The Express. — London, England, 1850-03-13 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.—Tossan, Masai 12. Their terdships assembled at 4 eolock. ROYAL COXIIIBBION. The royal resat wee giros by eosasissiou to the Party roxonkm. (Ireland) Bill. The revel Conahetouers ware the Earl ef Shaftesbury. the Kul d Mato, sad the Bart of Their lordships then adjoaraed daring pleasure. Lord Poiraaa took his seat oa the woolsack at 6 .'.look. APPELLATE JURISDICTION OF THE HOUSE. Lord BROUGHAM save nada that, on Friday next, be &mid move a resolution with reference to the appllate jarbOceisa of the Woe, and of the jading committee. AUDIT OF RAILWAY ACCOUNTS. Lewd STANLEY begged te lay es the table a bM whist' be refereed to yeereeday, with regard to the audit Id railway acconuits. AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS. Lord REDESHALE, pursuant to notice, presented two pedtions praying fot egriceitural protection—one from Nor. iambs/land s*sed by 4,700 persons, and the other from the enmity of Worcester, nauseously and respectably Miran. P a rliament had sow met about six weeks, sad no nabs had been taken in that hones of this importaat subject. He tonsils/id, therefore, haviag those petitions to nesent, that it was kin duty to de so. The Debts mar quis opposite. in the debate ou the address, gave the house the esratortable assurance that the worst had 'solved, and he hoped an improvementwould take place la egrinal'aral prospects; six weeks, howev w er, had elapsed, sod se far from those expectations being realised, than had been a enstent tendency downward in the marlin. Under these cireomstances, it was important that parliament should take into its early consideration the growth of such en evil. The petitiowen stated that the nue of the present depres sion was the change in the law, and that without • recur ring to the former law. it mast continue. Free trade was repadisted by every other country, even by America, and was only supported hag by those whose whole political °be getter depended ea i's success. He was glad to find that it bad not been accepted by the country gentlemen and fanners, who all felt that, at some paled, in some shape or other, protection must be restored. Tlie whole subject hal been treated in each a way as led no one to believe it could Le permanent. It it was eight, he hoped it would be continued. Int if wrong it must be done away with. The object of all legislation was the happiness of the people, an next the greaten' of the satin. The first must arise from plenty of emitq meat and high water, and the greatness of a nation dependd on its wealth. laseue the burden and they must lower the innate; this was proved by the malt tax. (Hear, beer.) Let them see how this matter affected the L e classes, from whom a large portion of the national wee derived. (Hear, hear.) Wages had been re amed ia all classes of labour, from the most skilful artisan down to the agricultural labourer ; and taking 10,000,000 of the population of this country to be employed La labour, he was cafe in 'keying there had been, oa an avenge, • reduc tion in their wages of 2s. per week. (Hear, hear.) If that was the case, there had been • Wino off of 52,000,0001. • year in the OWOIIIO oldie people. (Hear.) The hon. gentleman who bad been selected 'by the govern ment to move the address in the other house of parliament (Me. Viten), made a calculation to show the enormous gain to the country by the redaction of the price of food. Ho took the average price of 1847, and December, 1849, which he ateussed was what the average price would stead at in 1850, and he was not far out of the way. He camper, d those two year, and expatiated urn the gain which the country had derived from the decrease in the price of food. Why, in selecting 1847 he took a famine year, he took a year when there was saarcely any duty at all. (Hear, hear.) Now be (Lord Hideaki.) would take the avenge prim of corn when Sir Robert Peel introduced his measure in 1942, as eompered with the present time, and it would appear that there had been • saving of 16,000,0001 in wheat, 4,000,0001. in barley. and 500,0001. in oats, which with the saving in butter, cheese, and otha articles of fried, made • total amount of 40,000,0001., 'sly se a set off against the 52,000,0001. lOU in the income of the people. (Hear, hear) The doctrine of buying in the cheapest and eel iog in the demist market, the labourites man could not avail himself of. (Hear, hear.) The labouring man had aothiag but his labour to sell, and he must sell it before ha could hay anything. Now, the object of the pre sent system was to make wages low; there could be no doubt of that ; and the only people who were not able to go into any other market were the agricultural labourers, and yet the tree traders found fault with the reduction of their wages. (Hear, hear.) The greatest evil which could befall the anicaltus el manufacturer was • glut in the market, and this wag foreseen by the late Lard Ashburton. Supplies of acre, under toe present system, from every country would be constantly poured into the Br.tish market, because it was the on.y market that would be open to receive it. (Hear, huh.) It was ILO MOON and not only were the prices low, but no bastions was doing. The agricultural manufacturer did not know when he put Mewed into the ground what his return would be, and this placed him on a totally different footing from any other manufacturer. (Hear, hear.) It was the interest of every counuy to stimulate the production of corn, and not to throw any land out of cultivation. (Hear.) He wished to ark what opinion the noble lords epposite entertained as to the cause of the existing agricultural distress ; next, their views as to its continuance, end whether they could hold out any hope, from informatics which they m ght have received, of the prospect of some immediate and considerable alteration. The next twain he would put was. suppeeiag no change to pate place—ruppoeing there should be no decided advance in the orice of grain—whether they thought the land of this country could be cultivated to the same extent as it was now ? He WM confident it mould not, and he was also sure that high fantail would never be • remedy. The other querns he had to ark was, whether they w- n able to calcu late what the future average price of corn would be likely to be oa the new system ? (Cheers.) TLe Msrquis of LANSDOWNE was not surprised at the preentation of each petitions, knowing Oat a great deal of abatis existed in ',me parts of the country. He was not one cf those who ever thouet that a change in the core law coon be I Bated without considerable difficulty and ()national pressure. He thought the change which had been made in the law was founded on • sound principle of policy —dictated as it was by coontity—and he was of opinion when the measure was proposed, that sooner or later it would be impossible to maintain in this country higher prices than prevailed over the rust of the world. lie therefore thought it right, whatever doubts he allele have had as to the time when that change should take place, or the policy of miti gating it by the imposition of • fixed duty, be bad come to the conclusioa, and he thought it • right one, that a great change was inevitable, and it was their duty caly to consider the time sad mode in which it could be effected. - Under these circumstances, although he expected there would be con siderable pressure, th e result would be great benefit to the country in the estensicn of her wealth and commerce. The noble lord had drawn a great distinction between income and cspitaL Now, he believed it was impossible for the capital of the country to go on steadily increasing for any considerable period without lidding to the biome and resources of the whole country. (Hear, hen.) The noble lord seemed to estimate the income in pounds, shillings, and pence ; bat he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) contended that the true repreentstion of income was the amount of luxury and necessaries which the income could commend ; and with • money diminution of income, if he saw a great Increase of consumption, he would say that for all solid purposes the ingots. of the country had essentially increased. (Hear, hear.) The noble lid had called upon him to answer questions which related to the per, the present, and the future, sad he would endeavour to give him as math satisfaction as he could with regard to the two first question, but he hoped he would excuse him if he was caution upon the other. The noble lord had adverted to what had fallen beat him (the noble marquis) at the commencement of the session, whoa he stated kis belist that the importations dreaded so such as being likely to diminish Osman this country would fall off. What had been the tact ? That belief had been expressed very early in the session, and in a month after wards • very great dirniaatioa in the imports of foreign con was observable. (Hear, hear.) What had been the impor tation in the month of February following his humble de. clustion ? Why the difference between the importations in the month of 'February this year and in the corresponding ninth of last year amounted to no fewer than 200,000 qrs. In February, 1849, there were imported into this simian 390,000 qrs. ; in February, 1850, there were imported only 180,000 qrs. ; and at this moment the presto's of the Importation was rapidly diminishing. (Hear, hear.) The great and formidable bugbear, therefore, in the &citation of the noble lord and his /needs was no longer in enstenn. If importance was the cause, and the sole cause, of the diminution which had taken plane is price, we should have had very different ottasequer cgs from what we now wit. nem& If importaren was the sword suspended over our heeds, that sword had • very bleat edge, more blunt than say sword ever used before for purposes of destruction. Tae effect of importation had been to bring all prices to • pen. development, and now we bad reached a state of in which it was not worth the while of any country in Europe to send corn into England. (Hear, beer.) Why was it that noble lords did not inquire how reple tion had produced universal clamour and offering in trance? When it was said that England was the only country which had adopted • system of perfect freedom, regardless of the wi.dom and prudence which had induced other countries to adhere to the steer system of protecti..u, lot hiss (the noble marquis) ask by way of reply from etheace was it that our unpaged importations had cone? Why, from France, which had adhered to the prohibitive system—(load ministerial cheere)—from France, which felt Web strong is that system. (11. otewed cheers.) Doubtless the political events whisk had occurred throughout the world since the clangs made in the corn law had had their eft; ct, is acting upon every sort of production, affecting consumption in one country, and causing • degree of uncer tainty in another, but tide eff.ct was not referable to the corn law, although we were feeling the consequences. (Hear.) The stock, as he bad said before, in this country was exceedingly low. So far as could be collected from the warehouses in London, the present amount of stock was only 242,048 quarters. Now, what was that amount of stock as compared with the amount on the I st of February, 1849 At that time the stock in the warehouses of England was 1,824,000 quarters, and that enormous amount of stock on the Ist of February, 1849, was followed by an importation in the month of February of 380,000 quarters, which was 200,000 quarters more than were imported in February, 1850, and it wee again fotiowed in the month of Hsieh, 1849, by 823,000 cleaners, while in the present mouth of March the isaportation were daily disathlshiag. (Cheers.) lie held in his hand a blur from Belgium, in which it WY stated that, so eakaasted was that country, and each the state of prim, If any pone. wen to en doe for the purchase of 4,000 quarters of con hoped the quantity in the market, It odd oily be proud by en enormous end sudden ries of pea. In the Mediterressan then had been me inerosed demand for NM, and is the berth of Boer tbe Medals had not seamen% of it trot their owe sessampla. He Olt that he had new maid esough to useless their lordship that, if they dreaded low prises, they lad very little to apprehend from present ins. pertains sari ebeke (Hest.) He believed that much of Meat led esesivei and was now taking place hod seben heel the defidiai 9 l the hornet to blew, which bed MO eieddiedie esti in production, and to the very frowiehle WOO is 1 , "bleb was followed by May IhniBoB3 .maineipta poem ea the part of the !:=UMW, beM ati p swar lethessetlese which had him, MM dela& la dams sad somas the coosamplee et Meer thaw dissinished, yet that, taking the pee= dimes as a whole in this reentry, there had rot hems the pars a doe at whisk their esermaptioa was higher, eel y beanie, high", they it wee at this moment ("gees," sad sheen.) Their eseennaption kW, in dodder, in luxuries, which differed from the looks of the rich, made an aggregate which had been increasing, which was increasing, and which, he ventured to hope, woad increase, thereby contributing to the prosperity of the country, and securing remunerative pride fee the outlay of espltal. He had no doubt parlia ment would ever promote the internee of the British fanner In every way in which it wee practicable to do so, although it might not assent to go the lengths to which the noble load who had presented the present petition would desire. (Cheers.) The lad of MALMESBUEY mid be had listened with deep attention tot's' speech of the noble marquis, and that it seemed perfectly unintelligible to him how the two sides of the house could take such different views as they did of ab. whitely ageoseplithed facts. He was in a ratio to prove, by documentary evidence, that the rose-colour address ot the noble marquis was mach misplaced at the present time; that immense existed In the provinces and rural dia tries ; and that the noble marquis was deceived himself is the views he took of the country, and was, in cosequener, deceiving their lordships. (Hear, hear.) The noble atm gals had - taunted some of their kidskin with having de. mended 80e. as &protective duty. He (the E srl of Mama burs ), bad not the honour of a oat in the housed the period referred to, and was imperfectly acquainted with die ate of thecae, but this he knew that at the time the 1 interest declared 80s. to be a necessary pato e akara thecarrency of this country bad not been altered, and Mb. then was not equal to mere than de. the quarter now. (Hear, hear.) The noble marquis seemed to be of opiates that the deluge of importations from foreign countries bad ceased, bat a letter just received from Liverpool stated that the arrivals of ft mat that port for the week ending the 4th of March were 18,000 sacks of European, and 16,000 barrels of American, and that prices had declined at the rata of U. per quarter. Then the noble marquis, by comparing the antes of February this you with the month of February last year, had endeavoured to make out that stocks of wheat were getting low in this country ; bat last year, it should be recollected, a great many 'patron read to take out on until the duty had been first taken off. But, if stocks were low in the warehouses, they were not low in the term yards, sad there was not the slightest app stenos of the farmer obtaining an increased price for what be held ; on the contrary, there bad been a seduction last week of 25. 63. per goiter. (Hear.) Again, the noble marquis bad attempted to trace the reductions in price to the noontime on the ontinont ; but he (the Earl of Mulmesbuty) thought that if one thing more than another would have tended to raise prices, it would have been the revolutions which bad dem isted the continent. (" Iles:" and cheers.) He believed that teas of thousands, on trading the parrs to morrow, would learn with sorrow that the time bad not yet come for the government to do anything to wards the relief of agricultural distress, and that that de claration would infuse discontent and despair Into many of the moat loyal of her Majesty's subjects. (Hear.) They had it down as a settled thing that the landlords must be sactitlted—and escrificed to what? To the prosperity of Manchester. And those who would sit a whole day to preve f e a t: l 4:lle individual being injured by a railway bill which pro to cut. up his garden, sat quietly by when 200,000 ies were consigned to ruin. (Hear, hear.) What had been the language which bed been need by a man who might be called the champion of the Man chester school, and with whom the farmers would not b. have that the government were not intimately connected ? The Language he had held when addrusio the farmers and the labouren wee that they were being eaten up by the landlords—and that the object of the repeal ot the corn laws was to lower rents, aid thereby to rescue the land from the hands of a grasping aristocracy. (Hear, hear.) He did not know who Mr. Cobden included in that term aristocracy—but he (Lord hislmesbury) could tell him that of the 41 millions which the rental of England produced not more than 3 milliess went into the pockets of what was generally understood by the aristocracy, takes in the common acceptation of the term, by which he of cone meant the members of their lordships' hope. (Hsar,beer.) Before sitting down he was desirous of asking a question of the government. When the noble marquis informed them (the agriculturists) that noiLiog was to be done for them at present, was it intended to deprive them of all hope—not of a return to rroteeticn, for he did not ask that of ministers—but that they should be relieved from some of their burdens, and placed, if not on the same footing with the foreigner, at lust on an equality with respect to taxation with other Englishmen who lived by their industry. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE replied that her Majesty's government had ever been anxious to afford every assistance in their power, sad were still prepared to assist as far as practicable the efforts of the agricultural interest to obtain relief. (Hsu, hear.) After a word or two from Lead REDZIDALn, Earl OBEY contended that taking the experiment of free trade in con as far as it had gone, it was in tho highest degree satiOutory. (Hear, hear.) And any one who con. eared the condition et the country now with what might have been its condition but for the repeal of the corn laws, and still denied that it bad been successful, must be proof against conviction. (Hear, hear.) Let them consider for a moment what the country had passed through during the last four years. The staple food of a whole populath n de stroyed—the ruinous speculations in radon, the shares of which were probably worthless now by at least 100,000,0004 than the amount invested in them—the commerce ot the world disturbed hy the extraordinary events which had taken place throughout nearly the whole of continental Europe in the year 1948—teething at all these things, and seeing how little of general suffering we bad now to contend with, and even the noble Iced who had just spoken admitted that the manufacturing dis tricts were in a state of prosperity, and had entered into arguments to show that that prosperity had not resulted ' from the low prices of corn—he, for one, must maintain that the experiment had been eminently successful. Nn doubt distress did exist amongst the owners and occupiers of land—distress which he deplored as much as any noble lord opposite ; but he could not forget that throughout the whole cons of the man: in either house of parliament no attempt had been made to take a distinct opinion as to whether that detests had arisen from the recent changes in our oat , nodal legislatioe, and that it might be remedied by n itrating our steps. (Hear, hear.) If noble lords amok' I entertained so strong an opinion that that was the remedy, it was to be regretted they did not come forward with eithe dirioct proposal, informing the house at on what they really demised, whether to return to the cans law el 1842, the corn law of 1828, or that of 1816. Let them my which of these it was they locked ape as the panacea for agricultural distress— (ehem)—or whether, on the contrary, that which during the whole time that he took an active part in the contro versy on the subject in the other house, we. denounced by the whole agricultural party—a fixed duty on corn—wac what they now uked—(hear, hear) ; a measure which they might have had, had they not as and all declared it would be masts to them. (Cheers.) It was most desirable they should have the question discussed and the opinion of par liament taken as to whether any and which ot these several measures would be advantageous to the landed interest. (Hear.) Hs could not help ceserving that he utterly denied that there was the &lightest particle of evidence that the die true which now unhappily afflicted the agricultural industry of the country was in any degree traceable tothechange whisk had been effected in our commercial legislation. If it were so, those who maintained that view would be in a position show that similar periods of distress had not prevailed in former years. It wee admitted by all parties that the har vest of lapel was the lart. (" No," from the oppod do beaches). Well, the harvest in the south of England of 1849 was the largest that we had had for many previous yeses. (" No.") It certainly was so in the south, and, if he odd a whereto the fact, he would call the noble sod who spite lest, who had told their lordships, in war to as observation Ohio noble friend (the lanais of Leo dowse) that the stocks of corn in the farm yards were net low now. Up to the time of the late revolution the average price of corn in Franco was 61s. 2d.; it woe new only 335. And these exemplary low prices prevailed le ether continental countries besides France. It wee se in Belgium, when up to the year 1848 the price bad averaged 60a. 2d. ; now it was 335. 3d. There was throughout Europe the clearest evidence that the price of the present day was not that which would be the rating and average pesos of tattoo pus. (Hear, hear ) After a few words from Lord REDZISDAL3 in reply, the *tido was ordered to lie oa the table. The house then adjourned, at half past seven o'clock. ROUSE OF COMMONS.—TuEsDaY, MARcu 12. The Stamm/ took the chair at ten minutes to four Wino*. ROYAL ASSENT. The Deputy Usher if the Black Rod summoned the Speaker sad the house to the House of Peen, to hear the royal meant given, by commission, to a bill. The firaozza then, accompanied by mistral members, left the beam, and on his return etattd that the royal anent had bean given to the Party Proessbicats (Inlaid) BiII.PRIVA TE BUSINESS. RIPORT CONSID1111).-4Suffolk and General Country etvi&l;letlaWratee OMee SiII. The Greenwich Hospital Improvement Bill wee road a maid time, and referred to a select committee, oti ß tal , s a ng of the Wotan/ members: Admiral Dundee, Mr. Mr. Cowper, Sir Charles Douglas, Sir Edmund Films; Mr. Thomas Lo w 'lodges, Mr. Coax, Mr. Tittles Egerton, Mr. liesterman, and Mr. Thom Orem*, and An easnlmos to be added by the Committee of Safeties. THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 13, 1850. PUBLIC PETITIONS PRESENTED. ----. LABOUR IN Facroans.—B, Mr. W. PATTEN, from factory workers in Bolos, for a more effectual ten noon lot. MUNICIrAL COMPOILATIONS.—B, ilf. Alderman BID. NET. Irons a parish in Lemnos, is favour of a MU to rimedy defects is the municipal sorperatos act. Tun SLATE Tnasn.—By Mr. T. BARING, from Jamaica, playing that the treaties for the suppression of the elan trade may be mon effectually carried out. AIIitIOULTWILAL Dteramo.—By Ca. CHATTIBTON, flan nobility, patty, and elegy of Cork, compiebeing of eirlealtarsl *Wee, sad prsylan for p oised's. WINDOW Dtrry.—By Mr. COBDEN, from Harrogate; Mr. MOWATT, from ldaryiebons (die signatures to which oreared a apace of 174 yards in length) ; Sir B. HALL, from Clirktelareb, playlets for a repeal of as window deny. Ta=ms orKnowionnon.—By Mr. M. GIBSON, from letterpress pr:ntere in Mancbener and Belford, 'Easing that *eye times do more harm than seleteatioa dose good ; iir. 0. LUBEINOToN, knot an r.szbus of a main roes la Dm Aere ; Mr. COBDEN, from Caillnewortb, teesr I[a6ea.la Yeekehire ' rid the rneobanks' lamination of Wiliam, near Bradford ; Mr. PARKER, from Sbedleld; Mr. HUME (several), from different parts of Twaddle, for the repeal of the pew, advertisemeat, sod damp duty OS lielitplip/fit. THE EXPEDITIONS IN SEARCH OF SIR JOHN FRANKLIN. _ _ Sir F. BARING, in reply to Bic R. Inslb, stated that the new expedition about b be despatched to the Arctic regions in march of Sir J. Franklin, connoted of two ships, com manded by Captain Peony, and two steamers aontaaanded by Captain Austin. The maladroit, it was expected, would be ready to sail in the fins week of April. ADVERTISEMENT DUTY. - - Mr. EWAlefie v oTtponedft - iinotfonfoithe repeal .1 the advertisement duty to that day fortr.ight. THE POOR LAW IN IRELAND. Col. DUNNE, in the absence of Mr. Grogan, gave notice that that hen. member would, on that danfortnight, bring forward a motion relative to the evils of the present system of poor laws in Ireland. Mr. F. FRENCH also gave notice that on that day fortnight he should call the attention of the home to the evils of the poor law in Ireland. MALTITAX.—AORICULTU RAE DISTRESS. Mr. WODEROUSR gave notice that whoa the hon. member for the North Riding of Yorkshire (Mr. Cayley) brought forward big motion for the repeal of the malt-tax, he (Mr. Wodelionee) should more the following amend met : 1. That great LOW= maim, urine barthinge srw Miedied to the levying of Moiety ea semisweet Mese Whin be dined; and that the tool men alit went move b le a wrens dense sive benefit to the aggissitare of various pine d tea itinnln may as will be admitteL That cill it men be mina Maine homr diets tarrying elitists emotes Sesta veer_ rovestriellty abridge the me el • ~E lieentr reeds the Monne§ d Me gettemi atlas ewer the geseral Innen eine senessity, end shat •111 Ina y hie micas new meleme. wink V set equally unmet, ere 111 - eraelly sodden be Om beet SY edema larerestra which it Is is the primetprilmat le Weleer. le 2. net the preent dipsd are et flo se mslosostslormsat thet rib te s Ziprebohle draneles bee opesee t bets serwere of be u pt i tiss se whin It is ealremelly = e deer to dieemer. That Mere le in fasneeng Wag el lies la the orb tithe culturista tbreenmet the empire. seeseedir rep es that the mitleadas et the ten etre Vatted Merlonb beeterrth to be main to the east if me sumnieted sal sequined ismgmil non, win* they era* brim te have bees urelled use, ore which they re premed le Ohm is *IR 3. net seer ea the dogeorei dote Maecenas, wee presented te penmen a member ef the satinet of 1821, homed eardl whl the view Mang mile the prelnWey law of and the gradual adaptable of Ms proleftd lee trade to the altered ate.e of drummer Is Irish the essay was neon by an the oomph. sated trimmers' of the hie err, from Welt the tollowlsre is en entreat. writ deem el seedier Meadow use on the subject et sempaUtien pascal, —and be It reuses that these words were not labs (Mr. Wenehousee), but Mr. lindeson's— " Tour committee wined be smarm to suggest for the cossiders lion of parliament as the principle and Lois of the trade to foreign corn, such a proteetmg duty upon the produce of other countries as would not intimate to tho occupiers of such tolls tie present difficulty of that competition; that within the limits of the existing competition at home, the eaertions of industry, and the investment of capital in agriculture, ought to be protected against any rerun's, and that the protection ought sot to go far. flier." That this principle eo distinctly recognised has, by w h et change' of the law, been entirely abandoned, without the explanation of the femme for the adoption of such changes, and therefore that the deliberations of parliament at the present crisis ought to take a wider range under the reflection that from much or the inspeading ruin sericulture may be alt og ether spared, and asserting at the same time every epportunity should be watched, and pract ical measure. adopted, for redwing the amount el the public expenditure, as the only means of approximating to a state of imam* which with out impsring the credit of the country may lead to a din:loud= o the burdens of the people." Oa the latter put of this resolution he should take the lease of the house. TIMBER DUTIES. Mr. ANDERSOligavenotree that in committee ea the rsmieeion of the duty on wood used for ship building he should move that the remission be extended to all wood :Jed in the construction of boats for tns oast fisheries. THE NATIONAL LAND COMPANY. Mr. F. O'CONNOR pro notice that immediately after Boater he should bring in a bill to wind up the affairs of the National Land Company. REDUCTION OF ADMIRALS. Mr. RUMS gave notice that, on going into committee of supply, he should bring forward • motion to reduce the number of admirals from 150 ws 100. COUNTY COURTS. - • - Mr. FITZROY moverliCira return of amount received by the Treasury from the treawrers of the s were roomy courts in England and Wales, from their establishment to the Ist day of March, 1859. The return wu ordered. PARLIAMENTARY VOTERS (IRELAND) BILL. Lord CASTLEREAGU gave notice that on bringing up the report of tits bill he should move that 121. be subrituted for Si. in the clauses confenina the franchise. EMIGRATION OF FEMALE ORPHANS. Mr.TlETlg . ;skedihePresident of tii;Poo;:lew Board whether any arrangements are propoted, or are at polecat • carried cut, to facilitate the immediate con veyance of female orphans, capable of entering @tr uce, to the colony of Australia. lie referred to a return showing that out of 66,323 children in workhouses there were no le's than 8,723, taking boss and girls together, who were orphans . He also referred to a despatch fr om Sir Charles Fitzroy, the Governor of Australia, and to commu nications quoted in the dtscatch, for the purpose of showing that, both at Sidney and at Melbourne, such emigrants were much wanted. Mr. BAINES said the poor law commimioners had power to lay down regulations for the purpose of directing the emigration of those poor persons whom the guardians of unions were disposed to select for emigration. That species of emigration had fir a series of years past been going on to a considerable extent. With regard to the par.icular class specified, the Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners &boot two yeare ego signitiod their readinesa to promote colon" • *mien upon condition that part of the expense was to be pro vided for by the boards of guardians. That proposition, however, did not seem to have been generally accepted by the guardians, not more than 250 baying been sent out un der those circumstances ; and he understood that the corn mitsionen, in consequeoce of the events that had occurred within the last two years, had come to the conclasion that it was not desirable any longer to undertake the emigration of female orphans from workhouses, and that out of considera tion to the Ririe themselves. He understood that they bad offered to take a limited number of girls, who had not mixed in the wards of the workhouses on condition that the guar dians bore a part of the 'spins*. Mr. MILES gave notice that on an early day after the runs he should call the attention of the house to this subject. THE AUSTRALIAN GOVERNMENT BILL. Mr. GLADSTONE gave notice that. in committal on this bill, in case the house sanctioned the principle of an elective council, he should move that her Majesty be em powered to appoint certain comedian for life ; and that he should also move the insertion of • clause to remove any doubts as to the biihop and clerf7 of the colony having power to make regulations respecting ecclesiastical affairs. ADMISSION OF JEWS INTO THE HOUSE. Mr. P. WOOD, in reference to hie notice of motion for a relict committee to search the journals of the house, and to report precedents as to Jews or other pumas being admitted to take their seats in parliament without bring sworn on the holy gospels, appealed to the hog. member for West Surrey to allow this motion to take precedence of that hon. gentleman's, on the ground that it might have been pursued se • matter of privilege, and he had nun to believe that the diusiaibn would not be long. Mr. H. DRUMMOND said if this question were a matter of privilege, it might have been brought ca at any time within the last three yeas; and if her Majesty's ministers were very anxious on the subject, they might have taken some other night than one of the few nights devoted to the motions of individual member.. He should, therefore, go on with his motion whenever he wee called upon. TAXATION AND EXPENDITURE. Mr. H. DRUMMOND, who was indistinctly heard in the gallery, then proceeded with the motion of which be ball given) notice, " that where the present taxa tion of the country depresses all claws, and especially the labouring clews, by diminishiag the hinds for ths employ ment of productive labour, it Is the opinion of this house that adequate means should be forthwith adopted to reduce the expenditure of the government." He did tot ask them to retrace their steps, or to follow his policy ; but he asked them to be ho• nest, and to follow up their own. If free trade were anything more than the ay of a faction to get themselves into office, he asked them to carry it out and be couisteut. The country wu now suffering because they had stopped in the middle; and they gave ell sorts of Hatay excuses for that stoppage. They might depend on it they must follow it out. He wee very anxious to keep the present ministers in their plasee—(laughter)—and as there was a certain conviction that if they were out of place, and on the opposition side of the house, they would vote for this motion, be was only afraid the house would be provoked to put them out in order to gain that vote. He wished them to keep exactly where they were, till they were compelled to follow out their own policy. They would soon be compelled to adopt this motion. The farmers had begun to reform ; they had taken it Into their heads, in many poor-law unions, to negative motions made for adequate remuneration to officers of the unions. Their notions of adequate remuneration might be different from what many hon. members would entertain ; but they had precisely the some notions with respect to public ser vants. There were two things which he called on the 11 0- Torment to do—to reduce their expenditure, lepesially in the matter of salaries; and to be honest tree traders, by taking off all the restrietlons on the growth of raw produce of say kind. Having quoted a letter conelemningjudicdal naiades as too high, he said be had a still more valuable au. thority In favour of reduction. A Kent farmer, whom he met at dinner the other day, had written him as follows : This males I have made Inquiries relative to the redactions my neighbour Lard Oattenhaia, has lately mode in his labour ers' wages. (Hear.) It Is as. per weak, nearly one4serth—(boar)— only empties his metes,, who are surged by the year, sad to whom be premien • gallar redestion alter iikkantrau neat. (o hear,. and laughter.) Tide Is what the whirs call, with their usual asir.eompieeesey, ths improved coadltket of the labourer, arising treat tree trade, which, as regards the one of the farm labourer, means a bars Woken lasnounse, and very starvation In winter. (Hoar, hear.) . This was too bed of his Roble friend, Lord Cottenb am who was • whip sad a radial, too. He was very hot, indeed, on the Refine Bill, bat It was wendertal how people got enlightened when they get into eMes. (Hear, hear.) He had the =meat of knowing the noble lord, and It was im partible to select anybody whose seam of adequacy of re. summation was twee delicate, or who was mon keenly elbe to the advantages of good will. (laughter.) No had ressived hone • farmer en account of the avenge poodwas of Ida land, taken from his fann book. • for an ye. rs oimowallewitle 1842, the average had been 1,0421. • for the bag pearl lad been 6721., and he had paid 3001. for MN& ink was the diminution of the real property of the ram% gnawed anintandonally, to doubt, by recent Mellmilrea. The "Memo, to this man was just 38 per cent. Velher speaking of the redaction of local taxation said be vow 100 loads of wheat yearly, which wastaxation, now bare ly worth 1,0001., while • few ears ego it had produced MON. N ble reds/Mon o f local burdens could compessate for that liferase~. (Hear, hear.) The free trade measures had lowered the value of produce, but had not lowered the wet of production; that was the point In which these measures IMO faulty. lie knew three yeomen who respectively be labour 3821, 4861., and 1,8001. ; net one of them bad derived the slightest relief from the fall in the price of labour, except in one instance, when the wages had been reduced from 12s. to Bs. • week, and the greatest discontent was expressed. There were 280,000 landed proprietors in this country ; out of that number 2,50,000 were owners of from hall an acre to 600 acres ; and it war these , not the tenant-farmers exclusively, not the land leads had other mesas of relief, who mainly suffered from recent legislation. (Hear.) In 1723, when the duty an wit was only 4s. a quarter, the consumption was at the rate of five bushels per head all over the king -60111. In 1829, when the duty was 20s. Bd., the osesumption was only one bushel one gallon per head. In 1831, the duty beteg still 20s. Bd. but the boor bill having been repealed, it rose to two In:libels per head. In 1840, the duty on malt was increased, and it again fell to one bushel ; and there it nearly remained, the con =ties had not increased at all. He trusted this motion put the sincerity of • great number of persons to the Met. It was very easy to go down to a hustings, and abuse the larded aristocracy, and say that they kept up the standing army, and so forth, for their own benefit. (Hear, hear.) But if who did so were impartial, honest men, looking only to the public good, they would be willing to have not only cheap corn, bat cheep everything. He believed • great number of votes were given in net noose Jest he proportion as some other end was to be served, sad not from the motives declared on the hustings. These wen the two pointa on which he should insist. He whited not to screen the rich—not to protect the landlord aisle= the labourer. Let them put • property tax on the beard if they pleased; but, whatever they did, let them remove the burdens which oppressed the labourer. (Hear.) Mr. CAYLBY, in seconding the motion, expensed his areadva Is the views of the hon. gentleman who bad prowled Um. His hon. friend who brought forward this melba sal himself were c3usistent in the course they now Moab. They had both entieipated the mischievous results of the late free trade legislation; those mischievous re sales were now ueiversally admitted ; and one co was, the necessity for • reduction in the tore. But how happened it that, at this particular juncture, the hen= was uaanimous in calling for economy end retrenchment? The demand seemed to have been anti. dpated by the government; and he wished to know bow they had come to anticipate it? According to the prir ciples of the free traders, it ought to have been • tune for inert using expenditure. Who expected free trade to make us poorer? It was always said it would enrich the country and incre..se the revenue. (Hear, hear ) Wes a disposition to parsimony and niggardly economy a symptom of increased prosperity For the last 30 years we had been pursuing the phantom of cheapness; and wh an approximation hao been made to the extremity of declension in prices, the country had, with one voice, condemned the system. This tad been the we in 1816,1822, and 1835, years marked by sudden and prat declensions in price. Now that free tea le was the law el the land, why was not the country pros pc. roue ? lie should like to hear the reason anigaed by the geutlemen holding free trade principles. Was the country better satisfied,—were the working climes better satisfied? One of the concomitants of this cheapneu had been an increase of crime in • far greater proportion than the in crene of population; while In France there had been • diminution of crime during the same period. Corn had fallen from 108 a. a quarter, in 1811, to 44.. in 1849 ; in round numbers, GO per cent.; and yet they ware told that chenille's was advsetageousto the working claret. It had been too much the fashion of late only to compare the last year with the one immediately preceding—a year of great distress. It was because he wbhed to see the labourer obtaining wages enough to support himself that he desired protection for agriculture, and native industry generally. If it meld be proved by argument—and what was still betterthen argu ment, if it could be proved by practice and fact, that the working classes as a body were bett. r fed and better clothe d under a low price than under a high price of corn, he for one would be a convert to the doctrine of free trade. But in his experience, and it was net a very short one, he never knew that to be the can. (Hear.) Oa the coe.trary, the country suffered more under low prices, and therefore it this cheapness were allowed to go on further than it had been, his noble friend at the head of the government in stead of brine staggered by the proposition of the hon. mem ber for the West Riding, for • reduction of 6,000,0001. of expenditure, must prepare himself Icr still mine than that. In conclusion, he alluded to the "significant corr. spondence between the millions of the revenue and the shillings in the price of cern," and contended that, as regards the tree trade experiment, the government had advanced one stage only out of man y,at each of which wester diftu.ties would be met with. The question having been put, Mr. FOX AMBLE said that when a motion of sorb en Lade finite character, es the present was brought before the house, and when it was supported by its mover .red secenth r, in language so vitally different from the motion itself, it was the duty of the government at once to ante the mole in which they intended to deal with it. (Hear, hear.) When he looked at the motion of his hen. bleed, he found it to contain an assertion, and to end with a conclusion in which he entirely agreed. Every bed would cancer that taxation was • disagreeable burden, and that it was right to take every possible means to get rid of it; but when he came to the speech of his hon. friend, he thought he discerned in it more than met the eye in the revolution which he prepend. He thought he discerned in that speech a propoai'ion to deal with the public income, without reference to the faith which was due to the public creditor. (Heat.) [Mr. Drummond indicated dieseut.] Ile thought he saw in that speech, • reckless attack on the salaries of individuals, particularly of the judges, and the hon. gentleman concluded by • geceral attack on the pulley adopted in 1846, and in subsequent years. The seconder ct the motion made the question 'beget= r one of prztYetien and free trade. Now he was prepared to say that all ex perience had shown that the poky adopted in 1846 was one which conduced to the happiness of the country, and pro meted the comfort of the great majority of the people. (Hear, hear.) And let the opposition to that pence cc me in what shape or from what quarter it might, her Majeety 's government would be prepared to combat it, and to proceed in that direction which in their opinion the country had en successfully entered upon. (Cheer..) With regard to the course pursued by his hon. friend who brought forward this motion, he did not think be was very consistent, for be thought he could recollect the time when his hon. friend, instead of considering cheap corn the bane of the agricultural interest, thought that cheap corn wes the farmer's best friend, when he thought that the landlord's monopoly of corn was the heaviest charge upon the country, when he said that the landlords and their families were the only persons who gained by the tax on corn, and when he advised them to get rid of that tax as soon as possible [for the benefit of those whom he now said were injured by its removal. (Hear, hear.) His hon. friend said that whilst they had removed the protection on production, they had not attended to the cost of production. Wu that the cam ? What constituted the cost of production? Was it not the seed ? (Hear.) That was one item. Then the manual labour employed in , producing was cheaper, and the east of maineaining horses was also made cheaper. His hon. friend pointed to a reduc tion In salaries as a mode of reducing the expenditure, and he referred in particular to the salaries of the judger. Now, the melee'', of the judges had been reduced not many years ago, and there was at that moment a measure before the legislature for reducing the salary of the Chief Justice of the Court of Queen's Bench from 10,0001. to 8,000/., and for the prospective reduction of tho salary of the Chief Justice of the Common Pleas from 8,0001. to 7,0001. No doubt these were larp salaries compared with dime which wen paid in other countries; but considering the im portance of a pure administration of justice, and the high character for purity,. impartiality, and sprightnees, which the administration of justice had acquired in this country, he cautioned his hon. friend and the house to be careful in dealing with the salaries of the judges. (Hear, hear.) They should take into consideration the sums which were earned at the bar in this country, and if they wished to have met I leave the bar to put on the ermine, they must gin them such salaries as would enable them to live in comfort and respectability. The example of America bed been alluded to. The judges in that country received exceedingly low tannin, and when they reached 60 years of sire, no matter how great their experience and however unimpaired their intellect, they were obliged to give up their judicial functions, and some of them Returned to tke bar and pleaded in those very courts where they had ?ruffled as jueges. (Hear, hear) He presumed from the indication which his bon, friend bad given, that he would not interfere with the interest of the public debt, • that be could not interfere with the civil list granted to t he crown ; that he would not interfere with the charges on account of the non-effective service of the army, navy, and ordnancr ; which were ea much sanctified by public faith as any contract coald be ; and with respect to the salaries of the judges, he would again caution his hon. Wiendbefore he interfered with them. Now all these amounted is a round sum to 34,000,0001.; the hon. melba for the West Riding allowed 10.000,0001. fur their military erma swats that made 44,000,0001. ; the miscellaneous estimates, which 'attained some charges that might pvrhaps be re eased, amounted to 3,800,00111. This made the whole expendi ture of the country 47,000,00 W., according to his calculation. lbw he would ask his hon. friend where was the margin out if which his hon. friend would reduce taxation to any ex- Mat that would afford visible relief to the industry of the owastry ? He hoped the house would not sanction emotion so vague in its character, the effect of which, if ca. tied, would be to spread dismay thrown/nit the country. Feeling tint the wordlog of the proposition was so abstract in Its nature, he I would meet it by moving the previous question. ( Cheers. ) Mr. MANGLES dissented from the conclusions set forth In Mr. Druannond's motion, and felt strong doubts of that hon. member's political consistency. He believed that the ante of the labourers had latterly improved ; and, speaking from facts that came within his own knowledge, came to the conclusion that the (armors could teeny meet the fall In prices by practical improvements in cultivation. The question having been put, Bir B. PEEL, in reading over the wi rla of that motion, should ay he would dishy no batter pre mises ter the principles adopted in 1842. There was not, in feet, a conclusion that might not be justified from these pre mises. The motion sit out by stating that "at present taxation depressed all chums, and particularly the labouring classes ; therefore the legit'mate inference was that thet house was of opinion that it acted wisely in 1842 by removing the testrictions that existed as ',girded the re of food and diminishing taxation. (Hear, hear.inference? Was not that a fair (Hear, hear. As regarded that portion of the motion which referred t, present taxation, the inference also was that that house was of opinion it would be devirable, as soon . . . as convenient, to :telluri e the other Wee that at present premed heavily on the comforts of the working and labouring dames. (Hear, hear.) lie denied that the hon. gentlemen might not draw these conclusions from the premises or. which he set out. (Hear, hear.) It would be desirable to revert to the principle of taxation before 1842, when even the raw material on which the industry of the labouring classes depended was taxed. But even still would it be in the power of the hon. gentleman to draw his conclusions from the premises on which he started, and to require that taxation should be restored to its former amount on all mitten requiring protection. That which his honourable friend meant, he doubted not, was, that the taxation that remained pressed hewed, on the Industry and comfort of the labouring classes, and therefore it was desirable that all practical economy should be introduced. (Hear, hear.) That he believed to be the nature of hie motion. He (Sir It. Peel) agreed with the hon, gentleman who seconded the motion, that the merits of the commercial policy that bad been adopted should be mainly tested in order to give an answer to the question before them ; and that the social condition of the laboutir g classes should not be overlooked or dinegorded. (Hear, hear.) Then, bad the social condition of the labouring class been improved, and had their comforts been enlarged or thumbed ? (Hear.) Looking at the labouring classes gene rally—whether there had been a diminution in the amount of wages received by them he was not going to argue—had their commend over the comforts of lite been inesetted by the abolition of the legislative restriction on food—that was the question? (Hear, hear.) The hon, gentleman said, and said truly, if they could point out and prove to him that the principles of free trade had added to the comforts of the people tend the labouring classes, he would not longer oppose them. (Hear, hear.) He (Sir H. Peel) admitted that was the test by which the merits of the present greet question were to be tried. If the condition of the labouring classes had improved, then the hon. gentle man allowed that no other irnsideratim could prevail to justify the continu ance of the protection which he considered necessary. The hon. gentleman admitted that protection could not be justified sinless by its continuance they were conducing to the inter ests of the working classes. Now, en far as they could judge at present, by the administration of the poor laws, the num ber of unemployed, and the condition of the rural districts, they had no right whatever to infer that the social comforts of the agricultural classes had been curtailed. (Hear, hear.) To be sure, there were parts of the country which, to hie own knowledge, were in a state of distress; but speaking of the agricultural classes as a body, he doubted whether...at that moment, after the abrlitton of protection, they did not enjoy a greater command than formerly over all the enjoy. meets of sacisl life. (Hear, hear) The hon, gentleman asserted that there existed great distress at present ; why, there had been great distret;at all periods, elrea when pro *teflon existed. (Hear, hear.) In the years 1822, 1833, 1636, and 1842, protection existed, but in etch of these years agricultural distrem was etre steeply felt. (Hear, hear.) As regarded the general growing of hope, it might be legiti mate that the Inn. gentleman shoule desire it. He resided in a picturesque district of country, and no doubt it would add much to the effect of the scene to SCO the labourer, as picturesquely attired, gathering the abundant hops, for the purpose of applying them to home use and manufacture. (Laughter.) The hon. gentleman appeared to have great sympathy with the men wLo were growing their own hops, end paying a heavy duty on them ; but if he glanced over other than the hop districts—at Paisley and Lancashire—and ascertain the state of feeling there, he would Sod that tho privilege to grew hops would not compering for the duty, lately abolished, on articles of existence. (Hear.) The hon. gentleman surely did not imagine that tin per mission to grow hops and tobacco would be regraded as • boon, whilst vetch articles as co.°, butter, cheese, beef, and pork, were taxed and restricted. (Hear, hear.) He (Sir R. Peel) was strongly impressed with the necessity cf economy, but yet he could not Tots the other veining with the hon. gentlemen the member for the West Riding of Yorkshire, because he believed that many of the recitals in his motion were not correct, and also because the principle of reducing the expenditure to what it had been in 1835 was fallacious as regarded the present. (Hear.) He (Sir B. Peel) had the new to he First least of the Treasury in the period referred to, when the low estimates were adopted. However, he aeould soy that subsequently the government were urged into on enlargement of tape 'thanes, and at a period when they had every reason to conciliate the country—the property tax being then about to be :ntrodriced —he was compelled, in 1845, to increase the army depart ment by 5,000 over the estimates. (Hear, hear.) la 1835 the consideration of pubic vet vices alone iefluenced retrench ment ; but looking at the cendition of the country in 1815— looking at the vast strain on the physical strength of their army for want of relief, and the expectancy of sympathy from the country on their behalf that they should not be, as it were, banished teem their country on foreign stations for ever—the government felt constrained to Increase by 5,000 their army estimate. (Hear, hear.) Bat he begged to tell the honourable gentleman, from past experience, that when the House of Ct. 011111717 saw a gov.roment who appeared to be impressed with the ecce sity of retrenchment, and who were proceeding in that course, he (Sir R. Peel) ilcubted if it was not better for the house to stand by and pen : . it the govzmment to take their course rather Oats to obstruct them with general declarations of economy. (Leud cries of " Hear, hear.") He had no cootideum in the obstructing system of economy now and then indulged in by that house. (Hear, hear.) He knew how apt the house was to be seized now and then with • hot and mild fit of economy and stern retrenchment. (Laughter and " Hear, bear.") He would not introduce the question of the advantages or disadvantages of • reformed ointment ; hut this he must say, that he did not believe a reformed parliament bad, for a succession cf years, promoted ecouou y by the cents, which it bad pursued. As the result cf some experience, he must declare that the government with which he was connected, and other goveraments e had had very great clite. culty in prosperous times, and when the hot fit as to ex penditure was on the Rouse of Commons, in resisting the desire of the House cf Commons that the expenditure of the country should he increased. (Hear, hear.) And therefore, although he did not deny that whenever there miebt be • pressure on same class, there woo a great desire fur immediate r.trencbment ; yet he had more con fidence in the progrees.ve reflecting retrenchment affected by a government, than in the varying and vacillating policy of the House of Cemmone, with regard to the principles of retrenchment. Well, now, with regard to the motion, he must say . teat such a resolution would justify the country in enterta ining au expectation that there was about to be a vast retrenchment of the public expenditure. Why come to • reso:ution of that kind, unless they meant to follow it up by great practical reductions ? In what items of expenditure could such reductions be made ? (Hear, hear.) He was szry . to hear his hon. friend talk rather loosely about preserving faith with the public creditor. (Hear, hear.) Considering the name of his hon. friend, his connexions, his position, his high character, he must say he thought it unworthy of his position or character for him to countenance lax notions with respect to the imperativo obligation of pre, servine faith with the public ciedator. (Herr, hear.) Bat in what great department of expenditure did his hon. fri. ad propose to effect reductions? Was it the *elegies of public officers? If so, would it not be much better to wait until the hon. member for Oxfordshire (Mr. Henley) repeated the motion of which he had given notice, and to diocese the question on its own intrinsic merits, than to prejudice the discussion by a vague and general resolution. (Una.) What ever his hon. friend might say, he did not believe he would consent to diminish the confidence of the public creditor. (Hear, hear.) Neither did he believe that his honouree's friend contemplated a reduction in the civil list. He thought he would concur in the posidon which the hon. gen tleman opposite (Mr. Cob& u, as was undentood) had laid down the other night, that an engagement having been contracted with the crown by parliament at the et mmence ment of the present reign, that solemn engagement ought to be maintained with her Majesty. Could the house hold out to the country an expectation of a great reduction in the mi litary expenditure? Why, what was the vote which the house had come to on the previous night? (Hear, hear.) On Tuesday, the 12th of March, they were asked to encou rage a general expectation on the part of the country that adequate means would be forthwith adopted to reduce the public expenditure ; on the previous night [An honourable member : " This morning "] —on the very same day, then (laughter) the House of Commons had refused to diminish the effective strength of the army below 99,129 men by a majority of 223 to 50. The public creditor and the civil list were ex eluded irom consideration and the question of salaries it would, he thought, be best to reserve for separate ceasi deration. They then approached the other items of expen diture, including the army, the navy, and the ordnance, but thinly the army and navy ; and they approached the dis ouseion in the evening, having at a ye ry early period of the morning declared, by a majority of 223 to 60, that the effective force should be 99.000 men. (Hear, hear.) At a still later hour the house had de.ided that 39,000 seamen and 11,000 marines should be maintained for the while the motion of the hou navy, g t or ho ti maj m.n ori ( t m y be e. ighdli7 te enr had been been negatived by a ma jority of 272 to 89. (Hear, hear.) Now he (Sir 11. Peei) was decidedly In favour of the policy and necessity of re trenchment. (Hear, hear.) Ile believed that there were n any taxes—he cared not what was mid about the compare tive lightness of taxation at the present time—he believed there were many taxes which were now peening upon the energies of this country, and diminishing the comforts eel the Milts ; and if, consistently with flood faith to the public creditor, and consistently with public security, those taxes could be reduced, the reduction would confer inestimable benefit. (Cheers.) Nay, more, he would say this, that he believed that in time of peace they must by their retrench ' meats consent to incur some risk. (Hear, hear.) He yen ' turret to say that it they chose to have all the garrisons of their colonial possessions in a complete state, and to have all their fortifications secure against attack, no amount of an nual expenditure would be sufficient to accomplish their ob ajeet. (Hear.) The tht hon. gentleman (Mr. Labatt. ahem) had add the oth er night, and with truth, that regard must be had to the state of foreign powers. Ile (S.r It. Peel) believed that the example set by foreign powers of maintaining enormous war establishments ought to be a warning to this country as well as an example. (Haar.) The groat powers of Europe might be proud of their strength, and fancy that they were secure against attack; but he believed, with respect to every continental power of Europe, that the amount of military force k. pt up in foreign coun tries was or. rhurdening the resources of those countries, and, to an almost incalculable extent, diminishiag the natisnal capabilities of attack or defence—(hear, hear)—and he also believed that no greater benefit could be conferred en the t useful race than the consent of all these powers to maintain their relative position towards each other, and to reduce their respective forces. (Cheers.) The amount of military force which was now mike tamed did not add to tteir curries strength, st ew , it was certainly undermining the foundations of their pro sperity ; and if the time of severe t r i a l s h ou l d ever come the financia trial would be • covers one—( h ear, heari—with respect to all these powers—Ramie, Prussia, France, Austria, and the rest. Dut if they hal the good sense to ha con. tented wish the maintenance of their relative strength, aid to relieve themselves from some portion of the enormous expense which they incurred by means of their regnf ec melee, they wit Id nut diminish their security, while they would greatly contribute to the happiness of the people whom they governed. (Hear, hear) He advised the house not to adopt the example which p ee thus set as a rule. On these grounds be could not vote for the financial part of his hon. friend's motion, M e firmly believed that if that motion were adopted it would end in delusion. (Hear, tear.) The lions, of C fmmons would say—" We have perlermed a great woes, we have come toe glorious re solution, and, reposing can our laurels, we are much less disposed than we otherwise should be to attend to the active and somewhat tedious duties of ee..nonly and retrenchment." (Crieers.) Mr. NE WDEOLTE a .id, secordirg to the ri g h t h oe. baronet, the House of Commons wen to have no disereth h with regard to economy, but to place entire and unlimited confluence in the river: ment. He, for one, repudiated such a doctrice. fie had not toted for the motion of tee hon. member for the West Riding because its terms were not conservative ; he should support that of his hen. friend (Mr. H. Drummond), because it was intelligible, and justified h eireumstanc-e. Mr. EVELYN, whose delivery was so iedistinet that it was all but impossible to collect his meaning, was under stood to declare, in substance, that havls.g been sent to that hones by his constituents to vote for retrenchmmr, he felt bound to support the motion. Col. SI LTHORP said he should vote with hie hon. freed the member for West Surrey. As for the right hor. its,:. (Sr R. Peel), he dad not then see him in his pile*!Sir R. Peel bad just retired from the house], nor should h. e •re Le never taw him there egaiu—(faughmr); but he mess eay that he was consoled under the eccusati m of ieceneirtency by the fact of its having been ma.le by the father of inermeistenties. He was of opinion, no matter w". et other hon. le 'rimed may think, t' - .at the maintenance of the army and navy was necessary, rot only for the purples of defence Item icy in. region that may take plmo toy foreign powers, but to seep the peace on the part of th radicals and free traders at Lome. (Laughter.) He hoped to live to see the els; when they would retract their errors, and he th ought that it would he soon; they would thereby brieg the eourry into a safe harbour, where peeve and contentmeat w he the lot of all cloves of the community. Col. THOMPSON said that he might have been disposed to give his vote in favour of the motion cot far n_ epee ere of the seconder, who told them in his speech that tis object was to raise the price of corn. Mr. PAGE W 001) said that he agreed with the her. and gallant member who Lad just set elem.., imomuch so he came to the conclusion that th , .ss who were rosily advocates of economy ought to be very gleeful in eivmg them support to this motion. Mr. SIAFFORD said that what had o - etured the; T "At ought fairly to be lx..kel upon as a sigh of the tante, and an in•litatien of the prey:jar state cf ,-ems in tI at house et that moment. An hon. and 1 , arsetel gentleman said that he should not vim with the r on. erntle• M3ll who br light forward the motion, b cause net on' y he agreed with him, but beeline every other hon.zect:teuen agreed witfa tine. (Near, hear) Teat was his recce for going inb li thosen t t to a s tw o hh a d eo c u s u r p s e lobby l dr supported ioetde i to idaindadri this then tmT he a ran te for of asked ke r, the e how d e rr pesoe hw i was c r whet t was hr neht Huard by the other aide Per the acme pliepeee. The plan which was luau:* forward by the houoar atle member for the West Riding cf York,t. re ift considered by the house to be tco icdefititc, sea the government had a large majority. And then :Lis propmitien came from this side cf the house, and he_. get . Lelia cm the other f nid it w.ss too late. The r.vor.• mar t then resisted, lied hon. gentlemen on the o.ter uc somewhat peevishly refuscd their support merely beeve.• they lid not receive similar support from them on a prer.cus oerasion. S, therefore t..e government with these tRa verse patios worked on ho:h almost altersatel7, gained ma orities and retained cfilee, sod that house refuted to p:Edge Itself to reform either defluitely or iedefinitely. (Cheers. ) Toe right boa. gentleman 'he inEm.m r for Taroworth sl:oded to the question of tebseco, hat he rite,' why mould not the farmers be ellawed to grow hie own to bacco ? He asked whether they would have the Excite re gulat'oeut pLeed on the farmers to the same amount u on the Emden c,:dwer. net.. gent:trate opposite said they were to have tree trade, l et he )lr. Stafford) asked them wend they 6 .ve them t.es trade m tobacco ? The reply was, that the revenue would not erre to it, and that it should be considered that the helots' ...b.: was *Lemons. That was exavly what ho and Le, had bun eying to them who they were p)let:eg the peal of the corn law, and they took so no'ice E.f th. Whea it ease to be a question of injury to the preper•y the larded interest, which was the flat inures the country, they would r.ot !ear of it and new It wee their (the protectiaziste) to , rl:tas they would say to them, 4- Mind yewi revere . The agriculturists would be toned complaining with teis 'w elded system of legislation, and it could not be (epic id that they would feel that attachment t', or that conneence in, the legislature which was necessary for the good government of the country. This question may be staved of from *et:: to week, but it was futile to hope that it could be 'treed [ti altogether, and the time would come when the people ve50 . ..1 protest against this system of legislation, and whet) they would divest themselves of that attachment as the iestitetions of this country which they were hitherto accustomed to Gel. (Cheers ) Lord J. RUSSELL underateed the hon. gentlemen (Mr. Drummocd) to move that there eight to be time large decrease of taxation, and some great reduction of expenditure. N3w the hon. gentlemen who bad nut spoken seemed to imply, as it appeared to him, that the centers which he supported was the w , y in which that reduction might be attained. The bon. gentleman seal that they should preserve pod faith with their err &tore, ulna which the great majority of the Louse was decided; they then should have 26,000,0001. for interest on the nitioeal debt, other charges to the consolidated fund, and the half pay ; and very little would remain on which they roe,' nuke a Large nJuctior, unless they made a reduction in :he sum for the maintenance cf the army arid navy. '1 es right hon. gentleman the member let Tamworth had sutra very fairly that after the vote with respect to the anny and navy, it could not be undantoo - . that the motion should be intended to reverse the vote which they toads lest n:ght. How they could arrive at this reduction it was impede/tele to say. The hon. member for Oxfordshire was going to in troduce a motion one of these nights in which he replied to take off 10 per cent. of all °le:nal salaries. Whether that motion was a proper one or not be would net at the pre sent moment stop to debate. If they took off 10 per cent. from the salaries of all the members of the cabinet, they would gain for the public revenue the sum of and what would that be ? The groat reduction lathe taxation that would arise from that he would leave the hen. geet:e man to explain. If they preserved public faith es to tee ea- Hanel debt, and if they paid the half.pay and pension to their soldiers which they were bound to do, and taking the number of men not to be excessive, he could hardly conceive any reduction which they could make in the expenditure by which any great reduction in the taxation could be ;h -tailed. The hon. gentleman who just sat down tail test the government had a very great advantage in 3 mo tion being produced on this side of the house on one ne,hr, and another being produced on the other side of the house on the next. All he could say as to that was that i: it ,eau their interest to have those majorities, it would seem to be their interest to take one of the courses which either the gentlemen on this aide of the hence or thew' on the other should think proper to brie; forward I', (.0 in stance, they adopted the course which tad been prof Jfe d by the hon. gentleman the member for Montrose, and brought forward a measure on it, they shoule have the support ei these who thought with that gentlemen ; and if ttsy WIT./ able to say, with the gentlemen on the other side of the house, that the imp art duties on the article of food aboull be restored, even with a small duty en corn, they should have the support of those gentlemen on the measure which they might bring forward. He did not agree with those who were proposing for a large reduction in the army Bud elvYr and when the government said that they could not revert t o the principles of protection, they did so because it was their contention. (Cheers.) 11 in. gentlemen seemed to lose sleet of that motive, and the bun. eentlemae who had just tae down said that if they went on in this course, that those Wl' sat on his side of the house and had hitherto supported teem when they had brought in measures which were gener...S useful, would be inclined to vote for me tsures which w(sil be dangerous to the institutions of the country. It was •ae possible for him (Lord J. Russell) to believe that the hors. gentlemen had any foundation for such a statement. Mr. STAFFORD, in explanation, said that he spoke of those who might be their successor,. (Hear.) Lord J. RUcsSRLL said that the hon. unntber, in the first part of his speech, made no such reserve. He es:d that votes weula be given which would be dangerous to :he institutions of the country. Then he said that hole gene.'" men who did not entertain these opinions would ho succeeded by gentlemen who would bolt oeinierle dangerous to the iretitutions of the country. It the first interpretation had bees true, he teouchi .. that what the bon. gentleman said would be a libel o n the. party with whom he acted. (liner, hear.) Tekieg the second interpretation to be the true one, it was a libel It their constnuencies. (Cheers.) Then the baseline,: gentleman resorted to eft repeated fallacies on eta subjects tree trade and protection, and referring to the right hon. got: Hewn, the member for Tasworth, he asked that au farmer shoud have free trade, and be allowed to . grew tobacco. So far as that question was concerned, a 7" whether they would grow tobacco if there was no du!, fie; posed on foreign tobacco ; so that although tobacco might I grown free of duty against the foreign tobseco, on &bee was imposed a duty of 1,200 per cent., in neither vise the farmer of England be able to compete successfully u in the production of the article of tobacco. So much for ore . ° • the great grievances. There was another tree ,r I namely, that they were not allowed to moiste o f dry barley as they :pleased, and that the tuaL, f tan interfered with the censumption of the produce t their land. Here again it was no question of trio because to foreign malt was brought in free of duty,whele were compelled to pay duty. That was a question The with the others related to the taxation of the country. ■