The Press. — London, England, 1857-04-11 00:00:00

APRIL 11, 1857. spectator as disinterested as he was observant of this great debate, wrote to me on the 4th of May, 18:31. " The course of human affairs has long been urging the nations of Western Europo towards democracy; this is the result of the diffusion of wealth and knowledge; but I do not see why it was necessary to hasten forward a change in social order, which might have been judicionsly regulated. Every one here admits that a reform in Parliament, far less extensive than that so lavishly bestowed on its by Ministers, would have been received by the moderate party in the nation with gratitude, and even with surprise." That is a singular admission from a Whig, and if were to judge by the tenor of some ob servations at the conclusion of Mr. HAr.t.Am's " Constitutional History," it might he inferred that Monsieur GUIZOT'S correspondent was the distinguished historian. Other citations are made by Monsieur Gutzox, showing the alarm felt by Whigs, and by Sir TAMES MA nCIN TOSH amongst the number. We shall not enter upon a retrospective discussion, but we must remind Conservatives that they must be cautious and active in seeing that their rights are not injured by any new Whig Bill. There was honest alarm and well-founded distrust entertained about the Reform Bill of 1831, but the closest and most damaging objection to it was its one-sidedness, its " uni-lateral character," as exposed at the time by Mr. CROKER in his powerful speech of September the 20th, 1831. THE IRISH ELECTIONS. WITH the exception of the counties of Dublin, Leitrim, and Wicklow, the Irish contested elec tions may be said to be over, and the feeling of the people of Ireland has been unequivocally declared to be in opposition to Lord PALMERS TON'S Government, and in favour of sound Conservatism. We challenge contradiction to this assertion. Let us begin with the University. The constituency of that great institution at the late election was little under 2,000. We need not add that it comprises—us the University represents—the opinion of all the educated classes, the bar, the medical pro fession, the clergy, the country gentlemen, and merchants in Ireland. It was represented by two gentlemen who bad occupied offices high in Lord DERBY'S Administration. To unseat, or even to shake either of these gen tlemen, would have been a great triumph to the present Government. We are prepared to state that a plot was deliberately concocted to take the University by surprise. It was concocted as soon as the dissolution became inevitable, and was conducted with the utmost seerecy and care. The Lord Lieutenant him self was a party to it ; and the groans with which the Provost's name was received among the highspirited students may indicate their opinion on the subject. Mr. LAWSON, a gentle man possessing the highest academical attain ments, was selected as the instrument. He had carried off nearly every college distinction, had been elected to the chair of Archbishop Wityrnur's Professorship of Political Eco• nomy, and la`terly had been marked out for Government favour, being appointed Secre tary to the Encumbered Court Commission. Mr. HAMIIJON, one of the representatives of the University, laboured under the disadvan tage of not being an alumnus of Trinity Col. lege He had the misfortune of having been educated at Oxford. This, if properly worked, though he had served as member for the University of Dublin since 1842, and had previously represented the city of Dublin, 'night turn the popular current against him. He accordingly was chosen as the subject of attack. We know that Mr. HAMILTON, up to one week before the nomination, was in total ignorance of any intention to disturb the University. A contested election for a univer sity is unusual : it is not desirable that such an institution should be lightly involved in the turmoil and excitement of a contest. An eccentric gentleman had, indeed, addressed the electors ; but it would have been unne cessary to take any trouble in repelling Mr. WILSON. We are warranted in stating that every effort which the Lord Lieutenant or the Irish Government could in any way make, was used unsparingly and in the most profligate manner to induce the electors to support Mr. LAWSON. The clergy are poor—it was thought they would be unable to come from the coun try; the Bar—it is not likely that its mem- THE PRESS. bers are wholly insensible to Govern ment persuasion. The large majority of Lord PALMERSTON in the new Parliament, long and frequent opportunities of advance ment—assistant barristerships, commissioner ships in prospect, it was thought might cor rupt the integrity of that profession. And what was the result? Mr. LAwsoN, with every effort, with all his advantages, was unable to poll more than 272 votes, and ou the second day ignominiously retired from the contest ; while Mr. HAMILTON, although the retirement of Mr. LAwsos (which no doubt was notified for the purpose) prevented a large number of the electors from coming to record their votes, polled nearly 800 votes, and his colleague, Mr. NAPIER, nearly s5O, being a larger number than had ever polled on any former occasion. So much for the University and its repre sentatives, Messrs. NAPIER and HAMILTON, who had been members of Lord DERBY'S O overnment. Now let us turn to the gentleman who was and is a member of Lord PALMERSTON'S Go vernment:possessing gi eat patronage as Under- Secr•etary to the Colonies, with the recom mendation of being a Roman Catholic, and, as might be supposed, acceptable to any popular constituency in Ireland. Mr. BALL had been member in the last Parliament for Carlow County. He was hooted out of that county by every class and denomination of the electors. After trying his fortune, or rather feeling his way, in several other constituencies, he fixed upon Sligo Borough. Sligo Borough is a peculiar• place ; for• many years it had the honour of being represented by Mr. P. SOMERS, who knew how to take care of his friends through the good offices of Mr. HAYTER. Subsequently it had the additional honour of enumerating Mr. JOHN SADLEIR. then Lord of the Treasury, as its member. Mr. WYNNE, also one of those who had been in Lord DERBY'S Government, rescued it from its ignominy in the last Parliament. But Somerism and Sadleirism, it was thought, might have pre pared it for the Under-Secretary of the Colonies ; and Mr. JOHN BALL accordingly fixed his affections upon the borough of Sligo. Finding he had no chance of success, though Lord PALMERSTON himself possesses a largo property in and about the town, without re sorting to discreditable and dangerous outrages, Mr. BALL (we say it to his honour) retired from Sligo, leaving it to Mr. SOMERS to gain a tem porary return by intimidation, fraud, and vio lence. The Under-Secretary of the Colonies then fell back upon the county of Sligo, where Lord PALMERSTON possesses a large property, and as an excellent landlord has influence and popularity. What has been the result ? Booth, a Conservative, and supporter of Lord Derby Cooper, the same Ball, the Un,ler•Seeretary So the Irish Under-Secretary of Lord PAL MERSTON, an Irish Roman Catholic, after try ing all expedients, is unable to find a seat in his native country. The Government efforts were unsuccessful in llnblin City. The Conservatives have already wined Louth County, Waterford Borough, Carlow County, Mayo County, Lis burn Borough, Sligo County; their losses in Sligo Borough and Athlone are, only temporary. Londonderry County can scarcely be con sidered a loss, Mr. FREER, though an advo cate of tenant-right, being a stout Presby terian Conservative. In our next we hope we shall be able to announce that the attack which the Government has made upon the metropolitan county has been as vigorously repelled as that upon the University and the City. LORD JOHN RUSSELL AND " FINALITY." THE position occupied by Lord Jo►tv RESSEIL at the present time is without a precedent in the annals of his party. The Noble Member for London offers the singular spectacle of a leader of tho House of Commons set aside by a Ministerial connection, to whose political principles he is favourable, and of whose general interests he has been the consistent champion for forty years. The Noble Lord is unbroken in health, and the vigour with which he defended himself against his com bined adversaries in the City proves that his 351 energy and his appetite for political power are by no means diminished. What will be the conduct of so distinguished a Whig in the coming session ? That is a question which naturally possesses considerable interest. It is now twenty-three years since Lord .roux ItussEr.r. was first chosen as the leader of the Liberals in the House of Commons, and the Noble Lord retained that post until the fall of the Aberdeen Cabinet. The question is now whether Lord JOHN RUSSELL will be con tent with being superseded in the chiefship of the Reform party? The Lrlinburyh Review once said that " the " spirit of self-assertion was the predominant " characteristic of English statesmen ;" and a more self-asserting politician than Lord JOHN RUSSELL does not exist. If Government bring in a Reform Bill, wo cannot suppose that Lord JOHN RUSSELL will allow a measure of importance to be easily passed without his opinion having been consulted on such a scheme ; if, on the other hand, the Ministry postpones its Reform measures, then Lord JOHN RUSSELL, true to his antecedents, will endeavour again to attract towards himself the gale of popular favour. The old firm of " Rus " sell and Co." will again issue their circulars, requesting the support of their friends. " Our " Sir James Graham" will, possibly, be intro duced as a partner, and the credit of the " Tiver ton Company" will be adroitly disparaged. . . But if the Premier will have bis difficulties in avoiding a Reform Bill, it cannot be denied that Lord JOHN RUSSELL will also have some obstacles to encounter. Foremost amongst these is the memory of the vacillation that he has shown upon the whole question. He was for a long time called " Finality Jack," and the manner in which the Noble Lord earned that appellation contrasts with his anxiety during the "Coalition" to pass a Reform scheme, at the withdrawal of which he wept in the House of Commons. The changes of tone of Lord JOHN RUSSELL with respect to " finality" cannot be overlooked. We have been at some trouble in finding out when Lord JOHN RUSSELL first made use of the phrase. We believe that it was so far back as the time of the passing of the Reform Bill. On the sth of June, 1832, Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved that the House should agree to certain amendments of the Lords, when, as the re port states, " a long and animated debate " ensued, in which the political unions were " strongly deprecated by both sides of the " House." Amongst other speakers, the late Mr. HOME (then M.P. for Middlesex, at the height of his vogue) " declared that he would " not give a pin for the Bill if it stopped at " its present point, without paving the way for " further changes, whereupon (continues the Report) Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose, and said " that he trusted that th. Bill would be received "by the country as a final measure; he could " consent to nothing which went beyond it. If it " were so received, the public would soon cease " to waste their time on political unions." These are strong and significant words. In 1839 the " Letter to the Electors of Stroud " uttered the same tone. On the 21st of June, 1848, the Noble Lord (then Prime Minister) defended the Reform Act against the on slaught of the Radical Reformers, led by Niro HUME ; and on the 4th of June, 1849, the Noble Lord made so moderate and Con servative a speech, that the pres.mt Secretary to the Admiralty called it " a melancholy ex " hibition." Injustice, however, to the Noble Member for London, we must admit that on one of those last occasions he said that " he " had always been of opinion that the Reform " Bill would admit of improvement from time " to time"—a phrase which may mean any thing or nothing, as " improvement" and " time " are equally vague ; and in politics, as in other things, " words are but wind—actions " speak the mind." Between " the bill, the whole bill, and no " thing but the bill," "a,final measure," " pro " gressive reform," and " improvement from " time to time," it would be difficult to ascer tain the permanent convictions of the Noble Member for London But his inconsistencies are as nothing, when compared with those of the present Prime Minister ; and in the coming session both those Noble Lords will I be compelled to speak out.