The Press. — London, England, 1854-08-12 00:00:00

A AUGUST 12, 1854. ad id ad was insufficient to meet its expenditure, he suggested that a large saving might be made by reducing the regular cavalry force, which was maintained upon a larger scale than the service required. Mr. J. G. PHILLIMORE remarked upon the import ance of establishing the means of rapid and cheap transit throughout the vast area of our Indian terri tories. After some remarks from Mr. S. FITZGERALD touch ing military promotions in India, and a few words from Mr. V. SCULLY , Sir C. WOOD briefly replied, and the formal reso lutions which he had moved in the course of his opening speech were agreed to. ENCUMBERED ESTATES (WEST INDIES) BILL. The committal of thisCillheing moved on Monday in the Commons, -- - • Sir J. PAKINGTON emphatically denounced the in justice and cruelty wh.ch the measure would perpe tuate among a large section of the West Indian pro prietors:— " He referred especially to that particular portion of the encumbrances which had arisen from the loan granted under an act of Parliament in 1832, in consequence of the de struction of property in the West Indies by the hurricane of 1831. Before that act, also, a loan was granted to some of the proprietors in Jamaica in consequence of the injury they sustained from the violence which took place during the rebellion. The loan, which was extended to the West Indies in consequence of the hurricane, had been standing from that time to this ; and lately the Government had been pressing for the repayment of the whole. From parliamentary returns it would appear that the aggregate sum originally lent to individuals in the islands was 713,0001., end that 485,0001. now remained outstanding, the Government having received as interest very nearly 309,0041., exclusive of interest on loans to the islands. Now, in a letter which had been written last February by the Secretary of the Treasury, a refusal was given to enter into a compromise which the inhabitants of the West Indies had requested; and the honourable gentleman added that the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury were pre p tred to proceed, in virtue of an act passed in 1845, to accept a composition in lieu of the loan equivalent to the present value of the property in St. Vincent, in all those cases in which it could be satisfactorily proved to the Loan Commissioners that the value of each estate, if offered for sale, would be less than the sum now due for principal and interest upon the loan. (' Hear, hear,' from Mr. Wilson.) The hon. gentleman cheered that statement ; but he did not see that that was in fact saying that the Go vernment were resolved to confiscate the remaining pro perty of those West Indian proprietors? (Hear, hear.) Indeed, with the exception of the case of Shylock and the pound of flesh, he could remember nothing so cruel as that climax to our legislation with reference to our West Indian colonies. The hon. gentleman said, in fact, when the value of the property had fallen below the amount the pro prietor owed the Government, then they would take a sum equivalent to that whole value. (Hear, hear.) He should like to know how the Government was to get more than the present value of the estate. In some cases the value of estates in the West Indies had fallen as much as ninety per cent. below what it was at the time the loans in ques tion were contracted. If the Government pressed for the pound of flesh, the result would be that, in the island of St. Vincent, out of twenty-three estates, no less than eighteen would be altogether confiscated and taken away frum the owners. (Hear, hear.) The same consequences, though perhaps in fewer cases, would take place in the islands of St. Lucia and St. Domingo. Since the loans in question were contracted, the proprietors in the West India Islands had been reduced to a state of poverty, and in some cases of ruin. Besides, he would ask, had not the people of this country been repaid those loans in another shape ? What had the people of this country gained in the interval by the reduction in the price of sugar ? Why, during the last year the saving to the public in sugar alone had been upwards of 3,000,0001.; and that at the expense and ruin of the unfortunate proprietors in the West Indies. The pro prietors themselves suggested. that their respective debts should be lowered in the same ratio ar their estates had been diminished in value. He thought that a fair propo sition, though he admitted there might be some difficulty in applying the principle to the different islands. The Government adopted a fair and generous course with regard to the loans due from the people of Ireland; but the claim of Ireland to be so dealt with was not, in his opinion, nearly so strong as that of the West Indies. He hoped the Government would meet this case in a fair and generous spirit; that, at all events, they would not act either in the spirit or in the letter of the despatch written by the Secre tary of the Treasury, in which he declared that the Govern ment were willing to accept what in a great many cases would be an actual confiscation of the property in question. (Hear, hear.)" Mr. WILSON defended the course which the Go- Ye rnment were pursuing, on the plea that a con . tinuance of the existing state of indebtedness was Most prejudicial to the general prosperity and progress of the islands in question " Nothing had been more injurious to the proprietors in the West Indies than the keeping those loans sus pended over their heads for so long a time, by which they themselves were unable to improve their estates or to raise money upon them with that view. ( Hear, hear.) Those moneys were originally borrowed under an act of the 2nd and 3rd William IV., in 1832 or 1833, by which it was provided that the loans should be repaid in ten years, a term which, by a subsequent act, was extended to ten years longer. and in 1848 a further act was passed by which the term was extended for a further period of Ave years. THE PRESS. What the Government had done was this—if any person I should say he was prepared to pay as much as the Govern ment should be able, through expensive modes of treat ment, applied to his estate, ultimately to derive from it, they would be justified in accepting that sum, though it might be smaller than the actual amount of the loan. He thought that was a fair and just principle to act upon. The general principle which the Government had laid down was this. They were empowered by acts of Parlia• meut to extend to 1t:469 and DO longerthe payment of those debts ; and they were prepared to enter into an arrange ment to give the debtors the full extent of that time to pay ; or, ifs man said insestate was not worth its full value, they were prepared to receive a proposition from him for the settlement of the debt by the payment of a composition. Those propositions had been received by the Exchequer Loan Commissioners in the most liberal and generous spirit; so much so, indeed, that since that offer was made last year, out of fifty-nine estates in Jamaica they had suc ceeded in bringing no less than forty-one into a fa►r way of settlement by composition. (Hear, hear.) All he could say was, that whenever a bond frk debtor, the owner of an estate on which there was such an encumbiance, would make a proposition to the Exchequer Loan Commissioners, that proposition would be received with every disposition to settle the claim in the most liberal spirit, and with every con►ideration for the peculiar disabilities to which the debtor had been liable; and he trusted the right honourable gentleman would be content to leave the matter in the hands of those commissioners." Mr. ELLICE characterised the proceedings of the Government as petty, oppressive, and vexatious. The whole question as to the circumstances under which the loans were advanced, or their repayment claimed, should, he thought, be referred to a committee, with a view of devising some liberal mode of dealing with the subject. He challenged the Colonial Secretary to pronounce his opinion on the matter, which came within his official responsibility. Sir G. GREY said the law had placed the respon sibility of recovering these debts in the hands of the Exchequer Loan Commissioners, and all he, as Secretary of State for the Colonies, could do was to collect from the West Indies all the information he could obtain as to the condition of the colonies, and refer it to the Treasury and the Commissioners. The course pursued was to consider each individual caso upon its own merits, and the fairest consideration was given to every proposal. While there was no desire to press with undue severity upon parties, the Go vernment were bound to look to the just claims of the country. Mr. T. HARKEY opposed the bill, calling it a mea sure of confiscation. Mr. V. SCULLY also found much to disapprove in its provisions, but, nevertheless, thought it better to accept the bill with all its im perfections than allow the present unsatisfactory state of things to continue in the West Indies. The opposition was not pressed, and the bill went through committee. THE WAR AND ITS ALLIANCES. Some further criticisms upon the manner in which the war had been carried on, or the confederacies to which it led had been managed, were offered on Thursday by the Marquis of CLANRI CARDE, who justified by the example of Mr. Pitt the course he had taken throughout the session in watching with unremitting jealousy the past conduct of the Government in this important branch of their duties. He proce3ded to remark at considerable length upon various circumstances which, in his opinion, evinced the neglect or incom petence of the functionaries entrusted with the ma nagement of the different departments, or of the Go vernment generally. Among these he dwelt especially upon the delays and inefficiency of the commissariat ; the incompleteness of the blockades established in the White and Black Seas ; and the want of gun-boats of light draught and armed with guns of long range, of whose paramount importance in the operations now proceeding in the Baltic he expressed his decided conviction. Passing on to the diplomatic branch of the subject, Lord Clanricarde insisted on the propriety of laying before Parliament the text of the treaty lately concluded between Austria and Turkey, and called upon the Governmentto state their grounds for believing that any hope of sincere and hearty co-ope ration on the part of the Vienna Cabinet could reason • ably be entertained. He inquired what guarantees existed that Austria would ever evacuate the princi palities which she was to be so easily permitted to occupy ; and, after declaring his persuasion that no Austrian soldier would be allowed to fire a shot against a Russian, pointed out that as matters stood the Austrian arm 3 would be interposed between the belligerents, and enabled to retain a position of armed neutrality, with the power, which it was much to be feared would be ultimately exercised, of changing that attitude for one of armed intervention. The Earl of CLkRENDON admitted that the course pursued by the noble marquis had been thoroughly consistent : " I must say that from the first day of the session—all through the session—and down to the last day of the ses. sion, my noble friend has not missed an opportunity— and has created many—of marking his want of confidence in the Government, and in their ability to carry on the war. (Hear, and laughter.) My noble friend has made aconvari• I 749 son between himself and Pitt iu order to justify the man. ner in which he exercised his privilege and, performed his duty; but if I had any disposition to impugn my noble friend's conduct, or to question the manner in which he exercised that privilege and performed that duty, it would be this night ; for about the first half-hour of his speech was occupied in details and facts which it would be must pernicious for the enemy to know." The Earl of ABERDEEN: Not facts. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of CLARENDON: Not facts ; but my noble friend has stated them as facts ; he has collected them with great care ; and really I am unable, and the noble duke near me is unable, to reply to them as we should wish, not having had any notice of them. (Hear, hear.) However, assuming they are facts — The Marquis of CLANKICARDE: I referred only to state ments that appear in the public papers. The Earl of CLARENDON : My noble friend has referred to the want of mortars and gun-boats, and the necessary inefficiency of our fleets in consequence. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE : The statements are in the papers. Lord Clarendon, without pursuing the question as to " faets," went on to explain that the delay in producing the Austro-Turkish treaty arose from some technical omission, which would shortly be repaired. Respecting the conduct of Austria, he felt assured now, as in times past, that her hearty co operation was secured to the Western powers alike by her honour, her dignity, and her interest. The anticipation of movement on her part had already occasioned the Russian armies to retreat, and the British Ministry had learnt only two days previously that Prince Gortschakoff had received orders from the Czar to evacuate both the principalities. Austria bad, no doubt, taken her own time and mode for en gaging in actual hostilities, but it must be recollected that the interests at stake on her part were very extensive, and that the organisation of her existing army of three hundred thousand men had presented gigantic difficulties. The Western powers, on their side, be declared had proceeded in perfect indepen dence of the Vienna Cabinet, and had not incurred an hours delay in any military undertaking by waiting for Austria to settle or announce her course of action. He believed also that Austria would ulti. mately " overcome all those manmuvres and tricks that have been used to paralytic- her action, and had great satislaction in stating to their lordships that between the last sis•and t:hirty hours, and consequently since the evacuation of the principalities by the Russian troops wad known at Vienna, notes had been exchanged between her Alajosty's Govern ment and the Government of Austria which will show, when they come to be made public, that Austria had as little intention as ourselves of returning to the status quo. (Cheers.)" The Foreign Secretary proceeded to comment upon the effects which had already been produced upon Russia by the war. When hostilities were declared we had occupied ourselves with the mere defence of Constantinople, which seemed in actual danger of attack, and with this view great works were under taken at Gallipoli and in the neighbourhood of the capital. The Russians had, however, been foiled in every attack by the Turkish troops under Omer Pacha, encouraged by the presence of the allied armies ; their siege of Silistria had been ignomi niously raised ; they had recrossed the Danube, and were now so entirely discomfited that no further offensive operations were to be apprehended from them. In the Baltic our fleets had shut up those of Russia behind their granite fortifications, and had ensured for our trade the most complete freedom and security in every sea, while that of Russia was extinguished : " All the industry of the country is to a great extent paralysed, whilst the want of markets has deprived the Russian proprietor of what he has hitherto been reckoning upon in order to meet the heavy expenses to which he is subjected (Hear, heart I know that these are nut very heroic results, but I feel sure that they will do exactly what my noble friend has pointed out as being so desirable— they will create a pressure upon all classes in Russia; they will exercise s pressure upon the public opinion which I agree with him does exist there ; and i hope they will create a greater impression than even if Sebastopol had already fallen, and we had had our national vanity and ambition gratified to the. full. (Hear, hear.) We know, in order to maintain herself in this war, that, over the immense terri tory she occupies, Russia has been compelled not only to maintain but increase her vast armies on the shores of the Baltic, in Livonia, in Finland, in Poland, on the banks of the Danube, in Circassia, and in the Crimes. We know also the enormous loss of life that has been occasioned, and the immense number of conscripts that have been taken from their homes to supply that loss. I know not precisely what the numbers are, but we have seen from time to time ukases issued calling fur two, three, and five per cent. of the serf population, whilst in Poland even seven per cent. have been taken from the landed proprietors; and when you remember that the value of the serf to his proprietor is reckoned at not less than 60/. sterling, you will have some notion of what this direct tax amounts to upon the landed interest of Russia, for this is a tax not on the revenue but the capital of the proprietor. This, again, will tend to produce pressure upon all those classes in Russia who are now unfavourable to the war, whose enthusiasm has not been roused by the appeals that have been addressed to them, anti who have refused to believe their religion was in danger, simply because an imperial ukase informed them that it was so." d~r~ ~~l