The Press. — London, England, 1854-11-04 00:00:00

enemy how vain was the hope he had founded on our assumed instability and desire of peace. We have had two autumn sessions within the last seven years ; the first to mitigate the evils of scarcity in Ireland, the second to determine whetlwr Lord DERBY'S Government had a majority in the House of Commons. It will hardly be pretended that, in either case, was there more need for the action of the Legisla ture than now exists . The public, are not only anxious, but deeply dissatisfied, on many points. They cannot understand the delay in the invasion of the Crimea so long after it was almost officially announced—the inactivity of our fleets, ren dered more remarkable by the sneers cast on their commanders from Ministerial sources— the great advantages conceded, contrary to common sense and all former usage, to neutral commerce—the scandalous inefficiency of our commissariat arrangements for the Crimea army —the unaccountable delay in the publi cation of intelligence, after the solemn promise of the Duke of NEWCASTLE that whatever was received by the Government should forthwith be made known—the entire absence of any s3•stem of postal communication with the theatre of war. Why should Government shrink from meeting inquiry on all these points? It is not the least•important function of Parliament to clear up misconceptions on Ministerial conduct, or when suspicions are well-grounded to secure the redress of abuses pk before. Her credit is upheld by our payments. Her great landowners, enriched by our wealth, scoff at the notion of our hostility, and, finding their prosperity enhanced by war, afford it their cordial support. Her Government, through the continued imports of our gold, is enabled to keep its paper—notwithstanding enormous fresh issues—at par ; and thus the war, which we imagined would so impair the fortunes of her nobles and cripple her re sources as to compel her to sue for peace, only pours a flood of prosperity over the face of the land, and raises her credit higher than it has ever stood before. It is literally British capital which feeds and clothes her troops, and sup plies her with the very sinews of war. We dwell on these facts, as they are admitted by the Ministerial prints, and as they urgently demand —more, perhaps, than any other single subject—the attention of Parliament. Is it to be supposed that had the operation of this order In council been foreseen at the time when it was promulgated it would have been allowed to pass sub silentio by the Legislature ? Yet the policy is defended, while its evil results are admitted. Commercial reasons are still pleaded in its justification, and the question has arrived at that point when we have to choose between resistance to the economic projects of the Coalition, and sub mission to the will of the Emperor NICHOLAS. It is vain to think of subduing him by wasting the extremities of his empire while we nourish Ao . • • . . .... 7 "g -e--- - ' , • I 1 . • . z, (# 1..................__..._ -.. ' ' - " - 'Pr. - . . •. • • . . -* ' • \ 1 rt . I . . , . • 61+ • , . No. 79.—VoL. 11. LONDON SATURDAY NOVEMBER 4, 1854. 9 PRICE SIXPENCE. . i "-:-.-- -4 _ .- • - esw by their exposure. How long, but for the its heart , or while w e clin g to the i g noble Q 1) ' l2 £VrC 5 5. interference of Parliament, might it have re - principle th at our trade is more p recious than . . mained a doubtful question whether Mr. our blood, and that the lives of our brai• _ LAWLEY, while possessed of all the secrets of fellows by sea and land are nothing in com- . ' ..: the Exchequer, had really speculated in the parison with hemp and tallow. We can strike LONDON, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 4, 1854. funds? How long might the Prince Consort at the power of Russia only through the ma- ,{ , I have been exposed to brutal calumny but for terial interests of her people. the parliamentary explanations which the un- The notion that the power of Russia can be ,: WHEN Mr. DISRAELI, before the prorogation reasoning clamour against him called forth? It broken in a single campaign is at an end. s' ' of Parliament, suggested the expediency of an is no secret that certain members of the Ministry There has been a foolish disposition amongst affect to view Parliament as an obstructive and us to underrat e her resources, and es p eciall y autumn session, it was not, we apprehend, antiquated machinery which might advun- her power of resistance. From the commence- from -. any wish to unduly magnify the influence tageously be dispensed with altogether. Itis the ment of hostilities the Ministerial press has ' 4 . of the Legislature, but from an idea that cir- Peelite section of the Cabinet which especially laboured incessantly to disguise the real cha- r cumstanees might arise, in the peculiar state hates, and with reason, the inquisitive spirit meter of the contest. To keep our people in of affairs, which th e Government Might naturally of Parliament; and we acquit the Whigs of good humour they have been flattered with other blame than of meanly succumbing to the idea of rapid and easy victory. Our wish to lay before Parliament for advice or their colleagues' beaureaucratic horror of pub- boasting, credulity, and abuse have been carried decision. The Queen's Ministers in time licity, and morbid antipathy to free debate. so far as to make us appear ridiculous in the of war have large powers committed to them. Nor are these the only topics requiring eyes of Europe. It is not by such moans that It is for them to conduct negotiations, to con- Parliamentary consideration. The Ministry, we can hope to conquer our enemy. We must elude treaties, to prescribe rules and principles in commencing the war, commenced also a learn to take a juster measure of his strength series of grand experiments. From their and of our own, and aim not only at conquer - of warfare by the issue of orders in council , novelty alone they required watching, and ing his armies in the field , but a t th e destme- and to direct as they please the movements of it is very neeessarythat the country should now tion, by every means at our command, of the cmrleete and armies. No powers analogous receive some information on their practical industrial prosperity which continually renews to these are called into requisition when the effect. We should like to know how far Mr. them, and which is the real secret of Russia's country Is at peace. We do not say that they GLADSTONe's n4rw taxes hare answered his enter. , power and pride. , I tatious and whether the receipts of the revenue are larger than the public good requires. but aro . taaheantk o te d• • The war only commenced in reality after they would he, to the our Parliament had been prorogued. In the .. - that they may not be abused brJll4l“eit ec. for- It i r r evs 4: 3 8. Manegereent of interval 0?4, w h o l e aspec t of aft* Vse ' ' - : . 4., .‘" rapt Administration it is v ery lititraie that t , Ired tilhoil-teell• tilienfinst. Sengthle Peeoll.l, drew' le , 'NM • • - • --, ,- • - * ... , . they should, more especially at Ate commence- dence in his sagacity. It will be great news tat'we were really on the brink of a trernen- to hear that his schemes have proved success- dons contest, now shake their heads when ment of a great war, be exercised under the ful, and that our finances under his care are in peace is mentioned, and express their fears immediate supervision of Parliament. a flourishing state. If this be so, how cruel of that we are at the commencement of a great Why should the Ministry of Lord ABERDEEN him to delay the cheering announcement ; but European war. It is most desirable that Par- be retactant to meet Parliament at this junc- if the contrary be the case, the public will have liament should meet that the country may . ture ? We can imagine that a Government, to pay dearly for postponing till the last more clearly understand its conditions and confident in the sincerity of its intentions and moment the necessity for repairing his errors. prospects. But Lord ABERDEEN has no taste the wisdom of its policy, would be anxious, in Every one is astonished and indignant at for free discussion, and, in spite of the incal- • a time of difficulty like the present, to meet observing the effect of the novel principle of culable mischief his secret intriguing has the representatives of tho country, if only to admitting without let or hindrance the produce occasioned, he still clings to the belief that lie receive their support, and obtain from them of our enemy. The facts of the case are can best administer the affairs of the empire in such an expression of the national will as patent. Russia finds in England a better his closet, and that the true art of statesman- would invigorate our defenders, and show our market for her produce than she ever found ship is to exclude a nation from taking part in enemy how vain was the hone he had founded before. Her credit is upheld by our payments. the management of its own concerns. MR. SIDNEY HERBERT AND SENTI• MENTAL SCRIBBLING. WE are not surprised at the ingenious at tempts made to withdraw from circulation the letter of Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT to the excellent Miss NIGHTINGALE. Unfortunately for the writer's reputation aa a Minister of State, the letter is essentially a public document. An official position is tendered to Miss NIGHTIN• GALE. " You will also (so runs this strange " epistle) have an unlimited power of drawing " on the Government ;" and, further, the Daily News reiterates the assertion of this effusion having been lithographed. Whether the latter be the case or not, it is quite certain that Mr. St DNEY HERBERT has worked for us photographic portrait of his own features as a Secretary at—Nurse! Sentimentalists are proverbiallx weak, but there is no necessity for their becoming downright infantine. Until we read the letter we did not think that any English Minister could indite such a farrago of tautology and flimsy style. The length of the document is extraordi nary. It is longer than the elaborate plan for the defence of Spain submitted by Sir ARTHUR __.~ I