state of society in Poland. The mi series of Russian rule in that country are not exag gerated, if we may judge from the opinions of higher authorities upon the same subject. 3. " Turkey, Past and Present" is a general but hasty sketch, taken from many of the best authorities, of the history, progress, and present state of the Ot toman empire, from its foundation in 1299. 4. " Russia, the Land of the Czar," is a pamphlet issued as a railway book, translated from a more vo luminous work lately published at Leipsig. If the original book is as popular as the preface to this pamphlet asserts, it is a curious contradiction to the otherwise liberal opinions of Germany, because everything in this book is related in a light fa vourable to Russia, and apt to produce a power ful impression of her might and influence, as well as her beneficent intentions towards Europe. Five Dramas. By an Englishman. London: Saunders and Ot.ley. IN these dramas the author has attempted to repre sent the life, characters, and fashion of our own day. His aim is legitimate, but peculiar ability is required for its successful realisation. The successes of Sir E. B. Lytton, Bourcicault, and Douglas Jerrold have been few and far between. There have been many failures to counterbalance the brilliant run of Money anti London Assurance. Cumberland, Colman, and Mrs. Inchbald found more indulgent audiences for their multifarious productions than can be collected in the present day for plays of equal merit. These five dramas remind us of Cumberland's manner, but they are deficient in the art and scenic experience which mark his poorest compositions. The author's best thoughts are marred by the crudity which com monly, in some way or other, appears in their ex pression : and this is true, not only of the con cdptions of character and incident, but of the dialogue. A young lady describes love as Nature's steam, which must have vent; and a governess speaks of her principal as A party with whom I have engaged. A gentleman in a moment of surprise incautiously asks "if his eyes have deceived him r. The Voyage Round the World is rather a novel thrown into a thematic shape than a piece adapted for the stage. As the author is happily indifferent to profit, and writes chiefly from the pleasure composition affords him, he will perhaps be content to learn that he possesses more poetic feeling than dramatic power. Excelsior. Helps to Progress in Religion, Science, and Literature. London : Nisbett and Co. THE various papers in this volume of 480 pages are evidently • .•nned by writers well acquainted with the subject• • • ussed, and their matter, while familiar in style, tfords evidence of high scientific attain ments and literary ability. The fragmentary cha racter of the work, however, though incidental to its publication in numbers, is now against it. The reader has to travel from an article on a particular subject for a hundred pages onward before he finds its continuation. Thus the paper on natural history (the walrus) is found at page 33, and no corres ponding article is to be met with till the one on the hippopotamus, at page 135. The first philosophical papers upon "The Air and Sky" are followed b Eastern apologues, poems, and other matters, till they revive again sixty•eight pages away. The wor is to be completed in three volumes. It is bight praiseworthy in design and execution, but a belie system of arrangement would add to its usefulness. Lit 'l se, Lai r 1