The Press. — London, England, 1858-08-14 00:00:00

772 boldly asserted, that in expressing suspicion of France and contempt fur her ruler they do but utter a common thought, the defence would be insufficient. Something would still be due to the Emperor of the FRENCH, if on no other account, at least as one whose hospitality the Queen of ENGLAND has enjoyed and is prepared to recipro cate. Something of the right of railing might be sacrificed to that simple rule of prudence which forbids our needlessly increasing the probability of evil. Why be so offensive in warning when on the hypothesis no one needs to be warned ? But, in fact s the Times and its abettors in inter national mischief misrepresent the opinions and feelings of Englishmen with regard to France and her ruler as grossly as they misstate the wishes of the French nation and the character of LoCIS NAPOLEON. Our countrymen are alive—perhaps too sensitively alive—to the hostile spirit displayed by a portion of the French army, and by a section of the French press. But they also see with pleasure the growth of great commercial and industrial in terests, to which Peace is the very breath of life; of wealthy and enlightened classes, who have outgrown traditionary prejudices, and see Eng land as she is and France as she may be ; who have learned to weigh the evidences of good faith, and to count the cost of war. They see that our neighbours can appreciate a compli ment as well as resent an affront, and are too high winded to abuse a generous confidence. And seeing this they are content to look calmly on the present and hopefully towards the future, avoiding strained inferences or harsh construc tions. They may believe the works of Cher bourg to be stronger and more extensive than was needful, but they decline to consider their completion as investing them anew with a special character of menace, or giving a changed aspect to our international relations. However they ma deem of the prudence of an expenditure which seems calculated rather to enfeeble than to strengthen France, they do not assume to deny to our great allies what Englishmen have never been slack in asserting for themselves—the right of constructing naval defences and maintaining naval armaments more than commensurate with the requirements of a growing commerce. Such are the feelings and opinions of educated Eng lishmen in general with regard to the French nation. In regard to the extraordinary man who at present controls the destinies of that great people, they are, perhaps, less unanimous; but even those who make it a point of honour to doubt the sincerity of his friendship for the most part think highly of his prudence. They deem him too wise a man to drop the substance of power i n catching at the shadow. Perceiving that a successful war with England, were such 4 thing possible, might be ruinous to the Emperor (by alienating the moneyed interest and raising up some new idol for the military), while an un successful one must be so, they give him credit for the like perception of an obvious truth. Those who as moralists judge most harshly of his career, yet as politicians cannot deny him a resolute will and a clear head. Hence springs an assurance that he will both recognize his own deep interest in the maintenance of peace, and pursue that interest steadily despite any vague hankerings after a revanche de 11 aterloo. Many, however (and with these we are proud to class ourselves), believe that the English alliance is recommended to NAPOLEON 111. by other motives than those of mere self-interest. They believe that during his residence in this country he learnt not only to appreciate the wealth, energy, and resources of Great Britain, but to do justice to her good faith and honesty of purpose. He has experienced British hospitality, both as an exile and as a monarch ; he knows that this country will neither be the tool of oppression nor the fermenter of anarchy ; and he feels that sincere respect for England which leaves him even less desire than ability to injure her. But, be the Emperor's good will to us greater or less, of one thing our contemporaries may assure themselves—that he is no fitting mark for petty jibes or elaborate sarcasms. To speak of him as " collecting the means of conquest as a " magpie collects spoons" is silly and imperti nent as well as vulgar. To describe him as " only a very sly man," denying . hun the geniu s an d energy which have placed h im where he is, is to ignore history as well as to violate public decorum, and betrays more than Mr. EUEUUCK'S THE PRESS, AUGUST l4, 1858, bile without the excuse of his sea-sickness. Hap pily, the Emperor has too strong a mental frame to be wasp-stunq into fever. But his subjects may resent for him what he is above resenting for himself; and when we remember that he represents the majesty, and in a modified sense the will, of France, we most earnestly deprecate a repetition of such attacks as those which have wrung this protest from us. "Mili "tary despotism and the Erastian priesthood that " supports it " are not the sole " source of hatred, " bloodshed, and misery to the world." There arc not less abundant springs of strife in detrac tion, mistrust, and misconstruction; in the sar castic spleen which exults in a well-turned slander, and the unchristian turbulence which delights to speak evil of dignities. THE CONSERVATIVE REGISTRIES. Ouit letters from the country tell us that the Liberals are beginning to increase their activity about the registries, and we certainly think that it is time for Conservatives to look to their electioneering interest. We are well aware that sonic Conservatives object to registry clubs at all, as savouring of "organized agitation." We have no wish to see England divided into two great electioneering camps, striving to bring regi ments of voters to the poll. If Conservatives could have their own choice, many of them would much prefer that the electoral power was left to the natural interests of the country; but, whether we like it or not, the Liberals will not give us any choice. They are resolved to keep up their registries ; they subscribe largely, and the appa ratus designed by the late Mr. COPPOCK is still kept in working order by the industrious Sir WILLIAM Harrmi. In some constituencies it is not necessary for the success of Conservative candidates that there should be registration societies, but in others it would he impossible without their aid to keep the registry in a proper state. In many towns the classes which hold Conservative opinions are so occupied with important commercial and pro fessional affairs that the practical part of political life does not enter into their calculations. They like to give utterance to their sentiments; they read the newspapers with interest, and are pleased with the records of Parliamentary struggles ; but they are " too busy to embark in politics." In towns with such classes there should be a registrilion machinery. One or two experienced professional men, a local committee of gentlemen of standing and character (three of whom should be a quorum), and a local treasurer of character, would be staff enough for carrying on a proper registration. Subscriptions might be propor tioned to the work about to be done. In some districts the arrears from past political apathy and schisms would have to be worked up ; in others an annual registry should be strictly and incessantly maintained; but there are some places where it would be enough to make one large and energetic exercise of the Conservative resources, and with a little supervision it might not be necessary to recur again to registration expenses on a large scale. In registration work nothing is of more im portance than the discreet choice of the local professional agent. We have seen so much of the action of registration that it will be worth while to give some hints on this point. Speak ing generally, the mere bill of costs is not the ob ject which a professional gentleman has in view when he undertakes to manage the registration of a particular locality. He wishes for its social advertisement and introduction. Ile becomes more or less acquainted with many of the leading notabilities of the district, and hence it is that so many young and pushing attor neys arc so anxious to be nominated as re gistration agents. But these gentlemen do not always make the best representatives of a local party. The experience of years is required to give caution, tact, and adroitness in meeting difficulties. On the other hand, the local solici tors of long standing and weighty business will not like to give up the tune required for regis tration purposes. The choice a professional agents should rest with the local committees, and the difficulty of making a choice is often evaded by dividing the business, and having a couple of agents, and in some cases even more. "If you h ave on l y one "agent, you are entirely in his hands; if You " have two, the responsibility will be divided, " and you will not know on which to rely," The objection looks big on paper, and sounds plausibly when uttered by "a gentleman of con. sequence," and we have seen committees (of novices) on whom it has imposed. But the coin. mon sense of a good practical committee will know how to triumph over that difficulty. A registration committee should not be too numerous in its composition. It is well that some of the chief persons of the neighbourhood, who may be expected to subscribe largely, should be on its list ; and the committee should not he exclusive as to its class. Very often we have seen much jealousy caused by the affectation of high political airs by the members of a registration committee. The committee should not be a clique; its composition should be general ; " some of each " should he put on its list ; and it should be remembered that "a Conservative Registry Committee" is one thing, but that " a Conservative Association," with fixed times for social and public meetings, speeches, declarations of principles, &c., &c., is quite another thing. The talents useful in the last are often out of place in the first. We shall have to return to this important subject again, and in the meantime we direct attention to the necessity of not neglecting the Conservative registries. The state of the registry in the city of London will demand our special notice on another day. A WISER AND A SADDER EX-OFFICIAL. Mn. BERNAL OSBORNE, we regret to say, is not himself. He is not altered in heart, but sadly altered in position. Formerly he was what was called an " in" ; at present he is very sensible that he is an " out" ; and the world, considered from an "out" point of view, though agreeable and droll enough, is nothing like as droll nor half so agreeable as the world from the " in" point. While the ex-Premier has been contemplating the uses of stones at Festiniog, and endeavouring to extract an interest out of his Irish estates, the ex-Secretary for the Admiralty has run down to Dover, and expressed for the benefit of his con stituents the dissatisfaction he finds in every thing. lie is not satisfied with the latitudi narian opinions of his own party ; he is greatly grieved at the indecision and tergiversation of many so-called Liberals; and, in language which entirely exempts him from the suspicion of flattery, but which we cannot term feeling, Mr. Osnonmc endeavours to persuade Lord PALMERS TON what he is. " lie is an old statesman, " unfortunately." " Old," he repeats, " very " old ;" in fact, "in his seventy-fourth year.' " An old man, my lord, a very old, old man." But his brother in exile solicits a little political charity for him, in consideration of his advanced age, and the manner in which " he stuck " to office " in a time of great peril and difficulty." Having paid this humble tribute of admiration to a Minister " who (as he expresses it) is now no more," the Honourable Gentleman next considers the act of the eighty independent Members who concurred in producing Lord PAL MERSTON'S Ministerial decease. It is instructive to observe here how Mr. OasonNE informs us " they suddenly turned round ;" but, as we after wards learn, Ilibernic6, "they were consistent a ll through." Their conduct did them honour —a statement with which we thoroughly agree. But, if we are to adopt Mr. OSBORNE'S opinion, " these eighty men had no idea." They simply voted on the wrong side—a mistake for which Mr. OsHonsE feels no great regret, as Lir as he is personally concerned, but which he does regret for the sake of that "statesman who is in his seventy:fourth year." To Mr. Osnon.NN, as far as he is per sonally concerned, the reflection is extremely un pleasant that so old a statesman is at pre sent t thrown on one side, his merits forgotten, and all his demerits written in brazen character s: ' If the ex-Premier's fate makes the ex -Secretary for the Aftmiralty only melancholy, he elm derive no political comfort from the part played, a 44 the maim 14 greseilt owlpied, kY 1414 ■