The Press. — London, England, 1858-02-20 00:00:00

176 State towards the maintenance of the fabrio of churches. _ _ _ _ Mr. BALL argued that the Dissenters of all classes outnumbered Churchmen, and they would willingly make voluntary contributions for the repair of churches if relieved from a compulsory tax that weighed upon their conscience. Mr. DRUMIIOND observed that there was no room for an amendment of the bill in committee, as sug gested by Sir A. Elton; the bill abolished church rates, which was equivalent to abolishing the Church; but he thought it would be more manly in its oppo• nents to bring forward a proposition to get rid of the bishops and tithes, and everything that constituted the National Church; but do not let them come in this poor, larcenous, sneaking way, and talk about conscience in the matter. Conscience, indeed The buildings belonging to the National Church must be supported as national property, exactly on the same ground as they supported the building in which they were assembled, the royal palaces, the British Museum, and other public buildings. If they did away w:th that support, then certainly the voluntary principle would come in. If we were to have a national church at all the fabric of the churches must be sustained. Lord STANLEY thought that Mr. Drummond had been unfortunate in an argument he hail used, that the voluntary principle was incompatible with an establishment. He (Lord Stanley) had always heard from the warmest friends of the Establishment that its endowments were inadequate, and that volun tary efforts must be relied on. Lord R. Cecil's argument, likewise, drawn from the paucity of parishes in which rates had been refused, was de fective ; lie had omitted from his calculation the parishes in which no rates had been refused, because none could be raised. Ho believed that from a very large majority of the population of England church rates were not actually levied. If so, here was a grievance requiring legislative interference, and lie felt that he had no option but to support this bill. Sit G. GREY'S opinion was that, in legislating upon the subject, the house must recognise as an aecom• plished fact the actual aboliticn of these rates in certain parishes, yet should not deprive other parishes of the power of levying them. He should propose, likewise, to exempt Dissenters having conscientious scruples from payment of church rates, to empower churchwardens to place a rent upon a certain num ber of pews, and to give power to landowners to charge their estates with the payment of a contribu tion by way of rate towards the maintenance of the church. These provisions he proposed to embody in a bill, and he objected to the second reading of the present bill. After some observations from Mr. Hope, Mr. Garnett, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Mr. Slaney, and a reply from Sir J. Trelawny, who de. clined to accept the compromise proposed by the Government, the house divided, when the second reading was carried by 213 to Dm. The bill was then read a second time. Mr. BLAND obtained leave to bring in a bill to limit the time [of prescription in certain cases in Ireland. The house adjourned at half-past five o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS—TnunsD . ►r. The Earl of FIFE (late Mr. Duff) took the oaths and his seat as Baron Skene. TII E MILITIA. The Earl of CARNARVON moved for certain returns relating to the embodied militia. In the army estimates for the ensuing year only 150,0001. was taken on account of the militia force. This he com puted would suffice to keep on foot only 5,000 men, a force which he considered quite inadequate for the necessities of the country. There were now forty seven militia regiments embodied, comprising nearly 10,000 men ; and he inquired whether these corps were to be disbanded, or what the Government pro posed to do with them' Lord PANNURE stated that 150,000/. had been fixed upon as being sufficient to maintain 10,000 militiamen for six months. This, it was thought, would be sufficient. Recruits were flowing in rapidly to the army. Since January 1, 5,500 had enlisted, and in the last week more than 2,000. At this rate it was anticipated that the militia regiments might safely be sent to their homes in a month or two more . According to the reports of the most ex perienced officers in India,the position of affairs had so much improved, that it would not be necessary to send out any more regiments. The sanitary con dition of the army in Hindostan was also excellent, and he believed that new drafts of about :.500 men per month would fill up the chasm produced in the course of service. This supply would be regularly furnished ; but, as the hot and unhealthy season set in, it was proposed to send the new levies in the first instance to the Cape or Ceylon, where they enjoy the advantage nt a salubrious climate, and yet be at hand in case they were wanted in liintiostan. THE PRESS, FEBRUARY 20, 1858. The Earl of HARDWICKE suggested that, consider ing all things, the war in India and the state of our foreign relations, a larger embodied militia force would be desirable. Tho returns were ordered. Lord BROUGHAM laid on the table a bill reforming the law of bankruptcy and insolvency, as regarded the county district courts. The bill proposes to give a jurisdiction in bankruptcy in certain districts to the present county courts. A main object of the measure is to localise the administration of the law of bankruptcy in the same manner as the general ad ministration of justice. The LORD CHANCELLOR would not promise to adopt the bill, but would give it his best con sideration. _ _ _ Lord STANLEY of Ar.nEnr,EY stated that the Go vernment intended to propose a bill that would facilitate settlements in bankruptcy cases by agree meat between the debtor and creditors, by which it was hoped much loss of funds by litigation would be prevented. Their lordships then adjourned. DOUSE OF COMMONS—Tattnsmy. NEW MEMBER. Major Onvix took the oaths and his seat for the borough of Limerick in the room of Mr. Sergeant O'Brien. Lord PALMERSTON presented a petition from the inhabitants of Dublin, represented at a public meet ing, and signed by the Lord Mayor, praying that the office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland might not be abolished. GENERAL WINDHAM. Lord PALMERSTON, in reply to Sir E. Codrington, said that an inquiry into the Cawnpore affair was now going on in India ; "and I believe," added the noble lord, " I am justified in Raying that Sir Colin Campbell is satisfied that General Windham dis played on this, as he has done on all other occasions, the qualities for which he is so much distinguished." INDIA. The adjourned debate upon the India Bill was resumed by Colonel SYKES, who vindicated the character of the East India Company from the as persions of Sir G. Lewis, entered into lengthened statistical revenue details to show how false were the conclusions of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and defended the administration of the East India Company upon every point. Sir C. Noon adverted to the changes in the system of Indian administration effected in 1833, which, lie observed, were precisely in the same direction as those now proposed. It was left open to Parliament at that time, without breach of faith, or any incon sistency with the Act of 1853, to do that which many thought was then indispensable,—namely, to govern India in the name of the Queen. He must, he said, do the Court of Directors the justice to acknowledge that when President of the Board of Control he had found them most able and willing, and nothing an taronistic on their part—" they were as good a council as a man could have "—but there must be a better mode of choosing a council for India than by the proprietors of Eat India Stock. He saw no reason why the same wise and just policy which had been hitherto pursued should not be hereafter con tinued when India was ruled in the name of the Queen—a change which he thought justified by the occurrence of circumstances of sufficient importance. A larger number of European troops must be main tained in India; those troops should be Queen's, and, in order to put an end to jealousies, the whole army in India should be the Queen's army. Altogether, considering that all delays and shortcomings were attributed to the double Government, it would be wise to place the government of India at once, and especially now, in the Crown, and to carry it on in the name of the Sovereign. Mr. WlLLotriamav cited returns exhibiting the enormous extent, population, revenue, and commerce of India, and entreated the house not to disturb the foundation of so magnificent an empire, whose ac quisition, notwithstanding all that had been said to the contrary, be considered entirely the work of the East India Company. He defended the double Go- vernment, and deprecated changes which would render India, with its rich patronage, a prize for competition among political parties in this country. Mr. CAMPBELL, having spent many years in India, was assured that the transfer of government from the Company to the Queen would prove most benefi cial, and be highly popular in that country. Sir E. BUMPIER LirrroN characterised the measure as "audacious, incomplete, and unconsidered." It was audacious, inasmuch as it converted an adminis trative body which arrested every unwise act of the Executive Government into a set of " irresponsible nominees of the Minister of the day." It was in complete, because it did not give " a single security for that wholesome restraint on d es p ot i c an d pre cipitate enactments " effected by the checks proposed to be removed. And it was "unconsidered," because the proposed number of the council would be wholly unable to set through the practical business of their office, and becatise, while the Government assert e d that the measure will not add t o their patronage, that patronage would be eno rmous l y increased, and-e of a character peculiarly da ngerous, for it would change as required red a o apply to members of that hou se . B ut, b esides the actual demerits of the measur e , Si r E . B. Lytton raging.unprop unpropitious state t o of war urged a strong preliminary objecti on to i ts introduc. lrion a t a was still time so exceptional treatment and prompt action ; and he objected to legislate for the permanent necessities of peace when the accidental exigencies of war were paramount. In its normal condition, the Government of a country should be guided by prudence and deli beration, and he believed that the very series of checks and counterchecks now complained of had really saved the British empire in India from the many fatal blun lers which would have been com mitted by a rash Minister had lie had for his only advisers the "complaisant nominees " of himself and his party. Political changes among Orientals were always suspected, and to change in the midst of a rebellion would be regarded as a compromise with the rebels. It was alleged by Lord Palmerston and Sir C. Lewis that under the existing system there was no responsibility ; whereas the argument of Sir C. Wood, whose speech that night had answered his speech in 1853, tended to show that the whole responsibility rested upon the President of the Board of Control. The evils of the double Government had never occurred to Lord Palmerston, till when! Till any check or countercheck whatever threatened to be extremely inconvenient to the single Govern ment of the noble lord. But supposing the,re were defects in the present system—supposing the mode of communication between the two boards to be too prolix, could not these defects be cure.' without destroying the East India Company? Assuming that they could not, was he therefore to accept the " miserable substitute " which Government pro posed ?-- Am I therefore obliged to accept the principle of your bill? Why, the hon. member for Reigate himself, though he is going to vote for the bill, said he would not accept its details. (Cheers.) Did he not tell the bone that he would wish the council to be more independent—that it should be constituted not by nomination but by some principle of election ? ( Cheers.) Why, sir, is that a mere detail of the bill ? Look at the bill ! Nomination is its principle, its very axletree. (Hear, hear.) It is said that you may get the same men as now form the ornament of the Court of Directors to sit in your new council, so that the highest inducement held out to you is that you may possibly get for your new council a por tion of the wisdom which now distinguishes that board which you are called upon to abolish. (Laughter and cheers.) Ido not believe that any of the more eminent directors will condescend to sit as mere Ministerial nomi nees at that board which you proposed to institute. [Mr. V. Smith made a gesture of dissent.] The right hon. gentleman the President of the Board of Control shakes his head. I don't know whether there is much in it to shake. (Roars of laughter.) But suppose some of these men do sit at the board you propose, can you not recognise the immense distinction between a board animated by an honest pride in its own independent existence, in the glory of an ancient name, and generously emulous to vie with the Queen's Government in the excellence of its ap pointments, ar.il a council composed of exactly the rune men, but having no permanence in their dignity, and no pride in the exercise of their functions? Take the tight most eminent men in this House of Parliament; place them as members of a legislative council in the court of some neighbouring absolute sovereign, do you mean to tell me that they would then have anything like the seine high spirited intelligence, the same pure and noble feeling of re- . sponaibility as those by which they are now influenced? No, sir, if you want clerks, call them clerks, and let them be nominated. If you want to have councillors, councillors must be free. (Loud cheers.) • As to the superintending and vigilant wisdom of the house being devoted t 3 the affairs of India, before the House of Commons could habitually interfere with the affairs of India with discrimination and judgment, "it must Orientalise itself; it must learn to look with familiar complacency on an Eastern policy utterly at variance with our own free institutions and at forms of a mythological reli gion which pervade the whole of the Indian character, but which it would be impossible for any one but a philosopher to comprehend ": Depend on it, the house will not incur that danger ; it his not even the leisure to do it. We shall never very actively interfere with the despotism you propose to estab lish, except when we can injure a hostile Governme nt or imitate the Chancellor of the Exchequer and aspers e some illustrious name. (Cheers.) Be that as it may, I content myself now with the simple declaration in the name of common sense that this is the moment not to legislate, but to arm. This is the moment in which we should give to the authority already established for India ail the force of our own unanimity—this is the moment in which we should not be damping the ardour of our people by stig matising our own rule, but encouraging them to pour torth all the force they can muster for the defence of their coun trymen, their women, and their children. (Loud cheers-) Sir, that Indian empire has just passed through the perils of a mutinous army. It is now exposed to the more dan gerous ordeal of an organised fivouritism awl iihbelLY- It was won by the valour and intellect of the middle class. It is for you to say whether, lieuoeforcht it 4114