The Press. — London, England, 1857-07-11 00:00:00

• 666 THE IRISH VICEROYALTY. CONSERVATIVE influence has again signally de feated the centralising scheme for abolishing the Irish Viceroyalty. Into the merits or de merits of that institution we shall not here enter, as when Mr. Itostinekc gave his notice of motion we discussed the subject at some length. We eould have wished that the motion had been met on Tuesday in a more decided manner than by moving the previous question, but the resisting power clearly came - from the Conservative side of the House. The Premier made a weak speech, not debating the subject on its merits, but confining himself to criticising the terms of Mr. ROEBUCK'S ' motion, exposing its unpractical character, and eonfessing that he did not know what to put in place of the Lord Lieutenancy; suppos ing that it were abolished. The speech of Mr. DISRAELI was sharp, salient, and effective, being received with great favour by the House. The Right Hon. Gentleman showed with much clearness that many of the objections urged against the Viceroyalty could be used against the Court of St. James. The vagueness of the charges against the Viceregal institution, and their contradictory character, were also cleverly ex posed. If "pageantry" be bad at Dublin, it could scarcely be good at London ; and Mr. DISRAELI rapidly disposed of the vulgar assumption that the office was " a sham," because its officials are attired in Court cos tume. The allusion to the Speaker's office, and the pomp and parade of that great post, was appreciated by the House, and the refer ence in itself was a sufficing answer to the de clamation of those who wish to disparage the Viceroyalty with vain talk about " pageantry." The charge of " corruption," also, was skil fully put aside by Mr. DISRAELI ; and on this point we must observe that the alleged " cor ruption" or " intrigues " attempted to be fastened upon " Dublin Castle" might gene rally be traced to springs of action at London. " The Lichfield-house Compact," for instance, and various other extraordinary " arrange ments," more or less censurable, were done in England, and by the heads of parties, and did not primarily originate at " the Castle." The abilities, also, and public fame of the great personages who filled the office of Lord Lieutenant since the Union are an answer to the charge that the office is a " moekery." Great peers like the late Duke of BEDFORD and the Duke of RICHMOND, a consummate statesman like the Marquis WELLESLEY, a princely patrician of the greatest wealth like the late Duke of NORTHUMBERLAND, ft brilliant warrior like the Marquis of ANGLESEY, and other great personages, were proud to have filled that poet. It were idle, therefore, for Sir WILLIAM SOMERVILLE to have attempted to cast ridicule upon the office. The Lord Lieutenancy is not a " party " question ; and it should stand or fall on public considerations. Mr. DISRAELI laid aside all sectional views in his vigorous speech, and addressed his arguments to both sides of the House. It was proper and graceful that a Conservative statesman in the position of the Right Hon. Gentleman should have shielded • Lord CARLISLE from the low style of ridicule east upon him on Tuesday. Lord CARLISLE is certainly a most amiable and accomplished nobleman ; and we hardiy think it proper to hold him up to Parliamentary censure, because be had " mastered the Irish national dances." Such ridicule, we fear, would go farther than the 'personage at whom it is aimed. The gaiety of Dublin life is in nothing more visible than in the spectacle of grave judges dancing it • merrily on the " lieht fantastic toe;" and some of their exploits have been happily preserved in the wit of the late Chief Justice OHERTY. Would it be fair for an English M.P. to deride the abilities of the learned members of the Irish Judicature, because they are as ready to take precedents from Chan cellor Hsrros in a drawing-room as from HALE and HARPWICEE in a court of law ? MrADlsasiti's gracaftil tribute to Lord - ---eARLIBLE will not be misjudged. Censure of THE PEES S, 3IILY 11, 1857. a low personal kind cast upon the representa tive of the Sovereig n might be a pernicious example, and it is felt that personages who cannot themselveS take part in oral discussions ought, to be exempted from that freedom which onttora and public writers may apply to those who can defend themselves at once. Mr. Disuaxas allusion le the times in which Lord MoRPETH hauoural4 distinguished himself is debate was strictlystified:— In other times there ay hare been individuals examples of higher intellectual powers, but there never was a period when so great a number of eminent men were in the House of Commons. From 1835 to 1845 there were sitting in the House of Commons Lord JOHN RUSSELL, Sir ROBERT PEEL, the Earl of DERBY (Lord Stanley), Viscount PALMERSTON, Viscount HOWICK, Lord GEORGE BENTINCK, Mr. DISRAELI, Mr. GLADSTONE, Mr. MACAULAY, Sir JAMES GRAHAM, Sir WILLIAM FOLLETT, Sir CHARLES BULLER, Mr. HUME, Mr. GROTE. Mr. O'CONNELL, Mr. SHAW, Mr. SHELL, and Mr. COBDEN. It would be difficult to find a similar catalogue of eminent names at one time in the House of Commons, each of whom had special preten sions to receiving profound attention ; and even amongst these great debaters Lord MoR• METH often oommanded the admiration of his supporters and the respect of his adversaries. Nevertheless, we are disposed to concur with Mr. WHITESiDE that there have been appoint ments made in Ireland which could not be attempted in the face of English opinion. The fault, however, in these instances was in the " jobbery of Liberalism," and not in the Vice- royalty. Abolishing the Lord Lieutenancy would not improve the Whigs. The subject concerns the organisation of the Irish Execu tive, end cannot be put in the list of " party " questions. The Lord Lieutenancy is one thing, Lord CARLISLE'S administration of it is quite another; and the present is not an occa sion when the two subjects should be mixed together. We could have wished that Mr. HORSMAN had thought proper to have explained the reasons why the Right Honourable Gentleman has ceased being connected with the Irish Government. INDIA AND ITS GOVERNORS. THE telegraphic despatch from Trieste, the precursor of the Indian mail, is hourly ex pected, and will, in all probability, have been received before morning. Under such cir cumstances it might be deemed an im policy to indulge in idle speculations, and an impertinence to hazard stringent prophe cies in regard to the important events which must needs have been in course of transaction during the fortnight that will have intervened between the 28th of May—the period to which our latest advices extend—and the date of the incoming news. The fact is almost beyond doubt, that the Indian intelligence, now so anxiously looked for by every humane being in England, will be of a mixed character. We shall, beyond all reason able question, hear of terrible retribu tion due to armed rebels. We shall hear that Delhi and the minor, but still im portant, posts of Allyghur, Mynpoorie, and Etawah have have been reclaimed by the European and other troops acting under the Commander-in-Chiefs orders. But, on the other hand, we shall not be surprised to learn that the horrors of Meerut and Delhi have been re-enacted at Bareilly, Peshawur, and Mooltan—not to speak of mere outposts, where none dare answer ' No' to mutiny." For that the Benge.l army is generally—indeed. universally—im plicated it were useless to deny ; and we do but proclaim a well-known truth in stating that, whatever manifestations of loyalty may have here and there occurred, the native infantry at least is rotten to the core. And how could it be otherwise ? A dozen years ago, Sir CHARLES NAPIER in sisted that the system of picking out the best regimental officers for the discharge of civil duties would prove ruinous to the effi ciency of the service. He was pooh-poohed, like every one else who presumed to suggest to the East India Directors a remedy fo: any abuse, and the result is now patent to the world. No 'mina the military cadet ripened lot° a good orer. and acquired suffi cierts knowledge of thy native language to enable bim to sold thtercourse with his math than he bt oved to a civil appointment, sialply ause he is wil lino to veep, k• ma lower salary than the regular civil employe. Such a state pro duces its natural effects. Left under the care of inexperienced boys and imbecile veterans, the Sepoy begins to discover that the Soubadar is the best man above him; and to him accordingly his respect and allegiance is being gradually transferred. A regulation, we may add, having the special sanction of the Court of Directors, forbids a native solditr to go near his officer's quarters on any pretence, unless in full uniform and attended by the orderly non-commissioned officer of his company, also in full uniform ! Here is, of course, as was doubtless intended, a de facto bar to anything like friendly communication betwixt the Sepoy and his immediate European superior. Lord WILLIAM BENTINCIE, acting under instruc tions from the Court of Directors, reduced the officer's pay in certain situations, and almost simultaneously increased that of certain native grades. That Noble Lord established the centralisation system, under which regimental discipline has col lapsed throughout the Bengal army. Then the Sepoy took on himself to choose whether he would march hither or thither unless extra allowances were granted him ; and such were granted once, and twice, and now we have seen the end. It was foreseen long ago by those who heard the mutinous Sepoys of the 64th N. 1., say to their officers at Sukkur, in 1844 : —" We don't care for you! We know you " can't help us ! We look to the Government." Yet the Sonde mutiny failed to prove an effi cient warning. The East India Company have had ample proofs and abundant warnings ; in spite of which they have wilfully and wickedly allowed the state of matters in their Bengal army to progress from bad to worse. Such a course cannot have been pursued without a motive. Is it their object to force British India prematurely on the Crown—with its 50,000,0001. or 60,000,000/ of debt alone, besides other pecuniary outstandings—before either the chartered term expire, or this country be otherwise prepared to undertake the burden? We do not envy the Directors of the East India Company the position they occupy in the eyes of Europe. The bankers of India refuse them credit ; the princes of India cry aloud at their tyranny and treachery; the army of India in open revolt testifies to their infatuated indiscretion, and shows how deeply undermined are the pillars on which our whole power rested. With the commercial, the aristocratic, and the military classes all arrayed against them, how can they appeal to the country for any continuance of their steward ship ? THE GLASGOW POISONING. THE extraordinary trial upon which public attention was fixed for nine consecutive days has terminated very properly in the acquittal of the prisoner. That there were circum stances of suspicion, nay, of strong suspicion against her, it is impossible to dispute. But the chain of evidence was incomplete. There were some essential links wanting, without which no jury would have been justified in sending the heroine of this terrible drama to the scaffold. The evidence, consistent though it was with her guilt, was also consistent with her innocence. Her composed and dauntless demeanour throughout, from the moment when she was first charged with the murder, until the jury pronounced their verdict of acquittal, was consistent with either hypo thesis. The mystery is still unsolved, and so it will in all probability for ever remain. But enough is known of this unhappy case to invest it with a degree of painful interest for all coming time.