The Press. — London, England, 1858-03-06 00:00:00

-- gio SPEECH LORD DERBY IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS, MAItCH 1, 1858. The Earl of DERBY rose and said:— I hope, my lords, that in asking your permission on Friday evening to postpone until this day the statement which constitutional usage requires from those who fill the situation in which I have now the honour to stand, I shall not have been thought guilty of any disrespect to your lordships. (Rear.) On the contrary, considering that during the whole of last week I was engaged day and night in making those personal arrangements which are neces sary on the formation of a new Government—a task which I had not previously the slightest idea of being called on to undertake—and that consequently I had not had a single moment for reflection on any matter not immediately con nected with those personal arrangements; and consider ing, too, the great importance of the subject, I thought it was more respectful to your lordships that, having only just acceded to office, and having only departed from the presence of her Majesty at half•past four o'clock, I should not come down here at five o'clock to lay before your lordships what must necessarily, under the circum stances, have been but a crude and imperfect statement. (Bear, hear.) Believe me, my lords—and I say it with all sincerity—l address your lordships from this place on the present occa sion with no feeling of triumph or exultation. lam over whelmed with the sense of my own incompetency to per form duly the arduous task which lies before me. I am overwhelmed with the sense of the magnitude of the diffi culties which I must encounter, and of the questions with which I have to deal; bat my satisfaction, my consolation, in feeling myself so unable to deal adequately with these great questions is, that indulgence will be extended by your lordships and by the country to one who, having been called suddenly to office by the favour of his Sovereign, has certainly sought for it by no unworthy means, and by no underhand intrigues. (Loud cheers.) Bence proceeding to enter upon public questions, I believe it will be proper that I should remind your lord ships of the course of events which have placed me in my present position. Your lordships will all remember that last Friday se'nnight a vote of the House of Commons taken in a fall house resulted in a majority of 19 against the then Government upon a motion which, in point of fact, involved a vote, if not of censure, at least of disap proval of the course which had been pursued by the Go vernment upon a matter of great importance. Into the substance of that motion I will not at present enter, though it will be my duty so to do before sitting down ; but I rejoice to think, my lords, that, although that majority was composed of parties certainly not usually in the habit of acting together in concert, but entertaining different opinions upon most subjects, I have not heard from any quarter upon the present occasion any of those taunts of combination and coalition which were so freely poured forth upon a similar occasion last year. (Hear, hear.) For myself, I mast confess that I never was taken more by surprise than by the vote of Friday week, and for those with whom I have the honour of acting I can only say that there was not the smallest step taken fir the purpcse even of securing attendance, or for inviting a eingle mem ber to remain in his place. (Hear, hear.) The Govern ment having been thns placed in a minority of 19 acted in accordance with constitutional usage in at once tender ing their resignations to her Majesty, and her Majesty, as I understand, at once accepted those resignations. I be lieve that the noble viscount lately at the head of the Government was with her Majesty at five o'clock on the Saturday, and in the course of that evening her Majesty did me the honour of summoning me to her presence. With her Majesty's gracious permission I will venture to state what took place during that interview. Her Majesty hiving been pleased to inform me that she had accepted Vie resignation of her late servants called upon me for my advice as to the course which she ought to pursue, and asked me whether, looking to the circumstances of the sue, 7 was willing to undertake the responsibility of' form ing an Administration. In reply to that gracious intima tion, I took the liberty of requesting her Majesty not to press for an answer to her question on that day, andl then Ili THE PRESS, MARCH 6, 1858, proceeded to lay before her Majesty as fully and clearly as I could, without partiality and without any bias, what I conceived to be the state of political parties in the House of Commons—au element in the question which I thought her Majesty ought to have clearly presented to her. I en treated her Majesty to take till the following day to con alder whether she would think it expedient to call me to her councils, and I stated that if upon reflection she should still continue of that opinion my sense of public duty would render it imperative on me to attempt to execute the task which she was pleased to intrust to me. (Cheers.) But at the same time I felt bound to add, that if upon full consideration her Majesty should be of opinion that any other person would be better qualified to form a sound and stable Government fur the country, she should not for a single moment consider my position, feelings, or interest, but take the course which upon reflection she should deem most advantageous for the country. (Cheers.) On the following morning I had the honour of receiving a note from her Majesty, informing me that further reflec tion had fully confirmed her in wishing me to accept office, and I felt then that I had no course to pursue but humbly to submit myself to her Majesty's pleasure. (Hear, hear.) It may be said that in taking that course I acted with precipitation and rashness, but I venture humbly to think that I was called, on to act as I did by every senti ment of loyalty and public duty. (Cheers.) Having taken upon myself the responsibility of forming an Admi nistration, my next care was to endeavour so to form it as to establish the broadest possible parliamentary basis. My lords, I do not share in the opinion which was ex pressed some three years ago by a noble earl, who, I regret to say, in consequence of indisposition, is not now in his place, that the state of parties in this country was such that any combination might reasonably he expected, and that the leaders of all the great political parties might sit harmoniously in the same Cabinet. Ido not go as far as that, but it is undoubtedly true that, as compared with for mer periods of our history, the line of separation between parties in the State is much less sharply and distinctly drawn than it used to be. (Hear.) Parliament and public opinion, which Parliament represents, are no longer divided by the broad lines of demarcation to which we were formerly accustomed, bat they are separated by vast numbers of small gradations which it is scarcely possible strictly to define. Persons call themselves now-a-days by so many different names—Tories, Conservatives, Liberal- Conservatives, Whigs, Liberals, and Radicals; and such are the niceties of distinction between some of these names that I believe there are no inconsiderable number of mem bers in the House of Commons, and perhaps in your lord ships' house, too, who would find it difficult to say with which of all these they have the closest sympathy. (A laugh.) The state of parties is very like the distinctions of the various grades of ranks in society at large. There is a broad interval between the highest and the lowest, but the gradation by which one melts into the other is so imperceptible that it is difficult with regard to social rank and to political parties in the State precisely to say where one commences and another ends. But I did think that, desiring to form a Government upon a basis which should be Conservative in the truest sense of the word, but at the same time not indisposed to measures of progressive im provement, I might hope to obtain the assistance of some eminent persons who, not belonging to the Government which we have succeeded, shared to such a degree the opinions of the Conservative party that they might not be deemed guilty of any inconsistency in associating themselves with me in the difficult task which I had undertaken. Thus thinking, I applied to a right hon. gentleman and to two noble lords, members of your lordships' house, who conceived might not be indisposed to render me their assistance itt framing such a Government as I have de scribed. They did not, however, deem it consistent with their position to afford me such aid. I cannot, of course, find the smallest fault with their decision, but although must undoubtedly regret that I have been deprived of the benefit of their assistance, I cannot regret that I made such an offer. Having, therefore, been thrown entirely upon the resources of those with whom I was more immediately and intimately connected, I proceeded to select such gentlemen as I thought best qualified to fill public offices with honour to the country and with credirto themselves. My lords, in changes of this description—and more par ticularly when such changes take place during a session of Parliament, and still more at an early period of the session —there are always inevitable evils to be encountered. In the first place, at such an important period of the session public business is very inconveniently interrupted from the necessity of new elections in the case of many mem bers of the House of Commons who may have accepted office. In the next place, some considerable time must elapse before those who are Appointed to high offices have the opportunity of making themselves masters details of the departments to which they - taking up the thread of the tangled skein been left by their predecessors. More the case with respect to a moat important that of Foreign Affairs, over which my noble (Lord Clarendon) has presided so admirably, cases, as my noble friend well knows, discussions have been pending for a series the whole details of which the person - office must be familiar in order to take vantage. The case is the same with regard partments. I understand that my noble the late President of the Council (Earl other night that he thought it very desirable of three days should be allowed to her went, in order that they might make themselves of the business of their respective departments, the house an intimation of the policy which ' to pursue. If the noble earl made use along, I must say that I certainly cannot speedy acquisition of knowledge or such tion as may characterise my noble friend—( I must frankly say that at this moment imperfect account of what has taken place departments, and of the state in which the present Government. But, my lords, drain which there must have been upon sources in consequence of the unfortunate and fearing what might have been the usual demand upon the resources of this undoubtedly never pretended to be a power, I did feel great anxiety to ascertain state of the numerical force of the army - ot the War Department; and I should injustice to the noble baron opposite ( Lord to the illustrious Duke (the Duke of Commander-in-Chief if I did not say that afforded me the greatest satisfaction, bat surprise and pleasure, to find, after all taken place, how respectable a numerical hand within the limits of the United cheering.) I recollect the state of office in 1852, and in contrasting the of the army—and I may probably also add 1858, notwithstanding all the demands upon our forces, with what it was in first place, that it affords me an agreeable the amount of military ardour and of readiness service exhibited among the population and I must add that the change which within the past six years reflects the greatest the Governments which have held office (Cheers.) So long as the unfortunate war in India must, no doubt, be a heavy drain upon sources of this country; but trust, much remains to be done—although yet drawing to a close—that we are favourable turn of events, and that the Conn Campbell, following upon those cers who preceded him, have already struck great body of the insurgents. Much, remains to be done ; but I do not entertain any doubt that the continued exertions - - of her Majesty, aided by the cordial support this country, will, at no distant period, midable insurrection which has lately still rages, in some parts of India, and Government will then have leisure, both to apply themselves to the far more agreeable pacification and reorganisation of that Majesty's dominions. The accounts which we have received day or two from the coast of China lead the unfortunate war in that country—if, - called a war—at all events, that the unfortunate in that country will be brought to a Those operations, undoubtedly, are their conclusion, so far as we have arrived but I cannot but entertain the same opinion expressed—namely, that the war was visedly and upon insufficient ground. and I do not now deny, that we had ample plaint against, and of quarrel with, the ties; and, as we have taken the course military force to bring the Chinese to not but cordially rejoice at the success attended her Majesty's arms. The ' success, however, I conceive will be, the opportunity—standing in inch China—of concluding with the least and honourable peace—(cheera)--and ?yerdsinirawbolhefo d skein which Eves masters of the varions b they are called, and of • e c a e e e p r x l ep s rir to 3.0 may have More especially is this mportant department-- my noble friend opposite io admirably. In som e ra e rons fri evlil e v n lee d : opposite ds o t a the i rs te s knows, negotiations and r a series of years, with take them up with ad. ith regard to other de- ?y d her Majesty's Govern- eke departments, and give hey which they intended id cannot pretend to such* yEkeea (Earl u l t o e h bG e l r such rapidity of men. friend—(s laugh)—and moment I possess a very :en place in the different rhich they were found by sy lords, knowing the vast ;n upon our military re. stortunate war in India, en the result of that an. s of this country, which be a first-rate military • ascertain what was the army and the condition should do an act of great site ( Lord Panmure ) and uke of Cambridge) the t say that it has not only ion, bat also the greatest er all the drain that has inmerical force is still in jolted Kingdom. (Loud of affairs when I took / the numerical strength also add its efficiency—in sands that have been made a in 1852, I say, in the agreeable surprise to find d of readiness to enter the potation of this country, which has taken place the greatest credit upon I office during that period. in India continues, there as upon the military re- trust, my lords, although ough our labours are not are beginning to see a hat the operations of Sir those of the gallant offi- ady struck terror into the ditch, unquestionably, yet t entertain for a moment rtions of the gallant troops ial support of the people of period, put down the for- s lately raged, and which is, and that her Majesty's re, both here and in India, sore agreeable task of the f that vast portion of her received within the last na lead us to expect that otry—if, indeed, it is to be he unfortunate operations to a speedy termination. are not unfortunate in re arrived at a conclusion, erne opinion as I formerly was entered into unit& (round. I never denied, had ample cause of cons- ids, the Chinese authori• the course of employing ese to submission, I can . sccess which has hitherto The best result of that 11 be, that it will give us such a position towards least possible delay a safo s)--tand will enable as to