The Press. — London, England, 1858-08-21 00:00:00

----- D ( --.) , Ire , 41... A ./. .....___.....- , ini. ---- LONDON SATURD.A ? 4.A.U . GUST 'I ,ED , I STA *" -------------""----- .-..........- CONSERVATIVE REFO RM. through the agency ofllleniunerous pu' one 1 •' Übe:-" a' T HE great battle-field of P art y , in the coming lie- h o- ~:tt the Firm to which he heir s ession, will undoubtedly be Parliamentar y Re- -rol, and employ •to 'control alters :1 -. .. to the circumstance, that, thehg rl- Jfe9-* form; unless, indeed , s ome unex p ected event she- ar ise to divert the public m ind into _a be a religious man, he was fl- _a l direction. It is not that t he p eo p les _ ce question, to have an " ace ,- ..ing co eager or anxious for another '•.— be with birth the party politicians ,o bid hi g h for but wt ..ithout brains shou' I re stored WI- ,and for Reform now ..atectual constituency, ' Leo -se who have been ‘'• _ most astute politician to say ~its of the former '' .al drunkenness requires protect ,se who never ey - .o work lieve, an unquestionable fact -acial change. ' _ave given the large brewers sitting in ' ,igs a permane - .as country ; it has than ever sat there befor' given rise *a . mediate party, and ended representatives are not in I- .eaker than they were before. and other large but potency of the public ..as the Whigs who tried their hands at the member into ~norm on the former occasion, and had it all beer, it is brass their own way, it is but fair that it 5h00 21 . 13 011 * blushing, the br the lot—as it' seems likely it *lll this thiALedif the poffing_he the Conservatives to show what they can do to whose great amend the representation. The Bill of 1832, by empty though coming from the Whigs, was intended to state of t' be Conservative ; but conservative of what ?—of this is their own paramount influence : this they sough t is to to conserve by disfranchising the close boroug hs of Enft the Conservatives, and preserving their own in- vid tact. The Bill of 1859 or 60, though origin- sT sting with the Conservatives, will, we venture to foretell, be genuinely liberal; or, in other words, truly conservative. It is no uncommon phenomenon in that strange contradictory thir called " human nature," for those who are big' liberal in theory to be tyrannical in practice for those who are rigid in their professee ciples to be the most considerate and ju they come to apply them. What are the defects in the work in Reform Bill ? On this point let Times. In its leader of May 7, plained that the Reform Bill h " presentation of the people t " purses or accommodating r " who will bribe with move ' " bribe with servility " platform declaimers." But the Times might ther—at least we and say that it is bir many constituenci‘ the metropolitar in point of fa humiliating ' coniprehene ing, an d • constitu , by tw and a e cr d ' STAMPED ....SIXPF NCE. UNSTAMPED ..FIVEPENCE. I LONDON, SATURDAY, AUGUST 21,1858. through the potent agency of Illenumerous pub- • lie-houses which the Firm to which he belongs could control, and employ 'to 'control others : added to the circumstance, that, thOugh professing to be a religious man, he was found, on the Jew question, to have an " accommodaiing canseienee." Birth may be a very good reason why a man should be chosen, if with birth there be brains ; but why beer without brains should represent a large intellectual constituency, it would puzzle the most astute politician to say, unless it be that drunkenness requires protection. It is, we be lieve, an unquestionable fact, that there are more large brewers sitting in the present Parliament than ever sat there before. And even where the representatives are not brewers, as in Lambeth, and other large but low constituencies, it is the potency of the public-house influence that carries :-f- Parliament. Or, when not CONSERVATIVE REFORM. THE great battle-field of Party, in the coming session, will undoubtedly be Parliamentary Re form; unless, indeed, some unexpected event should arise to divert the public mind into another direction. It is not that the people generally are eager or anxious for another Reform Bill—they have seen the futility of the last ; but that failing party politicians are anxious to bid high for restored influence. The demand for Reform now comes rather from those who have been disap pointed in the results of the former Reform Bill than from those who never expected it to work any beneficial change. It was to have given the Whigs a permanent rule in this country ; it has given rise to a new intermediate party, and ended in leaving them weaker than they were before. As it was the Whigs who tried their hands a Reform on the former occasion, and had it a' their own way, it is but fair that it should the lot—as it' seems likely it *lll this thilliAo the Conservatives to show what they can do amend the representation. The Bill of 18 though coming from the Whi, was intended to state of gs things to continue ? Who can say be Conservative ; but conservative of what ?—of this is a true representation of the collective their own paramount influence : this they sought English people ? to conserve by disfranchising the close borough§ of It is certain that some remedy must be pro the Conservatives, and preserving their own in- vided ere long for the evils and abuses that have tact. The Bill of 1859 or 60, though origin- spranc , up under the last Reform Bill. Parlia sting with the Conservatives, will, we venture ment will lose the confidence of all the more to foretell, be genuinely liberal; or, in other intelligent members of the community, and all its words, truly conservative. It is no uncommon proper influence, if something be not done to raise phenomenon in that strange contradictory thing the character of the Legislative Body. The called " human nature," for those who are highly question, then, arises, What direction shall Re liberal in theory to be tyrannical in practice, and form next take ?—what shall be its distinctive for those who are rigid in their professed prin- feature 9 ciples to be the most considerate and just when " Nothing is a due and adequate representation they come to apply them. " of a State that does not represent its ability as What are the defects in the working of the last " well as its property." Such is one of the prin- Reform Bill? On this point let us hear the ciples laid down by that profound political philo- Times. In its leader of May 7, 1849, it corn- sopher, BURKF.. Here we have the principle plained that the Reform Bill had " left the re- that should guide us in any new Reform. In the presentation of the people to men with large last Reform Act the only two things considered " purses or accommodating consciences ; to men were property and numbers. Education has " who will bribe with money, and those who will made immense strides since that period, and " bribe with servility railway directors or would advance still more rapidly if an educa " platform declaimers." This is too true. tional qualification—such as the new A.A. degree But the Times might have gone even fur- after twenty-one years of age, with a number of ther—at least we may go further now— others--entitled to a vote. An educational fran and say that it is birth, brass, or beer that in very chile is what we now require, both to restore the many constituencies now rules the day. Look at balance of influence in the State among the the metropolitan county of Middlesex, which is, different orders, and also to elevate the character in point of fact, one great city. Is it not a of the House of Commons. Mere numbers never humiliating thing that this great constituency, can be either a just or a safe basis for granting comprehending more of the property, rank, learn- electoral powers. For, multiplying fools by ing, and intelligence of the age than any other thousands will not create one single wise man. constituency in the world, should be represented It is those who understand the nature of their by two such men as a BYNG, for his birth, trust, and are too independent to barter it for a and a brewer, for his beer ? There cannot be bribe, that we want to exercise the duty of elec a doubt that it was the name of Byng that tion. It is not lowering the franchise, but raising caused the one to be returned, and that the other the character of the qualification, that will re was returned, notwithstanding his unfitness, medy the defects in the last Reform Bill. And Linn EDITION. let no . one say that this principle of Reform is not • "liberal" : it would be " liberal " in the true sense of the term, and at the same time large, inas much as it would include all those who have had a "liberal" education, and these are now no small number. While we adopt BURKE'S principle that " nothing is a due and adequate representation " of a State that does not represent its ability as " well as its property," we adopt it with his own limitations, namely, that property must have a predominating influence over both ability and numbers in the representation to secure the safety of the State. For, first, ability being an active and vigorous thing, and property sluggish and inert, if property were not made secure, by the larger number who represented it, against being overborne, it might soon fall a prey to the invasions of ability. In the second place, property must be represented in great masses, and not as diffused in evil .portions through large numbers of persons ; because the same amount of property divided between five thousand citizens, each of whom has a vote, as is in another case amassed in one individual, would have a manifest overwhelming advantage over the latter, if his individual person only was to be considered, and in the other case, each man's property, as the ground of his qualification. The characteristic of property is, that it will always be unequal. The great masses, therefore, which excite envy and tempt to rapacity, must be put out of all pos sibility of danger by the greater weight given to them in the State. Thus treated, they form a natural rampart about the lesser properties, and keep every man's own secure. The great fault of the last Reform Bill was, that a it gave to mere numbers in certain localities a predominating influence. It was not that it did not secure still to the large properties of the country adequate protection (the great Whig proprietors took care of that) ; but that it pan dered to political party, by giving to numbers in large towns, where Radical sentiments almost always prevail, the virtual power of returning the members, without regard to any other quali fication than the renting a ten-pound house. This it was that has swamped all the intelligence, respectability, and independence of the more educated classes in these places. What a perfect mockery, for instance, it is to give to any clergy man, or solicitor, or doctor, or artist, or school master (unless he happens to be an extreme Radical, which in such a borough as Lam or in our great influence is aim As well might to present it sequence is, have almost Both as respects men chosen, eh is very rare) a vote in such a Ambeth, or Finsbury,9Lßallthwark, tat mercantile hpviliskr —lti l o l-64 , c 5 tbsolutely overy7e •,, '• 1 •• l ': " ' l l ir . tt he throw his rapt i 4-" at the polling ~. 41 . . vi '. t . .f . f . that in these ccitlaiti . "i t it k -I. * , entirely ceasedgie ..,L, espects the ch.• - , V,7;:i, 1 41 1 .7 4 1, some rectificido _A