The Press. — London, England, 1854-08-05 00:00:00

" 7 "'"F 724 hat is to be set against yearly loss by emigration. But these figures alone do not represent the whole truth. We have seen that more than a tenth of the population remain unmarried ; some doubtless from choice, infirmity, or other private causes with which the question of wealth or poverty has nothing to do ; but many, probably most, from inability to obtain employment for themselves and subsistence for a family. This cause of celibacy diminishes in exact proportion to the augmented demand for labour which emigration produces. We may accordingly look for an increase in the number of marriages contracted, for their taking place at an earlier period, and, con sequently, for the more rapid augmentation of the people—a result also brought about in some measure by the increased employment which colonial trade tends to create.* On the whole, it seems clear that a depopulation of these islands, or even a stationary condition of the population, is an evil, under present circumstances, not to be apprehended. Let us ap peal here to past experience. The estimated inhabi tants of Great Britain were, in 1651, 8,378,000; in 1751, 7,392,000 ; showing an increase of little more than a million in one hundred years. Between 1751 and 1851 they have increased from 7,392,000 to 21,185,000, or nearly . fourteen millions. For this remarkable change in the ratio of births to deaths various causes are assigned ; indeed, the report at this place assumes the form of an interesting, though rather discursive, historical essay, dealing with political and social questions of every kind, some very remotely connected with the ostensible subject. The principal are, improvements in the art of medi cine—greater care in sanitary matters—a higher tone of morality, especially as regards marriage, descend ing from the higher to the lower classes—agricultural and manufacturing improvements—and a general spirit of industry in the people. The commissioners deny, and to our thinking effectually confute, the Malthusian doctrine that increase of population in a limited area is an evil. They contend, in an argu ment of which we can give only the briefest possible outline, that the amount of human dubsistence pro ducible within a given space varies with the industry and intelligence of the inhabitants ; that mere small ness of territory is no reason why England should not yield three, four, or five times as much as she does now, with a proportionately greater amount of labour bestowed upon her cultivation and improve ment—ergo, that increase of numbers, unless there be a deterioration in the moral or physical qualities of the people, does not necessarily leave a smaller share of property to each, but rather the contrary. The fallacy of MALTHUS'S argument is shown to be this—that he confounded the natural produce of the soil, assuming this as a constant quantity, with the artificial produce, which is susceptible, so far as experience enables us to judge, of almost indefinite increase. (We have our doubts whether MALTHUS is here quite fairly quoted, and, still more, whether a report published by Goveinment authority, and pro fessing to contain only facts, is a proper vehicle for individual opinions on political economy, however just or however ably enforced. But let that pass.) MONTAGUE-HOUSE. IN our remarks last week on the renewal of the lease of Montague-house to the Duke of BUCCLEUCH, we spoke purely from regard to the public service, and had not the least desire to magnify a small matter of administrative detail into a party question. In the management of Crown property, harshness on one hand, and favouritism on the other, should equally be avoided ; and, were there any special circumstances in this case which rendered a renewal of the lease an act of justice to the occupier, that renewal could scarcely have been opposed by a plea that the site might at some future time be advantageously employed for Government purposes. Whether the lease was re newed under the late or the present Administration can be of very little importance, provided that the in terests of the public were not overlooked, and that no suspicion of partiality can attach to the trans action. The prorogation of Parliament is definitively fixed to take place on Tuesday week, the 15th inst. The Dauntless, Captain Ryder, is ordered to take in ammunition, shell, rockets, shot, Sze., and a con siderable quantity of boatswains', carpenters', and gunners' stores for the fleet, and is to leave Sheerness to-morrow (Sunday) morning, direct for the Baltic. Cases of cholera have taken place among the Eng lish troops. The Greek Ministry was formed on the 28th ult. Mavrocordato, President and Foreign Affairs; Argy ropulos, Finance ; Landor, Justice. A manifesto, issued by Kalergis, indicates the policy of the new Ministry. The Chambers will shortly be convoked. New elections were expected. • The commissioners estimate that if the entire population were married the births would be 1,600,00 n yearly, instead of 700,000 ; &maiming that the marriages took place in eaohinatenee at the moat prolific period. THE PRESS. routbings rn arliammt. TIIE CASE OF MR. LAWLEY. Sir J. l'iwaros bad given notice of his intention to call the attention of the Commons to " the cir cumstances under which her Majesty had been recommended to appoint the Hon. F. Lawley as Governor of South Australia." Thursday was fixed for the subject to be discussed, but, before the right hon. baronet rose to explain the purport of his motion, Sir G. Grey, the Colonial Secretary, inter posed, and after referring to a note he had previously addressed to Sir J. Pakington, and stating that " certain circumstances " had come to his own knowledge but a few hours before, forestalled all statements or comments from other parties, by giving himself a detailed narrative containing his explanations of the appointment in question. Before the Duke of Newcastle relinquished the seals of the Colonial Department, after only a six months' ac quaintance with Mr. Lawley, but satisfied as to his ability and character, he had offered him the ap pointment in question. Mr. Lawley was anxious to accept it, but wished previously to consult his family and friends, and asked a few days for deliberation. His grace replied that he only held the seals of that department ad interim, and that he must decide at once, but added that he would mention his name to his successor. This promise, upon Mr. Lawley's w illingness to accept the office being signified to him, the duke subsequently performed. Mr. Lawley, Sir George said, was wholly unknown to him, except as a member of that house, and the Duke of New castle, in mentioning Mr. Lawley, intimated that the only drawback to his qualifications was that he had in early life been on the turf, and was fond of horse-racing : " The duke informed me that he thought it right to state the only drawback which he thought might exist to the appointment of Mr. Lawley—(and under the circum stances he did not consider it as a drawback)--that Mr. Lawley, like too many young men I fear, in his position, had early in life been addicted—l hardly know how in or• dinary language to express it—but everybody will under stand me; he stated that Mr. Lawley unfortunately had been upon the turf. He had early had an inclination for horse-racing in common with other men in high rank and station in this country—(Hear, hear)—and, so far from feeling, under the circumstances, that this was a drawback against the appointment already stated, or that it consti tuted any objection to it, be thought, on the contrary, that it was a recommendation under the circumstances — (ironical cheers and laughler)—the circumstances which I am now about to state. Hon. gentlemen opposite may laugh. I should not have expected a sneer from them, the members of a party who have recognised the late lamented Lord George lientinck as their head in this house—( Hear, hear)—l should not have expected to hear from them a sneer which would imply that a connection with the turf was an absolute disqualification from office. (Cheers.) The Duke of Newcastle went on to state that Mr. Lawley himself had become deeply impressed with the conviction that that course was one which could not be too early abandoned. He had stated that his desire was to break off from those habits in which, unfortunately—l say it honestly—he had been early implicated. His desire was to break off from those habits; and he accepted his office of private secretary to the Chancellor of the Exchequer with a view to engaging himself in higher and more useful pursuits, and that his desire for a Government situation was prompted purely by an anxiety to be removed absolutely beyond the reach of temptation and from vicious habits." At that moment, the Colonial Secretary added, he did not feel himself actually bound to renew the offer made to Mr. Lawley. Subsequently, however, he found that Mr. Lawley himself, and Mr. Lawley's family and friends c o n sidered that the appointment was still at his disposal, and under these circum stances, knowing nothing of Mr. Lawley, not thinking that a fondness for the turf unfitted him for the office of governor of a colony, and not a breath of suspicion as to the character of Mr. Lawley having reached him, be submitted his name to her Majesty, who approved the appointment ; but upon a more recent day, namely, the 2gth of July, the Duke of Newcastle informed hin that he had received from two quarters information that rumours were circu lated highly injurious to the character of Mr. Law ley, stating that he had recently become subject to heavy liabilities in consequence of transactions in connection with the turf, and, what more nearly affected his character, that he had availed himself of his official knowledge, as private secretary to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to engage in extensive speculations in the funds. He (Sir G. Grey) imme diately addressed s letter to Mr. Gladstone, stating that, if there was any foundation for this rumour, it was impossible that the appointment should proceed, and that, in justice to all parties concerned, the full purport of it should be communicated to Mr. Lawley. On Monday he received, through his private secre tary, a letter from Mr. Lawley, containing what be considered a satisfactory denial of the most serious charge—namely, that of speculating in the funds while private secretary of the Chancellor of the Ex chequer. This letter he sent to the Duke of New. SATURDAY, castle, stating that he thought its terms conclusive. So matters stood until that morning, when he re ceived a communication from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, whence it appeared that Mr. Lawley, according to his own confession, had been engaged in transactions in the funds within the last few months. The charge was, that he had availed him self of his official knowledge. He (Sir George) had no reason to believe such to be the case. He was informed that the speculations were losing, not gaining, and the disclosure was his own act. But he had felt it to be his imperative duty to advise her Majesty to revoke the appointment, confessing his unfeigned regret for the whole transaction, and ac knowledging his own res p o nsibility for everything that had been done. The Colonial Secretary left the case to the consideration of the house. Sir J. PAILINGTON acknowledged the candour mani fested in the explanations offered by Sir G. Grey, but enlarged upon the necessity of selecting for high colonial employment men of proved talent and irre proachable character. These conditions, he sub nutted, were not fulfilled in the case of Mr. Lawley, even leaving out of sight his lately-discovered trans actions on the Stock Exchange. After the an nouncement that the appointment would be can celled, he should not make any specific motion on the subject. Mr. S. WORTLEY, as a relative of Mr. Lawley, gave some further particulars touching his conduct, and confessed that the chief object of his friends in recommending him to accept the colonial appoint ment was to get him out of harm's way " This appointment was obtained by Mr. Lawley entirely by his own exertions. No influence was used to obtain it for him—no application was made to the Colonial-office on the part of any of his friends or relatives. It was his merits and his services during the eighteen months which he had been a most able, efficient, and valuable secretary to the Chancellor of the Exchequer which had pointed him out for the appointment in question. He (Mr. S. Wort ley) first heard that the appointment was to the governor ship of Western Australia, and he remonstrated, as a relative, against so promising a young man expatriating himself in that way. He then heard that he was to go to South Australia, and then he and other relatives gave their consent. When Mr. Lawley received the appointment of Secretary to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he rejoiced in the opportunity which that appointment would give him of withdrawing from the turf. But that was a resolution which unfortunately could not easily be accomplished. He had a strong desire to retire from the turf, and it was for that purpose that he (Mr. S Wortley) and the family agreed that Mr. Lawley, who they thought could do much better in this country, should expatriate himself. He thought that, with his station, his fortune, his talents, and, above all, his seat in Parliament, it was no small sacrifice on the part of Mr. Lawley to talce such an appointment. He was, however, advised to accept it." The Recorder of London proceeded to confess that Mr. Lawley's indiscretion rendered him unfit for the proposed office, or any other just now, but submitted that no worse fault had been proved against him, and that he stood perfectly exonerated from the grave charge of having used the information derived from his official position in directing his speculative opera tions. Mr. Wortley then read various testimonials from high authorities to the abilities and merits of Mr. Lawley. He also felt the necessity of stating that, "until a late hour last night, neither his own family nor any member of the Government could have been at all aware of his transactions in the funds." Mr. DISRAELI unwillingly referred to so painful a subject, but felt it his duty to defend Sir J. Paking• ton from the charge of want of straightforwardness in not declaring the precise nature of the charge he was about to make. He submitted that the com se of that right honourable baronet had been completely justified. Mr. BRIGHT was assured that Sir J. Pakington had done no more than his sense of public duty de manded upon the subject. He then censured the selection of Mr. Lawley, irrespective of his personal conduct, but on the public ground that the governor ship of an important colony ought not to have been conferred upon a functionary whose abilities had never been tested, and who had sat for two years an absolutely silent member in that house. Mr. ADDERLEY considered the Government highly blameable for their loose and careless administration of colonial patronage. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER took upon himself the responsibility of having originally stood sponsor to the Duke of Newcastle for Mr. Lawley's fitness for the high functions afterwards offered him. From his own knowledge of that gentleman's talents, acquired in the course of their official connection, Mr. Gladstone felt convinced that his recommenda tion was not unwarranted, and he detailed the nature and extent of Mr. Lawley's services to substantiate that conviction:— " There was something in the very term of private secre tary to the Chancellor of the Exchequer which did not do justice to the case. His right hon. friend (Sir C. Wood) near him, who had filled the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the right hon. gentleman the member fox Buckinghamshire, could corroborate his assertion, that the daties of private secretary to the Chancellor of the Ex- -