The Press. — London, England, 1858-03-13 00:00:00

THE RE-ELECTIONS. SPEECH OF TIM CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. BUCHINGEGUISICIRE.—The Right Hon. B. Disraeli, who had vacated his seat for Buckinghamshire on accepting the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer, was re-elected on Monday without opposition. The election took place at ten o'clock in the County-hall at Aylesbury, which was crowded as soon as the doors were thrown open. Mr. Plum. Diktrwozr briefly proposed the Right Hon. B. Disraeli as a fit and proper person to repre sent the county, and the nomination was seconded by Mr. HARVEY, of Langley-park. Dr. LES, who was greeted with mingled laughter and cheering, said he was quite prepared to propose as a candidate, in opposition to the right hon. gentle man, a young man of excellent abilities and sound knowledge, and whose father had rendered great services to the country. He did not wish, however, to throw down the apple of discord unnecessarily, and if Mr. Disraeli would give a lair answer to some questions he had prepared he would not nominate another candidate. Dr. Lee then handed to Mr. Disraeli a list of questions intended to elicit his opinions as to the propriety of extending the borough and county franchise, the adoption of the ballot, the abolition of church rates, the suppression of traffic in intoxicating liquors, the appointment of a Minister of Justice, the extension of representation in the Imperial Parliament to Canada and the other British colonies, the establishment of tribunals of justice and courts of reconciliation, the retransfer of the Court of Probate from Westminster to the ancient courts at Doctors' Commons, and the equalisation of districts for the purpose of the relief of the poor. No other candidate having been proposed, The Haas Sauaxn' declared Mr. Disraeli duly elected. Mr. DISRAELI, M.P., who was greeted with loud cheers, said : Electors of the county of Buckingham, I think it but due to my learned friend who has addressed us with so much courtesy that should notice the questions he has pat to me. My learned friend seems to anticipate that the Government of Lord Derby will retain office for a period of considerable doration—(laughter)—for if we are to con• eider and to carry out the programme he has suggested I think the settlement of the eight questions be has men tioned will certainly demand as many years. (" Hear, hear," and a laugh.) I am sure my learned friend, alter due deliberation, will admit that I cannot pledge myself upon subjects of so much importance without taking time to investigate maturely all the circumstances con nected with them. Several of the questions put by my learned friend appear in some degree to have been bor rowed from myself. (A laugh.) I cannot, therefore, sup pose that he has introduced them at all in a hostile spirit ; and I am satisfied he will agree with me that, although in 1112 I might have made pledges, five and twenty years' experience is sufficient to teach me that it is better to con fine myself to a promise to consider measures than to give any pledge to pass them. ( Laughter and cheers.) think, therefore, my learned friend must be quite satisfied that he has not in a vexatious manner proposed another candidate. He extends to me, if not a complete, an motile confidence, and I shall henceforward look to hi .n as one of my honoured and faithful constituents. (Laughter.) I have now, gentlemen, to offer you my warmest thanks for having for the fifth time returned me to Parliament as your representative. Believe me, the honour is one which I duly appreciate. There is none which I place before it ; and unless I possessed your confidence it would be impos- sible for rue to occupy the position which I new hold. It is therefore unnecessary for met) west phrases in assuring you that the possession of your eonfidence is to me the greatest treasure, and that to deserve it will ever be one of the principal objects of my life. ( Cheers.) A very brief space has elapsed since I appeared upon these hustings, and I had then the opportunity, at a general election, of entering very fully into the condition of the country, and of explaining the prospects before us, and the line of conduct which you were entitled to expect that your representative would pursue. During that brief interval, however, very remarkable events have taken place, and recent occurrences—l believe to the surprise of the coun try, and certainly to the surprise of Parliament—have occasioned a change of Ministry, and have brought to me and to others, in very critical circumstances, the responsi bility of government. I feel, therefore, that you have a right to expect from me on this occasion a frank and full exposition of the views we entertain with respect to those cation) circumstances which now engross, and indeed ab- sorb, the attention of the country. Knowing that it is your habit in this country not to permit the incident of a public election to degenerate into a mere party squabble, but that you expect jour representatives to treat yon as rational, intelligent, and enlightened men, I shall address you con liketly, with a full sense of the responsibility of the words TnE PREg S, MARcit 13, 1858. which fall froll ay lips, sad whisk I know you will missive u men who have themselves a duty to perform to society. (Cheers.) It is impossible to overrate the importance of the posi tion which this oountry and France occupy with respect to each other. I have been a strenuous supporter of what is called the French alliance. (Cheers.) I have always believed that a cordial alliance between England and France was equally necessary to the interests of both coun tries, and for this primary and paramount reason, totally irrespective of numerous other considerations—that that alliance is necessary for the independence, and even the importance, of Europe. All the oli traditions respecting the balance of power which were crested and devised in times when the great theatre of human action was confined to Europe have become obsolete. Under these circum stances, a rivalry between France and England—the two foremost nations of Europe—was natural, and under some circumstances was even necessary. The general effect of such a rivalry was, no doubt, salutary to the progress of that civilisation which has made Europe—though a small portion of the world—pre-eminent. Of late years, how ever, other imperial influences, no longer limited to Europe, have arisen in the world, which render it neces sary that, if the pre-eminent power of Europe is to be main tained, a rivalry between these two chief nations should no longer be encouraged, but that a cordial alliance should be cherished as the only means by which the independence and importance of Europe in the scale of the world can be main tained. ( Cheers.) That is the real reason wby both English men and Frenchmen should support the alliance be tween England and France. ( Renewed cheers.) To obtain that great result the petty jealousies of traditionary times must, by the strong common sense of both countries, be forced to become obsolete, for oar existence as great civilised powers, and the maintenance of Europe itself in the political and social scale, depend upon a cordial union of feeling between the populsuons of the two foremost European countries. With such a conviction, and regarding that alliance—as I described it in the House of Commons—es the vary corner-stone of civilisation, 1 cannot express the anxiety and apprehension with which I, in common with all who were elected by the people to guard over their in termite, viewed the recent circumstances that have dis turbed the good understanding between these two countries. If the principle I have laid down be just, whatever be the form of government in France—whether it be Imperial, or Royal, or Republican—l maintain that it is the essence of English policy, and of French policy also, that there should be an alliance between England and France—an alliance founded on principle, totally independent of forma of go vernment, totally independent of dynasties, totally inde pendent even of the' character of the rulers of Frew*. It thee, indeed, so happen that the present ruler of France is a man eminently gifted, and who from a variety of circum stances necessarily exercises a great influence over events. The Emperor Napoleon is not only a prince, but he is a statesman. He is a man who not only possesses peat knowledge of human nature generally, but who has a great knowledge of English human nature. ( Hear.) It is therefore clear that when the ruler of France is not only a statesman, but is intimately acquainted with the character of !Englishmen, and with the laws, the customs, and the whole condition of England, we have a security for the cultivation and maintenance of the alliance with France which under less favourable circumstances we might not enjoy. We have reaped the fruits oflan alliance guided and guarded by such a prince as I have described, who is not only a statesman, but who is intimately acquainted with the character of England. We have found France, and the ruler of France, a faithful ally at a great emer gency. (Cheers.) Not a faithful ally of mere courtly phrases, expressed in a Queen's speech or in a diplomatic document, but in the deeds of a nation, sealed by blood and crowned by victory. (Cheers.) The French people have fought, and indeed are at this moment fighting, by the side of the English ; and therefore, after all that has oc curred, there does appear at this moment a prospect of the alliance being so confirmed in the convictions and feel ings of the two nations that statesmen who know its para mount importance, and how necessary its maintenance is to the independence and liberty of Europe, must have reckoned upon it as that cardinal point from which all poli tical calculations must be made. We must remember, also —and it is of the greatest importance that the minds of the English people should be fully and completely en lightened upon this subject—that the great body of the people of England ( I think I may say so without exagge ration) is favourable to the French alliance. (Hear.) They look to the French people, to whom they have many points of resemblance, and with whom they have many ties of sympathy, with respect and even with affection. They have no prejudicea. They know that the French like themselves are • highspirited people ; that the French like themselves are a brave people; that the French like themselves are eminently illustrious in the pursuits of science ; and that the French like themselves are in the enjoyment of a degree of social refinement and civilisation which probably can be rivalled by no other nation. But, although in France the more enlightened and superior classes of the country have discarded ancient historical prejudices and have learned to respect England, there is no doubt that among the great body of the French people much of the ancient prejudice which past events have, I will not say justified, but occasioned, with regard to this country, still survives, although it has considerably dimi nished, and a better feeling has been gradually spreading every year. The ruler of France, therefore, in guiding the feelings which should cherish and consolidate the alliance has a much more difficult task to perform than the Government of England, for, whatever prejudices there may be against France in this country, they are rather confined to some of the superior classes, and are not en tertained by the great body of the people. Upon such a question the Government of England could with confi dence appeal to the good feeling and the right sentiment U 5 of the gnat body of the English people while the Elio peror of the French, even when he kela lonlidetice in the wisdom of his views and the correctness of his policy, has to deal with a proud, irritable, and jealous people— (Hear, hear)—and, therefore, his position with t to this great political question is infinitely mor r ir Moult than our own. If I have been right in the view I have taken of the true reason for cherishing the alliance bil-• tween the two countries at every sacrifice short of honour—if I have described correctly the relative position of the two Governments—let me now recall your recol lection to those great events which have recently occurred, and which have occasioned such prodigious political changes. I am sure that when the late horrible attempt wee made upon the life of the Emperor of the French the first feeling in this country was one of as much indigna tion and disgust as could have been exhibited in France itself. (Cheers.) An attempt to assassinate a prince who, whatever difference of opinion may exist among some classes of his subjects, has raised his c oun t r y t o th e highest pitch of political influence—an attempt moreover to destroy not only his existence but that of the lady whom he has raised to a throne which she adorns by every charm and virtue--( Hear, bear)—was something so horrible in its conception and execution, so alien to every manly feeling, that I hardly know any public event which was more calculated to create sympathy and to confirm the amicable feelings which prevailed in this country towards the ruler of France. (Cheers.) Unfortunately, gentle. men—for it is necessary that I should speak with perfect frankness—on that occasion the French Government, and indeed I believe the French people, in a spirit of what I may call indignant consternation, visited that atrocity upon the land and laws of England. I know that ,there were many extenuating circumstances in the position of France at that moment which should not be forgotten when we recollect the commission of this error—for a great error it undoubtedly was—on the part of the French Government and of the French people. (Hear, hear.) I cannot but feel that when that act of aocusation the laws and the people of England was handedt a rs it were, by authority—although I have no wish on 'this occasion to comment with any severity upon the eiondset of my predecessors in office —I cannot bat feel that if was not met in a manner or in a spirit adequate to the occasion—(cheers)--and I regret that eirenmstenee, not merely for the honour of this country, bat ter use intermits of France itself. I do believe that at that seimesst an English Minister, displaying a frankness and Ihrniases which are quite consistent with the nest entire and friendliness, might have taken a eosins which have indicated to the French Government, in a manner that could not be mistaken, the error of their ways, which would have prevented them hoes pane* • course of error every step of which rendered it an Mask lac them to recede, and which, while it vindicated the harems of our country and the dignity of our Goeseamentonight at the same time have respected with the feel ings of France, and have retained, asi elm ehesisheik. that cordial friendship which I regard as so isivainabie ( Hear, hear.) lam bound to say, bormese--end /sand the Parliament of this country has redid the that I perceive a total absence in the emminst of= jesty's late Government with respect to these impullana transactions of the qualities adequate to the pest emu**. Instead of a public reply we had private estremendesm Instead of a frank sad liras eapositket to the Goommenest of France of our kelhart, sad of the film peeitiem le which they were &Meg, I. tar mire sun lase soy as to the course posessil as the past of tie Go vernment there was vacillation, Maid*. Widen% um nceuvre--aoything but an open assertion at oar ( Hear, hear )—anything but airs thee* friendly= strstion to the French Government of the awe whisk they were committing; anything bat the applies at them means which were requisite when the pease of two great nations—indeed the peace and future hapgkseas of Ennio were depending. (Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances, suddenly, and salt were tty some judicial act, power fell from the hands of a Ministry that was deemed omnipotent, and it came to us, not lig any cf the routine of faction, not because we wage the Eoglish Opposition, and not because we bad taken considerable share in the parliamentary opinion which was expressed upon the subject—for it was net the party of which I am a member that originated the irmatien on which a vote took place. I say that power did net sees is re by any of the routine forms of Wises, for yes hare been recently told by Lord Darby in his *se in Pesiiimeent that when her Majesty was graciously placed to stsmaeon him to her councils he entreated her Yalesty to think well over the critical position of affairs—( ear, hear ) —and although he told her Majesty that while—eritieel as was the occasion, and vast as were the diffieulthes with which he must grapple—he would not shrink from the conjunc ture, but would serve her Majesty if neemeary, he begged her Majesty to take one night to think over existing cir cumstances, anti not to renew the offer unless her Majesty felt convinced that his presence in her councils was, in her Majesty's opinion, essential to the welfare of the country. It was subsequent to such mature consideration that her Majesty again called upon Lord Derby to take the helm ; and I say, therefore, without exaggeration, that it was to serve her Majesty at a critical moment that at her Majesty's instance the present Government was formed, and under those circumstances it appeals with confidence to the people of this country. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, the political problem which we have to col is one of no common difficulty. We have at the same time to assert the dignity of this country, and to maintain, perhaps to revive, our cordial friendship with Francis. Any man and any Minister can do either. It is very easy to bluster, and to insult with high flying terms an ally who has proved his constancy and fidelity. On the other hand, it is not difficult to cringe to a great power—( Hear, hear)--and to be subservient to its wishes--(Hear, hear) .--but to combine at the same time the vindication of the ~.. I . •