The Press. — London, England, 1857-10-24 00:00:00

THE PRESS, OCTOBER 24, 1857. faction to rid themselves of lawful rulers. Their union can form no precedent for Roumelia or Bulgaria, and by union their connection with Turkey would appear more likely to be placed upon a firmer basis than exists at present. It is too much the fashion, when speaking upon this subject of a union, to point to the kingdom of Greece as a Russian bugbear. Those only who are ignorant of the Roumans and their history fear that Mold°. Wallachia will become a tool in the hands of Russia. With fair treatment from Europe, Russian sympathies will never gain a supre macy in these provinces. An illiberal and narrow policy on the part of England in con junction with Austria might force these Prin• cipalities as a pis (slier into the arms of Russia, but only because their Austrian anti mithies are deeper rooted. Besides, is Greece the only model modern kingdom we can find upon the map of Europe? Why should not Belgium offer us a better analogy of the good order and good government which good faith On the part of the European Powers may educe out of the chaos of maladministration ? But it would be premature to discuss the ad vantages of a union not yet definitively de cided on. It is a proposal which a Congress of the European Powers will either ac cept or reject. It will require profound deliberation, for it is one involving the future strength or future feebleness of the Ottoman empire. It is a practical question of grave importance. On the one hand the in contestable rights of Turkey must be con sidered ; on the other, the demands of a people, united by race and tradition, identical in language, of the same religion, and seeking unity for the better develop ment of their vast resources, cannot be set aside. The problem would not appear in capable of solution. It is possible, we think, to establish the future government of Mol davia and Wallachia upon such fundamental principles as should secure to Turkey the pre• nervation of her just rights, and yet give to the Principalities such stability of government as should insure for the future the preser vation of that tranquillity the political position of Europe demands. men have been enlisted in two days. Now, I even if this be so, we cannot in the nature of things expect such enthusiasm to continue when the immediate cause of it shall have passed away. We must have something better to rely upon than the intermittent ardour of a prosperous and unwarlike population. But wo are inclined to doubt whether his Royal High ness's words may not unintentionally be the vehicle of conveying an erroneous impression. But a very short time ago 1,200 a week was the highest number that could be obtained. The conclusion of the harvest and the approach of winter will doubtless have made some diffe rence. Yet still 400 a day seems a very large number. It might have happened that on two particular days 800 recruits had come forward. Or it might be that his Royal Highness was at the moment mixing up the recruit proper with the volunteers from the Militia. But, even taking the most favourable view of the temper of the people. we cannot doubt that Lord ELLENROKOUGH is right in asserting that extraordinary exertions must be made if the ranks of our Indian army are to be maintained at their proper complement. His Lordship, then, foreseeing that no commensurate change in our military institu tions could ever be proposed by an English Minister, recurs to that force the employment of which we have so constantly advocated in the columns of this Journal. If the Militia, he argues, be made as much of as they may be, they will be found competent to supply our present extraordinary requirements. But to this end it is necessary that the recruiting be not entirely abandoned to the arts of the recruiting sergeant. The country gentlemen and farmers must, he tells us. exert their influence in the rural districts to persuade the peasantry to enlist, and his personal expe rience, he adds, can guarantee the result. In 1853, when the experiment was tried, it was found so successful that he is sure, if more ex tensively adopted, 120,000 men could have been raised with ease. There is no reason why his Lordship's suggestion should not be taken up by the master manufacturers in our various large towns. Either by that means or by the ballot the ranks of the Militia must be filled ; for, if this fails, we must either resign India or introduce the conscription. And by accept ing the sphere of utility pointed out to them in this able letter, our gentry, yeomanry, and merchants will evince their patriotism in a way most serviceable to the country, and most convenient, we should imagine, to them selves. PUBLIC FEELING UPON INDIA. JUST at the present moment the excitement about our Indian misfortunes is flowing in three separate channels—doubtless frequently unit►ng, but still sufficiently distinct to enable us to accept them as indications of three se parate states of feeling on the subject First, there is the party of vengeance. We mention them first because they are the noisiest, and also because, without doubt, they appeal to an element of human nature which is more actively vigorous than any other. These are they who would have, if they could, an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth, and who assume a vast amount of indignation towards all who may express themseles less ferociously, as deficient either in courage or patriotism. We are happy to see, however, that this party, which carried all before it at first, is gradually losing ground ; and that at meeting after meet ing, of whatever shade of politics the principal speakers may be, there are always found some to protest against this bloodthirsty spirit, which is as ►►ncivilised when real as silly and bombastic when assumed. That it is some times assumed, or at all events exaggerated, nobody can doubt who observes the uses to which it is put by journals in the interest of the Government. It is their constant endea vour to prove that all those persons in the country who deprecate the lex talionis do so from a desire to embarrass Government. It is necessary for their very existence to show that there is somewhere a factious opposition. If it is not real, they must invent it. And 1027 accordingly we are now told that the Conser vative party is enforcing a more Christian theory solely for the purpose of annoying a patriotic Government. But, to say nothing of the fact that the patriotism of a Christian Government is rather odly shown by hostility to Christianity, the journals we allude to seem totally to forget the course invariably pursued by the Conservative Opposition during the Russian war, as well as during the present mutiny—forming as it does so favourable a contrast to that of the Whigs at the beginning of the present cen tury. Then Government was really embar rassed—then our generals were really fettered —then our soldiers were really left coatless and shoeless, owing to the incessant clamour of the " patriotic" Whig Opposition. Whereas the conduct of the Conservative party in the House of Commons from 1854 to 1856 elicited not only the general approbation of the coun try, but even the reluctant applause of their political opponents. Let the people of Eng land be assured that as the Conservatives acted then so will they act now. They will not stoop to court popularity by the use of artificial invectives, or to impose on honest enthusiasm by feigned spasms of indignation. They will pursue that middle course which is alone consonant with the permanent interests of the empire, the principles of justice, and the faith of Ch►istendom ; confidant that in future times the rectitude of their conduct will be admitted, and the purity of their mo tives unquestioned, by all who remember that in the then temper of the country power and popularity could only be remote objects with men who upheld these doctrines. The two other parties to whom we have alluded may briefly be described as the party of charity and the party of religion. It is perfectly natural that a commercial country like England should believe in the omnipo tence of gold. Nor would we for a moment undervalue the generous and benevolent motives by which subscribers to the Indian Fund have been actuated. Nay, we most cheerfully admit that a well-grounded confi• dence iu the charity of his countrymen is an incentive to willing exertion on the part of the soldier, which should be fostered as studiously as possible. A brave man's only care is for those he leaves behind, and if he knows that these will be provided for, the hardships and dangers of his career lose half their magni tude, and all their repulsiveness. It cannot, however, be denied that it is somewhat of a national foiling to think that all obligations can be discharged by the process of writing a cheque. Now, even from the most worldly point of view, this is not always the wisest plan. Troubles got rid of by this summary process are very apt to return upon us again. And all those persons who have contributed so generously on the present occasion should consider that more remains to be done—that if we are in deed as in word a self-governed people, it behoves them for the future to dis play that interest in Indian affairs which will prevent a recurrence of the like calamity, and to put. no confidence in any rulers who are not pledged to apply to this question a genuine and fundamental policy. It is not surprising that the horrors of Cawnpore and Delhi should have elicited • strong expression of religious feeling through out the country. Several of England's most eminent statesmen have emphatically declared their country has been guilty of unpardonable remissness in the diffusion of Christianity, and do not hesitate to attribute her present calamities to that source. There is no fear of these opinions being unseasonably obtruded — the danger is tho other way ; and we are always heartily glad to witness any fresh expression of them. The meeting held at Leicester on Thursday last afforded an excellent instance of the com bination of these various feelings. The meet ing itself was convened for the objects of the Indian Fund, and the speakers, the Duke of RUTLAND and Lord Hows, gave their due pro minence to the respective topics, both of crushing the rebellion and of Christianising India Each was treated in its proper place, and discussed with due moderation ; and it certainly seems to us that the meeting at Lei cester, coupled with Sir Bui.wita Lyrrores RECRUITING FOR THE ARMY. THIC letter written by Lord ELLENBOROUGH to the Win3hcomb Agricultural Association on the subject of our military prospects in India is characterised by all that massive sense and breadth of comprehension for which his Lord ship's mind is remarkable. Lard ELLENBOROUGH looks straight away, far over all that factitious and ephemeral ex citement which marks the columns of the London press, into the realities of our Indian future. He knows that our anticipations of a triumph, at once speedy and permanent, are as ill-grounded as our indignation at past atrocities is misdirected. He knows that whatever brilliant exploits may be performed and whatever semblance of tranquillity re gained under our existing management, no stable settlement of the Indian empire can be hoped for until the magnitude of the task before us is more fully comprehended by the country—until all classes shall perceive that the pacification of this mighty region is not to be the work of a few years, but of an entire generation ; and shall rouse themselves in consequence to corresponding efforts It is, of course, towards our military effi ciency that the exertion of Englishmen must in the first instance be directed. And the question is how, not merely to send out some fifty or sixty thousand troops to India at the present moment, but how to keep up that steady influx of soldiers which will be demanded for very many rears to come. Some weeks ago we directed the attention of our readers to this very point, and we are happy to see that it is now taken up by Lord ELLENBOROUGH, and set forth with his accustomed perspicuity. How are we to support a constant drain of soldiers for the next quarter of a century? The Duke of CAMBIIIDOX tells us that re cruiting is proceeding briskly, and that 800