The Press. — London, England, 1854-04-15 00:00:00

APRIL 15, 1854: anticipated on the occasion, and if the conduct of her Majesty's Government with respect to other measures which 1 shall deem it my duty to oppose be influenced by the same feeling and regulated by the same policy, I can i promise the noble lord that he will experience from me opposition as mitigated as on the present occasion. (' Hear,' and cheert.) Although sitting on this aide of the house, I shall never shrink from exercising my best efforts to vindicate the opinions of my friends upon any measure they msy think obnoxious to the public welfare, if brought forward by the noble lord. And I can assure the noble lord I am little disposed, after the address he has made, to Yew in any spirit of acerbity his present conduct. ((Ceers.) Althoug'i it is usually my duty to be seated opposite to the noble lord, no one in this house 1 can say most sincerely has a more heartfelt respect for him. I think his character and career are precious possessions of the House of Commons, which I am sure the members of this house will . always cherish. (Cheers.) Ar.d wherever he sits he will be accompanied by the respect of every member of this house, and I think the manner to-night in which he has made what was evidently a painful communication to the house is in every way worthy of the noble lord. But although perfectly satisfied with the course her Majesty's Ministers propose to take with respect to the bill, and although the feeling which I have endeavoured imperfectly to express with regard to the noble lord is most sincere, still I feel it my duty to express my conviction that all that the noble lord has said to-night has not met the real difficulty of his position. All the influences which he has informed us to-night have induced him to take a course so opposite to that which he originally contemplated were in existence throughout the whole of the session, and, there fore, I. am obliged to ask the noble lord how it was, that yielding now to these influences, the noble lord and his colleagues felt justified in bringing forward this bill for parliamentary reform ? The noble lord has expressed to night a variety of causes which have induced him to adopt this final step. Did they not exist when Parliament met? Did they not exist on the 13th of February, when the noble lord, in spite of every warning and remonstrance, deter mined to place that measure in detail before Parliament and the country? Why, on the first night of the session,the noble lord was met by general appeals not to pursue the course he had indicated. He was told that a state of war was one which rendered that period the most inopportune to discuss a measure of organic change in the constitution of the country. The noble lord would not listen to those appeals, and even with good-humoured ingenuity main tained, by instances and arguments, that a state of war was particularly well qualified and adapted for such discus sions—that, the public mind being distracted from ques tions of parliameutery reform, it was possible to devise a measure without being so much influenced by popular opinion as under ordinary circumstances. Not content with laying down the principle that being in a state of war was anything but objectionable under the circumstances, he frankly showed us that war with Russia was peculiarly a condition favourable to a state of things for discussing and deliberating on a measure of this kind. The noble lord to-night said there was some force in a remark of mine in a former debate, as to the inconvenience of laying on the table of the house a measure of importance, and then not proceeding with it—a measure which brands, may say, almost one-siath part of the members of this house. In a country like this, where so much depends on prescription, the noble lord must feel that for her Majesty's Ministers to bring forward a measure which shakes the influence of prescription is a hazardous enterprise, and one not warranted, unless there is a fair prospect of succeeding with the measure, and of substituting for the power and influence you destroy or abrogate the new power and influence whieli, in your opinion, was beneficially to operate on the Go vernment of the country. Now, what is parliamentary reform? We are in the habit of so familiarly using the phrase, that we are too apt to forget its exact meaning. Why, after all, it is a measure fur the reconstructing Parliament, and to effect a change in the principal de positary of power in the State. A measure of parliamen• tarp reform virtually says to large classes of the people, Yon do not possess political power—you ought to possess political power. and this is a measure to give it to you.' On the other hand, it says to other extensive classes, ' You do possess political power—you ought not to possess it, and we are going to take that political power you now wield from you.' These are grave questions. if such a m easure were introduced by an independ e n t member, it would be merely a simple political thesis for a debating society, and it would not affect public opinion. But when brought forward by a minister, and a minister of the great reputation and renown of the noble lord, every person who is told that, not possessing political power, he ought to possess power, and that Government p ro p ose to give it to him by their measure, if he does not receive it feels from that moment he is a person aggrieved and deprived of his rights. You are thus producing a disaffected class from this proposition of the government. On the other hand every one whose franchise is threatened by such a measure, every corporation and every individual who is threatened, that man and that corporation, when told that Government does not intend to proce ed with the measure which is to deprive hint of a power he has long exercised, will look upon the Government as his enemy. in fact as . a set . of persona who, when they have the power, will deplt rive him of a right of franchise he so much values. is clear, therefore,. when her Majesty's Ministers make a proposition of that nature, and do not proceed with it, they are creating disaffection amongst some, dislike amongst others. The Ministers are, in fact, weakening the constituted rin authoes institutions of the country and enfe eblin g the established of the land. That I hold to be an unwise course. (Hear, hoar.) The noble lord complains of the apathy with which the country received his measure of re form. lin we have always been told that we should legislate on this question when there was no excitement, no passion in the country, and that the proper time for amending our reprenta that coun t ry, system was when the publ i c mind was tranquil, so _ 11.1.1 THE PRESS. statesmen might be undisturbed in their consideration of the question. The apathy of the public is, therefore, a new argument for not proceeding with such a measure. There was another reason urged by the noble lord which astonished me. I understood the noble lord to complain of the opposition which the measure received in the House of Commons. Now, what 1 complain of is, that no oppor tunity was given us of discussing the question." Lord J. Russet!. : I spoke of the indisposition of the house to entertain the question. Mr. Dimas:Li : I cannot understand how the noble lord arrives at the fact of the indisposition of the house to entertain the question. The noble lord advised the Sove reign to notify in the speech from the throne that this measure of parliamentary reform would be brought forward. That was, of comae, the most solemn way of introducing the measure to Parliament. Ido not suppose any one can complain that the mode in which the announcement was made on the first night of the session was discouraging to the minister. An appeal was made to the minister not to bring forward the measure in the present exigencies of the country. but the minister would not listen to it. The minister brought forward his measure, laid it. on the table, and told them that that was the measure he had to intro duce, but that he deprecated discussion of it at that time. I think a great deal of inconvenience was the curare quenee of the minister bringing forward a measure of such importance without ever being subjected to the slightest criticism. The principles of the measure may be most fallacious. I believe the principles on which the Govern ment founded their measure were rnostfallacions. (Hear, hear.) But no opportunity was given the house for ex pressing an opinion upon it. A day, to be sure, was fixed by the Government for the discussion of it, but the oppor tunity was never given. (Haar, hear.) When, then, did the noble lord find the indisposition he complained of to exist? Was the indisposition on the benches behind him? (" Hear," sad a laugh.) 1 will not 9.8 k whether it was on the noble lord's own bench, because it seems we must not use anything like a taunt, as to the sincerity of the Govern ment as reformers. (Haar, hear.) The indisposition may have been on the benches behind the noble lord. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord and his friends are very apt to call us who sit on the Opposition benched anti.reformers. But you must remember that you have never given us an oppor pity of expressing an opinion on the subject. 1. therefore, beg the country to understand that the indisposition to reform in this house, so far as we have any evidence, is confined entirely to the Ministerial side. (Cheers.) 1 beg the house to remark that the whole of the reasons expressed by the noble lord for relinquishing the measure to-night were reasons that existed with equal force on the meeting of Parliament, and also on the L th of February, when the noble lord introduced the measure. I deny that any member of the Cabinet can advance the state of the country at pre sent as a reason for not proceeding with the measure. The noble lord has very properly vindicated himself from the absurd suspicion of being the only parliamentary reformer in the Cabinet, and as if he had introduced the measure merely to vindicate his personal honour. The noble lord called attention to the fact that the Government of Lord Aberdeen was founded on promises of a large measure of reform. It was not merely out of deference to the noble lord that the Government of Lord Aberdeen wasformed an the principle of a large measure of parliamentary reform. A very distinguished member of the Cabinet made a large measure of reform the condition of his joining the Govern ment, and the noble lord at the head of the Government unequivocally pledged himself to a large measure of parlia mentary reform. 1 want to know the cireunistences under which the Government of Lord Aberdeen made that promise. Were they circumstances of less peril than the present? Were they less serious? was the conjuncture less menacing'? (Hear.) It was well known the Govern ment believed that not only war but invasion wee to be ap prehended. No one will pretend that a war v ith France is not a much more awful affair than a war with Russia ; yet, with a war with France impending, the present Go vernment was formed on the promise of a large measure et reform. ( Hear.) Did that principle not serve them? Could they have formed their cabinet except upon that principle, or could they have carried on the Government for six months unless that had been the principle upon which it was established ? ( Hear.) But for that principle could they have possessed, not merely the great administrative ability of the right hon. baronet the First Lord of the Ad• miralty, but the statesmanship and other attributes even of the Chief Commissioner of Public Works, and the fruits of those studies which Bentham inspired and Grote guided? (Cheers and laughter.) A few months afterwards we had the financial measures of the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer brought forward—measures which, according to the noble lord's statement to-night, formed the excuse for not proceeding with parliamentary reform in the first year of the present Government. A tae, extremely odious in the mode of levying it, was introduced into this house. It is well known that an overwhelming majority against the imposition of that tax occupied those benches on which the supporters of the Government must do congregate. Did they not say that they disapproved of an unmodified income tax, and that they only voted for it from having got a promise of a large measure of reform ? I say, therefore, that parliamentary reform was the principle upon which the Government was formed. without which the Cabinet could not have existed. and without which the administration of affairs could not have been carried on. I say. also, that a pledge was given, and that at a time when the state of our external relations was not lees menacing but rather, I think, more perilous than it is at present. ( Hear.) Nevertheless, I must tray for myself that lam glad the noble lord has relinquished his measure. What is the moral we ought to draw from all these circumstances" I think we ought tncometo at least this salutary conclusion —that though no one can question the honour sod aincerity of the noble lord who has so identified his name with the great subject of reform that in history they will be associated together. yet that the country will think there ham been too much levity for party purposes in dealing with this question cos. (Near, hear. of organic change. Cheers.) I hope the noble lord sill not Pawned in the course of which we had some intimation to-mght—of postponing for a short indefinite time the e. n sideratiou of this question or parliamentary reform. I think it would be much better if the noble lord—who has already made two attempts at reform not sanctioned by the country —allowed the question altogether to drop, and not fatherless himself by another pledge. (.1 laugh.) igotrithstanding his bitter experience, the noble lord has actuany embarrassed himself and his colleagues by a premise that he would take Rs early an oppottuuity as possible for introducing the question. ( Hew, haw.) I think that an unwise course. t" Hear," frau the Miaisreisi aids %) You cheer, but do von not. think that that is the best way of getting rid of the dif ficulty? You who ask for reform by instalments should not favour this new system by which reformers may get rid of their pledges by iustelruente. (Cheers and laughter.) lt might be better for the noble lord to say, th at, had made a great e ff ort to Nil his pledge, he would bid farewell to parliamentary reform for the present. The ex perience of the last two years must surely have taught you that you are not one whit nearer obtaining a amour. of parliamentary reform in consequence of having had the pledge of a statesman to introduce one. (Hoar.) lou cannot obtain such a Challge as that which you desire unless a great pre.peacieniece of public opinion demands it. Why then embarrass the tiovennueut by swilling on a pledge of this kind ? The noble lord will pardon me for saying that it would be, more statesmanlike if, alter all he has done, and I may say after all he has sutfered—sith his sincerity, unquestioned and his honour intact—he did not embarrass the Government and himself with pledges on the question. I think front all that has occurred the noble lord might draw this lesson, that noromister should embarrass himself with pledges mei oly for party purposes, and to animate fob lower*, who must uuw feel that a measure of this great national importance depends on something more solemn than the word of any individual, however sincere, or how ever great. (Cadres.) Sir G. GREY remarked upon the uselessness of pro longing the debate, as Lord J. Russell had wished only to obtain an expression of opinion up n his con • duct from the Liberal members. This had been pro n unced, and a gratifying assurance of continued confidence given on their part. He believed that they were willing and was convinced they would be justified in leaving the cause to the honest discretion of the Government. The SECRETARY AT WAR drew a distinction between apathy and distraction. The public, he contended, had not lost their interest in reform, but it was for the moment eclipsed by their treater interest in war. He added some vindication of his personal consis tency on the question. Sir J. PAXINGTON, after a brief personal compli ment to Lord J. Russell, remarked upon the divided councils in the Cabinet, to which lie attributed not not only the vacillating conduct with regard to reform, but the war into which the country was plunged. After a few words from Mr. hlicovrooa, Lord J. RUSREIT acknowledg4 d the cordial spit* with which hit statement had been received by the house. The motion was then Agreed to. The same subject was touched upon briefly in the House of Peers on the same evening. The Earl of HARDWICRE introduced it with a question to the Prime Minister inquiring whether it was true that the bill was abandoned; and if so, on what ground had it been abandkzeil The Earl ofAsisaumn : My lords, l ban eiesage= it desirable not to trouble your lordships tirades of a measure not furmaily before you. The anallinne to which the noble earl has referred was itemised into the other home of Parliament ; and though I em ready to answer any question which the noble earl may wish le put, I did itot furl it Moan-dent on use to Ming it before your tierd• ships' attention. In answer to the quesaitia,af as. .odlde earl on this subject I have to sietemies4 hem Wad Ow than once, that, in compliance wiilrita liseiandis commendation made by her Itijelipie but wire Isom dot throne, her Majesty's Ministers wpm! end itimodemode measure which, in their opinion, me Mt* M 11111111 he ob ject indicated by the Queen in her womb, flit Aloelegtoo tations which the public had entertained witheeigem to it. (Bear, heir.) They have seen no ream 40 liter the opinion they have entertained respective.** ehreeeter of that measure so introduced. It is tree. ea ehesibile earl sass, that the measure has been, I will mese, elmeilated, but withdrawn for this session—(Hear, hear).-0411. diew sequence of any change of opinion with asepeekheelia Im portance or character, but from what nova ateeillet to all your lordships, that, in the interestal den saesexee of reform itself, this was clearly not the time vim iteeeldhy possibility be pushed forward witlinny hip et teimmelo. ( H ear , h ea r.) Whether that war voNdtito ita progress be light or notAisis is elttelkl6l66llllllotio must maintain the osilleees etatelieseleteile reason io itself for eoeyseeeelitetraillt the of measures essential see ampetiiuldltrdlo bieetle Alhe country, still I must admit that, if dielatite diretao in disposes Parliament amigo giving inaltion to a n important saga*. ilia Idle lempeesible tom at t upon the attention ofolds eoustry. (New, hear.) these eircumetanom, efM eritliost in Aram* lemisfehiag the importance udfdalledlollo, of w) nab to es oertain the same rill11101114111.10111111111111MIllebellobegew" fwhich we eke, 1111111111111iSdianitataelt elealseme thought it indispesaliblato= sent session, reatlMhlt to either this or Dome iluiraisollateillase , expedient, as early the Mile et sbo public stied d Pathissra will ambits mho &eolith ave. seam 341