The Press. — London, England, 1854-09-23 00:00:00

7 ' V --~-- lIIMIIN ,-..71 - 7357111P , _ . Ri.z , 70 lifljt • rtl;,s, :~,-~ mll +.w~ ■ ) g't Vress. honour of whose merchants is known where ever the British empire has commercial re- lations stitutions. It desires to misrepresent and exaggerate the force of its followers for the purpose of causing delusions on the Continent as to the extent of its successes in England. It defames in order that it may destroy, and takes advantage of our free institutions to carry on its warfare against them. This jesuitical line of conduct can only be met by a policy in harmony with our Constitution, which, while preserving the civil and religious privileges of all our fellow-subjects, shall fix the limit beyond which Romish aggression must not be permitted to advance. It is in the power of the Protestants of Ireland to promote this policy by making common cause with the Protestants of the empire, and by the firm and temperate ex pression of their sentiments. Wo do justice to their many noble qualities, and we respect their zeal, and hope it will ever be tempered with the discretion they have lately mani fested. Protestantism is too high and pure a principle to be associated with badges and colours, or even with dynastic remembrances. Its genuine triumph is not the ascendancy of a party, but the equal rights of a people. It concedes the utmost freedom of thought and action that is consistent with the preservation of freedom. But it is impossible for any truly Protestant State to permit the existence of a confederacy which is a perpetual menace to its peace, and is inconsistent with that liberty of the subject which it is its first duty to protect. Now, this is the race, and these are the people, whom successive Governments have tacitly agreed to overlook or injure, and for the render ing to whom of even an instalment of justice the late Adminstration was so violently assailed. But one thing is certain, that, as regards the Irish Protestants, the late Sir ROBERT PEEL'S favourite " three courses" (that seem left as an heirloom to Mr. GLADSTONE) are not open. A Ministry may do the Protestant people jus tice, or it may, :if it is so ill-advised, offer them battle, but ignore them it cannot. There has been a distinct and undeniable course of op pression and injustice pursued towards them as a body which has resulted in so great an addition of courage to their opponents that we now receive painful proof that the out rages which disgraced the latter part of the last century are reviving again in Ireland. The time has arrived when the " experiment" of permitting this should come to an end. A sect which the Legislature has been com pelled to restrain from acts virtually illegal by distinct legislation must be very jealously regarded in all well-constituted common wealths, and it is really time that we should decide the question of the Protestantism of the State. This is a conviction fast gaining ground in Ireland as in other parts of the empire. We see it recorded this week that " the Pro " testant Association of the county of Down, " the Kent of Ireland, has come forward" to express its hope that the member for Bucks will bring in a measure to " vindicate " the Protestant Constitution of the country." There are few shires even in England that can compete with the county of Down in the mingled influences of numbers, wealth, and an educated population. Pre-eminently Protes tant, it is the prosperous seat of thriving ma nufactures it has several first-class peers, a Nighty opulent gentry, and a sturdy yeomanry. Its roper designation would be the Yorkshire of Ireland, rather than its Kent. And it is this county which, at a public meeting pre sided over by a gentleman of station and influence, has responded to Mr. D!SRAELI'S words on the vital necessity for vindicating the Protestant Constitution. LONDON, SATURDAY, SEPTEHBER 23, 1854. THE Constitution of England, throughout three centuries, in all its changes has pre served one characteristic—and, perhaps, only one. It was, and is, PROTESTANT. Under the despotic rule of the TUDORS, in all the struggles of the STUARTS, under the Dictator ship of CROMWELL, at the searching era of the Revolution of 1088, under the Whigs (when they were worthy of the name), who served the early Princes of the House of Hanover — even after '29 and 'B2—England has stood, and stands, a living protest against the domina• tion of the Church of Rome. But this great position has not been preserved without faithful services and a steady watch. No such conspiracy of subtle plotting, and un tirin g labour, and even fearless courage was ever formed to achieve any one object upon earth as that which, since the accession of ELIZABETH, has directed its energies against the Pro testantism of England. Yet the country is still a Protestant country, and the Crown is a Pro testant Crown. Still, even in the cells of Naples, the ecclesiastical gaoler turns his key with hesitation as he thinks of England, while his prisoner, at the same time, looks to her as his last earthly hope. Still, the descendants of the British race in Europe and America carry with them as a charter the protest of their forefathers against Rome, and, in the vanguard of such Protestants, are the Pro testants of Ireland. They were the earliest emigrants that met Rome where it was most powerful ; and, with various fortune, but with unfailing bravery, and still advancing results, they have shown it the same unflinching front. It is true that, in accomplishing this, they have often been driven to energetic measures, justifying their character of being both ANOTHER ARCHDEACON ! O'CoNNELL used to end many a sentence with "Oh these baronets !" " Oh! these colonels!" Baronets and colonels were with him the great motive powers of all that was evil in the State. The Church is sorely tempted to cry, and with far better reason, " Oh! these arch deacons !" MANNINO, WILBERFORCE, DENISON —how much capacity of good—how much misapplied power—how much of actual damage and distrust, of distress and dismay, are associated with these well-known names ! They were all first-class men of Oxford—all fellows of colleges ; within a very few years (1823-1880) they were contemporaries ; and now one is a Romish preacher ; another calls himself a " mere layman ;" the third ? They have met many a time in Oriel or Merton common room ; who knows hut they may meet again at Oxford, when one of those new " halls " comes into play? Mr. Lucas as good as promised us we should have no "Catholics" there ; so we may be sure the thing is hatch ing. Dr. NEWMAN'S "Catholic University," we have remarked, has not yet invested aught of its (somewhat fabulous) 80,0001. in bricks and mortar at Dublin. But our business is now with Archdeacon Ditsisow, the latest—would we might hope the last—disturber of the peace of our Protestant Church. His " ante cedents " are tolerably well known. When his brother, the late estimable Bishop of San. BURY, undertook the temporary charge of the neighbouring diocese of Bath and Wells, the vicarage of Last Brent very soon feU vacant in his patronage. At that time Groacr. Ax• I'IIONY DENISON was known chiefly as having been a somewhat noisy debater at the "Union" in times past, as a kindhearted tutor, and as ' n genial " fellow " at all times ; very popular Facts like this and others in our possession justify our belief that before long the public mind will be steadily fixed on this serious subject. But in vain will opinion be excited if it does not, as we most sincerely trust it will, receive statesmanlike guidance The Protestant sentiment of the land must not be allowed to evaporate, as under the claptrap policy of the writer of the Durham letter, or presump tuously sported with, as in the case of Mr. CHAMBERS and the Conventual question. With out the discretion that chooses a vigorous and practical line of action, it would be vain to expect any permanently beneficial, or largely influential results. Distinct objects must be aimed at ; principles that will stand the test of long discussion adopted, and mere offensive clamour be avoided. Our posi tion is essentially one of defence. In this great cause we are not the aggressors, nor have we originated the discussion. It has been raised in the most offensive manner by the ambition of propagandist Rome. This power has availed itself of Parliamentary posi tion and the liberty of the press for the pur pose of systematically assailing Protestant in- Stern to inflict and steadfast to endure. Nor have they always remembered that impe nal necessities could not permit such measures as local exigencies might seem to require, or local knowledge to point out ; and these facts were coloured and exaggerated by the un scrupulous organs of the parties opposed to them. Sir ARCHIBALD ALISON says truly that the Anglo-Irish—that is, the descendants of the British settlers—yield to no people upon earth in energy, industry, and courage ; and we say more : in their peculiar position they have advanced beyond all other colonists. It is little more than two hundred years since the province of Ulster was as little civilised as Madagascar is to-day, containing a peasantry scarcely sensible of the necessity of clothing ;. and yet that province has become the scat o f successful and varied manutiicture, of agricul ture which rivals that of the Lothians, and of many flourishing and rapidly advancing towns, at the head of them 41elfast, at once the Irish Manchester and Liverpool combined, and the No. 73.—VoL. 11. LONDON, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 23,1854. PRICE SIXPENCE.