The Press. — London, England, 1854-07-22 00:00:00

THE PRESS. JULY 22, 1854. THE MEETING OF GOVERNMENT SUPPORTERS. [The extreme inaccuracy of the reports which have appeared in the public press in regard to what took place at the meeting in Downing•street, on Tuesday last, has caused considerable annoyance to the Government. It was, indeed, matter of gentlemanly understanding that no report whatever was to be given of the proceed ings, but a glance at some of the names of those who attended shows how very unlikely it was that any such pledge would be respected. Long but unfaithful versions of the speeches were promulgated, and the Government have taken what, in our opinion is the wisest course, in supplying to the papers the official shorthand notes of wh at took place. We hasten to give prominence to the document we have received.] A MEETING of the usual supporters of the Government was held in Downing-street, at the private residence of the First Lord of the Treasury, at one o'clock on Tuesday last. The meeting was called by circulars, which were issued on the preceding Friday, and the object of it will be readily collected from the observations of the several speakers. About 180 members of the House of Commons were present, and twenty-two members of the Government. Lord JOHN RUSSELL began by observing that he supposed honour able gentlemen knew tolerably well why they had been called together. He begged to inform them, most unhesitatingly, that the sort of thing which had now been going on for several months would not do. The Government were regularly and invariably beaten three times a week, and sometimes oftener, and he could not bring himself to regard their position as constitutional. He was quite aware that the merits of the Government were in no degree affected by the mere accident of a few more gentlemen going into one of Sir Charles Barry's lobbies than into the other; but still the country had, from the time of the Revolu tion, learned to look upon the numbers in a division as significant of the state of feeling in the House, and, therefore, it would very much oblige him if honourable gentlemen would, if it wore only for the fun of the thing, allow a strong Government now and then to appear in a majority. A Vows : You never give us a chance. Lord JOHN RUSSELL was much obliged to the speaker, whose voice he recognised, for that interpellation. He admitted that Government did not often give their supporters a chance, and that was the very reason why those supporters should show themselves energetic and loyal. If Government had presented a series of measures required by the country and framed in statesmanlike fashion, where would be the merit of voting for them? It would, in that case, be impossible not to support them. Why, even the Opposition had helped them to im prove and to pass the only measure which was worth anything. He meant the Oxford Bill. What the Government wanted was the kind of support which would prevent them from being, as at present, a laughing-stock to the country. A Voice: Prorogue. Lord JOHN RUSSELL could assure honourable members that Government were eager to do so at the very earliest opportunity, and no sacrifice would be considered too great that got rid of the surveil lance of Parliament. That was, as must have been observed, what they were driving at with all their might, with morning sittings and two-o'clock houses. But still money must be had; the estimates were not yet passed ; and he wanted a vote of credit for the war. The instant this was accomplished they should see how the session would be huddled up. But, as he had said, their supporters must stand by them, and prevent awkward questions from being raised. This was what he had desired to say. If any member had any inquiries to make he should be happy to give him satisfaction. Baron ROTHSCHILD wished to inquire why he had been brought there that day? And, while he was upon the subject, he would ask what Lord J. Russell designed to do with the Jew claims? Lord J. RUSSELL said that the Baron had been invited as a com pliment to an eminent and suffering martyr in the cause of civil and religious liberty. As regarded the second question, he could only say that he had been so ignominiously defeated in his endeavour to thrust the Jews into Parliament that he had decided upon referring, for the future, to the past, instead of trying to get such a measure passed in future. ( The subject fell to the ground, while the Baron was vainly trying to comprehend this.) Mr. HUME wished to know what were the Noble Lord's intentions as to reform in Parliament. Lord J. RUSSELL : Et tu, Brute ! Mr. HUME said that that was quite satisfactory. But, after some minutes, having got Mr. J. G. Phillimore to explain to him what the words meant, he said that they were not satisfactory at all. Mr. VERNON SMITH said that he was very much dissatisfied with proposed appointment of a Minister of War. Either himself or )rd Palmerson—or, he might say, either Lord Palmerston or him. f—ought to have had the o ffi ce; but he preferred himself , because Palmerston had a good deal on his hands, whereas he (Mr. V. Ith) had nothing on his hands except white kid gloves. He also lught Government had behaved in a very cowardly way as regarded admission of Dissenters to Oxford. .~.:~ 685 Lord J. RUSSELL said the Dissenters liked that, because they could come to Oxford from Coward College. Mr. HoRsMAN said that he liked Lord John Russell very well, but it was most unfortunate that Lord Aberdeen should be Premier, because, from his well-known views, they could not expect that the war could be carried on in a befitting manner. He should, therefore, vote for the Government. Mr. BRIGHT said that he had great confidence in Lord Aberdeen, whose opinions were exactly his (Mr. Blight's) own, namely, that Russia ought to be allowed to do what she pleased with Turkey, and that peace should be concluded, at any price, at the earliest possible moment. He should therefore vote for the Government. Lord DUDLEY STUART said that he had not the least confidence in Lord Aberdeen, who truckled to Russia in a most cowardly manner ; but differences of opinion should never alter friendship, and he should, therefore, vote for the Government. Mr. LAYARD said that Austria had certainly sold us, and that this was tho result of Lord Aberdeen's insincerity and awkwardness. He should, therefore, vote for the Government. Mr. W. J. Fox said that Ministers had behaved in the most un pardonable manner on the subject of education, and, therefore, he should vote with the Government. Sir BENJAMIN HALL said that, as an old Reformer, he felt it his duty to protest against the insufficient measure of reform which had been introduced, against the spiritless way in which it had been advo cated, and the dastardly way in which it had been abandoned, and he added that he should certainly vote with the Government. Mr. LABOUCHERF said that, feeling, as he had always done, that the settlement of the great question of pauperism was one of the most important which had ever come before Parliament, and being justly indignant at the way it had been treated by the Ministers , he should deem it his duty to support the Government. Mr. CHAMBERS said that, in consequence of the shameful manner in which the Government had given up the reform of the testamentary jurisdiction system, he should certainly vote with them. Mr. W. A. WILKINSON said that the course which Government had taken in regard to rendering divorce cheap entitled them to the eon• tempt of the country, and to his vote. Lord JOHN RUSSELL then said that the opinions he had heard expressed had given him no great satisfaction, but that the result to which they pointed had been highly gratifying. No doubt most Honourable Members would recollect that, when he had made a certain speech about the tyrannical character of the Roman Catholio Church, some of his Roman Catholic colleagues complained to Lord Aberdeen, who snubbed him very decidedly. He (Lord John Russell) had said in the House, in alluding to the disavowal of his opinions by the Government of which he was a member, that, provided people came to the same vote, it did not signify that they were actuated by different reasons. He could repeat that statement to-day. Almost every speaker had condemned the Government, but had also promised to support it. That was what he wanted. And now they would be good enough to go down to the House in a body, and take care that no unfavourable criticism upon the new arrangement in regard to the Secretary at War should be heard on their side of the House. Mr. VINCENT SCULLY then rose to address the meeting on the sub ject of tenant right, but had barely introduced his subject in some neat opening sentences, occupying about an hour and a quarter, when the assemblage separated, to the Honourable Member's exceeding disgust. the p. Lord self— Lord Smitl thoug the Et - _ "WANTED A HEAD." "What Is wanted Is one supreme head, who, taking Into view the different w*nts and require ments of the several particular departments, shall lead them with full information and decision to a final conclusion."—Lord J. Burial in the House of Commons, July 17th, 104. " Wanted a Head "—for the session's near out, And there's little to show what the talk's been about, For some bills have been shelved, and some others been lost, And we can't tell the end of the war or its cost, And we've pruned some departments, and others increased, Until ncbody knows his own business the least. So at last to the startling conclusion we're led, That to put matters straight there is wanted a head. " Wanted a Head " that is fitted for work, That can promulgate aid and advice to the Turk, That can make both ends meet without further expense, And make Bernal Osborne write grammar and sense ; Show Newcastle what is and is not in his line, Make Gladstone's opinions with Molesworth's combine, Dictate a despatch which is fit to be read, For odd matters of such a sort—wanted a head " Wanted a Head."—That at present in use Has exposed us of late to such heaps of abuse, Grown so addled and stupid in hatching new schemes, And so fond of explaining its visions and dreams, That we fear it's approaching that last scene of all When the wits of old men into nothingness fall. So its place to supply, and do good in its stead, And to keep us in office, there's wanted a head. I I I f 4 I 3 / 4 ‘ 1••••-• ~