The Press. — London, England, 1857-02-28 00:00:00

Their noisy tribunes, like Sir BENJAMIN HALL, or Mr. OSBORNE, or Mr. LowE, have become supple placemen, mute about grievances, and contented with a long course of compulsory taciturnity or servile acquiescence. It is a bad sign of the Liberal party that none of his predecessors were ever so powerful as • Mr. Ilsrma. The manner in which the Liberal, and especially the Radical, repre sentatives answer to his " whip" exceeds aught ever seen of the trained docility shown in the well-trained packs of the Belvoir or Pytchley hunts. it can never be forgotten that Mr. HATTER'S mysterious services were so appre ciated by the Liberals that they bestowed on him a glittering piece of porcelain. The brittleness of their gilded gift was felicitously emblematical of their system. On the other hand, the great party which rallies for the conservatism of English institu tions, and for a sound national policy, exhibits a prodigious reserve of strength. The great standing influences of the empire are decidedly upon the Conservative side. Our adversaries are in a petty minority within the Church. In the great Universities of Oxford and Cam bridge Conservatism is predominant by an overwhelming majority. In Dublin and the Scotch Universities there has been a great increase of Conservative support. At the Bar there is a wonderful superiority of talent amongst the Conservatives. In the Hereditary Peerage and the landed gently the Conserva tives have a great majority ; and although the Liberals may loudly boast of their Rus•-ells, Cavendishes, and Howards, there is a prepon derance of the first-class historical families of England in favour of Conservatism. We need only cite the great families of Manners, Somer set, Percy, Cecil, Bentinck, Grenville, Lennox, Stanley, Herbert, Lowther, and many more. But not only the great territorial demarcations of landed property are to be included amongst the Conservative resources ; what may be called the commercial aristocracy is also Con servative in its opinions. The banking inte rest has a prepondetance of Conservatives ; and the shipping interest, representing the active force of our mercantile marine, has always been on the Conservative side. Nor can the conclusion be demurred to that far the greater part of the secure and genuine wealth of the realm is in the Conserva tive ranks. We believe, also, that the Liberals cannot boast of the best administrative abilities. Neither Lord DERBY, nor Lord ELLENBOROUGH, nor Lord DALHOUSIE, nor Lord MALMESBUITY, nor Lord CANNING, nor Lord EGLINTON, nor Lord ST LEONARDS, in the House of Lords, nor Mr. DISRAELI. Mr. GLAthiTONE, nor Sir JOHN PAKINGTON, nor Mr. CARDWELT., in the House of Commons, belong to the Whigs The two great social questions of the day, " Education'' and " Law Reform," find their most vigorous champions in Sir JOHN PAKINGTON, and Sir Ferzaor KELT.Y, and Mr. NAPIER. The Par liamentary talents of Mr. WALPOLE, also, are admitted on all sides. It is under these circumstances that people begin to ponder over the obvious consequences resulting from the monopoly of political power. The rising men, also, are at the Conservative side. When the Ministry sought to recruit it self in public estimation the Colonial-office was tendered to Lord STANLEY, whose masculine understanding and extensive knowledge would in any rank of life signalise his powers. The Liberals have not a single young noble man exciting so much expectation as Lord ROBERT CECIL. The \Vhig Bar is positively sterile in lending talent—a fact acknow ledged in the mode in which the Crown offices are filled lip. It is evident that from such an exhausted party "Administrative Reform " could not possibly be expected. What the country wants is a change of rulers, which by itself would be a great official improvem en t. N ew energies, new minds, new ideas, an entire departure from the canting routine of mock " Reformers," would prodigiously benefit the public at large. THE NEXT LIBERAL PREMIER. Noss of the present Cabinet has suffered so much in the debates of the week as the Noble TIIE PRESS. Secretary for Foreign Affairs. Some of the least favourable features of Lord CLARENDON'S character were brought into strong light. The Noble Earl is a clever man, assiduous at the desk, quick in learning facts, and with con siderable knowledge of commerce. His early years were passed as a Commissioner of Customs ; and Lord CLARENDON relies too much on the peculiar kind of knowledge which he acquired in that department. But Lord CLARENDON has Some grievous moral defici encies. He has never possessed that reputation for plain and frank dealing which ought to make part of a British statesman's character. He is more furtively clever, and more adroitly insincere, than is at all to bo commended or justified. There is a low tone about all Lord CLAREN DON'S proceedings which is permanently cha racteristic of his plan of action. On Tuesday night nothing could have been worse than his Lordship's scandalously unscrupulous mode of apologising for the " disgusting disclosures" in China. " Sooner or later a rupture would " ensue !" The old morality of the " Borderers" was advocated by her Britannic Majesty's Secretary for Foreign Affairs. We need not dwell on this point, as Lord GREY on Tuesday, and Sir EDWARD LYTTON on Thursday, criticised the Noble Earl with condign severity. We desire to call attention to other matters con nected with Lord CLARENDON. While listening to the faltering tones, and observing the fluttered manner of Lord CLA RENDON in his miserably weak attempt at answering Lord DERBY'S magnificent speech, we could not help asking ourselves—" Is that " the statesman to whom the Liberals look as " the future leader of their party, and the " possible Premier of England ?" We could not avoid thinking, also, of certain extraor dinary incidents in the Noble Earl's career. They may well be remembered, after the striking admissions of Viscount PALMERSTON about the secret " convention " or " treaty " between France and Austria. recently brought to light by the Right Hon. Member for Bucks. The manner in which that arrangement was made, and concealed from the English public, was peculiarly " Ciarendonian ;" and it is singular that the public career of the Noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs should be a prolonged t eeord of revelations. Other diplomatists have engaged in secret transactions, but publicity is sure to attend on the negotiations of Lord CLARENDON, which have .occasionally assumed a most irregular character. His first entry into poli tical life was in a secret Cabinet at Dublin Castle, and impressions of the pleasure of being " behind the scenes " seem to have coloured and influenced the conduct of the Noble Earl throughout his course. The late LordCLONCURRY thus commemo rates the first appearance of her Majesty's present Secretary for Foreign Affairs : I was accordingly so far honoured by Lord Anglesey's confidence, as to he permitted to form a sort of private Cabinet, to which he frequently referred for council and assistance. In this extra-official council, of which I con fess I was not at first a very willing member, were in cluded Mr. George Villiers (now Earl of Clarendon), the late Right Hon. Anthony Blake, and Mr. William Henry Curran.—Cloneurry Memoirs. First Edition, p. 332. That statement was never denied, either by the late Lord ANGLESEY (who «•as alive and well at the time (1849) of publication), or by Lord CLARENDON. Neither the Chief Secretary of Ireland, Mr. STANLEY (now Earl of DERBY), nor the Attorney Ge neral of Ireland (now Lord Chief Justice BLACKBURNE), knew anything at the time of this secret Cabinet ; and it was not wonderful that Irish Ministerial atlitirs did not then move smoothly, while " secret" machinery was clog ging the action of responsible Ministers. Lord CLARENDON (then Mr. GEORGE VIL LIERS) was professedly a Commissioner of Customs, while thus acting as an extra Cabi. net Minister. He afterwards became a diplo matist, and was sent to Madrid ; and the English policy towards Spain, while Lord PAL MERSTON was at the head of affairs. bears a remarkable resemblance to the recent conduct of the present Cabinet, as exposed by Mi. SATURDAY, DISRAELI. We shall quote from a Whig• Radical work : The Cabinet of Queen Isabella applied for aid to the three Powers in alliance with Spain—Britain, France, and Portugal. Britain declined to send troops, though she would nut object to France doing so.—History of the Thirty Years' Peace, by Miss Martineau, p. 364. In the same way, England " would not object " to France having a treaty with Austria, gua " rantecing the integrity of the Italian States." Though England, advised by Lord PALMERS TON, would MA send troops, Lord PeudEasrox (Order in Council, June 10, 1835) permitted the Spanish Government to raise a body of 11,000 mercenaries, " who were afterwards " starved, frozen, shot, distrusted, deceived, for saken, and, finally, lett unpaid." In the midst of all this, an order, issued by General EVANS (Annual Register, 1836, p. 389), cast a fearful light on the nature of the enterprise which he led. He issued a proclamation in June, 1836, declaring that as the Legion was now in junc tion with the British Marines, "every English " man found fighting on the side of Don CAR " LOS would be put to death as a traitor to the " King of ENGLAND !" Lord CLARENDON has always, we believe, professed great admiration for the Foreign Policy of Lord PALMERSTON, and we shall not now inquire as to what part his Lordship played in Spanish affairs. When his Lordship became Viceroy of Ireland in 1847, Lord CLA• RENDON was supported by a powerful army, and by all the property of the country. But in support of " order and law," his Lordship desired to have a negotiation, or a treaty, or a convention, or a guarantee, with the Orange men of Ireland! He was warned about Mr. HUME'S celebrated resolutions (4th of August, 1835), and of Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S resolution (?3rd of February, 1836), proposing an address to the King, "praying that his Majesty would " take effectual steps for the suppression of " Orange societies," and of the House agree ing to the motion, and of the King's answer echoing the address in two days afterwards. But Lord CLARENDON characteristically re solved on having " a secret arrangement " with the Orangemen of Ireland. A distinguished Orange Peer spent a day and night at the Viceregal lodge. Addresses were received and deputations were encouraged, and money and arms were promised. Two or three years rolled by, and all these extraordinary trans actions were denied with almost as much assurance as Lord PALMERSTON could have shown. The collision at Dolly's Brae took place. The Orangemen, insulted by Lord CLARENDON'S reckless denials, became indig nant. The Orange Report was published, and " Lord CLARENDON and Dolly's Brae " received a commemorative notice in the Quarterly Re view from a powerful and practised pen. And soon afterwards, trials in the courts of law both in England and Ireland took place, which obtained for Lord CLARENDON from Whig journalists the name of " The Man of the World." When " secret " treaties were being arranged, we may be assured that a diploma tist of such marked antecedents would have been true to his original impulses, acquired fron► " the secret Cabinet at Dublin Castle." Such is the statesman who gives his ap proving voice to Sir JOHN Bowaiso, and whom the Reform Club regards as " Our next " Liberal Premier." THE following bishops voted on the Earl of Derby's motion respecting the recent transactions in China : FOR THE MOTION. BISHOPS. Chichester Exeter Oxford Rochester Salisbury AGAINST. ARCHBISHOPS. Canterbury York BISHOPS. Bath and Wells Carlisle Chester Durham Down Gloucester Hereford London Llandaff Lichfield Manchester Norwich Peterborough St. Asaph Winchester Worcester 196