The Press. — London, England, 1857-01-03 00:00:00

~"~" t:, r`"""!4• 4l ,tlr.4;qm(owA.s", , T 0; 4 - 7 ) rt,..;.)*: ei!J • • : : ..1 j Q ,4 ti •:, 6,14 LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 3, 1857. mutual concessions, and in this way continu ally diminish the difficußies to be overcome. The arrangement by which the Treaty diffi culties in the present case will be settled, is due, it is said, to the Emperor of the FRENCH: His Government has never taken that ex aggerated view of the importance of the dis puted questions which has prevailed in England. It has refrained from expressing any decided opinion upon the character of the Russian claims ; and for this reason it has been the better able to come forward as a mediator between the two Powers who have been most decided in the expression of their views. The position of France, and the part she has taken in the war, rendered it difficult for the opposing parties to resist her opinion, more particularly as it was offered in a spirit of calmness, moderation, and amity. Russia will yield all those portions of territory which could interfere in any way with the free navi gation of the Danube, but, as a compensation for the loss of the capital of her Bulgarian colonies, she will receive a tract of country which will enable her to found a new capital for them in a convenient situation. This Compror - may not be satisfactory to in ' ; which desired the and which seemed to 1, directly any dif construction of the Government must STAMPED ....SIXPENCE. lINSTAMPED-FIVEPENCE. into closer correspondence, and statesmen lay aside the jealous sentiments which keep nations apart, the probabilities of hostile collision must he diminished. The natural state of mankind is a state of ferocious and unceasing warfare ; and it is only as the higher faculties of reason and conscience obtain predominance over brutal instincts that we can, in international intercourse, expect the principles of an equitable, moderate, and .sagacious policy to prevail. We trust that there are few persons in t country so foolish as to take exception to th compromise which hue been made. The / history of European treaties since the Peace of Westphalia shows how largely every peace that has been made was founded on mutual concession, and on the abandonmentof extreme pretensions. That such spirit has prevailed in the present case is to our mind a strong and most gratifying evidence 'that means will be found to settle the dispute which threatens to disturb Europe in another quarter, and entirely to remove the apprehensions of fur ther disturbance which, lingering after the close of the war, have unfortunately not yet been dispelled. STATUTE LAW AMENDMENT. TT has been authoritatively announced that Law Reform is to occupy a prominent place among the measures to be brought forward by Government in the approaching session. We are glad to hear it ; but when we look back to the failures of the past it is impossible to be sanguine as to the future labours of our pre sent rulers in the great work of Law Amend ment. The truth is that Lord CRANWORTH, though he made a very good nisi-pritsa judge, has failed most deplorably as a legislator.. We believe it may be safely asserted that more real work was done in the way of Law Reform during the ten months that Lord ST. LEONARDS, h eld the Great Seal than his successor has ac complished during his four years' tenure of office. This is now matter of history. But it is not so well known that by far the most im portant measure of Law Amendment now in progress was proposed by, and is now being carried out mainly through the exertions of, certain political opponents of the present Government. This matter requires some ex planation, and as it is one essentially of national interest, we make no apology for laying it before our readers. The condition of the Statute Law of Eng land has long attracted the attention of our most eminent jurists and legislators. BACON, and HALE, and ;BLACKSTONE, have all in suc cessive ages lamented the utter absence of arrangement and design which characterises the national collection of public acts. The evils of which these great men complained have augmented with tenfold rapidity since the number of legislative enactments have increased with the ever-increasing wants and the multiplied transactions of modern society. Many of our old and most important statutes are comprised in a few lines ; many of our modern ones fill a good-sized volume. But this is not the only peculiarity of modern legis lation. In every new act care must, or at least ought to, be taken, that none of its provisions clash with those of any former actomml-ae ever frames it should therefoke be thoroug eioquainted with the entire gententei of _ . .. O' Z 7 No. 192.—V0L. V. Vress. LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 3, 1857. No event could usher in the New Year more auspiciously than a settlement of the dif ferences which have arisen with Russia as to the execution of the Treaty of Paris. Those differences were, it is true, insignificant in themselves, but they had been made the sub ject of such prolonged and angry discussion ; and the views of the Cabinets of England and Russia were so decidedly opposed, that without some moderating influence to reconcile their differences and smoothe their animosity it is probable that war might have broken out afresh. We can now afford to say that there was danger, if the opposed Governments had been left to themselves, that the trivial nature of the matters originally at issue would have been magnitude of their consequences. The cloud in the distance, no bigger than a man's hand, _ _ expands till it overspreads the face of heaven. In the settlement of a perfectly. flew line of frontier, 'from certain geographioal points determined on, it is almost inevitable that ',perplexity will arise when the line comes to .Ihe drawn by actual survey. Such perplexity arose with regard to the Oregon boundary, ' which some years ago threatened to involve us in a war with the United States. The original treaty, determining the frontier, seemed perfectly clear in its terms ; each party could appeal with great plausibility to its provisions in support of its own views, and yet those views were utterly irreconcileable with each other. A great ferment arose ; the attitude of the two Governments became hostile ; and had both persisted in asserting their right, the sword must have determined their dispute. The question was settled—as every such question, short of an appeal to arms, must be settled—by a Compromise. Lord PALMERSTON, we know, vehemently de nounced the compromise, but the common .sense of the two countries laughed his objec tions down. The Ashburton Treaty can never be referred to without a tribute of ad miration to the practical sagacity displayed on both sides in concluding it. Were the Plenipotentiaries who meet in conference to negotiate a peace compelled to wait until every possible chance of future .difference had been removed, it is doubtful whether their labours would ever come to an end. For while they were disputing, armies would remain embodied face to face ; prepara tions for continued hostilities would go on ; and the whole aspect of the war might be totally changed by movements on one side or the other. In every treaty much must be left to mutual good faith; and all those minor points of difference which necessarily arise from giving effect to the great stipulations of a treaty can seldom be arranged except by the sound sense and right feeling which induce Russian Government wrong. make no doubt it will be deemed / satisfactory by that great majority of oqr public who think that in any international differences especially those which naturally arise from giving effect to treaties—it is wise to arrange them by mutual concessions, when they can be made without endangering any principle of stability and without any sacrifice of honour. It was un fortunate that our Government made so much of these boundary differences in the first in stance ; but we are compelled to say that in assenting to the moderate and satisfactory compromise proposed it has acted with great discretion, and in this instance has allowed itself to be guided by principles of statesman ship truly Conservative. This arrangement must lead, we believe, to the complete and final settlement of the Eastern question. The Government to he established in the Principalities may still exercise the skill, and even excite the rivalry, of diplomatists. But now that the rectification of the Russian frontier is disposed of, the work of pacification must proceed, and the stipu lations of the Treaty of Paris must be com plied with. No obstacle exists to the establish ment of friendly relations among the leading Powers of Europe ; and as their interests are on some points diverse, and as it is impossible for them to divest themselves of that vigilance which due consideration for their respective countries enjoins, their good understanding will be a guarantee in itself that their proceed ings in concert will be regulated by supreme and equitable regard for treaty obligations. That conciliatory and moderate spirit which has led to satisfactory settlement in the present instance is a pledge of future tran quillity. The sagacity which has discovered means by which adverse pretensions may be reconciled without humiliation on either part, and in such manner as to make the founda tions of settlement more secure, may reasonably be expected to come into play again should fresh difficulties occur. As Courts are brought been left to themselves, that the trivial nature This Compromise may not I of the matters originally at issue would have the party in this country wb been lost sight of in the hostile feeling engen- humiliation of Russia, and u dered by puts upon them. This is consider it absolutely certain, commonly : Most wirS hate ' itrtsen . Vir e -t- arose as 'to the con •a ,y, that - fire English Eic from causes utterly di*proportioued to the be right and the Russia magnitude of their consequences. The cloud wrong. But we make no d( in the distance, no bigger than a man's hand, deemed entirely satisfactory . _. . . ; t~ . ) r.