The Press. — London, England, 1858-02-06 00:00:00

I '132 THE PRESS, FEBRUARY 6, 1858. within the law merely for an intention? They could be bound over to the peace; but that would be small security in the case of a I'ierri or Orsini. It would almost appear, therefore, that some new provision must be imported into our law of conspiracy if we would take effectual precautions against a repetition of the late atrocity. Whatever may be done we trust that due regard will be paid to the sanctity of the British soil. With all our detestation of the crime, we must not forget that there is something even still more detestable ; or allow our indignation at a particular atrocity to betray us i nto an erroneous general principle. We cannot conclude our remarks without alluding to the discreditable display Mr. ROEBUCK permitted himself last night. Such a combination of vulgarity and violence is happily rare. The attack upon the character of the Emperor NAPOLEON is wholly unsupported by fact. No one is more grateful for the shelter shown him in past years than the Emperor NAPOLEON, or more aware of the real difficulties surrounding the question of extra. dition. Nothing, we are assured, is farther from his mind than any intention to dictate to England the course to be Pur sued. As Lord PALMERSTON has promised the despatch, it will be unnecessary to discuss the point at any length, but we believe our readers will not find us misinformed when we state that no specific demands were made by the French Government, but that it was merely explained that great. gratification would be afforded the Emperor if some public assurance could be given through Parliament of our desire to secure an ally from the secret designs of conspirators in these islands. Mr. ROEBUCK complains of the tone of the addresses of the French army. His language last night in the Legislative Assembly of the Nation was (insulting to a degree, and infinitely more inflammatory in its tendency than any we have yet seen in the impromptu addresses from the French Camps. The Government at home and the Governor-General of India have lately been playing au amusing game of battledore and shuttle cock with the Staff of the Indian army. We first hear of Major-General Dupuis being left behind at Calcutta by Sir COLIN CAMPBELL until all the Royal Artillery destined for Bengal should have arrived. We next learn that as soon as he had sent on his troops ho started by horse dilk up the country—that he reached eawnpore in time to share the perils of WINDHAM'S and the glories of Sir Coutes actions—that, although highly extolled in despatches, his presence in camp was merely " accidental "—and, lastly, that he set off on his return to Cal cutta, a distance of 1,446 miles, on the llth of December. Precisely the same course of events—or rather journeys—takes place with Col. HARNESS, who commands the Royal Engineers. He also came, saw, and returned. But even if any reason did exist for the removal of these officers from the scene of action, it might have been supposed that at any rate the man who accompanied the Commander-in-Chief up the country, who commanded the artillery from the commencement of the advance on Lucknow to the final victory at Cawnpore —whose con duct had been mentioned repeatedly in terms of the highest eulogy — it might have been imagined that he at least would have been left in peace. Not so. Brigadier CRAWFORD is ordered to proceed imme diately to China! Are the means of transport at the disposal of the Government of India so unlimited that it can afford carriages for the conveyance of three superior officers and their respective staffs " there and back again "—i.e., a total distance of nearly 3,000 miles ? Or are we to suppose that there is such a paucity of officers in China that the addition of one of Brigadier CILAWFORD'S rank is imperatively necessary ? This can hardly be, for the force in China was considered to be so over-officered that Lieutenant'General ASHBURNHAM, Colonel WETHERALL, the Deputy-Quartermaster-General, and Colonel PLICEN• HAM, the Deputy-Adjutant-General, were ordered to India by the Home Government, and were compelled to sail from Hong Kong when the expedition which they had organised was on the point of com mencing active operations. Having thus obeyed the call of duty without a murmur, they probably expected that their presence at Calcutta would be hailed with welcome, and that they would at once be posted to high commands. When, however, they arrived, the Governor-General informed them that he was overwhelmed with officers, and that every place was filled up. General ASHBURNHAM was, indeed, offered a quiet post in the Punjaub, far removed from the scene of action, and where the climate had twice proved nearly fatal to his constitution. The result is that the General is in London — that Colonel PAKENHAM is kicking his heels in the Adjutant-General's office at Calcutta, with nothing to do but lament pretty loudly over the utter want of method and organisation which prevails—and that Colonel WETHERALL, after another voyage in search of employment, is in pity allowed by Lord ELPHINSTONE to discharge the duties of Deputy-Adjutant-General at Bombay as a temporary measure. The combined excellence and novelty of these arrangements is such that ordinary mortals do not attempt to comprehend them, but, while lost in admiration, are doubtful whether to assign the credit to the military skill of the Premier, the ardent desire of Lord PANMURE to place " the "right man in the right place," or the unrivalled topographical knowledge of Mr. VERNON SMITH, who, having imagined that Delhi could be com pletely surrounded by 2,000 men, may naturally be supposed to have believed that Cawnpore was within an easy day's journey of Calcutta, and that Hong Kong lay on the eastern shore of the Bay of Bengal. The definite launch of the Leviathan is a matter for the sinceres t satisfaction. The ship has become a subject of national interest, and any real failure to get her afloat would have been regarded as a national misfortune. Since the first effort to launch her, great interest has been felt in every subsequent attempt; but the accidents and delays have been so numerous and so provoking that the croakers for some weeks past have enjoyed an opportunity which, we are bound THE WEEK. THE Session has been opened with a languor on the part of Ministers that does not promise well for the work they have under taken to perform. Tho tone taken by Lord Garatvir.ts in the Lords, Lord PALMERSTON in the Commons, and Lord GRANVILLE'S attempt to adjourn the House of Lords a few minutes after it had assembled, was eminently unsatisfactory. One might even suppose that it had already been resolved that one of the two great measures announced shall be put off to another year. Yet, after the solemn pledges that have been made, and the sort of credit that has been drawn upon, in their supposed ability to carry the two Bills of Reform for England and India, we do not see how it is possible for Ministers to retreat from the responsibilities which they have incurred, unless they mean to disappoint completely the expectations which they have awakened. We have, indeed, reason to believe that Ministers are not even yet decided upon the extent of the measure they are pledged to propose for the future government of India. Lord PALMERSTON, upon this ques• tion, has exhibited the usual amount of arrogance and pusillanimity, indiscretion and cunning, which make up his policy upon all great questions affecting the honour or interests of the country. It would appear that when first the abolition of the East India Company was mooted among Ministers, nothing short of total abolition was accepted by the majority of the Cabinet. The proposal, we are bound to state, was firmly opposed from the first by a small but resolute minority, who, with more sagacity and less vacillation than their chief, objected to accept a crude and hasty measure. Lord PALMERSTON, never theless, sent for the Directors, and with jocular bluster condescended to inform them that he should shortly abolish the great Company whose affairs they administered. Thus ended the first act of this highly instructive drama. The preliminaries of the Bill having been at length settled, and after a vain effort to obtain the invaluable assist ance of Sir JAMES Mxtviu., the Secretary to the Court or Directors, the drawing up the Bill was intrusted, we believe, to Sir C. TREVELYAN. The Court of Directors then applied to Lord PALMERSTON for some informa tion concerning the measure about to be proposed for the abolition of the Company they represented. The impertinence of Lord PALMERSTON'S reply then is only surpassed by his cringing tone now. He refused to give any information concerning the Bill he proposed to introduce for the abolition of the Company. "The arrangements of the measure " which her Majesty's Government mean to propose will be best " explained when that measure shall be submitted to the consideration "of Parliament." In less than three weeks afterwards, and before that Parliament so pompously appealed to had even assembled, Lord PAL imams, perceiving the current of popular opinion to set in against him as the legislator for India, and receiving alarming reports from the zealous Mr. Hansa, calls a Cabinet' Council in distress, proposes a compromise with the Company, and Mr. VERNON Sutra the next day visits the Board of Directors, and with singular condescension not only exhibits to them the proposed Bill, but ventures to suggest that any obnoxious clause would be struck out upon recommendation. The reply of the Board of Directors, we have reason to believe, was a reply at once as creditable to them as damaging to the Government. After this the public will be better able to estimate Lord PALMERSTON'S remarkable reticence upon a question of such surpassing political im portance. The departure of the Princess FREDERICK WILLIAM of PRUSSIA for her new home was accompanied last Tuesday by such a public de monstration as will long live in her memory. The entire route from Buckingham Palace to the Bricklayer's Arms station was densely lined on either side by the inhabitants of London, who gathered together on this occasion to bid a hearty farewell to the eldest daughter of their Sovereign. Never was popular greeting more warmly expressed, nor good wishes more sincerely given. The cheers of the people thundered along the hne without a break, and many a blessing was invoked upon the head of the youthful Princess, whose known goodness of heart, whose amiableness and affec tion, and whose domestic virtues have so endeared her to her family and friends. Both the Prince and Princess appeared sensibly affected at the unmistakeable heartiness of their reception by so usually undemonstrative and phlegmatic a people. But if that reception was warm in London, at Gravesend it was enthusiastic in the extreme. In her new home the Princess will be received with affectionate warmth. Her extreme youth will enable her to mould herself the more easily to the usages of a foreign Court. Let us hope that her life may be happy, and free for many years from the cares of that sovereigntywhich, in all human probability, she will eventually be called upon to sustain ; but if circumstances tend to place her before long in so prominent a position, while she maintains her station with dignity we feel confident that she will never forget the land of her birth. The new Bill to bo proposed by Ministers on Monday next is na turally an object of some curiosity. The question of conspiracy is en veloped in some degree of doubt, owing to the difficulty of establish ing any overt act. The latest statute bearing on the subject is, we think, that relating to duellists. According to the law on that subject, persons conspiring to fight a duel in England and fighting it abroad, could be brought back again and punished in this country. But then the question is what could be done to them before they in any way proceeded to action. Could they be brought I