The Press. — London, England, 1854-02-25 00:00:00

:4 1 I.,Art/ r Zbt No. 43.—VoL. 11. LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1854. PRICE SIXPENCE. gly Vrtss. TONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1854. i •.. THE parliamentary papers and discussions have thrown a considerable, but by no means a complete, light upon the state of forcign affairs. As this journal, from the commence ment of those transactions which now absorb the attention of Europe, predicted their im portance, then generally depreciated ; and as we have on many occasions imparted intelli gence as to the course of events which, ques tioned at the moment, has subsequently proved to be as accurate as it was weighty, we shall take this opportunity of placing before our readers what we believe to be the real cir cumstances that have led to the present pe• rilous situation. The English and the Russian Governments mutually accuse each other of bad faith. Lord JOHN RUSSELL and Lord PALMERSTON say that the conduct of Count NESSELRODE has been " fraudulent " and " false ;" Count NESSELRODE, on the other hand, repeating the declaration of his Imperial master, and confirmed in his statement by Count ORLOFF, by Baron ME - YE NDORFF, and by Baron BRUNOW, declares that the catastrophe has been solely occa sioned by a want of moral courage on the part of Lord ABERDEEN, which prevented his ful filling a policy he believed to be right, and which he had agreed with the Emperor of RUSSIA to accomplish. Let us see whether we can reconcile these strange recriminations. The Russian statement is, that shortly after the accession of Sir ROBERT PEEL to power, when the prospect was generally entertained of England being governed by that Minister fora period as long as the Administrations of WALPOLE and PITT, very confidential commu nications took place between the Courts of St.. James' and St. Peterikburg on the state of the Turkish empire, then'yery critical. The Em peror of RUSSIA, anxious to consolidate an in timate alliance with England, was desirous that some mutual understanding should be ar rived at between the two countries on asubject so fertile of misconceptions as the Ottoman Porte. With these views the Emperor pro posed on his part a renunciation of , any fur ther attempts to diminish the territorial area of the Sultan's dominions, and indicated that the means by which he contemplated main • taining that influence at Constantinople, which from his geographical position was a neces sity, should be by protecting the religious rights of the subjects of the Porte who were of the Greek communion. Lord ABERDEEN was our Foreign Minister when these negotiations took place. They were of a duration becoming the gravity of the case. Eventually the Emperor of RUSSIA visited this country, that there should be no misunderstanding as to his views and feel ings, and that he should personally guarantee them. The Russian statement is, that Lord ABERDEEN not only assented to the plans of the Emperor with respect to the Greek Church in Turkey, but expressed his convic tion that the solution of " the Eastern ques tion " must be found, not in violence, but in the development of the Christian races, whose privileges and influence should in every way be encouraged, so that the Turks might disap pear before their increased numbers and pros perity. The Russians maintain that they have ever literally fulfilled this engagement. When, however, the indiscreet claims of France with respect to the Holy Places were urged at the end of 1852, it became necessary that the rights of the Greek Church should also be vindicated, and Russian interference became inevitable. Ere this controversy was entirely settled Lord ABERDEEN acceded to power, and the Emperor thought it a good opportunity to advance those more comprehensive purposes which he knew the English Prime Minister approved. Lord ABERDEEN had been out of office for seven years. This was the first occasion on which the Emperor of RUSSIA could act upon the policy, with reference to the Greek Church in Turkey, partly suggested and entirely sanctioned by the English Minis ter. Unfortunately, however, Lord PALMERS TON was the colleague of Lord ABERDEEN—a coincidence which never had been contem plated even in the longsighted councils of St. Petersburg. Notwithstanding this mischance, affairs, however, proceeded to the satisfaction of the Emperor. They proceeded in unison with the understanding which, according to the Rus sian statement, was established between the Emperor and Lord ABERDEEN during the Peel Ministry. This will explain the demeanour and peculiar expressions of Count NESSELRODE now considered " fraudulent" by Lord JOHN RUSSELL, the frequent references in the diplo matic papers to the personal assurances of the Emperor of RUSSIA, never produced, and the disregard of the communications of our own Ministers by Lord CLARENDON, who, acting throughout under the immediate instructions of Lord ABERDEEN, never even required from the Russian Cabinet a definition of their in• teutions. So faithful was Lord ABERDEEN to the " arrangement " that on Friday, May the 20th, the Times, in one of those articles on foreign affairs which lend to the columns of that eminent journal so much interest and authenticity, announced to a public little aware then of the importance of the avowal, that all was arranged, and that " the Menachi " koff ultimatum hal been accepted --fisrats " Porte" ! J The withdrawal of MENSCHIKOFF and the passage of the Pruth took the question out of the Foreign-office, and made it one of constant Cabinet consultation. " The integrity and in " dependence " of Turkey was now on the carpet. During the whole of this agitated period only a very small minority of the Ministers counselled a decisive demonstration in favour of the Pcrte. It mainly consisted, we believe, of Lord PALMERSTON, earnestly supported by Lord JOHN RUSSELL and by the venerable Lord LANSDOWNE. Lord ABERDEEN was obstinate and obscure, but carried for the time his point. He persisted in maintaining that the invasion of the principalities was not intended as a permanent aggression ; and in this he was right. He was confident in the Emperor's word ; and he was also aware that, if conquest were efittemplated, the Russians would have acted in a much more decisive man ner, and have carried the capital by a coup-de main from the Black Sea. The despatch of Lord CLARENDON at the end of July, 18r)3, to Lord STRATFORD, in which, • in answer to the remonstrances of the Ambas sador, he declares his opinion that Turkey would perish in the war undertaken by Eng land and France for her defence, proves that, from the beginning, Lord ABERDEEN had resolved not to admit that " the integrity add independence " of the Porte could be menaced by anything but territorial conquest. Thus, tenacious of his purpose, we have, at a subse quent period, the Vienna note, which it is too absurd to call a blunder, and which se cured to the Emperor all he desired ; and at a still later period, notwithstanding the exer tions of Lord STRATFORD, denounced, in their private conversations, by the followers of Lord ABF.EDEEN as " the author of all the mis chief ; " notwithstanding the victories of the Danube and the massacre of Sinope ; we have the Turkish propositions, in themselves a great concession to Russia, but which the successes of the Turks prevented the Emperor accepting. Had his troops stormed Kalafat, the Czar would have voluntarily relinquished the provinces, and have retired content with any form of the Menschikoff note which he might have secured. The Russians maintain that the want of courage and frankness of Lord ABERDEEN — first of all in not more candidly instructing Lord STRATFORD as to his real policy ; secondly, in not insisting on the acceptance by the Porte of the Vienna note, the scheme of which he had approved for months—has brought about the present lamentable state of affairs. If this be the true state of the case, we cannot accept the ingenious alternative of credulity or connivance suggested by Mr. DuntAxtt in the late debate, and must account for the result by the fact that Lord ABERDEEN, prompted, no doubt, by conscientious motives, has, from the first, been labouring for the ac complishment of that Russian policy which the world is now going to war to prevent. He has been influenced to this resolution by a belief that the Porte was an effete Govern ment, and that Turkey, as the land of the Turks, was an exhausted country. In this he has made, not only a great mistake, but the greatest mistake that a statesman can fall into. He has persisted in it for more than a quarter of a century, until, at the end of his career, fate has ordained that, as the Minister of the most powerful country in the world, he should act upon his convictions. He finds those convictions at variance with facts, and ho is obliged to enter the lists with Russia instead of assisting her policy of peaceful aggrandise ment. But no mitigated .Menschikoff ultima tum—no Vienna note—no Turkish proposi tion—no methodical manoeuvres of ordinary men—will now suffice. The solution of diffi culties, perpetually postponed by the timidity of statesmen, can no longer be delayed. The seat of empire and the destiny of man are the awful themes, and they fall to feeble hands-- to one who, in his best hour, was a cold and narrow spirit, and who now, as ho told us, when he unhappily acceded to his present post, has " one foot in the grave." THE NEW REFORM BILL. WHEN Mr. COBDEN was agitating for the repeal of the Corn Laws, he was often mot with the objection, that a theory might be abstractedl just which yet could not be practically applieir with advantage in an old country full of anomalies. The triumphant answer of the . • ‘•