The Press. — London, England, 1858-03-06 00:00:00

/Zee t( N f No. 253.—V0L. VI. LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 6, 1858. STAMPED UNSTAMPED..FIVEPENCE. (Ttle dress. LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 0, 1858. THE prospects of the new Ministry may be reviewed either from a theoretical or a prac tical point of view. Under the latter head will come such considerations as we last week presented to our readers—the position of parties in the House of Commons, and the probability which it affords of a successful Conservative Administration. Under the former head will fall the general tono and temper of the public mind, which might render a Conservative Government acceptable to the nation at large. If we recur to our observations of last last week it is only because they have been misrepresented in some quarters and carefully we gave utterance to no deep enigma. It is perfectly plain that where out of various can didates for office one must unavoidably be chosen, a defect which is common to all ceases to be an objection to any. In ordinary cases it is the points wherein competitors differ, not those wherein they agree, which determines our selection. To eliminate the latter is our first step. And in deciding, therefore, between rival parties of politicians, we must at once discard all arguments founded on a want which none of them are able to supply. The absence of a fixed majority is, therefore, no impediment to a Government at the present day, because if we permit it to be one, we must go without Government altogether. None can regret more than we do that our Parliamentary system has sunk into such a condition. But sunk it has. And we see no prospect of im provement as long as "independent members" usurp the jurisdiction of political leaders. There are others, again, who will have it that our facts are incorrect, and that Lord PALNEss.roN has a fixed majority. He has been inexplicably deposed from office, but still the majority is his. Not a statesman of eminence defended him, but he was still the favourite of the House. " Whom the gods " love die young," says the proverb ; and this, we suppose, is the reason why the Palmers tonian Cabinet, more than once dangerously sick, has expired in its third session. Se riously, such arguments are the last resource of the desperate. In the face of the recent division they verge on the sublime. But once for all, let us examine how the case stands by the vulgar test of figures. The minority who voted for Lord PALMERSTON on the 19th of February were 215 in number ; of these 35 were Conservatives. To the remaining 180 we may add about a dozen Palmerstonians accidentally absent from the debate. Thus 192 will be the strength of the phalanx on which the Noble Lord could rely. The majority on the same occasion were 234 ; of these 150 were regular Conservatives. But the united strength of the Conservative party in the present House of Commons is just about 230. There are, therefore, 74 to be accounted for. Of these 35, as we see, formed part of the Palmerstonian minority; and the remaining 39, we believe we may safely assert, are sup- porters of the present Administration, who will, therefore, muster 195 in all against the 192 of their opponents. Thus even in the present House of Commons the party of Lord PALMERSTON is, at the outside, not more than numerically equal to the Conservatives, while in its composition it is obviously far weaker; for a party which is founded on purely per sonal considerations has small chance of co hesion when the presiding spirit is disgraced. If we add to these arguments the probability of the Palmerstonian Conservatives returning to their allegiance, the possibility of other rents in the Conservative Party being healed, and the seats they would be certain to gain by a dissolution of Parliament, we cannot be deemed sanguine in believing that from the practical point of view Lord DERBY'S position is secure. The theoretical argument against the pre sent Administration amounts to this—that the general feeling of this country being favoura bil-te progressive reforms. it is impossible Conservative. It is natural tl should sometimes miss the tween cause and effect, and accordingly the English public at times lends itself to agita tions of which it does not foresee the results. But will any man intimately acquainted with the English middle classes pretend that they are desirous of organic changes ? Whatever Radicalism exists in these classes points rather to a social than a political revolution. it may be true that the one would be a fore runner of the other ; but we do not believe for a moment that its disciples have any such object in view. That professional demagogues who have, may take advantage of these senti ments is if course possible, and that is a danger to which the Conservative'press should more especially address itself. But we do not think the danger imminent; and we are certain that the middle classes, if counted by the head, would at this moment be found in favour of existing institutions. The preservation of these institutions is not incompatible with that relief to minorities which the spirit of the age demands. But it has always been characteristic of the highest statesmanship not to push theories too far. There is a point at which minorities cease to be parties and become factions. Yet the importunity of these latter is often in an in verse ratio to their magnitude. It requires some moral courage to resist their assaults, and brief tranquillity may often he purchased by yielding to their clamour. Nothing, however, can be more obstructive to constitutional legislation than so weak and temporising a policy. Yet it cannot be denied that Govern ments of the last few years have exhibited a tendency in that direction. One difference, therefore, between a Conservative and a Liberal Administration, if we may trust the known characteristics of the former, will be this, that while the one has been adapting its legislation to cliques and coteries the other will legislate for the entire nation. The spirit of Progress is WAY tio thoroughly established that Ws able to take care of itself. A stationary Government has become absolutely impossible. But the ques tion that remains is this,—Are all the forces of the Constitution to be kept moving together, or do we mean by movement that one should overbalance the rest ? It need hardly be pointed out which of the two is the meaning of Conservative Progress ; nor which, we fear,- on looking at their recent mode of government, is the character which the Liberals havo stamp3d upon the word. It is, then, to the former we must look for that more broad and comprehensive policy which is at once the truest Toryism and the truest progress. The latter class of politicians do not perceive that they are being ridden to death by their own hobby ; that the business of Government is now not so much to stimulate the spirit of improvement—for that, as we have said, cannot again be laid to sleep—as to guide, control, and inform it. A Government that fears to resist any popular cry whatsoever for fear of forfeiting its character or losing its place would in a few years be the ruin of the country. We now require statesmen whose antecedents justify them in a deliberate and regulative policy, while their dispositions gua rantee a generous and enlightened creed. We prosperous to be in a hurrr crude suros. Like rich men, they can afford tt And under the circumstances we cannot that the Government best adapted to th 4 sion is one in which Liberal minds are with Conservative opinions. HOW LORD PALMERSTON FELL. THE extremely sudden fall of Lord PALMERSTON from power is one of the most curious .inci: dents in modern Parliamentary history. Although the - unwritten answer to Count WALEWSKI'S 'despatch deeply compromised Lord PALMERSTON'S reputation as a diploma tist, it •is evident that the Noble Viscount must on other grounds have completely lost • If; the confidence .'of the Houso of Commons, else he would not have retired from power at the first hostileivote. He might havo counted on the opposition of his avowed adversaries; but how 'did it happen that numbers of his former supporters declined any longer to give him their • aid? We believe that the answer to that question may be found in the utter recklessness and in the overbearing manners wantonly assumed by the late Prime Minister— a most painful subject, on which we have often commented in these columns. There tory fo Premier majority. lesson tal proper represem Pa . rliami highest rack • Lord .?. is no parallel in Parliamentary hie- nr the arrogance assumed b the r after he had obtained ,•. - :1 y. 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