The Press. — London, England, 1854-04-15 00:00:00

QAII rott6ings in V arliarncnt. POSTPONEMENT OF THE REFORM BILL. The question " What Ministers meant to do with the Reform Rill?" stood for Monday night in the name of Sir E. Dering. Early on that evening, how ever, Lord J. RUSSELL, speaking evidently under much emotion, asked to have the subject held over for another day, promising then to make a statement to the house in a form which might admit of debate. Upon Tuesday, accordingly, being the last day of sitting before the Easter recess, the noble lord rose amidst a crowded and eagerly-attentive house to announce the destiny of the "large measure of parliamentary reform" which had been so often promised, and held so long in suspense before the country and the Legis lature. This statement was introduced by Lord John Russell when moving that the house on rising should adjourn to Thursday, the 27th inst. Alter fixing on that day for reassembling, the noble lord proceeded :- 6 I must now pass on to a question which was asked me by an hon. gentleman yesterday—namely, with respect to my intention to bring forward the second reading of the Reform Bill on the 27th inst. ; and, with respect to a measure of so much importance, and which was introduced by me as the organ of the Government at the commence ment of the session, I fear it is necessary to make a state ment of some length before I go on to state the course which I mean to pursue. The house is aw are that Lord Aberdeen, on the formation of his Government, declared to those who accepted office under him, and declared to Parliament, that a measure of parliamentary reform would be among the bases upon which his Government would be formed. The members who accepted office at that time of course accepted office with that understanding, and con sented to that proposal. 1 mention this, particularly, because I think it is stated in an invidious manner that my personal honour is alone concerned in the carrying on of this measure. (Cheers.) I consider that my personal honour was engaged when the question was, whether 1 would consent to serve under the Crown as a member of Lord Aberdeen's Administration. If Lord Aberdeen had •Itlaid that it was not his intention to propose or to adopt any _., . Measure of parliamentary reform, and I bad consented to a member of that Administration, I might fairly have ii questioned in this house and my personal honour have en called in question. But, from the moment that Lord rdeen had made that declaration, and from the moment his colleagues had accepted office on the faith of that decla ration, the question of personal honour regarded not me alone, but regarded all the members of that Administration. ( Hear, hear.) Lord Aberdeen and his colleagues stated at the time that they did not think that with the pressure of important business before then—with the finances un settled, with the India Bill requiring immediate attention, and other important measures before them—it was possible to bring forward a measure of parliamentary reform during the last session, and I think there was no question of serious importance raised as to the propriety of that de termination. But during the recess the Cabinet applied themselves most sedulously and deliberately to the con sideration of this important measure, and a measure was framed which I had the honour of introducing to this house on the lab of February last. I see no reason to consider that that measure was inadequate to the occasion —that it either was based on wrong principles, that it was carried to too great as extent, or that its provisions were not adapted to reform and to conserve, which I have always considered to be the objects which should be kept in view in any measure of this kind. (Hear, hear.) At the time that her Majesty declared in her speech from the throne that such a measure would be proposed, and at the time when I brought forward the measure in this house, there was great probability of a war with Russia, although no rupture had actually taken place, and it was still possible that the negotiations might have been terminated by a pacific arrangement. Unfortunately, that was not the case. But, while these questions were still pending, I proposed au adjournment of the second reading of this bill to a period which is now in question, namely—the 27th of April. 1 did so on the ground that very important ques tions were then before the house, relating either imme diately to the preparation of forces for the war, or to the supply of means for the payment of those forces. I stated then, as I had stated on a previous occasion, that I did not sonsider that, abstractedly, a state of war was a sufficient ground for not proposing a measure of parliamentary reform. (Hear, hear.) 1 stated that there might be cir cumstances (such as those which occurred at the com mencement of the war in 1803) which might so occupy the attention of every man that it would be impossible to propose any measure of that nature ; but I stated that I did not think the general fact, that this nation was engaged in a war with Russia, was a sufficient reason for not proposing during that war that a measure of internal reform and im provement should be carried out. I ace no reason to etract that opinion. (Hear, hear.) Ido not think either Cud any persons will differ from that statement orwill con sider that it is impossible or inexpedient during a state of war to bring forward measures of internal improvement old reform, including such a measure as I have mentioned. I stated, likewise, that I thought, during a period of war, it was necessary to impose great burdens on the country, and that if there were classes which were fitted to exercise the elective franchise, and which had it not—which were entitled to it, but did not enjoy it—and they were to bear these burdens, it was far from being an unfitting time to admit them to this franchise. (Hear.) From neither of these opinions do I see any occasion to recede. But when war was declared, it was to be considered by the Govern ment whether or no at this particular time we should proceed with the second reading of the Reform Bill. Now, THE PRESS. it is not to be disguised that a Reform Bill of any ex tensive nature whatever attacks many interests, wounds many prejudices, and loses many friends; and that, if the stream of reform is sluggish, those weeds of self interest and prejudice embarrass and completely choke it. ( Hear, hear.) We have had, then, to look to the prospect of our being able to carry the Reform Bill in the present state of public opinion, both in this house and in the country. Now, I think it will be generally owned that while there has been an indisposition ou the part of mem bers of this house (as far as 1 could collect their opinions, upon whatever side of the house they sat) to undertake the consideration of this question, there has been in the country not a disapprobation of the measure which we propose, but an indifference as to its being immediately brought forward. (Cheers.) I collect this fact first from the absorbing interest which it is evident all the people of this country take in the war that has now begun—an inter est which is quickened by their feelings in favour of the power which is attacked, and against the aggressor in this war. ( Hear,hear.) 1 collect it, secondly, from the ab sence of manifestations in favour of reform by petitions presented to this house. (Hear.) I think there have not been more than eleven petitions of the kind presented to this house, and of these not more than four were in favour of the measure which is now before the house. Now, as I have said, I do not think this is to be attributed to disapproba tion of the measure of the Government. As far as 1 can learn, applying to many quarters for information, the judg ment passed upon that measure is not one of disapproba tion. It has been considered that the measure extends very largely, but not unduly, the franchises of the people; and it has been considered, with regard to any penalties of disfranchisement it may contain—whether that disfran chisement is carried too far or not far enough, or whatever may be the measure of it—that it has at least been applied fairly—(Hear)—without any regard to party interest or party feelings, and that therefore the Government measure is at least worthy of commendation in that respect. (Hear.) But whether or no the provisions of this bill are, on the whole, well combined together, or whether every one of its clauses is to be approved of, on that question I think that neither this house nor the country are at pre sent able to give an opinion, from that want of attention to its details which I have already mentioned, and from the absorbing interest in the war to which I have already al luded ; but 1 cannot but think that the Government have come to a proper conclusion, that it would be unwise, whe ther as regards the general interests of the country, &r whether as regards the particular interests of reform, upon the part of those who are desirous of obtaining a reform of the representation of the people in Parliament if they were to press the second reading of this bill. ( Hear, hear.) I feel that every one thinks, and I must feel that there is € rest force in an observation made on a previous occasion by the right hon. gentleman the member for Buckingham shire, that it is a great inconvenience that there should be a bill before the House of Commons containing, as this bill contains, provisions for the disfranchisement of bo roughs for which members of the present Parliament enjoy a seat and a vote, and that there should be no discussion in this house as to whether that proposed disfranchise ment should be approved and carried into effect, and I am not at all disposed to diminish the weight of that objection taken to any postponement of this measure. I think, likewise, that it is a great disadvantage that her Majesty should have been twice advised—and 1 must con fess that I have been one of her advisers—that she should have been twice advised to propose to Parliament that measures for amending the representation of the people should be considered by Parliament, and that in neither instance, in the same session that the proposal has been made, has the proposal seriously been taken into con sideration by this house. But I cannot accept that excuse which has been made for the course which I am now declaring myself to be ready to adopt on the part of the Government,—l mean the excuse that the Government, having considered and matured a measure for amending the representation of the people, anti having prepared its details, have thereby redeemed the pledge which they made upon accession to office. I cannot but think that, under all ordinary circumstances, had we proposed such a measure, the Government were bound, not only to lay it on the table of the house, but they were bound to do their utmost to carry it into effect. (Cheers.) I should therefore be sorry to be supposed to wish to evade any attack on similar grounds. But, great as these in conveniences are, I must say that I think that any other course would be attended with greater evils and with more lamentable effects. We could hardly propose the second reading of this bill at this time, without declaring it to be our intention, if the bill should be defeated, to resign office, or at once to proceed to the country by an immediate dissolution of Parliament. I cannot but think that either of those two courses would, at the present moment, be attended with great inconvenience. ( Hear, hear.) Well, then, it must seem to follow, and under ordinary circum stances it would follow, that here is a Government pro posing a measure which they think of essential import ance—a measure which affects the representation of the country, and a measure in which great issues are in volved—and they admit themselves that they are obliged not to go to a division in the course of the present session, and therefore it is hardly fair for them to continue to hold office. But here again there is a duty to perform. The Ministers of the Crown have very lately brought down messages from the Crown to both Houses of Parliament, asking Parliament to support the Crown at the commence ment of an arduous and, it may be, a protracted struggle ; and we could hardly suppose it to be our duty, except under circumstances of the utmost necessity, to shrink from the post which we occupy—( cheers)—to shrink from the responsibility of the war in which we have advised her gracious Majesty to embark. ( Renewed cheers.) Such, then, being the case as regards the bill for the reform of the representation of the people. I may be asked—and I am quite ready to answer the questions—how stands the quits- SATURDAY, tion of reform itself ? That is what I will now proceed to state. The first thing that 1 should say is, that the Govern ment of Lord Aberdeen, when they gave a pledge on the subject of reform, gave that pledge in all sincerity—( If ear) — that they are ready to abide by that pledge, and that they hold themselves as bound to the principles of reform in the representation of the people as they did on the first day on which they entered into office. (Cheers.) With regard to any more specific pledge, I have only to add that, with re spect to the measure which the Government adopted, we see no reason to change ow opinions with regard to the principles involved in that measure, or the general scope of it, or the objects which it has in view. The Govern ment consider themselves as much approving of the measure as they were when it was first brought forward ; and 1 can therefore only say, that when an opportunity presents itself we shall be most willing to embrace it, and again bring forward a measure of reform on the same principles, and, when Parliament is able pro perly to attend to the subject, we shall not only be ready to bring in a measure of reform but we shall be ready to bring it in with all the weight of the Government. (Hear, hear.) Of course I do not mean that the observations which have been made upon the measure will not meet with due at tention, or that modifications in some of the details will not be duly considered before the measure is again introduced. We think that we should ill represent the opinion of the people at large, and that we should not pay due deference to public opinion, if we did not adopt that course. (Hear, hear.) By the principles of the measure we are ready to bind ourselves, and the Government remains a Government based on proposals of reform in the representation of the people. (Cheers.) These circumstances are new and un precedented. A Government entering upon a war of the magnitude of that upon which we have just entered, and at the same time proposing a measure so large as that which we proposed for amending the representation of the people in Parliament, is a circumstance which has not occurred in the constitutional history of this country, and we are bound to consider our own sense of duty as to the course which we ought to pursue. (Hear, hear.) Now may I be permitted to say a few words in reference not only to the Government, but in reference to my own credit as the organ of the Government in this house? (Hear, hear.) I know that the course which I have proposed is exposed to all those weapons, those taunts and sarcasms, which the right hon. gentleman the member for Bucking hamshire knows so well how to wield. They are fair weapons of opposition, and I have been long used to them —('Hear, hear,' and laughler)—and I trust that I should not complain if those weapons were wielded against me with even more skill and dexterity than has hitherto been the case ; but the case is different as regards those who have been in the habit of supporting the present Govern ment, and who have looked forward for a speedy reform in the representation of the people. With respect to those persons. I must say that while the statement that I have made may be open to suspicion, that that suspicion can hardly be entertained without weakening my position as the organ of the Government in this house. [The noble lord at this part of his speech was deeply affected, and was immediately greeted with enthusiastic and long-protracted cheering from all parts of the house.] If I have done any thing in the cause of Reform, I trust that I have deserved some degree of confidence, but, at all events, I feel that, if I do not possess that confidence, I shall be of no use to the Crown or to the country, and I can no longer bold the position I now occupy. (Load cheers.) These are times of no ordinary importance, and questions arise of the utmost difficulty. I shall endeavour to arrive at those con clusions which will be for the best interests of the Crown and of the country, and I trust that I may meet with sup port. 1 have now only to move that the house at its rising do adjourn to Thursday, the 27th of April. The noble lord resumed his seat amid loud and long-continued cheering." Sir E. DERING believed that the course adopted by the noble lord was a sound one, and in entire accordance with the sentiments of the house, which he had thus extricated from no ordinary difficulty. As to the personal honour of the noble lord, he might rest assured that the house and the country would do justice to the motives by which he was actuated. Mr HtntiE had the most undounded confidence in the sincerity of the noble lord as well as of the Government. However greatly he might regret that the Reform Bill was not to be gone on with, he must admit that under the circumstances there was no alternative. Mr. BRIGHT felt himself justified in remonstrating against the resolution of the Ministry, seeing that he had opposed the war policy from the behgiichnnhaing, but admitted that the house generally, wd affirmed that policy, had no right to complain. Much fault bad been found with the bill, in which he bad himself shared; but this objection did not apply to reform in the abstract, but to the particular measure introduced by the Government, and which be charac terised as a political conundrum. Mr. LABOUCHERE believed that the course taken by the noble lord was honestly intended, and well adapted to secure the ultimate triumph of the cause. Lord JOCELYi and Lord H. VANE announced their satisfaction with the mode in which the Reform Bill was to be treated. Mr. DISRAELI said:— " I think that her Majesty's Government have arrived at a sound and satisfactory conclusion in that whichthey have communicated to the house this night, and that the country ought to be congratulated on it. lam not, there fore, disposed to indulge in sarcasm as the noble lord bps