The Press. — London, England, 1858-10-16 00:00:00

996 lature—and further (what is far the most re markable circumstance connected with them), that they are composed only of working men, obtaining their livelihood by the sweat of their brow, we think it cannot be denied that it is worth the while of the public to know something more about them than is generally known at pre sent. These Committees, then, mainly owe their existence to the untiring energy and indomitable perseverance of one single individual, who, if he had been endowed with a sound judgment and a power of accurately discerning facts, would, with such instruments as these at his disposal, have long ago succeeded in making a deep impression on the public mind. Unfortunately, however, so much of eccentricity has pervaded his views, so hastily has he brought forward statements which would not bear scrutiny, that he has given to his oppo nents the advantage of being able to discredit those of his principles and his views which are, in fact, wise and profound, so that truth has come to be disregarded, because it has been unfortunately largely mingled with error. Still, whatever may be his faults, he has contrived to imbt.e his followers with as right and patriotic sentiments as ever animated the greatest of our English statesmen. Now, we believe that there are at present very few individuals, who have taken the trouble really to master the true nature of our dealings, for the last twenty-eight years, with foreign nations, whether in Europe or in Asia, but have arrived at this conclusion—viz.,that most of the wars in which, since 1830, England has been involved, have been impolitic and unnecessary, and, what is far worse, not to be justified in their origin, when tested by the principles of international law. Where is the honest man who, having carefully looked into the alleged causes, will venture to defend the justice of the Affghan, the Burmese, and the Chinese wars ? Where is the wise man who, after having weighed their consequences, will venture to affirm that they were beneficial and politic ? Unhappily, the vast majority of the people of this country have not troubled them selves with these matters. They have borne in ignorant patience the increased taxation which they have caused, and they have been content to take for granted that England is as just as she is glorious, and as unselfish as she is great. They have assumed without inquiry that such a nation would never engage in any wars which dire necessity bad not forced upon her. They have formed the most false but most magnificent notions of her disinterested conduct, and have been able to listen with the utmost complacency to the declamation of her statesmen against the grasping aggressions of Russia, without a suspi cion crossing their minds that the indignant coin mentaries which were directed against the Czar were even more applicable to her own aggres sions. Now, the up-hill and ungracious task which these Committees have set themselves has been to arouse their countrymen to a just sense of these our national delinquencies, to wake them from the day-dream of innocence in which they have too long indulged, and to get them to view the national policy of this country as it is too surely viewed by the more impartial optics of neigh bouring nations. Their one single cry is—" Let us procure the re-establishment of law throughout the world ; let us only behold our country once more acting as the asserter, and not the violator, of international law, and we shall be content. We care comparatively little for Reform, for the Ballot, for Free Trade, or for any other of the popular cries which politicians have raised ; but we do care for the honour and the good faith of our country, and we can live happy if we can but see it restored." Such is the language that for some three or four years has been heard to issue from the lips of working men—men with rough hands, and with rude address—men who once clamoured for the Charter and the Ballot, but whose language now reaches the pitch of patriotic eloquence, and whose honesty of sentiment is worthy of the noblest legislator that e ver a dd resse d t h e Parliament of legi slator It may be true that these Committees appear sometimes to be acting in a sphere for which they are not fitted ; but it is not to be wondered at that men in their position of life should some times blunder, and should venture on inquiries THE PRE S S, OCTOBER 16, 1858. which perhaps they may be hardly justified in addressing to official persons. Unskilled in the business and duties of the Executive, they may sometimes ask questions which those of whom they ask them may fairly meet by curt, and merely formal, answers. But all this is the mere by-play of the part which they are acting. The task which they have set themselves is to create an interest, in the public mind of the great manufacturing towns, in foreign affairs. They believe, and surely their belief is a true one, that the internal prosperity of this great nation is deeply affected by the management, or the mismanagement, of our external relations ; that every man throughout the country is affected more or less by the expenditure occasioned by expen sive wars, carried on at a distance, on un justifiable pretences, and for the attainment of very doubtful advantages. They believe that each individual subject of the Queen ought to feel interested in England being the nation to stand forth as the doer of justice, and the up holder of international law ; and they know too well, and they desire to impart the knowledge to others, that, under the guidance of Lord PAL MERSTON, England lost her fair fame, and appeared before the world as a nation, defiant of law, blus tering to the weak, and truckling to the strong. Such is the character, such the objects of "The Committees of Foreign Affairs." Had they not been composed of working men, and had they not afforded evidence of what working men are capable of, we perhaps should not have thought it necessary to give our readers this insight into their organization and objects. REFORM. TO THE EDITOR OF " THE PRESS." Sir,—At this season of the year, not only does pheasact shooting begin, but political " canards ' are rife. That portion of the press which querulously supports opposition to her Majesty's Ministers has always, towards the second week in October, the best possible reason for knowing that disagreement exists in the Cabinet. This year Lord Derby is in consultation with Lord John Russell on the Reform "looming in the future " ; and, doubtless, Mr. Spencer Walpole's visit to Ireland is to obtain a clearer insight into Mr. Smith O'Brien's views of home government. In the meantime, the leading supporters of Lord Palmerston's fallen dynasty— which year after year promised, and year after year shelved, Reform—are using their hest endeavours to persuade their constituents and would-be constituents how impossible it will be for a Conservative Govern ment to bring forward a measure of Reform which shall be satisfactory to the country. For myself, sir, I agree with the Prime Minister that there is no general, I might say there is not even a par tial, "cry " on the subject ; and, but for the Whig servants of the Crown having found it convenient to deceive their Radical supporters by making their Royal Mistress promise a Reform Bill so often and so long, there are many subjects of foreign and do mestic policy much more pressing on the attention of the Legislature. But, as I believe there is no one measure which the Whigs so little wish to see brought forward, so do I believe that the present Government will be able to remedy the anomalies of the Whig Reform Act of 1832, to set right the specious inequal ities of the boundaries and divisions of boroughs and counties, founded on the impartiai reports of the Whig-ridden boundary commissioners of that day, and also to extend the franchise in such a direction as shall alike add weight and numbers to the classes represented in the Lower House of Parliament. Without presuming to anticipate what the coming measure is likely to be, I shall have no difficulty, in a future number, in showing how a Conservative Administration can accomplish the objects I have alluded to, and even without the aid of that Nestor of Reform, Lord John Russell. C. L. THE RIGHT HON. J. W. HENLEY, M.P., President of the Board of Trade, is to be presented with a memorial of his long and valuable sevices as a county magistrate and chairman of the Oxfordshire Quarter Sessions, a movement having been set on foot by some of his constituents to obtain subscriptions for a portrait of the right hon. gentleman to be placed in the County•hall. Mn. JAMES MURRAY, of the Foreign office, has been appointed Assistant Uoder•Secretary for Foreign Affairs. There:have been only two Under• Secretaries since August, 1827, when on the resignation of the Marquis of Clanticarde the third under•secretaryship was not filled up. fortign sit b (Colonial Tttt.tligczt tr. • PRUSSIA. THE REGENCY. The Prussinn Moniteur publishes the following decrees:- I.—TO lIIN ROYAL. HIGHNESS TILE PRINCE OF PRUSSIA. In replacing we in the direction of the affairs of the Government during the year which has elapsed since the commencement of my illness, your Royal Highness has given me a great consolation, for which I return you ni% heartfelt thanks. Now that I am, by God's will, still prevented by the state of my health from devoting myself to the cares of government, and as the physicians have ad. vised me to make a journey during the winter in a southern climate, I invite yuu, in consideration or the continued hindrance of governing, myself, to exercise the royal power in my name as Regent, according to the inspirations of your conscience, and being responsible only to God, until the moment I shall be again able myself to fulfil the duties of my royal functions, and heg of you to take the necessary measures to thut effect. I reserve to myself to make ulterior arrangements respecting those affairs of my royal house which concern my person. Saus•Souci, 7th Oct., 1858. (Signed) FREDERICK WILLIAM. (Countersigned) VON MANTEUFTEL. VON DER HEYDT. VON BODELSCITMINOII. VON FLOTTWELL. VON MANTEUFFEL lI.—TO TILE MINISTRY OF STATE. According to the tenor of the royal decree annexed, under date of the 7th inst., his Majesty the King is pre. vented in a permanent manner, by the illness which it has pleased God to afflict him with, from devoting himself personally to the affairs of the Government; consequently his Majesty has addressed to me an invitation to assume the Regency. Consequently, upon his Majesty's invitation, and in virtue of the kith Article of the Constitution of the 9lst January, 1850, I will assume, in my quality as nearest Agnate to the Throne, the regency of the kingdom, and direct the government in the name of the King until the day when his Majesty shall again be in a state to exercise the royal power himself. Conformably to the terms of the 50th Article of the Constitution of the :31st January, 1850, I have convoked, by the annexed ordinance, the two Chambers of the Diet of the Monarchy for the 20th of this month, and I charge the Ministry of State to bring this ordinance to the knowledge of the public through the official Gazelle, as also the royal decree and this present order. Berlin, 9th Oct. (Signed) WILLIAM, Prince of Prussia, Regent. (Countersigned) VON MANTEUFZEL. VON DER HETDT. VON lIODELSCHWINOR. • VON FLOTTWELL. VON MANTEUFFEL 11. Hitherto the Prince of Prussia has not received any special allowance as locum tenons for the King, whose functions lie performed for a year ; it natu. rally becomes necessary for a provision to be made for the necessities of his new position without levying a tax OD the country. A rent of 2,300,000 dots., guaranteed on the produce of the Crown domains, forms the dotaticn of the Crown. Now the domains, which were formerly the patrimonial property of the Royal Family, bring it much larger returns, so that the surplus will suffice to provide for the new Regency. It is not probable, however, that the question will be brought forward in the extraordinary session of the Chambers convoked for the 20th inst., and which will bo solely occupied with giving the constitutional sanction to the new order of things. TUE ROYAL VISIT TO RUSSIA. The officers who accompanied the Prince of Prussia in his recent visit to Warsaw have all received deco rations from the Emperor of Russia. SPAIN. THE CARLISTS. The Carlist party appears to be taking advantage of the preparations for the Congressional elections to endeavour to excite an interest in favour of the pretensions of the Conde Montemolino, but the Government is fully on its guard. ROME. THE ABDUCTION OF ?HE JEWISH CHILD. The Brussels Independance states that the French Government has addressed a note to the Holy See, couched in very moderate and cautious terms, in which it calls upon that power to consider the moral consequences it entails upon itself by approving of the violent outrage committed by the tan:Uttar.; Of the Holy Office in carrying oa the Jewish child at Bologna. INDIA. DEFEAT OF THE REBELS. A telegram received at the Foreign office states that the Bombay mail has arrived at Suez, with dates to 24th September. The two native regiments, the 62nd and 09th, who mutinied at Mooltan, have been nearly eAterminated. Tontia Topee, while moving towards Bhopal, was met by the Mhow field force under General Michel, and totally defeated, with trifling loss on our part. The Calcutt a Engluh man, however, says the ensuing cold weather will no doubt see the end of the mutineers. I I