The Press. — London, England, 1858-01-30 00:00:00

THE PRESS, JANUARY 30, 1858. we have most to dread, and it is this very feature in every part of India but Oude that the war is assuming. In that province a great and arduous campaign is before us. Bombay and the Punjaub happily remain tranquil ; but we confess we have serious doubts about the tranquillity of Madras Demands for troops from Calcutta have been too frequent and too pressing of late to convince us that all is well in that Presidency. Upon the whole, we confess that we cannot regard the position of affairs with satisfaction, and we can see no ground for the satisfaction of others. We have suffered enormous and dispropor tionate losses, we have exhausted our resources in India, and the war is only yet at its commencement. The question of Church Rates is just one of that character on which we have very frequently had occasion to comment. Wo sin cerely believe that the abolition of them is desired by only a small minority of the community; but that minority is closely united, and works with a pertinacity which is rarely shown in the pursuit of a mere theory. Although the grievance is practically a very small one, still it is real as far as it goes. It touches the pocket. And so we may anticipate that year after year the question will coino up for discus. sion, until the Reformers gain their point rather from their importu nity than from any faith in their representations. We perfectly agree with the Times that the question should be left to private efforts. If the Legislature chooses to be wearied into the passing of mea sures which it does not in reality approve, there is no help for it. But what we say is, that tho country and the Church are entitled to know upon what footing the question remains. They are entitled to know what are the inten tions of Government—whether the matter is to be left in the hands of individuals, or whether Government will take it up. If the Church were an enemy whom it was desirable to take by surprise, mystery would be well enough. But as it is, we cannot understand why Lord PALMERSTON could not come forward in a manly way and say at once that the time was not ripe for legislation on this subject. Or if he really intended to do anything, he might surely have satisfied the deputation which waited on him last Wednesday, by some outline of his plan. To assign as a reason for not, doing so the fear of hostile comment is absurd. But here Lord PALMERSTON has given us, without intending it, a curious glimpse into his views of Ministerial duty, and his estimate of his own position. Every measure, he thinks, must be carried by a coup-de-main, or not carried at all. Very likely Lord PALMERSTON is right. We now begin to understand why the Divorce Bill was hurried on as it was. Our eyes have been opened a good deal by this incautious avowal. But there is one inconvenience resulting from the great influx of men of busi ness into the House of Commons—namely, that members are too busy with their private affairs to make themselves masters of great publio questions which do not specially touch themselves. At all events, they can never master them iu advance, and this, undoubtedly, is a good reason why any Government measure which affects our institution should be well ventilated before its introduction to the House. The Premier seems to be of a different opinion, and no doubt he is wise in his generation. The fact that the Northern Whig has uttered a spirited remon strance against the onesided system of promoting Roman Catholics in Ireland is of no little importance. The Whig has long been dis - tinguished as a most able and consistent champion of the popular and Roman Catholic party in Ireland, and it is undoubtedly a journal conducted with great ability and energy. Yet what does the Whig say with reference to the recent promotions ? The time was when to be a Roman Catholic was a disqualification for Ministerial rewards. It would almost seem that we are now reversing the ruk A barrister who enjoys the confidence of Archbishop Cullen appears to be the luckiest man as things go now•a•days. And elsewhere it remarks on the simultaneous promotion of three Roman Catholic barristers to the highest legal honours, that such a course " leads to the suspicion of partiality, and weakens confidence "in the Government." This is certainly a strong testimony in favour of the soundness of the views uttered on this important sub ject by the Conservative press in various parts of the empire. On the question how far it would be advisable for the Conservatives of Ireland to make open remonstrances in public meetings assembled on this abuse of official patronage, we may speak at another time. Conservati v e s na t ura lly di s lik e anything which can be distorted into a precedent for " agitation ;" and now that the Northern Whiy and some other independent organs aro beginning to speak out with fairness and justice, the subject may possibly be left to the free opinion of the empire as expressed in its public journalism. If such an alternative be attempted, it will of course be absolutely necessary that the subject should be kept steadily before general attention. The letter of " JUDEX," published in the Times of yesterday, is a document which cannot be neglected by any one who desires to form an impartial opinion upon the real causes and character of the Indian revolt. It is the production of one who has had great opportunities of observation, and it is perhaps a proof of the writer's moderation of judgment that he has reserved for the present any expression of a decisive opinion on the real origin to which these troubles are to be ascribed. The more temperate counsels which ho would desire to recommend are such as we ourselves have uniformly endeavoured to enforce ; but we cannot so readily a cquiesce in one of the reasons which he gives for them. In the latter portion of his remarks, bearing on a most THE WEEK. The wedding•day of the Princess Royal will long be remembered!. The marriage of the eldest daughter of a Queen so beloved and of a mother so respected as her Majesty was certain to attract the attention and excite the sympathies of the population of London. Rarely have such a crowd collected in the Mall as that which swarmed between Whitehall and Buekingham Palace on Monday last, and nowhere except in England could so vast a crowd be maintained in order by so small a force of police and guards. The reception of her Majesty and the Princess Royal by the people must have been as gratifying to those illustrious personages as it was sincere in itself. The favour, too, exhibited towards the Prince FREDKRICK WILLIAM of PRUSSIA was distinguished by a heartiness which marked the approval of the people. Of the marriage ceremony we have little to say. It was magnificent without being melancholy. And the first day of a new and happy life for the Princess passed with out a single untoward event to detract from its brightness. A new batch of Peers is about to be created. We have reason to believe that Mr. WYKEHAM MARTIN, M.P., a thoroughgoing Palmers• tonian and Kentish Liberal, will be one of the fortunate selections. The Hon. G. FITZWILLIAM is also mentioned. It has long been felt that " something must be done for the Fitzwilliams." Colonel DUDLEY CARLETON, son-in-law of Lord BROUGHTON, is also mentioned ; with Sir MAURICE BERKELEY ; ASHLEY PONSONSY, who will take his title from the Crimea; Sir RICHARD BULICELEY, the only deserving name in the whole list ; and lastly, a member of the Milnes family. Considerable misapprehension exists respecting this contemplated elevation of the Milnes family to the Peerage. We believe the facts to be these. Early in last year the Prime Minister announced to Mr. Musics of Frystone, the respected father of the Hon. Member for Pontefract, and who was a schoolfellow, we believe, of the venerable Premier, that his Lordship was prepared to recommend to her Majesty to summon Mr. MILNEB to the House of Lords. The highly estimable Yorkshire Squire declined the proffered honour, on the double ground that he had no wish that his family should be ennobled, and, secondly, that he had no confidence whatever in Lord PALMERSTON. Since the project of creating a batch of peel a has been revived, Lord PALMERSTON, we are informed, has now offered the Peerage to the eldest son of Mr. RICHARD MILNE% M.P., and the grandson of Mr. MILNES of Frystone, omitting Mr. RICHARD Alarms himself in this series of proposals, on the plea that the Government cannot afford to lose his independent support in the House of Commons, which, we believe, was the real ground on which her Majesty's Ministers declined on two occasions to confer on the Honourable Member the offices of Secretary of Ireland and that of Poet Laureate. Some difficulty, it is said, may be experienced in carrying out the last proposal of the Ministry with respect to this distinguished family by the circumstance of Mr. RIIIHARD MILNEB' eldest son being a minor. But "the atrocious crime of youth" is one which in this age of pro gress can hardly be very severely visited ; and, considering the pos sible duration of the Palmerston Ministry, it is by no means impos sible that it may be the happy destiny of the youngest Mr. MILNES to second in the House of Lords an address to the Crown condoling with her Majesty for the loss of her Indian empire, or any other calamities which that event will bring about No material change has taken place in the affairs of India, accord ing to the latest intelligence received last night. Sir Conn( CAMPBELL remains at Cawnpore, and the Punjaub is " tranquil." At this distance it is not easy to comprehend in all their details the exact position of affairs, or the prolonged and remarkable inactivity of Sir COLIN CAMP BELL might cause some alarm. On the 6th of December Sir Cour,' defeated the Gwalior rebels, and for three weeks ho does not appear to have moved from his position. It can only be a necessity of the gravest nature which compels him to act thus on the defensive. Ile must be in want of men and stores, and where are they to come from? Calcutta, our last letters assure us, has not a man to send, and stores, never plentiful, are already exhausted by the demands of the campaign. Two considerations are involved in this position—first, that our losses must have been enormous, and that, though we have scarcely ended one " particular campaign," and have another close at hand, our resources on the spot are more or less exhausted. True it is that after nearly a twelvemonth's struggle we have achieved great successes, that our soldiers have performed prodigies of valour, and our generals mostly have exhibited unrivalled skill; but is our position improved, have we regained the confidence of the natives in the stability of our Government, and have we no work left to us now but the pacification and reorganisation of the country? Can we look at the map of India and point to any single spot not covered by British guns, where the rebellion is crushed ? We have broken to some extent the organisation of the enemy, yet where we have done so we see that the war has become a raid, destructively harassing to our overtasked troops, but no single infected spot is cured. We defeat a body of rebels one day, and they cut off our communications twenty miles in the rear the next. It is this guerilla feature of the war that see LLI4I. 1.11t7 War AMU Vet:Mlle ti ram, tieati uut.tvut . ) ruts ctaziatti ttr out (tout tuutt. ILLe mole temperate counsels wince no wouiu ueisire overtasked troops, but no single infected spot is cured. We defeat a recommend are such as we ourselves have uniformly endeavoured to body of rebels one day, and they cut off our communications twenty enforce ; but we cannot so readily acquiesce in one of the reasons which miles in the rear the next. It is this guerilla feature of the war that he gives for them. In the latter portion of his remarks, bearing on a most 108