The Express. — London, England, 1860-07-06 00:00:00

4 with 'be Frail& otimrsorst. t' Wrath I. ~..►.nt swt at Nailing by iv Lime. troops, is thit west or hmend Gantaldfc ssaissly occur) usg thst illy as be did Palermo. Lord J. It L'SSELL—Ie tinnier to the beaa and gallant gentleman, I mar say UM, after the intelligens, of the oat. rages which accompanied the hoeibanknent el Palermo, the question was taken late emeideration what her Majesty's government could do in ceder to prcVCOL similar atrocities tali* place at Melia mil Naples. But with respect to the question put by the hon. sad gallant member, there are two oonsideratams which mast guide the government on the subject. The one is, that it would be • direct inter. leisure with the civil and internal discord of another country. (Hear, bear.) And even supposing that objec. lino, un pnociple, to be got over, it would not only be di/B. cell but impossible to give such precise and definite orders to the commanding offmn of her Majesty's rowels of war as to enable them to distinguish between that which would be the legitimate defence of the royal troops against the attack of • mob or as insurrection and a wanton and atrocious damnation al the city and the lives of its inhabilanta. Such befog ti' mare we refrained alt front giving any olden Mach wou ld enable our navrot minden to act by ham MAIM at Naples or at Messina ; bat we del make strong remonetrancee to the gee ermueot of the ing dr e ei f , N u ules spinet as mewl at Melanie or Naples of the scenes whi ch took place at Palermo. (Hear, bear.) lam happy to say, however, that the amounts 1 have remived from her Majoity's minister at Naples laid me to think there is no prospect at prevent of such a bom bardment taking place. He informs me that he does not thick it at all probable, and he hops that es insurrection whatever will occur at Napkin. The hmeoorable and pliant gentleman is aware that greet shanges have taken place in the government of Naples --(laughter)--that the constitution of 1(48 is proclaimed and an elect:on is to take place for the representative' of the meembly which will meet in September; and the Neapolitans will thus he enabled to decide slue shall be their owe future political condition. (Hear, hear.) I may ascetics that the rumours which have from time to time lees circulated respecting the conduct of her Majesty's fames end ministers abroad have often been very erroneous. Then was a report WON time ago, the house will remember, that the fort of Csatellamsre had been occupied by the British admiral during the evacuation of Palermo by the Neapolitan troops. That report pre great uneasiness in some foreign quarters, and it was supposed that her Ma jesty's forces were about to take possession of Sicily. There a not the least four:latent whatever for that report. (Hear, hear.) There was another report which occastoned male impure in another place, to the effect that her Majesty's minister at Naples lied taken • part in Maiming that the two vessels winch bad bees captured by the Nea politan cruisers should be given up by the Neapolitan go vernment Now. I have • despatch from her Majesty's minister at Naples, in which he mays be had just heard of the report, and that there is not the on:alert foundation for it. (Hear, hear.) H. further mys that he had oo right to take such a mane, arid that if be had, he had no intention d ezercisiog sock right. He also adds that the Neapolitan government had spontaneously given up thane Imo* sod that they were at liberty to Muni to t :cora. TAX BILLS AND THE PRWILEOES OP BOTH HOLIAES OF PARLIAMENT. Lord FERMOY said be believed it MO the wish of a peat many members of the house who agreed with the honourable member for Finsbury upon the sudsiest of the rejection of the Paper Duties Repeal Ul by the Lords, that he should nut pros the mo tion of which he bed given notice aa an amendment upon the resolutions which were to be moved by the noble lord at the bend of the government.. (Hear, hear.) Ile there. Peen asked him whether he would be good enough not to prom his motion as an amendment to those resolutions, re serving to himself the right to submit it to the house as • enh.tantive motion. (Hear, hear.) Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said be was extremely sorry to find that the notice which be had gives was inconvenient to a prat portion of what was called the liberal party. (Cheers how the opposition.) He was in hopes that the motion would none the liberal party from the impotency of the 'volutions of the noble lord —(renewed opposition chora)— bed he was told that would not be the case; h• should be worry to interfere with the unanimity which appeared to oast an the subject. (Laughter.) Of course, if be re wired so support from the liberal party, it would he so or hie proposing the moti in. (Continued cheers from the apportiou benches.) Therefore he had no alternative bat to withdraw it, although he believed that thereby he would ' ilimppoist the people at large. lord PALMERSTON then rose, amidst loud cheers, to wove the following r volutions: I. That the right of groat* side and supplies to the Orows is io the Commoos aloes, aa an 'merited part their eimaidotion ; and the linutatima of all such grants, as to the matter, niumer, measure, anal time, is only io them "2. That although the Leda have exercised the power of merging bills of several descriptions relating to laza. hiss by negativing the whole, yet the exercise of that power by them has not been frequent, and is justly secardsd by this bolos with peculiar jealoisey, as atoning the right of the Commons to grant the supplies and to provide the way. and means for the service of the "dr. " A. That to guard for the future against an undue caw. Mee of that power he the Lords, and to secure to the Com mas their rightful control over taxation snd lupply, this home hes le its owe hands the power so to :repose sad remit team and to frame bills of supply, that the right of the Oonunoss as to the matter, onanner, measure, sad time may be maintained inviolate." The noble lord observed that the question at issue in volved considerations of the utmost constitutional Import maces and that the occasion was one which would take • proweineet rank among our parliamentary proceedings. He we • slight historical sketch of the growth of the British Each' branch powered it. separate independent sethosity, co-operating in harmonious action. The Com mons' Home, however. claimed particular privileged in regard to certain suhjecte ; they claimed the right of deter mining matte's connected with the taxatidu of the people. But, though the Commons denied to the other house the right of on or amending such measures, tee lords had claimed the power to reject. :o the prevent cane the bill rejected by the Louis lea a measure for the repeal of taxation, and there were preemleuts upon which they reoted their claim to reject .surd There Tea, indeed, atilistinctiou between three pro:tarn:a nod the mono caw, in which the tax repealed wise part of • .1:m -imed hneneial scheme for the year, and the reretion of the hell altered Red deranged the whole bearing of the arrange ment. At the Milne time, looking broadly et the matter, be did not think that, if the House of Commons bad deter wised that • certain amount of taxation shstild lie repealed, and bad sent up a hill to the other boyar, the Lord. would, edging from what had happened ou other tomatoes, ve rejected it. If lie believed that they had intended to take the tint stop in a ficonenl scheme, it would become that house to take the mean, is their power to defeat an.l frustrate that intrut.ou ; but till the house haul proof of such an iatentiou, they should not, 11111lOCI driven to it, enter into • ceadliet with the House of Janis. Had the lords DO encouragement to tan, the course they hall adopted? la tits Home of Commons the ee axed reading of the raper Date Repeal Bill was carried by a tna jority of 5:4; and if the bill had gone up to the othei louse hacked by that majority, ho believed th e lords would hove placed it. But duels; the interval between the secooo And third reeding., the opaion of the common. awesome' to have undergone • etomiderabb alteration ; the uniority el LI Lad dwaudled to Y. The lords could nut overlook this elhange. and they might think it wise to give the con.mons Mao for recrosicktration. The noble loni tontirsel— Many may think the last resolution is tat vague—(a laugh)— that it Mee not point out the methods by which we might enforce ou r privileges (oronr constatutioual rights 1 wllar.y.and I will not by our privilege*, for that is • narrower tepees n on), if they lance hem invuled. There are many ways, which line loan who knows the proceedirps and powers of thii house will at once have present to his ontel, and in which, on se •6 a case arising, we shall be alik, first by rev. suasion. tint be ariement, and ultimately by the :ler 'in of our own anilionty, to prevent such an erarreachmeet on the constitutional functions of this house. And if se _h • coulee such a mad course, were to Le attempted as that, it i. not by • violent resolution LvJ on the taLls of this house —it is not by a m aril with the Lodi ilaughter ) —it is not he im p▪ utt nt word. laid on the table and voted by th.. house that con.:itotioaal right. would have to he viniluated ; it would u s by a Aloe, which we should not be slow to discover the mole of taltinj. I bated not that opiniou of the power this h• el of., and of pu'o!ic opinion, which w.0.1el Lack it al such a cow, to believe that we ehould Le reduced to the coolitiou m eleel l the Conevons of 1671 reprewuted them selves to h e when they mid that their right to grant aids to the mow n ova. "the only poor thing which they had" for the accelitaere of the sovereigu. The 11. sse of COM. MOM as now in • very ditto :est poeition trot:. that .n whi..it it was at other peresti.4 our history. .and if there be myth'', which may perhaps he taken ..• s. tiled riptides with rented t o the relative that r ..1 th e ilitfireut irettehee nf the legislator, it is that the i...rse of thi ngs, as speed of representation, the diftuoion of knowl e d ge , pease the Pe" , s ODal the effect .4 public "ask.. that bee res been. that thi s house is italv • - t its political power , iesteol of &Raleigh jaij opect ; An.l therefor e , . 0 f ar fa, in }..hdlg any apprebanwor that the Lords weild Le able ' to the leptimate funreoa. of this house, I eni perfectly essviwd that if this hou.• pursue., • teady,* titian:oh and • emeistent course if it abstains from au . thing Via, 1 . 47 war , opposition or su f ereesiou ;if it as tia lin ems , maintains its own rigsts, sad aletwo that it Me and MB exercise. if iftelisiei, the limas o f the andthe_thwi,iserbar respected— w• _Oa T w it not lane utk w= u re direspertf.:l to tie boaee to eater sfq sprneesske —that whenever our real feeetions ebeeld be delfherately invaded, we shout be nimbi* to meineein them in the taco at the avatar,, and with the appeeeel end aeoetioe of the rides. (Cheer.) 1 say this Ati r E , I RNMSS, FRIDAY EVENING, JULY_ 6, 1860. that those resolutions are fitted for the ootaMas at the pre sent moment. I think they declare what oar coostitutiowl rights and functions are—right. and functions which are I interwoven, I may esy, with the whole history of the aim. try .which no mac can deny, and which will not be denied, I will venture to say, by any single individual either in I the houses of parliament or in any other part of theeountry— I I think thew resolutions su ffic iently establish our right. They point out that, if that right should be invaded, we have in our own hands the means of refuting that inn sion. I think it would not have been becoming, on an coo cashes on which there was an appearance, at all events, of as intention to invade our functions, it would not have been right or decent for this house to remain absolutely silent That might have been construed into a yielding, a oincession of the rights and functions which we oughtto Alp ie our own hands. On the other band, I think we should not hare raised ourselves in public estimation, j and I do not think we should have done anything towards effectually maintaining our rights, if we had thrown into these resolutions anything that might appear ,to be the commencement of hostilities with theatre branch of the lerialeture. It is of the utmost importune@ that as in our cssustitution there are dillereot branches, independent of tech other, each with pewees of Its eau, but the harmo nious action of who...pewees is aecessiary to the working of the constitution — it is deMehle not to commence an unuecessary quarreL T r he al = as w y hilek does that would incur. I think, a grave . will not believe that it was the intention the Housed Lords to do so. siome nos hint that I entertain too favourable a view w regards that. (" Hear, Mar," from below the gangway.) I state what I think about it, and I say that if we have not prof sufileient to sandy us that this was the first step towards • new course of constitutional conduct, we had better pursue the course which is now recommended to the adoption of the house. I think that course is dignified I think it will be effectual. I am convinced in my own mind that these resolutions going forth from this house will be a sufficient warning to guard against any recurrence for the future of that to which we most justly take objection. We are not prepared to undo that which has been does. If it were in ordinary times, under ordinary circumstances, we should have advised this house to page again that bill which was rejected in the other house, to return it to them, and to have obstructed ell other business till it was passed ; to have exercised all those powers which we had in our own hands, and to have rendered it necemary for the other house of parliament to have pawed that bill. But the circumstances of the moment do sot make that course of action a convenient one. (A laugh.) That being so, I my that unless we had felt at liberty to have returned that bill in some shape or other, and to have insisted now, and in this session, on the repeal of that pull cuter duty, it is more dignified of the house to take the course which it is my duty to propose. I would only, in conclusion, urge on the two houses of parliament that advice which a great authority on parliamentary matter. (Mr. Flateell) has embodied in two pages of his work. After mentioning • aeries of transactions which he has quoted, he thus :—" I would say to the Lords, that from the Ei f irtor . : s of all these transactions the conclusion to be drawn is that it &add be the endeavour of both houses, and of every member of each house of parliament, to take care in their proceedings not to transgress those boundaries which the constitution has wisely allotted to them, or to interfere in those matters which, by the rules and practice of parlia ment in former ages, are not within their jurisdiction ; for the rights and privilege* of parliament are interwoven with the earliest establishment of government in this country." Sir I would recommend that wage to the con sidenstion of the Lords. (Cheers and laughter.) To the House of Commune, I would venture to at another passage front the same author. He says: "The sole and exclusive right of beginning all aids and charges on the public, and not suffering any alteration to be made by the Lord% is rut ficientiv guarded by the practice of the house here ex. premed, and it does not seam to be either for their honour or advantage to push the matter further, and by asserting privileges which might be subject to doubt and discussion, thereby to weaken their claim to those clear and in dubitable rights which are vested in them by the constitution, and have been confirmed to them by the constant and uniform practice of parliament. To refuse to the House of Lords the abstract right of dis aentiug would bring us under the censure of that passage. I d s not believe the house would be disposed to follow up that course. lam inclined to think that this house values that harmony which is so essential between the two branches of the legislature for the management of the affairs of the country. And if that must st all times be, a it ought to be, the ruling and guiding feeling of this house. I am sure that there is nothing m the premed aspen of affairs out of England, there is nothing in the general aspect of the affairs of Europe and the world, which would lead this house to think more lightly tbaa mod of hold ing up to foreign nations the lamentable and humiliating spectacle of a disunited legisletere—of • divided people—of an internal contest—at a time when it is essential for the I li ht t lketribi h r to our lll and th i e nte w r o ' A t d oafs the h coun trywoio th unat we action—aoo-operation of all the estates of the realm for the commoninterest and welfare of the people. (Loud cheers) Mr. COLLIER stated that as it was the desire of member. in that part of the house to come to a unanimous vote upon the subject, he should not mem the amendment of which he had given notice, to the effect that the rejection by the Lords of • bill repealing • tax deemed by the Commons unnecessary to mist the supply for the services of the year was opposed to the long.seahlaked constitutional usage which had rega -1 latest the functions of the two houses. The hon. and learned gentleman, however, proceeded to address the 1 house at considerable length in support of the opinion enunciated in his notice. He contended that the vote of the House of Lords was opposed to constitutional usage, end to the tacit underitansling which regulated the proceedings of the two houses, without which the consti tution could not work. He argued this position upon prin ciple and authority, and, after a minute examivation of the precedent. reported by the select committee, he contended that not one of them was at all applicable to the present case ; that it did not appear that the House of Lords had ever rejected any bill imposing or repealing a tax on purely financial grounds. He suggested the serious consequences of this new power assumed by the House of Lords, who.* sanction henceforward would be requires' after the budget had been settled by the Common.. Those oaly aequainted with mercantile affairs could estimate the amount of confusion which wow from • postponement of the settlement of the budget. If in future every budget to bed undergo the second ordeal of the House of very great disturbance in the commercial relations of the country, and very great confusion must ensue. (Hear, hear.) Merchants would be no longer enabled to act before the passing of financial resolution by that house. If the House of Lords were to be in poseciesson of this power they must be furnished with estimates upon each subject—estimates which, be it remembered, they had very many times applied for, hut which had always been refused to them. On one of these occasions Mr. Pitt, with great complaisance, but with great firnmesa, bed withheld them. For the future, however, estimates must be laid before the House of Lords. It might even be convenient that the Chancellor of the Exchequer should sit in the House of Lords—l" hear." and laughter) —and that the budget should be introduced by &secretary of state. It appeared to him (Mr. Collier) that this vote of the Home of Lords, though legally and technically right, would be productive of more confusion and disturbance to the constitutional proceedings of that home than any other proceeding which could have taken place. Ile trusted and believed that the noble viscount was quite right in supposing that the House of Lords would not persevere further in this course, but it was necessary that the House of Comm.= should take care that the House of Lords should not linable todoso—(cheers)—by, if it wereneceseary, altering the course of is own proceedings ; and the y necessity under which the House of Commons WY Mate ver d of considering whether or not they ought to alter than, was II conclusive proof of the irregularite of the course which had been pursued. (('heers.) He believed that a peat impossibility was thrown upon the Hou se o f C onunona . (Hear, hear) It had been said Chad the country was apathetic, but he ha -1 Invest that the country was not so stupid as had ben imagined ; and that it could perfectly distinguish between a financial question and • constitutional right. Nothing could be more distinct than a financial question and • con stitutional right, and even if the House of Lords were right financially—(cheers, and coluster-clusen)—there was more danger, the precedent was all the more dangerous because the country might be induced to accept what they deemed to be a benefit at the expense of a future in jury. (Loud cheers., His was 'Wished that the eyes of the country were upon that house, and that they were bound to weigh well what they dial. They had rejected the Re form bill. (" No, no, from the Opposition.) They had virtually rejected it, and they hurl thereby refused an ex tension of popular rights. at remained to be seen how far thine to whom an extension of popular rights had been promised by hon. gentlemen who sat upon that (Mr. Col- her's) aids of the house would be satisfied. But if in suldi tion to refolieg these right. they now showed themselves inclined to absedou the rights which they possessed as representative@ of the people—if they showed themselves to be remise or careless guardians of those rights—they would entirely and irrevocably forfeit the confidence of the country—(cheer)—end that forfeiture would, more than anything else, give an impetus to that democratic and - dangerous reform, which was dreaded by all who valued oar constitutional liberties. (Cheers.) Let them not forfeit the exclusive right of taxation, which was the lifeblood of parliament, the vital element of the con stitution ; and should the time ever arrive—might it be fee distant—when the House of Commons should relinquish its control of the finances, or bate one jot of its sole privilege of taxation, from that day would date the destruction of the independence of the Commons of Englund. (Loud cheering Mr. CONINGHAM said he doubted whether the country would receive the speech of the noble viscount in the same manner as the opposition benches had done. The determi nation at which the government had arrived, to place • mere dry and idle record upon the journals of the home, must prove fatal to it. No government could last under the contempt it must receive from the country at large. (Ironical cheers.) The noble viscount had stood forward as the champion of the rights and privileges of the peers, in stead of the Commons. (No, no.) He seemed to forget that ewer. word which he uttered in palliation of the other Immo( paliament was really a censure upon the colleague who ..'mos s le him. Mr. _V. SCI'LLY said that. althou g h h e h a d listened with &dainties to the speech of the Imo. and leaped Melt, 11, Cr elyrnoeth. na an expositiou of constitutional law, he e•ea:d net agree with the conelasiorm at which the hon. and learned ameba had arrived with roped to the resolutions • .-, before the bows. He regarded those resolutions as being all which the house could do at the present a of its pro restage. He did not receive them at all se stud calcium*, they might be the initiation of a stronger andboldercoune. Mr. LRATHAM said that, although hon. gentlemen op . posits had not expressed their opine:es, it was impossible to isimeonstrue the chase and counter-cheers from those hatches. This passed the experience of the occult policy of ' ems hon. gentlemen opposite. Whet did they propose! Wee it still further to humiliate the house in the eyes of the country ? Surely they bad bed enough of that in the present session. Did they suppose that the debate on the Reform Bill had tended to raise the house in public estima tion, or that the oblique means to which they had had recourse to defeat it had inspired their constituent' with any exalted idea either of the dignity of the house or the deeerity of hon. gentlemen! If any feeling wee more cesanouly expressed than another in the press it was the growing conviction of all classes that that house was becoming contemptible. (Ironical cheers.) The noble viscount hail recommended inaction and forbearance. But were they the representatives of a people who were intolerant of insult, or of a people who licked the hand that smote them! He hoped that the house would not relin quish de undoubted privilege, unless hon. members wished to seethe mane, the emblem of their dignity, again taken away a a baub le. (Hear, heir.) Mr. B. OSBORNE said that with all due submission to the house in general, he could not help thinking that they cut a very humiliating figure. (Cheers.) The resolutions were certainly not 'sickbed o'er with the pale cast of thought ;" and the noble viscount had made a spescb,which if it meant scything at all, was a defence of the Hones of Lords, and nothing more than an attack upon his own minis ter. (Hear, hear.) The speech of the boo. and learned gentleman (Mr. Collier) had done credit to him as a lawyer, and honour to him as a statesman. (Hear, hear.) He had expected that some member on the other side would at least have paid him the compliment of attempting to answer that lucid and conclusive speech—a speech which had exhausted the argument on that side of the home. (Hear, hear.) But he lamented that all the research which the hon. and learned gentleman had displayed, and all the painstaking labour which he had evidently given to the subject, were followed by no conclusion. E. JAM said he was not surprised that hon. pa tlemen opposite had taken no part in the discussion, afters.' the speech that had been delivered by the noble viloorrat. He agreed with the last speaker, that the resolutions WWII not sickbed o'er with the pale cast of thought," and said that he might very aptly have pursued the quotation: " Thus enterprises of great pith sod moment, With this regard, their currents turn awry, And lose the lame of action." (Cheers.) A most lame sod impotent conchae had been drawn by the noble lord from his resolutions. As the leader of the house, he ought to have come forward as the vin dicator of its rights, privileges, and dim i ty. Its hamar was confided to his keeping. Mr. Pitt had 110110 on on the occasion referred to; and in the more recent case of "Stec-Wale v. Hansard" the noble lord (Russell), then the leader of the house, had come forward and asserted its pri vilegee. The resolutions appeared to him to be a poor and paltry compromise of opinions in the cabinet, and not calcu lated to secure a higher tons or • sounder policy. L ie_ i reed in the meed of approbation which had been by the hon. member for Liakeard oe the speech of i=n. and learned friend. (Hear, hear.) His hon sod teemed friend exhausted the whole subject. (Hear, hear.) He should himself withdraw the motion of which he had given notice, because be wished to throw the whole respon sibility in this matter on the government, who were bound to vindicate—but who bad in the moat gamy manner attempted to vindicate—the privileges of the house. (Hear, hew.) This was no question of peaty politics, or of policy ; it was • far deeper and more vital ques tion-one in comparison with which party politics sank into utter insignificance. (Hear, hear.) It was on financiallquestione that the tattle of the liberties of the House of Commons had been fought. Speakers and writers of the greatest eminence had struggled and had suffered for that cause ; and hereafter, when these events were to be history, would they have it recorded of them that they had borne with impunity this usurpation of the House of Lords, that they had permitted this stretch of prero gative to become usurpation, and that they had patiently enclosed each usurpation? (Hear, hear.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER compli mented the opposition on their prudent silence, when they were in reality the partisans of • gigantic innovation, the most gigantic which hail been attempted in their time. There were two modem of proceeding—either by words or action. If the former, the resolutions of the government, into which be heartily entered, were good and sufficient. But he reserved to himself the power of adopting • more active course if he saw fit so to act hereafter. Amidst all the instances adduced, there was not one which showed a shred or • rag of precedent in favour of the course now adopted by the Lords. The privileges of the Com mons were the cloak by which they covered their real tilers. Those privileges had never been directly admitted the other house—it had only acquiesced in silence. The c of the two houses were virtually at variances and it was only by tacit forbearance that peace between .them had continued unbroken for 200 years. But the principle of both was hitherto the same—that the taxing power should remain inviolate with the House of Commons; bat that under cover of • taxing bill no measure of czal import should be forced upon the House of This was the spirit of former precedenta, which were directly at variance with the course pursued by the Lords on the present occasion. The ques tion remained with the house, whether its own essential functions were to be maintained or not. The amount of the paper duty would be exceedingly welcome if honestly gut. But there were things more valuable than money, and one of these was the retention of the taxing power by the House of Commons. There was not • single instance where the Lords had attempted to limit or hamper the financial proceedings of the Commons, or to arrest the financial action of the country. It was not the question whether the House of Commons had committed an error; but whether the Lords had the right to review and to comic that error. The Lords had never, upon former occasions, be lieved themselves charged with an, such responsibility. On the contrary, they had foregone any such claim at junctures more critical than the present. In selecting the paper duty for repeal in preference to the tea or sugar duties, the go vernment had deliberately made their election in favour of the course which they thought to be most beneficial, rather than that which they knew to be most popular. The temp tation was thus afforded to the peers to interfere with • financial mowers in a manner which had been unprecedented for at least two couturier'. The example was fraught with the most injurious consequences. It would warn all future finance ministers to cultivate popularity, and postpone the measure which he believed to be right to those which seemed at the moment to be expedient. I keep to my pledge (said the right hon. gentleman, in conclusion) not to enter into details of precedents, because if a challenge of precedents should come from the other side to show that the House of Lords had ever attempted before to take into their own hands to fix the functions of the House of Com mons with inspect to taxation, we shall have other oppor tunities for meeting and contenting those allegations. (Hear, hear.) I content myself at present with saying that there is no colour of precedent for their proceedings. (Hear.) This is • matter of great ins . (Hear, hear.) Since 1815, there had been 78,000 , 0001. of taxes repealed. All the bills for the repeal of those taxes, had been accepted by the House of Lords from the Hoene of Commons upon the responsibility of the Commons ; and now, when we come to the seventy.ninth million, the House of Lords thinks fit to establish • new precedent. (Hear, bear.) Fur my part I cannot but think that this is a time in which men are little disposed to deal with abstract principles ; and that those assertions which our forefathers made of their rights, we now think one of little value compared with obtaining • few hundred thousands of pounds. (Hear.) But I meet confess I cannot bring my mind to take that view. I view the whole rights of the House of Commons as they have been handed down to us as constituting • sacred inheritance, upon which I for my part will never permit • intrus ion or plunder. (Hear, hear.) I think that anterior to the duty of dealing with all other legislative duties, our first duty is to take care that we maintain intact that precious deposit. (Hear, hear.) I concur iu every word of my noble friend's resolutions, which declare that we have in our heeds the means of maintaining it inviolate. (Hear, hear.) We have in our hands the means of framing bills of supply as solely belonging to the rights of the House of Common.. I respectfully reserve to myself the freedom of acting in the best way to give effect by practical measures to the principles which I maintain. (The right lion. gentleman rammed his seat amidst loud Aeons.) Mr. WHITESIDE,in reply to the taunt of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, observed that the ..peech of Lord Palmerston was such as became the first minister of the country, and sdmitting, as it did, distinctly and emphati cally, the right of the House of Lords to resist the repeal of a tax, the speech was satisfactory to the opposition side of the house. If the act of the Lords was • gigantic innovation on the constitution, as alleged by Mr. Liladatone why did he not meet the invasion of their privi leges by a ction! He maintained that the act was sanc tioned by the constitution and the law of the land, and its principle by the precedents cited by the committee. He amused the Chancellor of the Exchequer of making an attack upon the constitution, and if it was deiired to strip the House of Lords of the right they had exeruisod, he asked • decision of the question whether we wore to continue to live under that constitution, or whether it was to be revolutionised. Lord FERMOY called upon the Chancellor of the Exchequer, when the resolutions were mimed, to carry into e ff ect the principles which he had laid down, and to moist the :4:tic innovation" made by the Lords upon the pri of the Commas. Whether the right hon. gent eman was In or oat of otficso he believed he would be prepared to vindicate those princi es— (ironical cheers from die opposition)—end he would to l him on the part both of a large number of members in that house, and of the great body of the people out of doors, that if he was prepared to lead them they were ready to follow. Mr. DILLWYN said the resolutions which were pro poeed seemed to him to be like the preamble of a bill without any clauses attached to it. Although he regretted that the resolutions now proposed were nut more practical, he would give them his support, and he thanked the Chan. color of the Exchequer fur the amuranoe that some Maas of giving effect to them should hereafter be provided. Sir J. TlinAW NY said be was not unwilling to protract this debate, because the importance of the matters involved in it was such that a debate of ten or twelve days would scarcely be longer than the subject deserved. He would not sumer% the resolutions, forhe would be so party to such a fut 4 impotent, and miserable course of conduct. If they really did feel that ats: e :llaiilicen 7 had been committed, the House of COMMONS is eel. But they were afraid to act, because the/ bed set sought to ensure the support of the people. an. geetlenese ea both sides of the house this session had said soil acme everything tie, could to insult the working clams. Gall* them hellish, weak and pasnooato, and bad • sled whilst they were conscious of having thus thrown o ' vertiesrd the work. tag dares, and having refused to give them the franchise, hen. gentlemen shunned the responsibility of con fronting the other house of parliament in defence of the constitution of the country. Mr. .1. L RICARDO said that he could not accept the resolutions of the noble lord as any settlement of the ques tion. These resolutions settled nothing, and they explained nothing ; but they also prevented nothing, and he antici pated that some other resolutions would be placed before the house, to give them an opportunity of expressing their opinion on this great constitutional question, which the resolutions now proposed would not prevent ; he was, therefore, willing to agree to them. The noble lord's ob ject had been to pass over the difficulty as quietly as pos sible, but it was not to be so over, and the laboured apology for the House of Lords, which the Prime Minister, in order to calm down the affair, had uttered that evening, would not preclude the House of Commons from agree and bonnet discurion of the subject. Sir C. DOUGLAS felt that although the resolutions were inadequate, it was very difficult to frame a satisfactory amendment, and the one which he himself had attempted to frame did not meet with general concurrence. The question resolved itself into two points ; one was for the considera tion of the government, as to the paper duties, but the other was for the consideration of the House of Commons, whe ther their privileges had been violated. If this latter ques tion were to be answered in the affirmative, it would he beneath them to be satisfied without taking some action to vindicate their privileges. He would have the recom mendation of Mr. Walpole's report adopted, and a standing order muds that in future who bill for the purpose of remitting taxation was brought in, it should be incorpo- rated in a hal of supply or appropriation. Mr. I. BUTT said that the subject then under debate was one of the most important that had ever corns before them. The resolutions he could not accept as leading to the oonclusiou which had been indicated. It was becausg he thought that further action would be taken upon these resolutions that he was willing to vote for them. Sir J. SHELLEY said there was one thing that struck him as most extraordinary, and which he thought would be looked upon as extraordinary hereafter, that though this debate was on a subject of peculiar interest, yet so far ea they bad gone, only one member of her Majesty's opposition had condescended to give them an opinion on the subject. And he must say he was much obliged to that right 110111. gentleman for one portion of his speech, in which he stated that the course which the Howie of Lords had taken was, in =ceof fact, intended to be • censure on the policy of the minister. That was proving the case of that (the ministerial) side of the house, that the House of Lords had ggroanoss beyond their powers in so doing. He (Sir J. Shelley) believed that if they were to stop at these resolutions they should disappoint the just expectaticas of people out of doors. He had nothing to do as • member of the liberal party with the withdrawal of the amendment of the hon. member for Plymouth (Mr. Collier). He was exceedingly shocked to find, after the hon. member had so dearly proved his case, that he did not intend to press his amendment. Mr. STANSFELD said no policy was more difficult to meet than that which had been sometimes called • masterly inaction, and that masterly inaction of the opposition benches to-night put him and others in a practical difficulty, for it was no easy matter for them to rise up one after another to repeat the same tale, and to put the same construction upon the course which had been taken by the Home of Lords. It was impossible to mistake the nature of the claim of the Lords by the rejection of this bill—they claimed to revise the budget and the estimates, which were not submitted to them, and to indefinitely in crease the supplies not asked for by the crown. (Hier.) The noble lord who moved the resolutions had told the house that there was no evidence that the Lords would erect this act of theirs into a precedent ; but he (Mr. Stansfelcil was prepared to state that there was evidence that the Lords would make the precedent have a wider meaning than the set itself. (Hear, hear.) For instance, it was said that the rights which the Lords had conceded in past times to this house had been conceded not as • constitutional right, but to superior fore. Therefore the House of Lords had repu diated the concessions made to this house. The claim of the Lords amounted to not merely the perpetuating of • tax against the consent of the people, but to • ro claim to tax not required by the crown. This perpetuate a had the power of refusing properly such supply, and had the power of refusing to touch stolen goods. (Hear, hear.) Could the house assent to the claim of that description on the part of the Lords ? He thought not. The rights which they exercised in that house were not their own—(hear)—hut they were the rights of the true commons—of the people of this country. (Hear, hear.) They were merely representatives, and without the people they . would have no being, and their rights it was their venal function to maintain and defend. (Hear, hear.) The house had already rejected the Reform Bill, saying it was not needed by the country, a. the house already repre sented the intelligence and property of the country. It might be said that this was • parliament elected under • degraded suffrage, and what would become of their independence if they eurrendered those rights which had been maintained for centuries' (Hear, hear.) A short time ago • minister of the crown announced the withdrawal of a measure of parliamentary reform, and an admirable discipline, of which they had witnessed an ex ample that night—(hear hear)—restrained the rising cheer in the ranks of her Majesty's opposition; but those who watched the scene might have noticed a smile of peculiar intelligence sweep like • sunbeam over the sea of feces opposite. A party ruse had been successful ; but what • triumph, and at what • most 1 He marvelled at the thought lemmas of a conservative policy which could postpone the gneetion of reform for those more troublous times of which the conservative leaders were loudest to herald the approach, and could purchases temporary sum= at the cost of lower ing the character of that house for earnisitneei and sincerity, (Cheers.) Were they on the present occasion going to have a repetition of the *lime policy'. Were they again going to purchase the shortlived triumph of some special financial view, or the gratification of some passing per anal reaction, by t he surrender of the rights and privileges of the people! He trusted not. Ho hoped the house would cast aside all party considerations, and all considerations ohruinor impor ters., in order that it might " Rise to the height of this great argument." (Cheers.) Let them remember that they were that night making history—that they were about to maintain or give up the rights of the oldest, the freest, and the greatest representative assembly in the world. (Cheers.) The precedent of 1860, whether they would or no --whether for good or for ill—whether to their honour or their shame—was about to take its place on the historic page by the side of those older and greater precedents which had been laid before them, and which were the laurels and traditions of the past. (Cheers.) He entreated the house so to act as not to tarnish those laurels, so to act as to be faith ful to those traditions ; so to act as to reassert and defend the rights Mille people ; so to act Allto extend the privileges and to ahem:* the - character and dignity of that house. (Loud cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI—Sir, I am nnwillingto allow this debate to close without expressing to the noble lord the First Minister of the Crown, both on the part of myself and I am sure of all the hon. members who sit on this side of the house, our some of the patriotic speech—(loud &send — with which he introduced his resolutions to our considera tion. When the hon. gentleman who has just sat down calls upon us to consider this question without party spilt ; and when he urges us to "r ise to the height of this great argument," I am grateful that it falls to my lot iu the first sentence which I presume to utter, to offer to a minis ter of the crown whose general policy I oppose, the sincere tribute of my adhesion on this occasion. (Loud cheers.) Sir, when the real privileges of this house are assailed or questioned, I can tell the noble lord that if he should then he leader of this house be will not appeal to us in vain to uphold and support him in their vindication ; and that if there should be any attempt in the coarse of the pro ceedings of the two houses to raise up some artificial agitation—(cheers)—occasioned, perhaps, by the neces sity of soothing the wounded vanity or gratifying the distempered ambition of some individual—(great cheering) —the noble lord, the First Minister, under such circum stances, may with the 011110 success appeal to us to sup port him in that cows, which we believe is necessary for the welfare of the country. (Cheers.) The noble lord has to-night acknowledged, and but for the circumstances which have since occurred, I should have said, has edition.- hedged on the part of her Majesty's government, that the course pursued by the House of Lords with reference to the bill for the repeal of the paper duties was one that the state of the law justified and authorized them in taking. Now if the laws of this country justify and authorise the con duct of that house of parliament there is at once an end to any question as to the privileges of this house. A privilege that cannot be asserted ceases to be a privilege, and be comes only a pretence. (Cheers.) Those who remember what occurred twenty years ago, when this house attempted to assert a privilege which was contrary to the law of the country, will not, I think, with any hope of summit, counsel this house to follow a course replete with such disaster, and so humiliating to the dignity of this assembly. (Cheers.) But, sir, the First Minister was not content with merely acknowledging that the conduct of the House of Lords was justi fi ed by law. No, sir, the noble lord lies manfully vinager, that it was not only justified by law but was sanctioned by policy. (Loud cheers.) But as conduct which is justified by law and sanctioned by policy —is that the ground and basis open which you are calling upon us to declare that our pnvileges are violated and our due authority questioned! (Cheers.) If the privileges of the House of Commons can only he vindicated by opposing that which the laws justify, and which polio,' sanctions, I fear that we or, hardly recommend to our constituents the character and the privileges of this home for the support which the hon. gentleman who hes just spoken contemplates. (Hear.) After an examination of the three resolutions in connexion with the financial policy of the government, the right hon. gentleman declared that he saw nothing to object to in them; they embodied, he said, his own views; sad he complained that he and his party shmild be exposed to an attack from the Chancellor of UM Rzehequer bemuse they supported her Majesty% government. The right honourable gentleman talked of the vote of the Lords being • gigantic and dangerous inno vation, but the chief of the government had admitted that the House of Lords had acted in • manner that the law justified and policy eaectiotied, as well an in perfect con socanee with precedents. It was true that the right hon. gentleman had intimated that he should give the resolutions his support, but that was because he took them, as he had taken many other things before, in a " non-natural sense." If the resolutions vindicated the privileges of the Commons, even though they asserted more than weld he practically maintained, it would be nowise to alter language of which the popular interpretation was favourable to the main tenanoe of the just privileges of the house, at the same time that it admitted the power of the Lords to reject money bills, than which he bad never claimed any other for them. He admitted that they had not the power of origi nating or altering money bills; but the power of rejecting them must be theirs, or the constitution of England must be instantly chsoged. The right hon. gentleman continued— We have heard this session very much of new principles of Nation. New principles of taxation have been ream mended in my mind of very dangerous importance, but which fortunately for thin country will not be submitted to a new parliament, elected by • new and inexperienced con stituency. (Hear, hear. But if new principles of taxation ever come into fashion, I will suppose fur a moment this house pawing a money bill which will tax at a very high rate the estates of the House of Lords. Are we to main tain that the House of Lords is not to have the power of rejecting that money bill? A bill might par this house peculiarly and solely charging the estates of the House of Lords,—for such hills bale panned this house before—(hear, hear) ;—and we are now told that we are to lay down as the privileges of this house that the House of Lords is to be deprived of that last defence and only security against unjust taxation. (Hear, hear.) The sewed resolution, distinctly acknowledging the right of the Hone of Lords to reject money bills, is • resolution which we as a conservative party ought to support • and the third resolu tion, though it may be mainly and necessarily, from the nature of the subject, more express, contains no intimation of any other than • constitutional course with respect to fiscal subjects. That being the nature of the three nee lotions, is it not our duty cheerfully to support the minister who has proposed them, and who has made the proposition in a spirit equal to the occasion, and free from an party bias! (Hear, hear.) If the policy which many hon. gentlemen opposite recommend were pursued, the critical influence of senates on finance would entirely cease ; and it becomes important to consider whether such a prin ciple is in harmony with our constitution, and might not be extremely injurious to the public welfare. The hoe. member for Birmingham was reminded io the course of this debate that the senate of America has the power, not only of rejecting, but of altering and amending money bills ; and he said across the table : "But the senate of the United States is elective." If it be advisable that some control, modified and well fenced in as it is by the privileges of this house, should be ex ercised by what we may call the senate of this country upon the popular branch of the legislature with regard to monetary affairs—if it be the essence of wisdom that there should be some check upon intem perate and unjust resolutions and policy in matters of taxa tion—if that be admitted, are we to conclude that that con trol can only be entrusted to • senate that is elective ? Then the hon. gentleman and his friends are changing the issue before us ; and what we really have to consider is, if we have a senate, whether it shall be elective or hereditary. Now. I am in favour of maintaining the hereditary senate of this country. (Hear, hear.) I would not entrust the enlarged 'wee which he senate of America =1.84t0 any elective y.. What control the House of possesees in matters o f finance I wish them to poser as an hereditary body guarding ourselves against any undue and unwise exercaaeof that power by the privileges of the House of Commons—privileges that will be acknowledged for centuries, sod which, whenever assailed, we find our selves able to uphold. end defend. (Hear, bear.) The test of • privilege is that it can be asserted. The other night the hon. member for Birmingham said he did not know what was meant by Americanising the institutions of this country. To-night he has explained it. It is a senate elec tive, not hereditary. I trust that the house will, by supporting the government in the course they have taken, prove that they are prepared, not only to uphold the privileges of this house, but to uphold the rights of all the estates of the realm, which the constitution has hitherto acknowledged, and under which this country has so eminently nourished. (Cheers.) Lord J. Rums= and Mr. Hammr rose at the same time, and both continued for a few momenta to attempt to address the house. There were loud calls for " Bright ;" but the Speaker decided that Lord J. Russell was in possession of the house. Mr. BRIGHT said he had merely risen to move the ad journment of the debate. Lord J. RUSSELL, while he expressed his gratitude to Mr. Disraeli for the rapport be had given to the government, desired to vindicate Lord Palmerston from the interpretation which he had put upon his speech, ha d which the words would not bear. Lord Palmerston had admitted the tech. niad and legal right of the Lords to reject a hill, but he had not said that they were not only justified by law, but sanctioned by policy. Lord John proceeded to explain his own opinion of the act of the House of Lords, namely, that it was rash and unjustifiable, and might be followed by other similar acts, which in their consequences would work • new form of government. The third resolution affirmed that the house had the power to guard against an undue exercise of power by the Lords, and he thought it would be unwise to state in detail in what way it would be exercised. According (continued the noble lord) to all former practice, the whole power with regard to finance is in the House of Commons. We e i e . a e n e d grant that which is our own. (Hear, hear.) We the expenditure with the revenue, and if the House of Lords have any doubloon the subject, they ought to rely upon the House of Commons wheu any deficiency is to be made up. (Hear, hear.) But would it be an improvement if the House of Lords should in future have this power The right hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. Whiteside) has quoted from Lord Macaulay, to show that the existence of such • power would not create any discontent among the people. That may be true at first, but I think such a power could not exist for three mouths without exciting the grfttest discontent. (Hear, hear.) I suppose it would hardly be proposed that we should not at least have a concurrent power, and that the sole power of taxa tion should be with the House of Lords. I believe, however, that would be the better change than that the two houses should attempt concurrently to rule the finances of the country. (Hear, bear.) It is not only true with regard to all past time—ever since our constitution has been a consti tution—that we have had the power of regulating the finances of the country, but it is likewise true that if we were to part with that power, and take the House of Lords into partnership in this taxing and financial power, the consequence must be utter confusion in our finances. (Hear, hear.) If such • state of things existed, each house would endeavour to take off that tax which was inset un popular for the moment, sad thereby get for themselves popular credit and applause. Then comes the question as to the danger of such • change. It is because our power is considered to be so settled and so safe that we have so little to fear from any constituted body in the state. (Hear, hear.) When there was • question of privilege with regard to the house in the time of Charles 1., and when that sovereign came here to ask for the five members, there came up 5,000 men from Buckinghamshire in order to defend the right hoe. member—(laughter)—l mean the bon. member for Bucking hamshire 'gains, any breach of privilege of the house in his person. (Hear,liear.) The right honourable gentle. man the present member for Bucks needs no such escort— (hear, hear)--and the other members of the house are quite as secure. The distinctinu is this. At that time the privilege of the house was supposed to be in danger, but at this time it is believed to he perfectly ads. (Hear, hear.) If that is the ease we may maintain it with, I believe, great security ; and, at all events, it is not necessary to enter into a resolution of defiance against the Howe of Lords . ( Rear, hear.) I believe that our privileges can be vindicated by the means which have been pointed out, but at the same time I think it is our business to see that there is not achange made in the constitution in this respect. The power exercised in America is exercised by those who are either directly or indirectly the representatives of the people, sod therefore have the right. The only consti. tution in which I can find a similarity to what is now thought of is the constitution of Russia, where the esti mates and expenditure are laid before the senate and voted by them ; but of course no such constitution could be adopted in this country. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman in the latter part of his speech alluded to some new plea of taxation by which landed pro perty especially should be made to bear a great part of the public burden. But whatever there may be in the future— whatever plan may be proposed, that is not the case in the history of the present year. What we have been doing for many years is this. We have been diminishing the taxes upon customs and excise, and at the same time providing means for the service of the year to allow time for the customs and excise to move^ themselves. (Hear.) So far from dimin 4 shing indirect taxation, and increasing direct taxation, the indirect taxation of the customs and excise some years ago was 33,000,0001., and they got up to 44,000,0001. in the account of the presirit year. Therefore, so far from there being a change from indirect to direct taxation, the course pursued of late years has been to increase indirect taxation, and this has shown the wis dom of the plans of finance which have now been adopted for many years by this house. According to those plans we have since 1815 diminished or entirely abolished the taxes on salt, leather, candles, glass, soap, and various other articles of general consumption, while at the same time we have increased not only the general pro ductiveness of the revenue, but especially that part of it which is derived from indirect taxation. The mea sure of the present year for the abolition of the paper duties was • measure substantially in conformity with the mea sure to which I alluded. A measure of a similar nature for the abolition of taxes on bricks, glass, and soap was pro palmed on the same ground, was adopted, I should think, on the same authority, and was followed by the same amount of prosperity. With what view, then, was the bill for the abolition of the paper duties rejected by the Howe of Lords? It cannot have been as 'totted from a convictica ef a deficiency in the revenue, because the Lords were not in possession of sufficient information on that sub ject ; but it may have been that the vote was come to in another sense, viz., to put a stop to that wise and healthy system of finance which we have for messy years followed, and to declare that for the future that industry shall not he relieved—that the great articles of consump tion shall continue to be taxed, and that the revenues from landed property shall be lees heavily taxed. If that was the intention of the Lora., it affords an additional ground for the jealousy of this house. (Hear, bear.) The right hon. gentleman, at the end ..f his speech, said he should be ready to consider any plans by which the house might for the future vindicate its powers for taxing the people, and I have no doubt he will be ready to vindi cate our powers. These resolutions state moderately, but I think firmly, what these powers are, and what we should endeavour to maintain. The right hon. gentleman said truly that the speech of my noble friend was in part statesmanlike and dignified. It was in part statesmanlike and dignified, because it met the °comicl, and went no further than the occasion ; it wu intended to provide a remedy for what we had suffered, and secure us against the danger of its recur rence, but it did not enter into any empty defiance of the House of Lords, nor did it propose by mere resolutions to enter into a conflict with the other branch of the legislature. I think the House of Lords have been indis creet in their conduct ou this occasion, but it will be our duty to continue in a calm and even course. I should be very sorry if their act should at all endanger or weaken the authority of the House of Lords as a great branch of the national legisla ture. (Cheers.) Mr. DIOBY BEYXOUR moved the adjournment of the debate. Mr. BRIGHT, amidst loud cries of "Order," " Co on," and " Divide," asked to what day it was proposed G. ad journ he debate! Lord PALMERSTON said he proposed that the deist should be adjourned until this day. (Hear, hear.) The debate was then adjourned until this day accord ingly. DOMINICA HURRICANE BILL. This bill was read a wood time. The Leith Harbour and Docks Bill passed through com mittee, after a few words against it from Mr. STEU Aar, who said it wee continuing • profligate expenditure on a very bad security. The committee on the Refreshment Houses and Wine Licenses (Ireland) Bill was postponed to this day. REFRESHILENT . Boum AND_ WINE LICENSES (SCOTLAND) *- The second readii c of the wove MR was posted. HERITABLE 8 DEITIES (SCOTLAND) pon BILL. This bill RS/ reed a second time. INDEMNITY BILL. This bill was alsosTad a seToTaTal time. BURIAL GROUNDS (IRELAND) ACT (IEN) AMEND MENT BILL. The house went into committee on this brill, and after a short discussion, Mr. VANCE moved that the chairman report progress. On a division the numbers were : Ayes Noes The several clauses were then agreed to, and the house resumed. The remaining orders were then disposed of, and the house adjourned at a quarter put two o'clock. MARKETS. WOOL AND WORSTED.—BRADFORD, Jinx 5. —The market is getting into better supply of most kinds of wool. The trade doing is still very limited, owing to the high prior* that are asked. The staplers have no alternative but to maintain the greatest firmneu, seeing that the prices current in the country are fully u high as those demanded here. The demand for nods and shorts continues good, but prices do not keep pace with long grown wools. There is nothing striking in the state of the worsted yarn depart ment. The change in the weather has the result of putting people in better spirite, and a fair trade is doing. The great difficulty is in fixing the price ; spinners are asking more, and in some instances obtain it, but the advance is not equivalent to the current rates for wool, which are fully lid. per lb. higher than at this period last year. The export houses would in all probability do more if they could place orders at old prices, but they cannot. The same remark applies to the home trade, which offers no encouragement to hope that the extra out will be realised in the manu factured goods. There is a more cheerful tone in the piece market. The agreeable change in the weather inspires more confidence that our home trade may not be hampered by a bad harvest. The actual demand to-day w still limited. Merchants do not buy with any spirit, and take only to meet their immediate requirements, fearing that the pre. sent prices will not be maintained. COTTON. —Ltvaitroot., JULY s.—There has been a good demand for cotton to-day, and large sales with very irregular prices. The sales are 10,000 bales—includi/ d. 8,380 Ameri can, at 41d. to did. ; 1,200 Surat, at 3d. to 4 ; 220 Egyp tian, at 7id. to 91a. ; 200 Pernam, at 71 to 84d. —of which 2,000 are for speculation and export. The week's import is 23,790 bales. CORN.—BIRIIINGRAM, JCLY b.-1t this day's mar ket there was a very short supply of wheat from the farmers, who generally held firmly for previous rates, but the sales made were at Is. to 2s. per quarter Foreign was much pressed, at irregular prices —say from Is. to 3s. under the currency of this day se'nnight. Barley sold readily for quite, as much =may. Rather more doing in cats, at our quotations. Beans and peas the turn easier. Dm-um JULY s.—We had a very small market, both as to supply and attendance. Many of the farmers antici pating higher prices would not untie their sacks, but what business was done was at prices fully equal to last week fur the best qualities, the turn being in favour of the buyer for secondary sorts ; the market closed firm. In other grain little doing and no alteration to note. Wheat, best, 56e. to 62a. per qr. ; middling, 495. to Fitts. ; inferior, 38a. to 49.. Barley, 345. to 445. Oats, Zia. to 335. Beans, 46e. to 595. Peva, 42a. to 465. Flour, fine, 475. to 50s. per sack ; seconds, 425. to 45e. MANCHYSTICE, JULY s.—At this day's market there was • small attendance. Wheat met very little inquiry, and to promote sales holders would have submitted to • reduction of le. per qr. on English, and Id. to 2d. per cental on foreig,n. Flour mold slowly and may be quoted ild. to Is. lower. Oats and oatmeal wore dull without change in price+. English beans were firmly held ►t late rates, whilst Egyp tian were lid. to Is. per qr. cheaper. A similar decline may also be noted in the value of Indian con). The general tone of the market was extremely languid. NEWARK, JULY 4.—There was a small supply of wheat at to-day'. market, and no change from last week's quota tions. Grinding barley dull sale ; the same may be said of oats and beans. Quotations :—White wheat, 60a. to 641. ; red, 55a. to 60a. per 36 stone. Grinding barley, 30s. to 32a. per 30 stone. Oats, old, 30s. to 345.; new, 28r to nr. per 24 stone. Beans, old, 48s. to 50s. ; new,46a. to 48s. per 38 stone. Peas, 445. to 48s.per qr. . . NZWBURY. JULY s.—We had a moderate supply of wheat, which met a slow sale at • reduction of from ls. to 2s. per qr. Merely a retail trade in barely ; oats, beans, and peas, dull at late rates. IJesaincr., Jrir s.—With fine warm weather, and consequently a decline in prices, the supply at to day's market is very short and the trade slow. Wheat is 2s. to 3s. per qr. lower. Spring corn is unchanged in value. WATKRYORD, JULY 4.—A continuance of most favour able weather since Saturday, together with the dull sic• counts from London and Liverpool, has had a most depress. ing effect on our market, and prices of all articles are again in favour of buyers, with only • limite*bwsinass pawing. EDINBURGH. JULY 4.—We had in the market to -day 638 qrs. wheat, 102 barley, 849 oats, and 62 beans. there were sold—Wheat, 586 qrs. ; barley, 54 ; oats, 473 ; and beans, 46 qrs. As compared with last week—Wheat was same on top, and Id. down on average. Harley was 2.. 6aL down on top, and Is. 3d. down on average. Oats were same on top, and Is. 6d. down on average. Beans were Gd. down on top, and Is. 10d. down onaverage. Prices per imperial quarter:— Wheat, 55a. Oil. to 60s. Od. ; barley, 375. Cif. to Od. ; oats, 24• 9d. to 345. 61. ; beans, 45r. Od. to 50s.lid. Weight of top—Wheat, 6611b5. ; barley, 5611 m. ; oats, 4411 n. ; beans, 671te. CATTLE.- EDINBURGH, JOLT 4. —The supply of sheep and lambs this morning was large, the number being 5,741, or 1,804 more than lust week. Sales were rather slowly effected ; but little variation in price. At the close a con siderable quantity of both sheep and lambs were unsold. Best mutton, from 74d. to tid.; ewes from 61d. to 7d. per lb.; lambs, top price, 314.; current, from 245. to 275. ; inferior, from 14s. to 19s. a bead. The number of cattle was 406, being 20 more than last market. Good cattle being scarce brought high prices, the top price being 10e. 6d. per imperial stone ; current, from 9s. to 9s. 6d. ; middling awl inferior from 7s. to Be. per imperial stone. Fed pigs from 6e. 61. to 7s. per imperial stone ; six to eight weeks old do., from lla to 16s. a head. Numbers in market—Sheep, 5,741 ; fat cattle, 406; lean do., 467; mach cows, Er.); Pigs. 305. BIRTHS, MARRIAGES, AND DEATH& BIRTHS. ISMIDGMIL -- Join 2. at Hale, near Alderabott, the wife of W. Bridger, Foy., of a Eon. BUDD.—JuIy t. at netcliam, near Leatherheed, the wife of E. Budd, 11.1.. of a son. CITRWEN.—JuIy 2, at Portland place, Lower Clanton, Mr.. T. T. enrwen, of a son. YELL—JuIy 1, at Spencer Howe, Putney, the wife of A. Fed Xiq.. of *dauhter. 110ARE.—July1.,_at Sydney, near Southampton, the wife of Pap. Iloa;;;11".0.: SKIP% ITH.—July 2, at Lyall droet, &Ignite-square, lady Slip• with, of a .on. MARRIAGES. ATICINSON--OLOVER.—JoIt' a, as at. John's, 111lston, near Harrogate, by the Rev. T. Sheepshank, WA.. A. Atkins... Jun., keg" of Hull, to Elizabeth, daughter of the late M . Moyer, Rai.. of Ahlborough. near Richmond. BROOK E—DISWAR.—JuIy St Mary's. Islington, by the Rm. nankin% M.A., Thonta, son of the late T. Brooke, Ego.. of Northgate Ifiou near Huddersfield, to Amelia, daughter the late D. Dewar, Esq., of Northampton Lodge, Canonburt • square CRASTREE—THOMSON.--July 4, at Klngstomopontlinl l . by the father of the bride. Mr. J. Crabtree. of Bradford, to Sarah, daughter of the Ree. D. M. Thomson, of Hull. DEATHS. BARN E4.—July 1. at Rainswa -- te -- . - 11 — . Barnes, Eases,d 33. ItAltitKl7.—July 1, st Forest.lawe, Stratford,, W. Barrett. fuel 67. of Victorla.road, Old Charlton. DEC .—July 1. l'. Berk , Esq. , aged Cf. BINNS.—JoIy 3, at Wolverton park, Hants, Elizabeth, wife of C. Nana, Esq.. aged 43 BOWYZIL—day 1, at Dresden. Slr 0. Bowyer, Bart, aged TE _ Printed end Published by WILLIAM KING HALLS, Of Xt. 8, Lombard-street. In the City of Lin.lon. Printer. at the lidlee. in Loinhard.street, in the Precinct of Wit Miriam—. littut, JULY 4 I.