The Express. — London, England, 1850-06-29 00:00:00

g m law of nati,ne." That was the deals. " '"•• g mer the revolutims of 1789. (Hoer.) This 11 ,• frivol . F rog g &Weed is 1792, end ma .sstatics tf , "' h ,a But on the Ihilt of November, 111% I "' 1, Mt " What is the how gen*. ot. k differeat coots*. f r .ra that we, the Hesse Gsmseestg • re favosrshle the efforts ar 010 sheig WO • mo •• es Jeavian to Isla himself hi the Nall ▪ • , ` ro ue that ',relay shah soder the se semi sat • .. pas ear sought to nosh is kiss all those .4. se fLoclienwa eeseidor to be the rip ,e •• : t r .t satete mg given to as " What was the t Na mitioll of FtWie? It MOIIIO4 that the „ g hee wito4 grant potashes to all who • lawn. The bus. gentleman will &Mal tteillittuat : the Frank shifted thole • • •••t g • es to thee safaris; in the Goose of • j West courts did the French take in 1:f• •: . •s ei o.: the indignities ezeilend by their :•• • ' b • ns !anal c •,1111135 declared, in 1791, . • • ▪• • won't arches while in soy manner with cons ot other tuataras end that it would ire own ruins sooner Ikea allow sag O ff : ere with it." (Cheat) They re'ne• • - other railer to interseedlle with that intersel ,nr • ! hey thitt:ain say wish to intermeshes .1.1 or other nait•oss. They withdrew the iris •.. seam a she 111th of November ire ;.s tm Nana they Lund that st excited indi tow principle that Mr. Fox issesassi • the poke of bronswick; it wee spas rho ▪ down bs Vaal that he draosamil re taw s : the Doke of Besnewick. (Neer, lash) ".; then, to make to Use sedges oil relinquish the principle of now* re:a m J re is tsvose of the principle of NM • t . 1 1:e we /repaid to deelar• ia gavotte of that • Mr :sin the name of legitimacy the tramp b,. .„ r s ought t crush is theta all those pewees I t- • I.ll=ea essaider to be the very birthright %sea to es Rear, hear, and mini...odd o • most masse undertaking en the pan if It yoo do claim that right, pme irritative right to other powers ▪ . • ZilerallMat CJltsider what is the beefs sl We are he.eg in the aeigkhourheed of s • repuhlie tic T may be prosperous sad a:. power—which mantras the dartriat. L . :ococatatest wi h sell-government, that sieuteat with :01f-government. If I eh* ~:r. does my hotioas of self- g misname fats !.. :. i •tu. ran I des, the right of those natiose r r 101111111 of mit, Mernmeat istg the egg .. them ? lialiellect our mani:old relations with ▪ i l y ' , ter, Tana of the globe. Recollect tar . h ...h Amence. Rtaillect our monarchial outset with republican America, Ammissa .!_ • •., :want dithr from ours. Anagram so «.:•:....rnmest go to the **test that there ought sod tar: all clews should have the g • .0 • tete is the governs's= of the coustry. If . of 'monarchical ffOY. rutin oa despotic .. • • T./Mbar , Ito remonstrate &seise! the Gaited .:r as taro the colonies of Grist Britain her . :: •of whet constitutes telt goverment. (Rem) mutat esotad toyosta Europe ? We govern Are we to admit the right of other Aswan . h. I 41104 Of 0111Igov•rament os than? e•• a policy, to attempt to interfere with the • of o her countries, or to hold the doctrine ad by Mr. For by Loral Grenville, by . sr I L to Ceetareagh—ot tton-litterve titian In Are thee: principles be he limited to Europe. • thou" because it is convenient to do OD / r Dr. Bowing to real koala on political Chn.a. ? (" near, hear," sod laughter.) '..ov.nument then, end we have these a ~;.., rad in political eassemy. and shall we invite L.r. Coins in the duties of selfigovernateat. ad yriacipks ageism which I protest, sad to n. piny to. welt, you are deporiag tram • ',.:ike.p• .4 of England, and ievole*/ are is a ht. la 1 rite no sad, sad you are girls, ao all • —1 Ira edam by encooraging other coma* is for sessitaes issued of nuking efforts them : .h eoastitstional freedom an which day ol by their own ezertions, and by whisk is. 1. For all Rase remora I give ay dissent, t -.ter% to this metiers. I take the *mess -^.se I have en all oaten, of net :'.l:3lty by Saha. I have rated the :ti•o• I *wee the resolution, the carrying of ito Woo couclustoos imam • nt with the oaf, eni which could tot b dried law :1! - loss at dewier lathe best intestates( LOS • s ar.l totatics•d &we.) IC--ELL—Before I address myself to the nth ••• .• ec, 1 must take so:* of the insinuattase • nt txr.. gentleman, the member for the oNtn.d, that we were unwilli: g to enter on c unfairly proposed to the hon member LT • i-•, that he shonld bring forward a riesoln•ias N w, sir, the position in which we were •• Lit., difiloulty. I have not denied, nor • is itions of the government as regarded or nay with the resolution of the I. -at spew these grounds, and as 71 the e& jeer by this nos.* could have . . pled in eon relations. Bat it sp. notsiLg that I have heard ties changed .: when a motion of comae was brought Ly a great party, oommahlieg a majority l:.. . ..., , L; .~: , 11.• r•tf.C", It@ 1 • : • Lk :- ~, ~ .. f..: . h..c :rt'• ft •. sad hseing at all tines considerable nuniben • . it it wcald have been right actordiagtoallthe prin. c. .‘ rf jariee and oper.neas that it should have been -:`.lLn oaly 10 ills how when the Minister for • :• Adsirs wu absent, bat also in that in which ►e was ;.. . 'Loud cheers.) I awl say that such a coarse ,t,tctJ Irma the hos. member for Buckingham. c. • ou this occasion, because during the time be ma the levier of his party, since the death r bird George Bootjack, I have always found him a opreent really to talc- issue on every great querfoo, • not seeklog by se •sl.ri er subterfuge to ascii the deci• .! this house, even although he might deem that the t r:ty wean not support him. (Hear, hear.) Bat it e appear to ma, from the great tenderness which the .ca. sentleman the member for the University of Oi -1 7. to shown to the tour., which has hien pursued, that Seta rather of Lis ordering. He seemed. by throw• •r. •field of ►it prometion over the hon. member for : . e.. in claim the parentage of this emus. I do not L.:. tta a fair course ; and U we are to Lave the right tz itt'..k man the member ter the University of Oxford to roc.-:: the d.bites ore the pert of that great party, I am afraid we must sot aspect from him the same fairness - I.' tee •. tad etteert)-sal was exhibited by the hon. member f., L: it. .ang the tine he wee their leader. I thick the tie-' • '. 'tideless could Lordly expect that I, or any of e• t• ace... se.uld note a vote of censure or of omfidence w • •• r. of to our foreign polity. The hon. member for f ••-' '. feelieg the difficalty to which the country was is .. ' cam. turward with a li en of his own as an 1- an-. in.: mealier, nor woe t e : P latql more iladepOldeStly Zia I.i Cob nil I) . vas in 1911, when he moved a residue I. .c of the mete of oar foreign relations. I accepted that rao v.: ts a 4e: aration with regard to • policy not his owe, se he et , - eil eau opereds, but the policy pursued by the govern s. u ion-, tot th e etitdemt of affairs, and I find scrordingly Le. .e smile is" that the ptinciplee on which the foreign tcy of Ler X ajerx's merriment hie bun regulated have ie tech as weft ealcohted to maintain Ume honour end itu. -y or the mute'', sad, in times of unexampled difli ts'' to peewee peeve between England and the yahoos sea Jr.. of the +wire." Here there is no laying down of a d• reta. to dr:heater of opinion as he entertains it, bat • tht...e. t t'..at the principles which have guided the /o ilman% were rub as wen eikuhtted to maintain the klZ,2t of to touttry r d the peace of the world. The leat ....ft, thing...re, of the speech of the right hen, gentle- Mia Oa meremt hi Timer rth ousts to me eutirely nainitod le the impost veasloo,-'hear)-beeause whatever soy be tie reprieve. the lon. member for Sheffield, whether they Fri on wr , o7, he het not plead before the hem - a re. it:stna efahnli, ice three minions, but has referred to the trcourse pureed by the government, whirls by WOW has yens iii ernemes. There le ono despitik le Mrs priatipes we MA dawn Signswil WI ONO 10 Vida a. NMI Lae. !menet Me Isenbet lit Tea mai Ciao alluded, sod slush he aye ere atrary to t'.ose eateresdned by , Mr. I " . L ' ia 6 ,""i i'. Mr 'fanning, and other eiminent IN •!**12•11- . 1 . • Per. -,:,,,,, lied deem b a y my noble b e ad '• " that as red.'''. A .stria the Italian totes were eati.:•i! • re..h their indepin4etioe," and while assertion the ,aincip:e it was coupled with one equally andaniahle. that ev. Ty *sem iga has • r: ht to melte reels refines adlas Le hicks ese goadocive to the geed of hie psepie L i e n nit r rovertneat hoe a right to rostrala then, me ae er,:asest Yearling,: be ready to —th de fe r was tie.. troth I. " (The above ma 11 "4 wwl by the zoble lord.) Why, therefore, should lb' R U t oa. baronet tt.• memb er for Taiaweeth. la Y t •-, Jr. he elvirld pane*, tare aide bus the es ...4 4,we by tae 'overman, sad leek them is Its wriestma of the boa. member for Shield ? The r.,eLt tv.a harmer wet not acting fairly tame me is ally ilW'r of the realm. which he gave he mono, this resole- Ak. bat which we re o f as mare men tam thin slss it Se • reflection ea the P arnedie l 10 to my that the present goverment have swat & no: the harmer of the errantry and the peace of the ! , ' ,1 :4- ILI% a indeed a far fetched conclasion. ' Hear, !te . w. - bad deers) I oats °capered or pro 4: i i a rose. Pe 6 ,-.701 10141.1 foe its object a censure on the policy L 7 toy. remint and if any owe had asked me what was ay. Ire' al the conduct read ad Aberdeeu, I should have "hi eel, toat thnueh I differed with him in to pestles "' 6 tp. sad thought them not well ered, yet that L L' ` ll7, leenairre ol h gh is policy was such as to maintain the I. :v.., of the country and the peace of the world. I had tat. , 4 •040.1411 in oh+ an ing that opinion, d I said so in rid often to thum who spoke to me u p on th e se bj ee t It 'fflimrs M is. that th ere hoe beesbe lately a tea= 1 in this country to depreciate English objects, 7 rim weight to cammunitations from foreign powers, i t hetaum in relatiun to ifecredible armies, and seas. em se regards diplomat'. c atfideneee which ought l' , cue. Men kept secret. The constant caeillisg easiest l r. r aernm eot of thie nun' , y has ea eafacteast• effect cot .. e it.e opinion of the public, but on these who are in the l •,I ..1 tsliiss pen la political trarsarnions. I think there ;'' • luailenit wend at this La the Omsk papers which are be . the hoes,. Although I an afraid 1 skill "Aar the omen of the right here. gentleman the THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, JUNE 29, 1850. member far the I:aim** of Paid is endemei laagnep el Frahm la Ile atZtlemear ,Man s my that I think it le • Ikea people ha be great levers of ten*, mil MUM Elell Wept* they ere sup rb , 16 all Mika/. Tel , if yen loch at the reports of what Wtakes plus in Green, yea wails& that warp witness emempel and dieseedited who speak enema* of this sionts7. Sir Ballead Lyeas, s amilessa irbe hes dietin =kimealf pftiMlinlllo.4l MIS of the highest and great ability—auto:44 that Imbed adopted every sissy whisk he get from hearsay, and that no weight was to his given to his spialons. If it is a lieutenant in *seem who Isola indignant a' insults offered to the es whisk he Weep he Is laughed at aadridienaled C liga h l t s tulike propensities. (Rear, hem.) If it ie the Mei& sound who tills • Greek police- floor who ventures se newt that no " thumbeerews ' were need that he had aasa we. taken through the streets in that condition, his animiat is doubted, beams, he is an Englialesaa, and the Mistesseat of • Greek pilimerticer, whien is opposed to -.het was a notorious feet, is laid before parliament. (Rear, hear.) I sank,. I feel • little indignant at sack conduct. •I any, whatever may be the faults of the Englishmen, however homey pay little attenoion to the sages of other antissa, and It mover overhearing he may he towards limos wines he thinks lithely* to himmdf is his privileges and his advantages, yet is his distinguishing mark his hive of truth. In the criminal trials of this country. as wog pared with thou of other mantels., we perceive the same tendency to truth. If this be eh I ask whether parliament will come to • formal resolution on the anumption that every Greek is to he believed and every Englielsinan die credited. Then Mr. Fiala', another Englishman, says that the arbitration in tie Vale did not go on, although be was ready to take • pries for his lend similar to that which was paid to others in the same situ Won, bat the Greek government would not anent to it. The right hos. gentleman the member for the Doi verity of Oxford does not notice thin, bat relies on K Grog, who was not present, and obtained his informs ion meoachkand from M. Privilegis, and says. what " dose it •Leeify what Sir Binned Lyons or Mr. Wyse say, because I bane Greek authority for the fact." ( gese, hear.) I avert that during the time the arbitration was going on M. Oros was not ia Athena, sad coati only have obtained kis infor matioa from that gentleman (K. Privilegia), which I tOotend is decisive. I do not prove* to go ie.to the claims of Mr. !inlay and M. Pacifico. But wino respect to the !assertion of the right bon. goitlenian, the member for the Usiversity of Oxford, that Mr. Sudsy changed hie ground from 1848 4 , 3 1348, I think in the very letter which the right hou. g. int mut quoted, Uwe is ea assertion exactly similar to t. at which he ma :e I. 1848, namely, that he (veld not bays justice frost the Omsk tribunals, because, as i: was the maniac of the Greek tribunals that the King wee in lawful possession of hie lead, it was impossible that they timid give him any compensition for that land. And the sentence occurs between two bestowal., which the right ken. gentleman read, hut which he most unfortunately overlook-d. 11.:r• is the statement, "With reference to my now carrying the claim helots the Greek tribunal., they mast page over any aid ire of my property, and mast act on the einvic.ion that the kiss can do no wrong." (" Go oat") Weil, I will go on, but I moat say this was mere than the usual cave of an unfair quotation. I have certainly seen we. here of this hews, wishing to nuke out their caves. reed to • c• nein point, and not read the remainder, *ankh tea simian them, but the right hon. gentleman went something beyond this, because he read a paragraph at the bn„inning, sad another alike end.—(gnu, hear.) Well, I will go on M. Coleco:nod knows that the expense and d lay of bricigiog a ease before the warts of law between a subject and the Crown for damage., when the damage was let did before 1843, is tantamount to a denial of justice.—(hear, Now the light hon. gentlemen fixed upon thou words, which are at the beginning of the sentence, and he talked of expose. and delay, and said, (tidy enough, if that was the may argument, expense and delay are common to oth e r esuatries, as well as to Greece, and Mr Finlay has no right to say that junk: has bean (lonia But the: is not all Mr. Fielay'a atatunent. Mr. Finlay's statement Is that there le impeate and delay, and that with regard to cuss that at stirred betore 1843, he seat get no redress. And Mr. rinlas's cue was this (as the right houcurable irentletaan invites me to go into it), his cave was that, in 1838 or 1837, the King. beteg entirely arbitrary and an pule his land was seized. Ile was tell that it was of 113.1111 at' for the ireetion of the palace foe the king, and be app'ied th have • fair price for that land. D.d they tell him to go before the tribunals and claim it? Nothing of the kind. They said, "we have not taken your land- you are per. hotly mietaken, we do not want the land, and it is still yours." Well, he weal Cu visit Lis land, and he found he could not get on it. I: was geed by workout, and he was effectually excladed. Anil having VIM en in this way for some time, he at length wrote • litter to the noble lard then at the heed of the F-reign.ofile.e. The right boa gentleman the member for Garold said this was not • ease for the law of nation', it was a till for the Woo, biomes* ant therefore never should have Deus oin.uned between the t.o governments. But the rgbt hon. grateman left out ore fact—namely, that the appeal was made, not to my noble friend, but to tbe Doi of Abirdeen, and that Lord Aber deen, instead of 'vying to Mr. Fini .y " take your cue balers the tribunals," sail to Sir imand Lyons, "sew your &sod offices to obtain redress for Mr. Fieley." Therefore, the act of makieg this a question of di ploma:it interventoe —of diplomatic negotiation—eas the act of the Bail of Aberdeen, and nut of Lord l'aimirston. (Load cheers.) That was another little circumstance which was ocakte I by the right hon. gentleman. In no way did Mr. Flai.y obtain any redress. The arbitrary end despotic power of the king was conclu rive against his obtaining • fair price for his land. At !elands toe reiraution took place, anti about ten years after the land had bee* takes he is told, "Yin may wow go before the tribunal." " Why," he said, .' if you bad told me that in 1837 or 1833. and the king would have allowed this question to be fairly tried, I should have been glad or that permischo, but teli:ig me now in Ib4S, when the ease will be attended with i&- pew and delay which is to prevent my having Janice, is only a mockery of my claim." And then the right bin. gentleman calls that an alteration of Mr. Finlay's ground. And new without alarming the house by as) log that I shall go at all into the case of K. Pacifizv, 1 must fay that the way in which that question has been brought forward as against the present government is one *lath my hoe. friend the member fey Southampton said would hardly be allowed in a court of law. The first question with regard to this claim is, has this man suffered a grime, injury and wrong ? The second question is, Can we obtain from the ordinary course of justice where be is resident a remedy for that wrong ? Tuttle are the two important ques tions, sad I think, if you look at M. Pac.tios's clan& in reused to this question, you will find that his wrong w.s a grievous one, and you will find in the neat place that he c told not procure tams for it in the ordinary courts of justice. But the hoeourable gentlemen and the noble lords who argue this question, leave then claims entirely out of eight, and they go epee a third vial, no doubt of some important*, that the claim is exaggerated in amount. Why, be may have claimed an exaggerated &motet. I will not now dispute that question with you, but, suppose he hue been claiming an exaggerated amount if the two first points are decided in his favour, that he has suffered a grievous wrung, sod that he =net obtain redress—l lay, according to all the principles of the law of nstions, he is entitled to redeem. And now what was the instruction that my noble friend gave when he first heard of this claim? Ile said get from this gentleman en mount of his 100, sad if it is a fair claim, ask for a reassemble amount of compensation. Tnst leas the sub stance of my noble friend's instruction. Well, now, with regard to these claims, let me state that es these claims have been denied, and as we have been told—but not by the right hon. gentleman who spoke last—l will do him the justice to say that he takes no such gronad—but as W justice of these claims has been dialed, yet I dO assert that it has been in conformity with the mares of this nation—it has been in conformity with the usages of all the other civilised nations of Europe and of the world to seek for remedy and redress from the government of the country In which the loss is sustained. With regard to the United States of America, I fad that from 1830 there have been no less than 16 casts in which redress has been asked for in respect to the Were@ of their subjects. With nape* to Frame every one knows that the strong ish. measures have been taken when Freesia subjects les* i.e. injured, and there was but lately a claim en the part of France on amnia of the property of French subjects destroyed at Naples—destroyed, nut by the government, but during a riot which the gemeles. nest were amble te sappier and compensation was granted In test lessees. Welt , new ; an hen. gentleman asked me • awake yesterday with regime te our claims upon Naples, sad it so happens that there has e within this day or two a Met telt giving as memeat of the state of those claims. We es made • menet to the court of Naples to hare indemnity foe esrtaia British residents at 31soles whose goods were destroyed by the temlsa•vhsent of ere place. Tee Naples Meister of Foreign Affairs said he was • "'' • with the principle which had been gait, 'Wig ii - apea laid time by the mow Immo Odeet - Debi* sewaely, that sesermaties theeld be awarded for the leis .f sash property es wee It el. without esilleient seesseity, whether hatideehel* ethereles. Bat It et happened that these wow WM at that asoferenee. Ilan me the Mr sil l = m 11: minister of Frau*, sad tfe witabSse of AGMs Loa vim did the minister of PreeseseleCrieleiseity P They 'mid that the puperty of toreigesee pissed is the wesehems of a toseign port had always bus eseeldeeed seder the igullup 01 the go verment at whose pert It ess wase mod that ma pessaries timid be weed; peeeleg Mealy that such a *Mph, was wasymd. It wpm. theverote, that the Cries whisk ere pmeassial wee set only sot beyond, wte le sahib, the kiw if sathes In June 1848 claims were made by the Neagellas wadi conceded by the French E=iwieSsOnbisail by Novelties subjects in the Pasis es leg ilieleales.Whoo that aloha woo made the Palultemeemek as bums s gememat that knows the hod heed wallas le de Jessie. to foreignen, somplud the Mies ; mil bed the Brook govi mutant not wet* imbed three these &Ms night be made the source Of wag Moses the pool Isesyeas tattoos—if they had Ibilesed only te the digitised the law of nations, and et the jellies of war shims—l see yeeemied that twouty-'our hours meld have bola ardrely sillichat for considering the sigma. pert if we abeeld entirely abaadon principles whisk all the heslys ealesteries of Mu for this country have frost Me lisamerial acted up to, and my that we will so Myer act aceordisg to the pnswples on which we have hitherto acted, what would be the consequess The Fresh minister would claim oompeneation for MIMI* done to hie eriestrymen, the Pelagian assists would elsim stapeneatioa for injuries dose to the seem of Prussia, mad he would obtain it, hut whoa it case to the Bogle& atialates he would be told— " No, the British subjoin le sot protected, let his maks what be eaa est of our Whew!' ; let hies go from oas court to another ; but the English parliament has decided that while the Amerioau, the Austrian, and the Prussian may Intel* preteedis asserthag to the law of rations, end the juties of the use, ao Englielunaa shell have that protection." (Loud cheers) Sir, that is oafs reuse therefore that I do ask this house tensest to the resolution of the boa. and learned gentleman, bemuse I think it the Tualatin' is carried thou fonden nations who might be eceourapd by the resolution of the House of Lerch to refuse all jar claims will see that it is net the opialon of the House of Commons of England that pro tection is to be nausea to English subjects. Sir, • muck, wider question has been raised by this resolution, sod the right hen. gentleman, the member for Ripon wee the Ant. seed he has bees followed by others, to discuss the whole foreign policy of the paeans government. Now, the allusion made by the right boa. gentles,, the member for Ripen, to the time he was is office with my noble frieud, and what took elate with nem' to Antwerp, when Ant weep was besiege d, and the Dutch ports were blockaded, led sae to ink back to the debates of that day, and I find that Lord Aberdeen is said to have stated tnat the foreign enfectary of that day, to other then the foreign secretary of Chi- day, was animated by vanity; sod that he was sore thst Lord Gray, rho bead of the goveament, did sot partake In his views. He observed, as gentlemen observe in this debate, and with respect to wh;e't the right hon. gentleman has already been set sight, that three of the great powers of Barone were separated from us, that neither Austra, Resets, Owl` Prussia approved of the violent wears that we had taken to compel the King of Hollaad to sign a treaty of peace, and he called on Lord (Rey to disavow such po licy. Lord Grey made the answer which every one would have expeced from him, that he entirely eperoved of the conduct of my nobly friend in the office of foreign affair,, that *eery step that had been taken had met with his suction, and that he and the rest of his colleagues were responsible for the course that had nen taco. Sir, I any the tame thing at the present day, that we stand here responsible for our policy with regard to foreign affairs, and we rand against the same charges now seventeen lears ago made spina the c induct of the noble ord. Is regard to the transactions that have takes place, moat important they have be n since oar accession to office. The fact; I think that was alluded to was the question of the Spanish marriegee, My noble fined has made • statement oa that 'abject. I do sot believe, say more than he dneo, that the Spanish merriseee were the canoe of the d mash of the F. enne monarchy; but I b.lieve, and it is steted by various authorities, that the prefurence of the interests of the dy nasty to the inter. ste of the nation did teed in some degree to weaken the hoist of the able monarch who then ruled over Fran:e. An 1, sir, I regret (or my part, seeing whet conarquences had followed from the &Wont by Louis XIV. to place one of his family on the throne of Spain, the Cause of a !ong and bloody war—seeing the consequences which had followed the attempt of another sovereign of Frown, the Emperor Napoleon, to place can of hie family on the throne of Spain, thereby causing the con tinuance of • wee which, on that ground alone, w.e continued in 1809—seeing, I say, these great eonsequenees from such attempt., and the causes why they should have each c mrequencrs were as grave and as important es eke consequel no that had taken place I certaio4 regret that when the subject of the marriage of • Spanish prince.. with the son of Louis Philippe was first mentioned to Lord Aberdeen, he had not the foresight sod &muse to say it would produe. great evils, and the fird cynic:lotus would be the lOU of the friendship o• Engle-d. Had that lenges,. been used that Millnitfit would not have been one of the elements of disterbance is Frenzel. Bat when we Came into office, the matter had already proceed:el far, and i: was clear that the French gover meat woe intent upon its fu flMent. It was very seen clear thatthe conditions which hal been voluntarily an num' to the marriage of the Infante, would not be adhered to, and that win neturallp an additional c.uae of estrange ment between the two countries. There were oth.r causes, in areal cause, to which of course I need not allude, that were the main causes of the downfal of that monarchy. Bat I thick the house most agree that eireutnerances of en • exampled diffieully—rerbspe, not unrottrapled, but circum stances of ininiecse difficulty—have occu. red, who re a mo narchy was overter sem and a republic was placed in ire stead, sod that republic led by men some of whom held up the temple of the Oirondine, and some that of the It cabins of 1792. We had to consider that it was • distinguish ing characteristic of the Girondins to show hatred and animosity, and that it was tho distinguishing characteristic of the Jecobine to propose sal carry into effect the most terrible and proprganelist ware. We c aelel not but be sensible of the danger that men who pr ;tined to admire such principles might adopt a simile, coarse now. But we had the warning before us. It must be ad•nittel the: the c induct wl.ich was pursued in 1792. and which wes intended to preserve pese--, had failed, and, is so doing, the fault, as I believe, wee because the eammunics• Lion between England and the great powers of the continent, omitting France, were not erenned enough. .k.• • late period of the war, in 1797,1 think, Mr. Fax amid, "If you bad communicatee to Frauce what you communi cated to Russia, I should have had nothing to any upon the subject." So apparently sm.!: wee the difference between' ' two great men in the case of a most bloody and disarrous ' war. With that warning before us, we thought the best course we,coull pursue was to show a friendly disposition, to maintain our adherence to existing treaties,-but with that adherence to show ourselv.s se ready to concert on political strain with republican se with mensrelneal governments. You have seen that, gradually, those men who then came into power have been replatol by where, whom views are not so extreme, whose couduct is lees likely to be at varianos with thou existing arrangements to womb the treaties of 1815 have Itivfll rise to. I say, therefore, that our !timidly conduct towards France. our adieen to concert with France upon any subject of Euro pet n interest, thus showing her the- she was in no danger of any foreign invasion in which Lngland should share and participate, flu been a great element in the peace of Europe hear)—it has hem an sletrant in the pence of Europe is times and in circumstances which bear, at h art, some resemblance to those times ar.d thee. circumstaines which led to the most bloody and most costly w it upon record. (Hear, hear.) I say, therefore, when you come here, one winds man after another—one picking cut a single phrase in a derpetch, another telling me of some expiation of crime in a boloopy—another reverting to some einem- Emcee actually trivial—l *ay I do not pretend to defend every one of these particular circumstances, or the tone of each particular note ; but I tell you that we have been in circumstance. of great diffieuliy— (hear, hear)—that we have preserved that peace which cur antes tors thought that:tele,* cons ennui to abandon; and we ark you to judge us by the principles we have protested, by the principles to which we have adhered, by the results which we have attained—(mer, keer)--and not to look at trifling circumstance. which now, in ordinary times, when the oanger is greatly passed, gentlemen may tick out of the newspapers or other sources. (Hear, hear.) One of the most difficult subjects, and one on which we had to pursue a part th.t is sow not exempt from fair criticism, was in respect of Naples and Sici,y. The advice of L ird Mato, acting on the instructions which my noble fiend bed given him, was ',to make administrative reforms, to endeavour to intrusion, purity into the tribunals, a good administra tion into the law and the finances, and thus to pre pare the way for representative constitution., but not to introduce them at once. The King of Naples took an opposite course. He refused everything, end he yielded everything. One day, after everything had bees refused, even the most temperate reform, there was a tumuli in the streets, and the King of Nrples came forth, granting all the constitution, granting everything that was asked on behalf N the people. Tint is narrated, along with many other eireuntetanews of great interest, by an author of the name of Parini, who has given a history of the circumstances of Hue, which has been lately published. The effect of giving that representative =sense ioa, together with the revolution of Francs immediately following, was to excite a flame in all It.ly for the adoption of similar constitutions. A little before the French revolution, but a little after the grant of this constitution by the King of Naples, Lord Rota was invited by the King to come to Naples, to aid him in negotiating with hie Sicilian subjects. i Lord Uinta had repeatedly written private letters, both to my noble friend and myself, saying that he wished to come home from Rome, and he hoped it would not be necessary for him to remain in Italy. When there he was employed day and sight in emulating wi h the King and his 1 1 ministers, with the view of finning • proposition which he thought would preserve the crown on the head of the King of th. Two Sicilia!, and at the same time be suffifient to 'satisfy the people. At last he obtained the unseat of the King to what be ineposed ; he carried these conditions to Sicily ; the news of the French revolution arrived there at the same time. The conditions had been previously promulgated by the Neapolitan government themselves; those conditions were refused, without some further alterations. Those alterations were sent by Lord Minto to the King, with an account of what had taken fines. The King at ones consisted, and Lord dlinto returned to Nap"... But so tar from Lord !Cato being at that time supposed to excite the revo lution in Italy, the rumour in Noises was that his hues was about to be attecktd because he had advised the king to adhere to existing treaties, and not to send temps to attack the Austrianpossessions is Italy. Thou conditions Wien' mantle failed, the Sicilians thought the soden able to set up an independent government; and the question for them was whether they s iould make It • mouroby or a republic. Well, I sweat say that the course of events justified either our foresight, or that of the King of the Two Sicilia, is thinking that the SiCiliaai would establish their inde =nt mu . If ttonad h taken another online, if they bashed their independence, I think you would now have been glad, that we took such measures as we did to prevent the, establishment of another democratic re patine. But, in inking you to pate a judgment upon theeg things, again I ay, I do not ask for your approbation of the, primula steps ; I ask you to show some forbearance, some oeseitleration, for eiresmstanose of extraordinary difficulty. (Hear, hear.) Yoe mut give us credit, at least, for not having attempted propeganstism of any sort, but (or eudeav teering to preserve, if possible, the elements of authority and liberty in those countries of Europe is which we bad any influesee. (Hear, hear.) Another question has been touched epos, with the unfairness which has marked the way in which they have all been handled, — I mean our interference with respect to the demand of the liengnian refugees. The only question that has bun touched epees was the' prooeeding at the fleet of Sir Wittiest Parker wichlii the outer cutlet of the Dardanelles, and the subsequent explanation of my noble friend. Then, it is add, upon the authoritg of a captain in that fleet, that be was not driven in by mesa of weather. I think Sir William Parker is • punts to be believed es Meow& authority—(ther, hear) —and his statement was—the phrase may net be • strictly assent* ose—that the aseborage outside them castles was very unsafe, that the weather at that time wee tempestuous, end that it the Turkish authorities, and Sir Stretford Can ning, our own ambassador, thought that he might pulsed witkis those outer castles, he felt that he should be safer there than In any aueborage ha o mid fled ontakle. I believe that statement to he strictly seenrate; end I Oita it was proved by this that when, fa counties's of my noble friend not agreeing, as for as I remember, with the opinion of Sir Stratford C omit: that the fleet might atchor there without any vio lation the realty and the regulations of the Porte—when, in oonsoquenes of that opinion, Sir W. Parker went beck to Bullies Bay,la a gale which Immediately afterwards took place, two of thou great lissof-battle ships dragged their anchors In titatgale. That was a proof that there was sot safety there. Therefore I think it is mere quibblieg to say that stress of weather is not an apposite term, because the day was &floe one when the vessels entered the Dardanelles. The feet was, they went there for more secure anchorage during the titinpastaoss vitalism' then prevailing. (Hear, bear.) This is not a circumstance on which to plus the whole querion of that expedition of Sir W. Parker to the neighbourhood of the Dardanelles. The question was this. Pan Haegarian refugees had been demaaded, not their expulsion, as the right honourable gentleman said, bat that •hey should be surrendered and given up—(bear, hear) — And that demand was made by two powerful neighbours, the Emperor of Russia and the Emperor of Austria. The Sultan was in alarm . he caked the English and French arabasesdors if he /might expect support from their re speedy' governments. They both replied Mat they thought he might count upon that support. I know apt what the French ambassador wrote to his own minister, but oar am bassador, u able a man as ever filled diplomatic poets— (l ear, hearl—said that the reselution of the Turks to main tain their independence for the future, after several infrac tions of that independence', alter their cower had been so reduced, would mainly depend upon the answer which should be given by this country to that appeel. (Hear, bear.) The answer we gave was, that we would make a friendly repreeentation to the Emperor of Russia; bat that, at the same time, we would give instant orders, in case the Emperor of Ronda end the Emperor of Austria should penis: in those demand., that the Sultan should have tre aid and assistance of a powerful English fleet. (Omen.) The Emperor of Russia behaved, not in a humiliating man ner—as we are said to behave when we agree to any condi tines different from our former proposals— but in a way which I consider highly wits and magnanimous. Upon the representation of the Sultan he entirely altered his former decision, and abandoned the demand at pace; he made rasious proposals perfectly fair and reasonable, and con sented to withdraw altogether any proposal fur the sur render of those refugees. (Hear, near.) But it was not improbable that an Emperor of Russia, with each power as he possesses, would feel that that power would be diminished in the opinion of Europe in having mode a peremptory de mand, and then desisting from that demand. In that case, we took the risk of his refuel. (Hut, hear.) Where is the truth, then, of the allegation of the hon. member for the West Riding of Yorkshire, when he says, echoing a hundred ethers, Y.O are not afraid to compel and coerce the weak; but if you come in contact with a strong power, then you take the most humble tone, and entirely we a k e n your language." (Hear.) Well, sir, I think this act was a good deal stronger than soy language. (Cheers.) The readiness to support the independence of Turkey—the readiness, at any cost, to spare Europe the degrading spec mete of seeing these refugees given up to punishment by a power in whose territories they had taken refuge—that ant was a good deal stronger than any answer my noble friend could hare written to a note which the hon. gentleman the member for Osford admires, because he thinks it tends to humiliate the governmsnt. (Cheers.) IL aping this, do not let me be mistaken in any way—though I think the language I have used ought to prevent that—se asserting that the seeding of this fleet, and the sending at the same time of a French flew, to support the Sultan, wee the cause of the change which took place in the councils of the Emperor of Ruda. I give him all credit; I give him the highest credit for having, on receiving the tepee notations made by the Sultan through his own ambassador, desisted from the demand which, by that time probably, he thought had been indiscreetly and unfairly macho upon his ally. I give him every credit. I only say that if his decision had been otherwise, we were ready to encounter the p rtl of that decision, and that the dread of those two great powers, Rutile and Austria, di t not deter us 'rain interfering in a just cause on behalf of thew. relageee—(het, hear)—a cause which atonal was connected with the safety and liberty of indi viduals, rod with the independence of one of the powers of Europe. (Cheers., Then we had these demands to make on Greece; and the lest which had been in toe neighbourhood of the Dicier idles, instead of going at Does to Malta, proceeded to the Bey of S tlemis to make these demands. Great itzportence hes been attached to hobs:in; so large a fleet. If it had been sent from Malta us purpose, probably it would have been smaller; but that fleet being under the command of Sir W. Parker, there was, I thick, no inconvenience, no fault committed, in desiring Sir Wm. Parker to go with that fleet ; and as it wee necessary at length to resort to measures of reprieel and coercion, to show that we had a force more then sufficient for enforcing thou demands. I cannot help thinking that if the circumstance of our making these demands had been fairly considered by the foreign ministers who were at Athens at the time, halo difficulty would have been encountered upon that subject. In the course of the last ten years, some cases under Lord Aberdeen, and some under !the administration of my noble Wend, have happened of denial of justice; and the republics of South America have been instanced. I have one here is which orders were given by Lord Aber deen to the Admiralty to proceed to reprissis, and then to a blockade, is case one or two of our met chants, who had bad a law suit there, had not their claims immediately etttled ? And my belief is, that if the ministers at Athens had acted in a friendly emitter to wards England, in such a manner as the Eng lish ministers ar.d consuls have acted towards the other powers of Europe who had gone to ierist on redress for eases of injury, this whole affair would have been a matter of a very few hours, and Earo;.• would not have beheld the spectacle it has. lie that as it may, I have stated already toot I think it was our duty no longer to permit these insults to continue—insults I toll them, because, not merely were the replies to our de mends fur redress ioeutficient, but any one whe will look through the blue-boobs and consult the letterit! , f S.r Edmund Lyons, will see that he is continually oompaainiag that his letters resretiog then outrages were unan swered for periods of three or six week,. (Ii ar.) If there mu • good reason for refusing redress, the Greek government which every now and then expressed its grati tude to England, as being one of the founders of Greece, had it paid us the common erg trd which nations paid to one another, ought at least to have answered the request ; and that the insult must have been intended is evident from their not doing so. (User, hear.) The right hon. gentleman who spoke last, without finding much to complain of in those demands, says that when we accepted the good 081 ~a of France, the whole matter was finished, and might have been brought to a opsedy conclusion. I will not dispute with the right hon. gentleman whether our course has ono in every point right. It is not very difficult, when a matter is some time delayed, to say that some little alteration in the 001171111 pursued would have been better, and would have led to a speedier conclusion. (Hear.) I remember an instance. Injury was inflicted upon a Mr. Pritchard, a British subject, and holding an official situation under the govern ment. The right bun. gentleman wee asked respecting that ' injury, and he gave an answer which struck me as bet:outing the spirit of an English minister. The negotiation lingered fur some time. I expressed myself quite ready to leave the whole matter in the discretion of government, and to sap. port any agreement they might come to. Asking, some time after, of • French statesman, why the matter bad not been immediately settled, as it was clear the French officers were in the wrong, and reparation was due to us, I was told, " The language of your Prime Minister in the House of Commons, was so exceedingly haughty, and gave such offence in France, that it was not possible at once to come to a conclusion." (Hear, hear.) I then saw that if the speech which I had admired for the spirit it displayed had been more discreet and more guarded, we should have had loss difficulty in arranging with the French government. I then made some criticism, as it was natural that I should. But with regard to this a ffair, If you show a disposition to accept the good onion of France, if you show a willingness to concur with France, in anything, in a way which, though it may not be perfectly reasonable, is more satisfactory to tilt if feelings of honour than in another way, this house will au that there is not only no danger of interruption, but jut as much prospect of intimate relationship with France as they, was after the interference in the case of Pritchard in 1845 —( Hear.) The right hon. gentleman and others by whom he was pre ceded spoke of the g 1 maxims of polity by which we have been guided. I have no hesitation en saying that the great majority of this boas' are agreed In the general prin ciple that non-interference in the domestic cower= of foreign nations should be the undoubted rule. (Hear But that rule has not always been very strictly o even by the government which preceded us— (hear, hear) for I fled a despatch of Lord Aberdeen with respect to the Greek loan In which, admitting the right of England to enforce the payment of ' the Interest, and even to take forcible possession of the re , venues of Greece, though it would not have been so easy to carry that into effect as It would have been to enforce the payment of the claims of Mr. Finlay and M. Pacifico— but in which despatch, after stating that Great Britain was determined to have recourse to stringent measures to set the matter right, Lord Aberdeen urges " the introduc tion of a system of et:enemy in the different branches, that the expenses of the state, and particularly of the war depart ment, were in disproportion to the real wants of the state. (Hear.) Here is advice, sash as the hon. member for the West Riding might have given at Bradford with regard to our own navy estimates. (Hear) He goes on to say that the disorders of the state "demonstrated the necessity fur reform, and a reduction in the armed force." Again, he says, " the war department absorbs one third of the revenue of the state, brigandage is on the increase, and the guaranteeing powers cannot but view these things as evidence of a vicious administration, which can only be remedied by promoting measures of improvement. The disorders of the Greek finances threw en undue barthsa on the guaranteeing rowers, which Great Britain on her part will no longer allow." (Hear, bear.) Thetis just lan guage, but do not tell me it is not a commentary on the in ternal administration of a foreign state. (Hear, Dear.) When you tell nations to reduce the army estimates, that the war department is too large, and that the whole administration Is vicious, you are hardly entitled to read lectures upon non interference. (Cheers.) It is for statesmen to judge of the dangers which threatened their respective countries. I may that we should interfere only where it is absolutely necessary, for I do not agree with the hon. member for Oxford that we should interfere bemuse an opportunity for doing so may arise. Auld in eases where our interference may be necessary, or where our fanatical may be exerted without interference, it should be used for the promotion of tranquil liberty, In which both liberty and ceder consists. (Hoar, hear.) I see no harm, but mush the contrary—without preaching any propagandism—if we say. that it is our desire togas institution', whether they are called monarchical or republican, but which combine the elements of authority and freedom, flourish. (Hear, hear.) I believe that it is for the interest of Beglead, and for the interest of Europe, that freedom should be extended, and 1 remiss that out ot the tumult, ocintudon, and bloodshed of 1648, two powers, both of them considerable one from its magnitude, the other fesm its peeklon, Freda and Serdonis, appear to be in the way of establishing permanent free in- • litigations. (Caves.) I dunes I am not ashamed to say that I rejoice et that reset and that I should be glad • it other nations followed titelr steeple. (Hear, hear.) lint our best influence, after all, is by affording as examitile at home of liberty and order combined. (Cheers.) But • then it is of great advaatage, at the suss time, that it should bi understood In Zeroes that we take part witk • neither of the extreme parties which now divide it—that • while we abhor the cruces which have produced the *Nat i sination of such men as Nunn Rossi and Latour we also disapprove of say sets whisk would deprive nations of ancient rights—(sheeny—and give their beet blood to be shed.* the scaffold. (Renewed cheering.) I think it of great use that Europe and the world should understand that the government of this country doss not approve either of the wildness of democracy or the iron rule of despotism. (Chews.) I see that they have constantly produced and succeeded each other—the &bidets tyrant gives rue to the unbridled demagogue, and the unbridled demagogue is succeeded by the absolute tyrant. (Cheen.) I wish to swe another kind or form of government prevail, and I beg of this house to beware ere they censure a government which holds the middle course, which equally detests the extreme of despotism and the ex treme of democracy, lest you be thought to declare yourselves in favour of the one or the other of these forms of government. (Hear, hear.) I fear that if the House ot Commons negative the resolution, you will inspire joy in the hearts of all the lovers of despotism—(hear, hear)—and in all the hates of liberty throughout Its. rape. (Cheers.) Let this house then beware how they countenance en opinion of this kind. That witch I have now Vend cannot be denied, that the overthrow of the foreign policy of the government would be hailed as a triumph by all those men who up to 1848, thought their only security consisted in the silencirg of the press, the forbidding of free instruction, and in putting down free institutions. I admit and ackeowlexige the cordial and colorant sopp rt which we received (rem the right hon. baronet, and I feel obliged for the fair and frank manner in which that support was given to the go vernment. (Hear, hear.) But if the right hon. gentleman and the right hon. baronet the member for Ripon think fit to withdraw their support from us they are aware of the difficulties that must follow, and of the perils to which they will expose a policy of which they have been the sup porters and approvers, and partly the authors. We have now been four years in office, and, if hon. gentlemen were of opinioa that our policy was not consistent with the ho nour and dignity of the nation, I must say it is a pity they did not find it out sooner. (Cheers and laughter.) We have had to contend with great dangers ; and; instead of is being the case, ss is asserted, that we are isolated from the other powers o: Europe, I may say that my noble friend is in constant and intimate commusication with Hai ti", with respect to important subjects on which bath them powers are fully agreed. (Hear, bear.) The right hon. gentleman the member for Oxford has said that whilst my noble friend has been in power this country has been core stands , on the brink of war. I can only say that of the 33 years since we had a war, upwards of (mitten years the foreign affairs of the country have been under the peculi or administration of my noble friend. (Lout cheers.) •'ter an allusion to a rumoured fusion of parties on the benches opposite to hint, and attributing the unfounded sus. picints cut upon the policy of the government to toreigo arney, Lord John, in conclusion, declared that by the ver dict et that house, and of the people of England, he was pre pared to abide, fully convinced that the government bad preserved at the same time the honour of the: many and the blessings of peace. Mr. DISRABLI need not althea the hones that it was with unleigoed reluctance that he rose to address them ; but, considering the appears that had been made to f in by the filet minister, he eeould be wetting not only in self respect, but in his dial to those gentlemen with whom he acted, it he wen to give a silent vote. The noble lord had said that it devolved on him to people some vote for the adoption of the House of Commons, and that he ought not to have left it to an independent member who sympathised with the foreign policy of the government. And then the noble lord quoted a precedent teat occurred in 1833, when the Howie ot Lords an Lead at • vote of non-enotidence in the government in respect to foreign affairs, and then Colonel Davit proposed a vote of confidence in the govern. ment. As far ea precedents went, he thought he was fully justified in letting the telt be performed by the ben. and learned gentleman. A: a subsequent period the House of Lords bad arrived ct • vote of nun-confidence in the admi nistration of government on the condition and government of Ireland, and then the tint minister came forward and proposed a vote of confidence in the government. (Hear.) Was there any difference between the instance of Irelmou and the edministration of foreign affairs ? The noble lord had alluded to the conduct of the Earl co! Aberdeen in the other house of parliament, and had said that he we. in toe habit in his place in parliament of attempting to influence opinions by making statements which lie was not authorise to make with reference to the foreign transactions of this country. It was his belief that no stetcrnent bad been mule by that distinguished man in whi:b he was not fully autho. r.sed, and that he had never mode • statement which seen! quent events had not proved to be correct. He now accepted WS resolution of the hon. aed learned gentleman, whom he acquitted entirely of any collusion with the governme ot, but he accepted the resolution as the resolution ot the government. It had been sanction:l by the F,r,t minister, and in commenting upon it he felt that he we commenting upon a resoluti in wnich was put forward who all the official authority of the Treasury bench. The resolu tion or•gioated in one which was passed by the House of Lords ; that resolution recognised that at was the duty of the government to secure to British @ejects residing in foreign states, the fue protection of the laws of those states. The Secretary of Suite said that it did not go far enough, but the House of Lords had declared that they recognised no other authority ; they considered the right and duty of government was limited only to that. It was said that it wee the 'easiness of the government to secure to her Majesty's subjects residing in foreign states full protection, without reference to the law of those stet. e. This would lead us to believe that in countries like Greece every person who was a British subject was to look fur redeem to the British admiral. Consider what would be the position in which you placed this country. There were people who would say we have a grievance; we will not pursue it before the tribunals of the country, but we will send for a military force. The ludo , penitence of Greece would indeed be a mockery if that was the case. If Greece were created and recognised and obtained all the rights and responsibilities of independent states it was not open to us to declare that the tribunals of the country were not competent to redress the wrongs of our subjects. Our @abject, must take the consequences of being its that country, and, if they found that the tribunals did not give them redrew:, then the national law came in and gave the supplementary aid, which he was astomished that the member foe Sheffiele should have spoken of in terms of contempt. He thought it unpardonable to speak of the law of nations as the hon. and learned gentleman spoke of it. When he remembered the names of Mansfield, Sir W. Grant, Scott, the great talent ot Judge Story—how the de crees of Sir W. Grant tended to modernise warfare, he was surprised that the hon. gentleman bad spoken of the law of nations as • mass of incongruous maxims. U. had himself the pertisulan of • claim upon South America of one of the most respectable house in the city of London—Mears. Reed, Irving and Co. Would her Majesty's ministers send sixteen ship of the line to enforce those dams ? If they acted consistently • they should do leo. Upon what ground. bad they not asserted the rights of the poor working British subjects who were banished frum France in 1848, when their property had bean sequestered, because they were obliged to depart the:country, and leave it behind them ? He (Mr. Disraeli), speaking with reference to another Secre tary of State, had expressed hie diaspnobation of singling out an individual member of any government, and visiting upon him the responsibility which should rut upon the whole government. That would be not only highly unconstitu. Donal, but grossly insulting to the colleagues of any Secretary of State so marked out for disapprobation. If the noble lord ' opposite had amongst his colleagues any who disapproved of has policy and did not declare it, they were infinitely more blameable than he was. The hon. gentleman then read the resolution submitted to the house. The hon. and learned gentleman who brought it forward had given them • disquisition of his views of the opinions of the people of England, and of the foreign policy which he conceived ought to be pursued by this couatry. But the case under consideration was an exception. The honourable and teamed gentleman laid down the rule, tint, that It was the duty of her Majesty's government to defend her subjects abroad in every clime. But the great feature of the resolution was the expression of approval of the policy pursued by her ?daj-sty's ministers in support ing the principle ot seal-government throughout the whole world—of maintaining limey and free institutions against despotism, and freedem against arbitrary rule. There was undoubtedly something very captivating and delightful in the picture which was drawn. But was the statement well. founded? Had the policy pursued by her Majesty's atheisten been such se to deserve the glowing descrip tion of, the honourable and learned member (Mr. Roebuck), who, while he laid down those rules, and lauded the policy of the goverament, admitted that uni versal suffrage had, in one of the most civilised countries is the world, produced a government which was composed of a gang of conspired,. Turn, again, the hon. and plant member for Mid.lleeex said that the mistake made was eves to have given a constitution to the Greeks. The honourable gentlemen then referred to the inter ruption of cordial feellnn between England and Frazier, in gionsequesoe ot Lord Pelmerston's acts with respect to the celebrated Spanish marriage in 1848. France and Austria had both been estranged from England by the coons pursued by her Majesty's adulates, who had done ell in t heir power to check the in- Raines of both those countries ever side 1847. Pride Metternich had placed his views of the case beers the house in the despatches then on the table, in which the " serene" intelligence of that eminent statesman saw what IVY taking place through Europe in consequence of the pro. seedier of menet seenties. (Laughter, and " Hear, hear.") Well, alter the Wash of the French revolution the noble lord (Lord Pannonian) instantly resumed his French alli ance, and all addeflailan appear to have been forgotten. However, he weal remind the noble lord that he had al lowed font meatim be elapse Wore he recognised the Preach driblis. (Hear, hear.) The French revolution was followed by the dismemberment of the dominions of three Harems powers with whom this country were on terms of elms andestaming sal intimate alliance. Tee Emperor of Austria was derived of Lombardy : the King of the Two Skein ream only King of Naples, and the King of Den mark ergs deprivals( his Scandinavian territories, in all of whisk awes English interests were mom or leas involved. (Heim) What was the policy of the government oaths ocea non of that great injustice t Wby, after mush consultation they tame to the opinion that it was impossible Austria could ever regain L imbardy—that the King of Naples could ever again be King of the Two &client, and also teat it was perfectly impossible that Denmark could ever again hold sway over the ports of the Baltic and the mouth of the Elbe. Her Majesty's ministers have been sincere, end he believed they were, in comic, to such a emanation; but he afro believed they were wrong, and consequewly that house should not be called upon to vote oonfidencein such au adminicrellen. (Hear, hear.) Aus tria, with her proviso.* thus dismembered, sent an as. melted minister to this country, who stated, on behalf of his government, that he was ready to cede Leconardy, bat the government inform him that that is not sufficient, and that he must alto give up Venice; but the result was that the Emperor of Austria reeuequered aid retained Venice. (Hear, hear.) Lord Minto left Busked with a view to prevent Piedmont being taken by Austria; but his efforts failed. He went to Rome to p e freedom, and the consequence was that shortly after Rome was fl 3. fl with foreign bayonets. (Hear bear.) lie neat went to Naples to prevent a repeal of the union ; but that very event co eurred immediately after. (Ham.) Her Id its:ea miuisters could not deny that whilst they carried on diplomatic relation* wish the King of Naples, they were intriguing in order to make him pile up one of his crowns—tbe crown of Sicily. (Hear, hear) Yet teem were the proceedings and the policy that that house was called upon by the resew:ion of the hon. member for Suffield to stamp with its approba tion. (Hear, hear.) Well, with Austria, Pimples, and Den mark thus dratrae:ed, her Majesty's ministers hit on a plan to extricate doemselves—they determined on an European Congress to he held at Brussels. The scheme wes a celonal one; and in all probability had it succeeded the Foreign Secretary would go down to posterity es Richelieu or a Castlereagh. Sir Henry Ellie was rent to Brussels as plenipotentiary for England, with a view to con street and consolidate a Germanic empire, hat not a single country in Eerops ertept England tent an envoy to the congress. (Cheers and laughter.) So that all teat was koowa about Sir H. Ellis was known from his bil of ex penses, which the financial reformers would find in the civil contingencies. (" Hear, hear," cheers, and laughter,) He _denied [bat As policy of the Fereign.office had preserved the peace of Europe se affirmed by the retelution they then called upon to adopt. There wee one thing clear, that the Foreign Secretary took no asp. tes:op the King of Sardinia from invading Austria. la that cue the treaty of Vienna was not appealed to. lie wanted to ILOOW whether such a course was at ad creditable to the honour or the interests of thin country. Tee Hun garian war wet, in his opinion, occasioned by the first inva sion of Austria by Sardinia, which had been canted by the conduct of her Majesty's g mrnment. (Hear, hear.) If this was a question of war, which war occasioned by the policy other Majesty's mimatere he we. at a loge to know why they should new seek fora vote of confidence in their foreign policy which, instead of preserving peace, had occa sioned war. He threw all consideration u: absolute or lib-ral principle, overboard, and wished to view the case as a matter of business, and he wished to know why they were called upon to say that the goy. violent had aansinio Scrod their foreign affairs with unexampled ability. They had failed in every object, everything that the Foreign cretary had said would be done was nU done, and verything that he said would not be doze was done. When he !mud the speech of the hon. and learned mem ber for Southampton, and also tcok into account the one which had been made by the member fur Sheffield, he felt that the result of the discussion would be contrary to the interests of the government. Sicily certainly was not henefiteed by their policy. He woul i remind the house that during the list four years the conduct of turergn Zees had been mite - inducted. S mat time air) the Aeetrien ambassador left London, Freece ambassador bad since that to en obliged to do tee tame, awl the Hunan ambaesa , dor lied taken the only means in his power to show the government of this c 'entry that the potentate whom he represented did not bold e,nfilence in her elajes.y's government. lie asked the house whether mach circumeances, tended to the honour and dignity of the gauntry. The hon. gentleman then quoted the historian Guiciardini to show that is the best days of Venice, when she we, in the highest state of prosperity en account of her commerce ant trade, she Ls her vile treatment a other na tions drove the powers of Germany, France, Spam, and Rome to look with a jealous eye upon her, and in the course of one day to make successful arrangements to crush her. What was now in their pollen to prevent such a reult as that, amidst such an unsympathising state of affairs. He felt confident that the vote of the house, what r ever it may be, would be triumphant in showine that the ceneuct of foreign affairs was rnienanaged, end would show to &tome and au ether hemisphere that the parliament of E Aland was resolved that in future the policy in teat re spect should oe coeducted with due regent to the rights of all notions. (Cuero.) Mr. ROEBUCK, in cooly, had only one thing to say, that the prop tecy which had bet n mode bytbe honetentlemen was n t an Eigli, t one, and was not made by an Eagliah spirit, or by one chn had the heart to dare the dangers he amid pued.—(Cnetra ) If he (Ms. lieentek) believed that the Hetet. art Commons would refuse to tercel et the emus whit" Her Majesty's ministers had niece, then he might be led to believe that foreign nations might by combinicg be enabled to crush this country.—(Cheers ) The house then divided, when there appeared, For the resolution Again • t it 261-46 The announcement of the m eity in favour et the stevernment was received well treneedoess cheeeirg, iced the louse immediately afterwards adjourned at 4 teclecte. Vile Calla. The Queen and Prince Albert, with the Prices of Prussia, took an airing In an arm barouche and four yester day. The Equerries-in-Waiting, Culotte' the Hon. entries Grey and C.sionel Bouverie, attended on horseback. Their Royal Hig. - .nesses Prince Alit?: end the Prince of Prussia, attended by Lord Ephinatone, C don't Bouverie, Lieutenant-General de Lin..beitn, and Count Chinks de itz, wen*. yesterday morning td the review at Woolwich. His R yal High:has Prince Albert presided esterday afternoon at • meeting of the Commission for Promoting and Encouraging the Fine Arts in the Rebuilding the Palace of Westminster. His Royal Ho,ihnets arrived at the New Palace of Werrninster soon after throe o'claok, attended by Colorel Bouverie. The commi-sioners present were Vie count Canning, Lard Colborne, the Right Hon. Sr James Graham, and Sir Robert H. Inelis. The secretary, Mr. Eastlake, was in attendance. Toe meeting broke no at half paat five o'clock. A meeting of the Royal Commission for the Exhi bition of 1851 met yesterday morning at 11 o'clock i n th e new Palace of Westminster , Earl Granville presiding. There wer: present the Earl of Row, Mr. I'. 13 , eley, Mr. Cubits, Mr. T. F Gibson, Mr. J. Gott, and Mr. Pusey, M.P. Cu!. Reid (Chairman of the Execettee Committee), Dr. Lyon Pfayfair, Mr. H. Cole, Mr. C. W. Dilke, and Mr. F. Fader, were present. The following &legatee had a conference with the Royal Commissioners—Mr. E Snell, Mr. J. G. Crete, and Mr. G. Drew, from Wentminster ; Mr. T. Batten, feom Stoke-upon-Trent; Mr. W. En. w We, from Manchester; Mr. E Webb, from Worcester; Mr. H. L Pattireoo, from Newcastle-on-Tyne ; Mr. J. Grantham, from Liverpo.:l ; Mr. H. Meolow, from Stoke-uoon• Trent ; Mr. J. Wnit worth, from. Manchester; Mr. J. Gray, 11'3111 the City of London ; Mr. W. B. Johnstone, from Edinburgh • Mr. Forbes ( Mayor ), from Bradford; Mr. W. Lucy ( Mayor), Birmingham; Mr. G. Cottam, from St. Marylebone ; Mr. T. Palmer ( Mayor), Hull; Mr. F. German (Mayor), Pres ton ; Mr. G. Grant Francis (Local C •mmission•r), from Swansea; Mr. W. Pawson, from Leeds; Mr. IL Leman (Secretary C0.).1 - eom Norwich; Mr. J. Bettridge. jun., from Curls..; Mr. W. °versed, from Sh e ffi e ld ; Air. t. L. Rushton (Mayor), from Bolton; Mr. R Sykes (Mayor), from Stockport; Mr. S. Oldlield, from Huddersfield; Mr. W. Felkin. from Nottingham; Mr. S. Schwat . e, teem Man ehes.er ; Mr. H. Soper, Mr. J. Canty, and Mr. J. Hum phreys (EL 8.), from the Tower Hamlets. The Building Committee of the ltuyal Commission for the Exhibition of 1851 met yesterday in the new Palette of Westmiester. There were present Mr. Cub:tt, Mr. Barry, Mr. Brunel, and Mr. Donaldson. Mr. Stafford Nortocote, the Secretary, attended. Messrs. Digby Wyatt and Owen Jones were present. THE ATTACK UPON HER MAJESTY. THE PRISONER AT THE HOUSE OF DETENTION. On the arrival of the prisoner at the House of Detention' he was handed over to Lieut. Hill, the Governor, under whose direction he was immediately conducted to ono of the ordinary cells appropriated fcr the reception of prisoners committed on remand, and on kis bring placed thersin he was at once recognised as hung an etheer of a regiment of Hassan (the 10;h) which was quartered in Dublin in 1842. Shortly after he had been placed in his cell, he in quired of the officer in charge of tae suite of cells in which that was situate what he could have to eat, remarking more than one, that he was in good circumatancrs, had plenty of money, and could pay for whatever he had. He was informed that under the regulations of the prison he could provide his own food at his own cost if he thought proper to do so in preference to re ceiving the prison diet. Ile said that as he had the option he would see what the prison allowance was ; and when the quau•um of food allowed to an adult prisoner was set before him he appeared quits content, sad ate nearly the whole of it. In the course of the ordinary visit of Mr. Wakefield, the surgeon to the prison and to the House of Correction, Cold Belh-fi,lds, the prisoner uhrlerwent an examination by him, and the conclusion arrived at by that gentleman was that there was not the least ground for supposing that he was not pi fleetly sane. The prisoner appeared to treat his grave position with cool inditfereoce, and seemed quite contented in his solitary cell, and throughout the day 11- premed no wish to see anyone. PURTHRiI PARTICULARS.. A Windsor correspondent says A Mr. Charles Pro vost, a resprctahle young person, anaemia to Mr. John B. Brown, bookseller (to lux ki•jesty), Windsor, was standing on the pay.rnent, close behind the prisoner, at the time be committed the disgraceful and cowardly attack upon her Majiity, and Mr. Provost states that immediately a rush was made to secure the miscreant, he telt a large stone drop on his foot, which be has little doubt fell from the hand of the prisoner. Mr. Provost picked up the stone, a large piece of granite, weighiag nearly half a pound, and he has it now la his poseesaion. The above facts lines just been communi cated to the authorities at Buckingham Palace, sold no doubt the circumstance will he fully inquired into. When the disgraceful °Brno* heir radsor, one rs univeal feeling indignatf o cc • • roughout the town, with a hope that t • . 4 • • le to this o ff ence will now be kill • i e . . " 171 4, k . / t• - . 4 %. •.4 i t' .1