The Press. — London, England, 1853-07-30 00:00:00

290 sturdy an antagonist as the University Maga zine has strong reasons for modifying its views. Now, however, just as the system has proved successful, its destruction is threatened by the priestly allies of the Coalition itself. Already have they raised the whoop of exultation at the progress to ascendancy they have made under the Premiership of an ABERDEEN, and the Viceroyalty of a ST. GER MANS. They count a list of victories accumulating almost daily. To the pressure of the law upon the soldiers who repelled, they have added impunity to the priests who pro voked, massacre. The elevation of a Soli citor-General of " So help me God, &c.," noto riety, over the heads of so many eminent bar risters, Catholic and Protestant (we may instance Sergeant CHRISTIAN, Mr. BERWICK, Mr. Hyenas, and Mr. DEASY, all of them of " liberal" politics), has now been followed up, as we showed a few weeks since, by a system of appointment to Crown offices, on account of electioneering services rendered exclusively to the instruments of the priesthood. And now, under a Viceroy who for►nerly prosecuted O'CONNELL, but in more recent times wrote a pamphlet excusing Cardinal WISEMAN, the priests have obtained the greatest triumph of all, the imminent destruction of a system which the Earl of ABERDEEN described as " the " greatest blessing ever conferred upon Ire " land," a system which we believe he will not save, but will utterly subvert, if his home policy corresponds with his foreign, and be remains as consistently submisitive to the minions of the Pope as he is complaisant and capitulating to the emissaries of the Czar. THE CASE OF THE CABMEN. IN the fever of its recent hurried legislation Parliament has interfered with the public con veyances of London, deciding on the rate of payment and inflicting summary punishment on the refractory driver. It is presumed that the plea of " public convenience " admits of no discussion, and that submission must be complete and unrepining : the cherished maxims of the day are abandoned, redress is denied, competition prohibited ; and we are told " a cabman once a cabman is no more a free trader, but a public servant." True, we re ply ; but he is not a slave, and there is no law to compel him to ply an unprofitable trade. The situation of the London cabman is contrasted by the contemporary whose words we have quoted with that of the driver of the Parisian fiacre ; and we are told that here his stand in the streets is given him by the public, whereas in Paris he pays for it. Our first answer Is, that we are not in Paris, whore there never was the slightest regard for individual freedom under any regime, but in London. We next remark, that the dues exacted from the Paris cabmen are paid to the muni cipality of Paris, and not to the State ; also, that the management of the police and of the public vehicles in that metropolis rests with the magistracy of it, and that the sys tems of the two cities are radically different. We would also remind our readers that the municipality of Paris enjoys privileges, prero gatives, and monopolies which, if but a small part were claimed by the livery of London, would become the subject of the daily invec tives of all our popularity-seeking contem poraries ; and we may state a doubt, by the way, whether it might not be desirable that all matters relating to the police of our great towns should be similarly entrusted to the hands of the local magistracy rather than be subjected to the vexatious interference of Par- liam ent. • To return, however, to the cabmen. We do not justify combinations, unions, and leagues among particular bodies and classes to coerce the Legislature ; but we cannot help thinking that persons injured by its enactments are THE PRESS. justified in having recourse to the only method b)• which their wrongs can be redressed. "No class," says our contempoiury, " whose occupa tion is a necessity to the metropolis has a right to desist without previous notice." We answer, no class in the metropolis can be com pelled to work for the convenience of the public to their own detriment. " Why," asks I the same powetful and persevering enemy of the cab-drivers, " why, if they were injured, have they not adopted some rational mode of pleading their cause? why have they not re monstrated in some regular constitutional fashion ?" What means, we reply, have they of doing so? and because they can wrangle for their fares (as they are charged with doing), is that any proof that they can draw up state ments of their wrongs upon constitutional principles, with a prospect of redress, at this period of the session, from the hasty or tyran nical decisions of the Legislature? Their treatment is this, and we put it on the front of their case. At a moment when the price of labour is universally rising, by the operation of the law of supply and demand, you depreciate the price of their labour by direct enactment. If, on the other hand, you rest this enactment on the decrease in the price of provender, what security have you that this will remain as at present, or rather have you not every reason to suppose that it will rise considerably higher? These considerations are generally applicable to the restrictions of the new act. The particular grievance, as appears from Mr. FITZROY'S reply to a question in the House, is, not the reduction to sixpence a mile, but the absence of any remedy, under the new act, against a long fare to some distant spot, whence uo back fare can be expected. It is the long journey right on end, with half a dozen whole miles and only one fraction, with no chance of a back fare, that does up horse and man, say the proprietors. Then why, it is said, has not this been stated and urged reason ably and in good humour? Why, we are rather inclined to ask, (lid not the honourable framers of the bill condescend to inform themselves as to the different bear ings of the case for which they were legislating? And why did not those other honourable gen tlemen in the same House who passed the bill examine its provisions before doing so? If I Parliament undertook to legislate on a point too minute, some will say, for its jurisdiction, all the merits of the case should have been carefully examined ; and, if it undertook to legislate between the cabman and the public, it should also have taken into consideration the relations of the cabman with his master. The cabman, we are informed, pays fifteen shillings to his employer, and is furnished with his vehicle and a pair of horses. Ac cording to the present rate of payment he must consequently drive, in an extreme ease, thirty miles before he can pay his master. We do not see, with this heavy tax, how he is to he remunerated fin• his labour, or even to gain a scanty livelihood. The public has already been greatly inconvenienced, but its tendency is to aide with a class of men which, though by no means irreproachable. is industrious and hardworking, and which, in the present in stance, has been apparently oppressed, while the wisdom and justice of Parliament is, on this account., called in question. We regret, indeed, to observe that on other occasions lately the House of Commons has lost both in popularity and in pub lic confidence. It is remarkable that in pro portion as the return of " popular candidates has multiplied in the House its popularity has decreased, and the disposition to find fault, both with its measures and its mem bers. has increased. We greatly fear that the reform which the next session is to bring with it will not furnish the remedy, and that a total loss of confidence will ultimately be the re sult. Let all those remember who do not want revolution under the mask of reform, that the legislative chambers throughout Europe elected by the largest constituencies and in the most popular manner have enjoyed least of popular confidence and affection, and have invariably fallen, unsupported and unla mented, before the first stroke of arbitrary power levelled against them with sufficient SATURDAY , courage and dexterity. Let those even who are of a different temper reflect on the pos s ble humiliation from exhibitions similar to this cabmen's strike, and regard the 28th of July a►+ significant in its way, though not so illustrious, as the famous 10th of April. " HIBERNIA PACATA." A DAY or two before the Education Board is riven in twain, we learn that the discords of Ireland have now ceased, and the people join harmoniously in a pastoral symphony sounded from the archiepiscopal lyre. CULLEN has spoken, and Ireland is appeased: No more landlords are to be shot; agents are to be feted by the tenantry when they come to collect rents ; and white wands and garlands of roses are to take the place of shillelaghs and boughs of whitethorn at Irish elections. From Malin Head to Cape Clear "universal Ireland" has entered on a millen nium of peace. If any reader doubts the truth of this announcement we must refer him to Mr. BOWYER, a gentleman who has, we believe, visited Ireland, and who certainly is a good wit ness as to priestly power. On the occasion of the " Crime and Outrage Act"—a renewal which has necessarily become almost as much a matter of form as that of the Mutiny Act—the learned gentleman assured the House of Com mons that the measure was quite unnecessary, as the clergy, headed by their Archbishop, had taken the matter in hand, and " the " course which they generally had taken had " had a most salutary effect." 'Tis true that, under a " conciliating " Lord Lieutenant and a "brigade" Solicitor-General, twenty-one districts are at this moment pro claimed under the act; equally true that, a few weeks since, Mr. Justice JACKSON, in addressing the grand jury of the county of Monaghan, described that portion of the country as being the seat of "an extensive, " atrocious, and desperate confederacy" (Mr. Seum.y, in his zeal for the gentle Tipperary, proposes repealing the north from the south of Ireland). But these are mere facts ; and facts, now-a-days, are nothing without theories —the favourite one with Ministers at present being " similia similibus curantur"—priests make the riots ; let them cure them. Lord PALMERSTON, indeed, rashly intimated an opinion during a recent debate that the riot ous conduct of Priests BURKE and CLUNE was not so remarkable an exception to that of their reverend brethren generally as to need special notice : but how can a heretic know the minds of their reverences, or judge of their mentally-reserved intentions ? They only went to the Clare election to preserve the peace by having . things all their own way. If to do this it was necessary to lead an attack on the sol diers, and infuse a proper spirit amongst their followers, so good an end ought to justify the means. Lasting peace has often to be pur chased by war. At all events, Primate CULLEN is now awake. Like Neptune in the /Eneid, he may have had a row kicked up by his subordinates " un knownst" to him, while he sat in self-compla cent dignity on his lofty throne, probably absorbed in astronomical reflections. Now, " alto prospiciens," he rides forth " in pastoral array " to check the foul winds of priestly de nunciations, and calm the people excited by their vehemence, wherefore the " gulls" should flock round his triumphal car. The pastoral rule in " Arcady the blest" is to be rivalled in our sister kingdom : no more shall policemen there wield their truncheons ; magistrates and judges may retire into private life ; and Earl ST. GERMANS himself remain at this side of the channel, or, if he should return, let Primate Cui.crx take his post, and his Lordship COO tinue in a position he seems willing to occupy as " his general under." Why should not this be done? The priests had a theocracy in Paraguay (never mind the results), why not in Ireland? They are very peaceably disposed when all goes on as they like ; ready to say, with Captain Absolute, "You know we are coin " pliance itself—when we're not thwarted ; no " people more easily led—when we have our i li&