The Press. — London, England, 1858-05-08 00:00:00

the country on the Sunday. The attendance at the church does not exceed sixty or seventy persons each Sunday morning. The very Churchwardens are absent • havmg quitted the parish on Saturday a fternoon for their private residences" at Clapham or Hack ney. Still, for these sixty or seventy per sons—the servants left in charge of the Assurance- Offices on Cornhill—the Rector has to provide the usual ordinances. He reads the Prayers with proper feeling; he preaches a well-composed and useful sermon ; and the sixty or seventy auditors depart. But, in the course of the next few days, they will receive notice to cease their attendance for the present ; for the church will be closed, and the contractor, who has received his orders to spend 7487/. on certain " alterations," will then begin his labours. Such is a sample, gathered from a single parish, of the strange condition of the Church of Eng land—poor almost to destitution in one spot, and rich to repletion in others. But Lord GREY'S speech on Tuesday evening furnishes us with a still more startling instance of the singular position of the Church of Eng land. His Lordship said,—" It had been stated " that the total value of Church property was " about 35,000,0001., but nearly half of that sum " represented the beneficial interests of lessees. " Of that great estate, therefore, only one-half " really belonged to the Church." Here is a hicli involves a sum of 17,000,000/. than that enormous amount is at broadly asserted that one-half of the the Church " belongs to the lessees." fearful effect of this state of things we have seen one remarkable instance, narrated in a petition to Parliament from Whitby. The tithes of that town annual value of 2,8001. They were _ Mr. YEOMAN, who realized that from them year by year. The Arch ' YORK was the lessor, and he received, 2,8001. per annum, about 5001. Whitby eight churches and chapels Established Church, all of which, except - wretchedly endowed. Among these seven) churches a miserable 1101. per distributed out of the tithe. Not , but 1101. among the seven ! The re amounting to more than 2,0001. per to the lessee. is strange, the lease having twelve run, the Archbishop (who has no , the question) has expressed an opinion lessee ought to have a renewal, and that ' things ought to be allowed to con some twenty or thirty years longer ! wing no interest in church leases, appear almost incredible. To speak the " want and destitution " of the yet to give away at one stroke millions of property, does seem a strange proceeding. It is not as if the lessees leir tenure suddenly changed. The mea -835, now twenty-three years since, gave all holders of Church property that .g system would be abolished. Since that almost a quarter of a century has elapsed. now another twenty or thirty years should be expected, and the lessees be at Whitby, to keep the clergy in a whole generation longer, does seem an almost unaccountable thing. papers transmitted to the Senate by nt on the subject of African slavery and Coolie labourers was one from Mr. cited States Minister to France, dated in which he relates a conversation with .?wski. Mr. Meson inquired whether any truth in the statement in the English that French vessels freighted with emigrants would be regarded by British is engaged in the African slave trade. alewski replied, no ; that there had been unication between the two Governments. a British would not object to the French ile the wants of the British colonies are ,lied by the Coolie trade. Count Walewski ,t by the plan adopted to secure African labour, indispensable to the colonies, the emigrants and resued generally fr m impending im• that, relieved from ignorance and Ilea humanised . the m os t d egra di ng character, t h e y wou ld and Christianised by being placed in the French colonists. son's—the servants 11 OAiusuaclesoorn l h di r nances h ill— . proper ng; e useful sermon ; anc depart. But, in th they will receive ni for the present ; foi and the contractor to spend 7,2871. c then begin his labor Such is a sample, of the strange con land—poor almost rich to repletion in But Lord GREY'h furnishes us with a of the singular posi land. His Lordshi " that the total vs " about 35,000,0001 " represented the 1 " Of that great es " really belonged 1 question which ini Nothing less than stake. It is broadl property of the Chi Can this be ! Of the fearful effi remember to have lately narrated in a the town of Whitb were of the annual leased to a Mr. income from them bishop of YORK ww out of this 2,80( There are in Whitt of the Established ( ing one, are wretch eight (or seven) cl annum is diatribe 1101. to each, but 1! mainder, amountir annum, goes to the And, what is stra years to run, the interest in the ques that the lessee ougt this state of thing! tinue for some twer To us, having I these things appeal feelingly of the " Church, and yet many millions of p way of proceedir4 found their tenure sures of 1835, now full notice to all he the leasing system v notice almost a qui But that now anc notice should be allowed, as at W Poverty for a whole strange, an a h not Among the paper the President on the African and Coolie Amon, United Ste Pi.breary 19, in whit Coma, Walewski. there was any truth new spapers._ that African emigrants cruisers as engage Count Walewski re f some eoromunicatioi and that the British scheme while th e wi supplied by tl urged that tiy the pie ' :hich i s i n di spensal o a . on n r iti e free, sad resue ; that, rel t i heutarn of the most ue humanised and contact with the Fri THE PRESS, MAY 8, 1858. Corresgonttnce. IDEAS OF FREE TRADE IN FRANCE. TO THE EDITOR OF " THE PRESS." Sir,—The Parisian correspondent of the Times recently stated some very striking and important facts in connection with the trade of France, the state of the public mind, and the position and policy of the Government. The Times correspondent as• sures his readers that " the Emperor is notoriously favourable to the principles of Free Trade, so much so, indeed, as to cause serious uneasiness to the Pro tectionists. But his Government, centralized and powerful as it is for many purposes, is impotent in presence of the selfishness, obstinacy, ignorance, and unscrupulous misrepresentations of the enemies of Free Trade, unless backed by popular opinion/ At the close of the Russian war, the ironmasters, on the mere strength of a rumour that the Government proposed to continue the reduced duties on iron im ported into France, asserted " that if they originally voted for the Emperor, it was from a firm conviction that the nephew would maintain and carry out to the full the policy of the uncle ; and that should this expectation be baffled, they would think a second time before giving their support to a Go vernment which sought to curtail their profits." (The Times, April 26, 1858.) There is an old proverb about " hard words," &c. ; it is not by any means undeserving the attention of the able correspondent of the Times. He charges the French Protectionists with ignorance, unscrupulousness, misrepresents Lion. " Like the old robber barons of the Rhine," he continues, "they claim to despoil all who come within their influence, and maintain their right to levy extortionate contributions upon the whole nation under the pretext of national industry, and of render ing France independent of the it•eigner. Undoubtedly the vain and impracticable notion that France suffices for herself' is one of the legacies of the first Empire, the produce of the Berlin decree, which has struck deep root in the public mind, is strengthened by national prejudices, and which cos's great labour to eradicate." On asking a French gentleman his opinion on these statements, he exclaimed, "The writer, I suppose, would like everybody to sell with out profit, for everybody's benefit—everybody to rush into the streets and empty his pockets for the gain of everybody ! Frenchmen know better than that." The First Napoleon maintained that every sovereign or minister ought to acquire all the special advantages possible for the country over which he ruled, and to hold the national interests of his own country paramount. Addressing O'Meara at St. Helena, Napoleon said :—" The world is too enlightened to allow you to usurp the whole of the trade and manufactures. I, myself, during my reign, gave up neat five hundred convents, with out any payment, to individuals, on the sole condi tion of their engaging to establish a manufactory in each. Moreover, I lent them out of my own pocket upwards of fifty millions of francs to enable them to go cn, which they were to retain for nine years, without paying any interest—after which term the principal was to be returnee. In England your machines are so numerous that in a short time you would have had no occasion for bands You were obliged to have recourse to the aid of machinery because the necessaries of life are twice as dear in England as on the Continent, and your taxes six times greater, and also because other nations have them. Otherwise you could not have sold your manufactures as cheap as they could, and conse quently would not find purchasers. In Germsny and Switzerland, for example, there were a great number of machines." It thus appears that a system of national policy so exceedingly reprehen sible on the authority of the Times correspondent was, in the estimation of the First Napoleon, founded on knowledge and patriotism. It is notorious that France watched with intense interest the Free-trade discussion in England, from the presentation of the celebrzted merchants' petition in 1820 to the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1810. She looked on the opening of British markets as favourable to her industrial interests. Some of the most acute free writers of the age have been French men—conspicuously among these Bastiat and Che valier. Argument and experiment have not changed her opinion and practice. The present Emperor, powerful in most respects beyond precedent, is powerless against Protection. The fact is instructive. 437 Open the sea-board of France, and in a month, in some kinds of productions, ber markets will be keenly contested by British merchants. She knows the result—England knows it—to her ;it could not fail to be favourable. England has been knocking at the door of France for many years ; the answer is today what it has long been, "You must, for such articles as we do not totally prohibit, pay from twenty to thirty per cent. for the privilege." Eng land, on the other hand, taxes her citizens the more heavily for the loss of import duties, and welcomes all the world to sell against her in her own markets. Whether Free Trade be right or wrong, the irnpor tance of the circumstances narrated by the Times correspondent remains unaltered. Our nearest neigh bour, "our faithful ally," peremptorily refuses to follow our example. In France. for upwards of a century, there have been a few Free-traders, but the national feeling has been on the other side. Revolution has followed revolution—dynasty has followed dynasty—change has been the order of the day—but Protection continues supreme. This is the answer which experience gives to theory. " Open your ports," said the Free traders, " and all the world will hasten to follow your example." In 1840, this was done. " Modify the import duty on British iron imported into France," say the French iron masters, " and we refuse you allegiance!" In 1858, the French ironmasters continue to triumph ; Napoleon 111. continues to capitulate. These things notwithstanding, the leading Free traders, through their organ the Times, are absolutely ferocious if their prophetic judgment be impugned, or the wisdom of their policy doubted ! It is reason.ibly to be assumed that the Timer correspondent has good grounds for his affirmation that the French Emperor is " notoriously favourable to the principles of Free Trade." The columns of the Times bear frequently very direct evidence that the Emperor is "noto riously favourable" to liberty, the enemy of titles, the supporter of free discussion, instead of all those public institutions and theories of which English "Liberals" are prone to boast. The proof of the notoriety is in the Emperor's own writings, deliberately republished after ample time for correc tion and improvement. The opposite practioe in France is equally notorious; no doubt the Emperor in all such cases finds his defence in necessity. For this " necessity," Englishmen who sell merchandise in France must put their hands in their pockets. In every important nation in the world a similar " necessity" is maintained. Old John Bull pays for all. No wonder that occasionally his nether garments show that he is losing in flesh, and that after doing an immense export trade, his pockets are empty. John's instructors of the " New Broom School" have convinced him that Free Trade must be right; therefore, until John can pay no longer, no doubt his mentors will recommend him to con tinue the practice. It is just possible that rich, stubborn, and proud as John undoubtedly is, he may get tired of " buying, selling, and living on the loss ; " the more readily so, that while his profits diminish, his taxes and debts increase ! Once thoroughly restive, John will make a plunge without much regard to philosophic treatises or Manchester orators. On. what side will depend very much upon surrounding circumstances. One thing is quite clear—John cannot for ever continue to pay fair wages to his workmen, and high taxes to his ' rulers out of low profit. Fair profits cannot possibly exist i under a system of trade which places all other sellers on an equality in British markets, and John on an inequality, and which takes from him one yard out of every three or five of his cottons, woollens, &c., in every important market beyond the limits of his own territory.-1 am, sir, your obedient servant, May Ist, 1851. FAIR TRADE. THE VERY REV. Slit WILLIAM COCKBURN, DEAN OP YORK, died on the 30th ult. at Kelston, Somerset shire, of whirl he was rector, at an advanced age. The late dean was third son of Sir James Cockburn, eighth baronet, by his second wife Augusta Anne, daughter of the Very Rev. Francis Ayscough, D.D., Dean of Br'stol, and preceptor to George 111., and brother of the late Admiral Sir George Cockburn, Bart., G.C.8., and of General Sir James Cockburn, Bart., G.C.B. He was educated at St. John's College, Cambridge, and obtained a fellowship of that college; he graduated as B.A in 1795, when he was 19th Wrangler, M.A. in 1798, and was made a D.D. in 1823. The rev. deceased was Christian advocate to the University of Cam bridge in 1803, and was in 1822 appointed Dean of York, and in 1832 appointed rector of Kelston. He married first in 1805 Miss Peel, second daughter of Sir Robert Peel, Bart., and sister of the late eminent statesman; and, secondly, in 1839 (his first wife having died in 1829), Miss Pearce, daughter of Colonel Pearce, of Harley-hall, Cambridgeshire. The late dean succeeded to the baronetcy on the death of his brother, Admiral Sir George Cockburn, in 1853. Failing male issue the baronetcy devolves upon his nephew, Sir Alex. Cockburn, the Lord Chief Just of the Common Pleas. 17 17 rgill ice