The Press. — London, England, 1857-10-03 00:00:00

962 as it has healed up, and now I only require to recruit my strength to be tit for dury. This 1 hope to be in a week or two. Wounds on the head, they say, tell en one some time after they are healed, and, as the sun is not to be resisted at any time, I fun afraid I shall not be allowed to try the effects of it for some time yet. if these horrid carabineers had only charged, the " sowers " would have caught it in style. Our cavalry, I am sorry to say, have not distinguished themselves, though they have had some good opportunities, but newer one like that morning. They would hare got these fellows in flank, and sent them to awful grief, instead of which they bolted (cowardly hounds), leaving not only me and my guns to look after ourselves, but their officers also, who shouted to them to oharge.—Your affectionate brother, J. HILLS. MR. DISRAELI ON THE INDIAN CRISIS. THE twenty-fifth anniversary of the Royal Bucks Agricultural Association was celebrated at Newport Paguell on Wednesday. On this occasion Mr. Disraeli was the only one of the three county mem bers present. Upwards of 150 gentlemen, however, sat down to dinner, and were presided over by Mr. I'. D. P. Duncombe. The usual loyal and patriotic toasts having been duly honoured, and the prizes formally awarded, Mr. DAUNCS proposed " The Health of the County Members," taking occasion to eulogise the foresisdit and sagacity displayed by Mr. Disraeli in regard to the Indian mutiny, and also to animadvert on the levity of Ministers quitting their posts to indulge in autumnal sports at so critical a conjuncture. The toast was received with enthusiasm. Mr. DISIUELI, who was greeted with loud ap plause, said Gentlemen, I beg to express to you, on behalf of my colleagues and myself, our grateful sense of the honour you have conferred upon us. Although Mr. Caveudish and Mr. Du Pre are absent on this occasion, I can assure you —if there be any need of such an assurance—that when ever the interests of the county of Buckingham are con cerned, no feeling of party politics or party connection exists between us, and that we work together with one sentiment and cue object—viz., to promote your interests, and to guard your rights and privileges. (Hear, hear.) When we met some short time ago in this town, and, indeed, in this room, the prospects of the harvest, though looking favourable, were still uncertain. It is a great source of satisfaction to me to appear among you again to-day, and to be able to congratulate you that, by the blessing of Providence, you have gathered a harvest which has seldom been rivalled for its exuberance and its wealth. Indeed, I think I may say without exag geration that the general condition of our county, front the extreme north to the extrewe south, is now one of great prosperity. It cannot be denied that, during those years iu which this society has been in existence, there has been a considerable improvement in the cultivation of the soil of this county. Of course, I am far from attributing that great result to the operations of this institution, which, although always useful, have neces sarily been but limited in extent. Of late years, other societies have arisen in this district with similar objects, and at tittles there has been—l think most unwisely— a feeling of jealousy among the supporters of the older institution. For my own part, I have never shared in that sentiment, but, on the contrary, have always felt that the more these societies were encouraged the more advantageous it would be for the county. It must be a source of great gratification to us to have at this board one so much entitled to our respect, not only fur his personal character, but for the credit which his unri valled herd and his success as a cultivator generally have brought upon the agriculture of this county, as my friend Mr. ]Jaunty, who is in a few days to preside over the festival of a society which was once thought to be arrayed in hostility to the institution the anniversary of which we are now celebrating. Gentlemen, I hardly know that I should have ventured to allude to any other topic were it not felt, I think, by almost every one that at this moment no body of English :wet can meet without making some slight reference to the I imentable state of affairs which is now presented in our Eastern dominions: and, indeed, my hon. friend Mr. Dauney, than whom no one is more strict, rightly strict, in prevent ing any admixture, however alight, of party politics in these agricultural assemblages—a principle which I always wihold—has himself set me an example by what I ant sere was his irresistible allusion to the circumstances in which the country is now placed. On that subject, there fore, I shall take the liberty of making one or two brief observations. Remembering how very recently we were assembled in this chamber—only five months ago—it is impossible fur me to forget that since that time one of the greatest cals. mities that ever befel this empire has unhappily come u;ion us. This is certainly not a fitting occasion on which St enter into the causes of these great disasters, or to in - q tire who are the individuals upon whom the responsi bility for them must ultimately rest. But I think there are two considerations which cannot at such a moment be absent from the minds of Englishmen. In the breast of e:ery man there must now exist a feeling of profound armpathy for those of our fellow-subjects in India whose sufferings having dimmed every eye and pained every heart i i the kingdom. And there must be equally present in every mind an anxiety that the Government should at this crisis tale those steps which may be ade mate to the 'casion to vindicate our empire and maintain our glory. (Cheers.) THE PRESS, OCTOBER 3, 1857. These are not party politics ; they are the feelings now uppermost iu the heart of every Englishman. I believe it is now also the universal conviction that the description originally given of those unfortunate and extra ordinary movements in India was not authorised by the circumstances of the case. Day by day we have seen that that which was at first characterised as a slight and acci dental occurrence is in fact one of those great events which form epochs in the histor) of inanLiid, and which can only be accounted for by considerations demanding the deepest attention from statesmen and nations. But, although three months have elapsed since the startling news of these disasters originally arrived in England—although every succeeding mail has brought to us gloomy intelligence showing that these disasters are culminating to a propor tion infinitely more terrible than the country at first imagined—although we cannot flatter ourselves that either by the next mail or by the mail alter that, or even for a considerable period to come, we shall hear the cheering news which we were informed so often would immediately reach us, but which has hitherto eluded our expectation,— although I foresee much evil, still I do not now, and I never hare, counselled despondency or despair. (Cheers). But I am persuaded that if we wish to repair these mis fortunes we must recognise their magnitude and impor tance, and that it is only upon this recognition that we can devise remedies adequate to the emergency. (Hear, hear.) I have said that every succeeding mail has, like the one which has last arrived, brought us gloomier tidings. We ' were told at first that though the Bengal army had proved false, yet that the armies of Bombay and Madras could be entirely depended upon. Week after week, however, we have found that the hopes we have indulged have been fallacious in both of these respects. Greater disasters may occur. We shall probably learn that the Mahratta princes have risen against us. We must prepare ourselves for an insurrection in the Punjaub--a province which we are always told has been faithful. Nevertheless, if England, instead of being induced to treat these events as merely accidental, casual, and comparatively trifling, will compre hend that the issue at stake is enormous and the peril colossal, I have not the slightest doubt that a nation so great in spirit and in resources as our own will prove that it is equal to cope with dangers of even that magnitude. Our perils arise not merely from those who have rebelled against our authority —our dangers spring not alone from the insurrection which may rage iu our distant dependencies; if we undervalue the gravity of the crisis in which we are placed our greatest danger will be from ourselves. (Hear, hear). I may be permitted, therefore, to express my hope and belief that if towards the end of this year a force of sufficient strength is lauded on the shores of Hindustan, if that force is guided with the wisdom and energy we have a right to expect, if the measures taken aro strong and cAn prehensive enough for the emergency, we shall be able to vindicate our empire, and shall have an opportunity, of which we may avail ourselves, to lay the foundations of a stable and, 1 trust, a virtuous Government. ( Hear, hear). And allow me to say—and I do it invidiously to no one— that I deeply regret that we do not see the preparation which the occasion seems to justify. I would ask this question, as the subject has been introduced to us, nut with reference to the conduct of any political party, but with regard to what at this moment most deeply interests Englishmen—" How is it that all this time the navy of England never appears to have played any part in the measures of preservation to which we have had recourse ?" We are now told that it is mainly by availing ourselves of our gunboats that we shall be able to penetrate into the interior and convey succour to our beleaguered country. men. But there is not a gunboat in India. I see by the last accounts that the accidental arrival of a single frigate —the Shannon—was hailed with rapture by the inhabi tants of Calcutta. Why. there are fifty frigates like the Shannon in England. What are they doing? Where are they? Why are they not there ? Are they cleaning their decks and squaring their yards? But if the casual an ival of a single frigate so much emboldens the authorities of Calcutta, and gives so much hope and encouragement to our European population, I say that is a proof that we ought to have an adequate naval force there, and that there should be gunboats, which might at this moment carry help and relief to our besieged countrymen at Luck now and Agra. I take this opportunity, therefore, of ex pressing my hope that the people-of this country will con vey to those in authority that at the present conjuncture, while they are ready to support any Ministry in any mea sures which will assert the empire of England and tend to bring rescue to our suffering countrymen in India, they do expect from any Government that this noble disposition shall be wisely taken advantage of, and that the measures devised shall be commensurate with the exigency. (Hear, hear.) There is but one more point connected with this un• happy subject on which I will venture to touch. When an opportunity is offered to us, and when at the end of the year that great advance into the country takes place which we anticipate. I have no doubt, and I expect, that all that retribution—if we may use the expression—which the solemn necessity of the case requires will be exacted. (Hear.) But I may be permitted to add that I trust nothing more will be exacted than the necessity of the case does require. The horrors of war need no stimulant. The horrors of a war carried on as the war in India is at present especially need no stimulant. I am persuaded that our soldiers and our sailors will exact a retribution which it may, perhaps, be too terrible to pause upon. But I do without the slightest hesitation declare my humble disapprobation at persons of high authority announcing that upon the standard of England "vengeance," and not " justice," should be inscribed. (Hear.) At this moment I see by the newspapers that her Majesty has iv•tied a proclamatian for a day of solemn fast and humiliation, N% hen she, inviting her people to join t,er, will humble herself before the Almighty, acknowledge her sins and these of her people, and express her belief that in the existence of those sins some cause of these terrible calamities may be found. Now, how inconsistent it is for us as a great and good people to obey commands so earnestly communicated to us by our Sovereign, to talk of fasts and humil►ations, and at the same time announce that in the conduct of our foes we are to find the model of our own behaviour. I for one protest against taking Nana Sahib RS a model for the conduct of the British soldier. I pro. test against n►cetiug atrocities by atrocities. ( Hear, bear.) I have heard things said and seen things written of late which would make me almost suppose that the religious opinions of the people of England bad undergone some sudden change, and that instead of bowing before the name of Jesus we were preparing to revive the worship of Moloch. ( Hear, hear.) I cannot believe that it is our duty to indulge in such a spirit. I think that what has happened in India is a great providential lesson, by which we may profit; and if we meet it like brave and inquiring men we may assert our dominion and establish fur the future in India a Government which may move at once lasting and honourable to this country. (Hear, hear.) _ _ I hope that the clergy of our Church, on the occasion that is impending, will seize the opportunity afforded them, while they support the spirit of the people by the con sciousness of the Divine assistance, to impress at the same time on the national mind that this is a Christian country, and that the character of a Christian warrior is not only to be brave but to be charitable. (Hear, hear.) I will not enter further into this engrossing topic. It was impossible for me at such a moment to remain entirely silent upon it. My object has been to insist upon two points which ought not to be absent from our minds—viz., sympathy with our suffering fellow countrymen and country. women in India; and also a determination to enforce upon the Government that the preparations for the future shall be adequate to the gravity of the occasion. As the arrangements for our meeting in this county, owing to geographical and other circumstances, are ex tremely difficult, I would also express a hope that steps may be taken so that Buckinghamshire may not be found wanting at such a moment in offering that contribution to the national fund now iu course of collection which I am sure the honour and the best feeling of the county would prompt. (Hear.) I trust when it is my privilege to meet you again that the aspect of affairs may not be so gloomy as at present. If they do assume a much brighter character, depend upon it that happy change will not be due to our baring treated grave events in a depreciating spirit. There is no error so serious as to underrate peril. We should be prepared to encounter every danger when our duty requires us to assume such an attitude. But I never knew disaster which upon the whole could not be traced to the dealing in a light tone, and in a temper in adequate to the oc:.asion, with the commencement of great perils. I think the people of this country have at length been awakened to the importance of the contin gency ; and whenever the opinion of the nation is so aroused—whenever England knows that she has to put forth her greatest energit.s—l have never found that she has failed iu the result. ( Hear, hear.) lam persuaded, if a serious and solemn conviction pervades the land, that, instead of this being but a partial .military mutiny, occa sioned, as was alleged by a person of high authority when it first happened, by a mere impulse of the moment, it is in reality a great and formidable rebellion ; that, compre hending the true position of the empire, we shall be able to take those measures, endure those sacrifices, and make those exertions which will vindicate our imperial power, and keep England what I hope she will long remain—the leading nation of the world. (Cheers.) SIR E. B. LITTON UPON INDIA. Sin E. B. LYTTON, M.P., attended the Hertfordshire Agricultural Meeting at St. Alban's on Wednesday. The members and friends of the society dined to gether in the town-hall, the Earl of N'erulam occupy ing the chair. In the course of the evening Sir Edward Lytton replied to the toast " The Members for the County," proposed by Colonel Ames. Sir Ed- ward, devoting himself first to a criticism upon the cattle-show that day, which, though excellent in quality, was rather deficient in quantity, and havinq urged upon the farmers the necessity of using every exertion to do their best, and each succeeding year to do better, proceeded to discuss our prospects in India. " The war " said Sir Edward, " which has now broken out" is not, like the Russian war, for the assertion of an ab stract principle of justice, for the defence of a foreign throne, or for protection against a danger that did not threaten ourselves more than the rest of Europe,—it is for the maintenance of the British empire. It is a struggle of life and death for our rank among the rulers of the earth. It is not a war in which we combat by the side of brave and gallant allies. but one in which we fight singlehanded against fearful odds, and in which we must neither elpect nor desire foreign aid. My lord, I think it is no wonder that the heart of Eng land is up—that the slow progress of recruiting for the regular army, and even the constitutional resource of the militia, should not satisfy the ardour of an aroused people. It is no wonder that our journals should teem with offers of volunteers, and from a class that has never before fur- nished us with private soldiers. lam told that it is difficult for the War-office to avail itself of these offers. Difficult! why, of course it is. There is nothing worth having that is not difficult. My life, and I suppose the life of every man among you who has worked with hand or head, has been one long contest with difficulttes, and none of us would be the men we now are if we had tamely allowed difficulties to I conquer us. (Cheers.), Therefore I say it will not be to lir