The Press. — London, England, 1854-04-15 00:00:00

/r~F' 0h.... ~ ~.e~. No. 50.—VOL. 11. LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 15, 1854. leged to proceed from promptings of duty. Veteran politicians can scarcely be supposed to be so disinterested as they sometimes affect- edly profess. Their ambition, like avarice, may increase with age, and may subsist in its baser part, when the elevation of mind which directed it to noble ends and made it subser vient to the national welfare has entirely departed, It is surely now time that we experienced some of those benefits from the administra- tive ability of the Government which were con fidently promised us. The principal result of last session was the notable scheme of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER for the con- version of the public debt. The time was too short to mature and introduce the important measures contemplated, but this year we were to reap the benefit of the delay. The royal speech was profuse in promise; and the session began with some show of activity. The often rejected Oaths Bill to strip the Legislature of its Christian character was introduced with mock formality ; an absurd and imprac ticable scheme for remodelling the civil service of the country was announced with abundant compliments to the efficiency of the system it proposed to subvert; the pro. visions of a new Reform Bill, ingeniously con trived to introduce as many elements of uncertainty anechange into the Constitution as possible, were duly made known ; a mea sure to reform the law of Pauper Settlement was explained by the Chief Commissioner, and quickly followed by his resignation, in conse quence of a misunderstanding with the Home Secretary, who promised for him more than he was able or willing to perform. These mea sures, with Bills for University Reform, for Electoral Reform, and for Legal Reform, con stituted as much of change for one session as the most ardent reformer could desire. But the work done will evidently bear no kind of proportion to the work announced. We have reached that period of the parliamentary year when some estimate may be formed of the real business likely to be transacted, and thus far it can only be recorded that the income tax has been doubled, and that Mr. CHAMBERS, in the face of all the opposition which Ministerial influence could muster, has obtained his committee for inquiring into the ex pediency of submitting nunneries to some kind of public supervision. The Treasury bench is dumb on those questions of prac tical improvement which the country really desires; not a word is said on education or on juvenile delinquency, though the great increase of clime renders the consideration of the latter subject of pressing importance. The time of the House is occupied with sham measures to the exclusion of matters of real concern. As the primitive colours well mixed and shaken result in a dirty white, it seems that from a combination of adverse talents and principles in policy we must look only for a dreary blank. The purity of Ministerial influence is illustrated by the colonial judgeship conferred on Mr. STONOR ; and the hay contract, by which our troops might have suffered more damage than from an engagement with the enemy, only proves what scandalous frauds may take place under a Reforming Ministry without any one being to blame, or any one held responsible for them. The great Ministerial achievement of the week has been the abandonment by Lord JOHN RUSSELL of his Reform Bill amid a p!r feet storm of approbation. It is only justice NEWSPAPER STAMPS. THE Return issued of Stamps supplied to Newspapers in 1853 exhibits the following comparative results : Stamps Issued. Average Weekly Circulation. PRICE SIXPENCE. to him to say that he never was more success ful than in announcing his failure. His emo tion and his tears naturally excited some sympathy; but the delight of the House to be fairly rid of the incubus which had lain on it from the commencement of the session was too hearty to be disguised ; nor was there at the moment any disposition to contrast the speech he made on its introduction with that Which he delivered on its withdrawal. Then a period of foreign hostilities was stated, on the authority of Mr. Fox and Lord GREY, to be a fit period for urging forward constitutional reform ; but sow the occurrence of war offers the only plausible reason for defer ring it. In truth, the arguments of those who pre tend to favour the bill, yet to be glad of its postponement, proceed on the assumption that one evil is quite enough at a time. Why, say they, should we have to combat internal dissension while we are engaged in foreign war? Let us fight the common enemy first, and fight among ourselves afterwards. To us the prospect is far from pleasing of having to encounter a new reform agitation whenever we may have the good fortune to get clear of the war in which Lord ABERDEEN'S tricksy diplomacy has involved us. We are inclined to think, indeed, that not even that contest, which it will require the united energies of the country to bring to a successful conclusion, would have saved us from the division all parties aro so glad to escape had the bill proved as acceptable as was expected to the Radical allies of the Ministry. The real reason of its withdrawal — a reason often plainly avowed—is to be sought in the apathetic indifference with which it was received. As there was 110 popular clamour in its favour there was no need to persevere with it. This is to establish the most dan gerous principle of legislation that can prevail in any country. It is to say, in effect, that measures are neither good nor bad, neither necessary nor inexpedient, except as the cry of a mob may pronounce them ; and that the considerate judgment of the Legislature shall be as dust in the balance when weighed against any hasty or interested agitation in the popular mind. The position of Lord JOHN RUSSELL must have been personally painful ; and we have yet to learn the reason of his delay in an nouncing his intentions. Why did he defer till Tuesday the statement he was expected to make on Monday? Is it true that he sought to gain a pledge from his colleagues that they would support the reintroduction of his bill at a definite future period, or that he canvassed them to know how many would follow him should he decide on resignation ? The Noble Lord is himself sincere. He has resolved to connect his name with anew Reform Bill ; and, though we share in the general satisfaction at the withdrawal of this most dangerous measure, we cannot regard without a feeling of dismay the sanction which has been given to it by his colleagues, nor doubt that, of all those who concurred in the expediency of its withdrawal, his Radical friends were most sincere in their congratulations from believing that, as this bill was a great advance upon the one pre viously introduced and given up, they shall at last succeed in forcing concessions which will perfectly satisfy the democracy they re present, and excite that clamour in favour of them which has been so earnestly but vainly solicited for the measure just abandoned. NEWSPAPERS. Atlas Britannia Examiner John Bull Leader PRESS [From May 7th to December 31st—Eight Months.] Spectator 78,500 105,508 241,525 95,000 120,700 123,000 146,500 1 1,470 2,029 4,884 1,826 2,321 3,514 2,817 t4e dress. LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 15, 1854. WHEN the constitution of the Aberdeen Go vernment was first announced, and the country was startled at learning that it was to be composed, not as formerly, of men who had acted together and represented an intelligible system of policy, but of persons opposed to each other on almost every conceivable ques tion of the day, we were assured that the new Ministers made great sacrifices of private feel ing from regard to the public good. It was represented that a strong sense of duty com pelled them suddenly to forget their antipa thies and their principles, and that the country had urgent need of a strong Govern ment—strong in the numerical support it would secure—to carry necessary reforms, and above all to preserve peace, seriously endan gered by the vigorous efforts of Lord Deasy's Administration to put our naval and military establishments on a thoroughly efficient foot ing. It being assumed, from the antagonistic sentiments of the men thus strangely brought together, that they must have accepted office with reluctance, grateful acknowledgment was claimed for them, on the ground that their patriotism had proved superior to their party predilections. The nation, it was argued, must reap the benefit of their abnegation of principle, as what but a prospect of advancing the best interests of the country could have assembled in one Cabinet statesmen who had previously sat on opposite benches, and had openly avowed their mutual distrust? There is commonly, we are afraid, some cant in that reluctance which politicians of a certain order profess to entertain for whattho7 are pleased to term the cares and responsibili ties of office. Undoubtedly there may be cases in which the profession may be strictly true and the reluctance real, but such cases must be exceptional. In political life office is the great prize struggled for, and those changes of sentiment which lead directly to it are not the less suspicious because al- 4 i