The Press. — London, England, 1858-12-25 00:00:00

bad been told that he misunderstood the franchise as it exists in the parishes and municipalities of England. He was told that votes were given in our parish unions in proportion to the property held by the electors. Some electors bad one vote and some as many as six. Ile, however, should not continue such a law, but propose to give one vote only to each person registered as an elector. In Scotland be had learned that lodgers in certain large cities, who paid annually a sum of 101. or more, could obtain a vote fur members of Parliament. This was an excellent provision, and ho saw no reason why it should not be extended to England. As regarded the county repre sentation, be thought the 40s. franchise ought to be granted to Scotland. After referring at great length to the necessity of securing the ballot, Mr. Bright said she most difficult question in the forthcoming Reform Bill would be toe mode of allotting the re presentatives to constituencies. He was not prepared to say what limit he should be disposed to recommend, but he hoped large cities like Glasgow would not be satisfied with the posit!on they held at present. Twenty seven years ago, before the passing of the Reform Act, we were told that such a measure would be dangerous, and that if it became law the King's Government could not be carried on. The same kind of assertion was being used now. It was what Jeremy Bentham had termed the " hokoblin argu ment." He would appeal to the great middle cla:s of this country not to be led away by such assertions, but to act magnimously to their fellow-countrymen, who were not yet possessed of political rights. By giving the working men votes, their self-respect would be immensely increased, and the moral and educational results would be incalculable. Mr. Bright described the operation of the laws of primes geniture and entail, and said he believed that a con sequence of a Reform Bill such as be proposed would be that Parliament would find a remedy for the many evils which arose from the monopoly in land. We should be able to apply to land the same principles of political economy which we had already applied so successfully to trade. Again, we should be able to control the national expenditure, particularly that portion which arises out of our diplomacy and our foreign •policy. He had often compared in his own mind the people of England and the people of Egypt, and the monuments of Egypt to our Foreign-office. We have, indeed, no obelisks nor columns such as those on the banks of the Nile; but in the Foreign office of England they would find a mystery as great, a s uperstition as fearful, and a loathsomeness as horrible, as among the ancient tomes of the Egyp• tians. The people knew nothing of the foreign policy of their rulers, and yet that policy had wrought innumerable wrongs, and caused suffering and cala mities, the extent of which was only recorded on the tablet or the Eternal God. In conclusion, he said he was not there to set class against class. He implored the middle and working classes to unite their powers on this question of representative reform. He had spent many years of his life in advocating freedom of trade, and he hoped yet to see the bounds of free dom made broader in many other direclions. He loved his country. He loved his freedom, and it was because he believed that freedom would only be maintained by means of a fair system of representa tion that he was there that night to address the citizens of Glasgow, and to ask their support.—The hon. gentleman having resumed his seat amidst loud cheers, brief addresses were delivered by Messrs. Dalgleish, Ewing, and Buchanan, who eaeh promised to aid Mr. Blight in the House of Commons. On the motion of Professor Nichol, a committee was appointed to adopt measures to advance the object of the meeting, and the proceedings were brought to a close shortly before ten o'clock. THE PRESS, DECEUBER 25, 1858. support. He had, however, seen Lard Palmerston's Ministry showing symptoms of disruption. There was much difference of opinion among the leaders, and the work of its dissolution, if it had not been accomplished at the time when it was, must have followed. Looking now at the state of the country, and believing that storms and darkness hung around, both as to its social and inter:il . principles and also in reference to our relations with foreign nations, he felt bound to give Ins support to that Ministry who should be likely to hold power with independence, and for that reason he had severed himself fron► a support of the late Administration, believing that Lord Derby would resist the democratic efforts of the advanced Liberals. He regarded the leader of the advanced Liberal party as a stern, uncom promising, able, and designing man. He believed hs was sincere in his belief, but his ideas, if they could be worked out, would overwhelm the institu tions of the country. He considered that leader talented and eloquent, but no statesman. The gallant admiral then proceeded to draw a comparison between the Governments of this country and America, showing that the Republic which elected a President for four years certain was more absolute than our Monarchy, under which a Ministry, the real governors of the country, was removable at any moment. He mentioned that Lord W. Graham had represented Grantham fir some years, and concluded by lormally putting him in nomination. Mr. R. F. Oeszow seconded the nomination. The usual question was put, and no other candi • date appearing, Lord W. Graham was daclared duly elected amid loud cheers. Lord W. GRAHAM then addressed the elector". After thanking them for the honour which had been done him, and expressing his concurrence in the expres sion of sympathy and regret which had fallen from the High Sheriff with reference to the late Mr. B. Blake more, he said that, following in the wake of so able a representative, be feared he should fill the vacant s.'at in the representation with disadvantage. They had seen by the address which he had issued that he was in favour of Conservative progress and forwarding all those social and political ameliorations which tend to build up rather than to pull down our ancient institutions. He was for such progress and such reform as would not endanger the fabric of the Con stitution under which we lived, and under which every man might do and say what he liked as long ns he did not injure his neighbour; under which the press was not gagged as they saw it in other countries; and under which every one might indulge in his poli tical partialities without favour or affection. He would not at that time enter into a discussion of party distinctions. Old party opinions were now moderated ; all parties appeared to have one object in view, .and that was the w3lfare of our country. Indeed, some old Radicals even now admitted that good measures might possibly emanate from a Con servative Government. One thorough Radical whom he had canvassed had told hire.—" I'd rather vote for you than for a supporter of Lord Palmerston," and be must say that the Radicals in their vocation did some good. They liked to pick holes in other men's coats, they ferreted out abuses, they kept their members up to their work, and were like a London policeman, who was alwaj a telling the people to " move on." Sometimes, however, they wanted us to move on a little too quickly. Progress there must be ; but, at the same time, it must be temperate. No one could be said to represent the feeling of the country who was not prepared to consider measures of sound and progressive improvement. He agreed with Sir Thomas Hastings that Lord Palmerston deserved the gratitude of his country for the manner in which the Crimean war had beer, conducted and concluded, but his Administration fell to pieces, because he was not prepared to bring forward measures of social and political reform. No doubt the lust straw that broke the camel's back was the policy which he pur sued towards France, and which excited the indigna tion of the people of this country, but if he bad been prepared with measures of social and political reform his downfall would not have been so sudden and complete. Ha had so far lost the confidence of the people and of Parliament that when he resigned office nobody appeared to care twopenco about it, no remonstrance was made, and no petition to the Queen to restore the Into Ministers to the country ; but they vanished " like the baseless fabric of a vision, and left not a rack behind.' Under these circumstances it was that Lord Derby took office, and he had already done much to win public confidence. He had vindicated the honour of the British nation ; he had released the British engineers from the dun. geone of Naples, and had kept us at peace with France without our having to submit to any humi liating concessions. Lord Derby's foreign policy was wise, firm, and conciliating, and he trusted that his domestic policy would challenge the confidence of the country, and that he would bring forward mea sures in accordance with the opinions of the great mass of the nation, which were progressive without being re%oltitionary. Among these measures, they had been led to believe, would be one on the subject dLettion 3ntelligenct. THE REPRESENTATION OF HEREFORDSHIRE. Tax election of a member for the county of Hereford, in the room of Mr. Booker Blakemore, deceased, took place on Saturday last, at the Shire•hall at Hereford, Lord William Graham, who came forward on Conservative principles, being the only candidate. The Ilion SHERIFF, itr. Richard Sneyd Cox, having addressed the electors, and, before passing to the business of the day, referred with mach feeling to the death of Mr. Booker Blakemcre, Admiral Sir THOMAS HASTINGS came forward to nominate Lord William Graham as a candidate. Having expressed his concurrence in all that had fallen from the High Sheriff with reference to the late respected and lamented gentleman whose death had occasioned the present election, the gallant Admiral proceeded to say :—He had been a supporter of the lace Administration. He had seen the country in great danger and the vessel of the State among the breakers, and he had seen Lord Palmerston step forward, and with bold resolution take the balm and conduct the vessel into the haven of an houonr able pesos, and he thought him entitled to his 1257 of parliamentary reform. He did not mean to give them ally plan of his own on that subject, for he bad observed that all those gentlemen who had done so had been unfortunate. He would only venture to say this—that if some of the small boroughs were to be disfranchised, some additional members ought •to be given to the counties, otherwise the agricultural and landed interests would be deprived of their fair and legitimate share in the representation of the country. He did not mean to say that all the mem• hers taken from the small boroughs should be given to the counties, but that they should have a fair proportion. He bad always thought that there was a fault in the old Reform Bill that no provision was made for giving the honest and industrious workman a vote. He was not for enfranchising the idle and dissolute, but thought the honest and industrious man who had saved a little capital was entitled to the franchise, and he hoped some provision would be made for this in any new Reform Bill. With regard to the army and navy, although be did not anticipate any continental war for some time, be thought the services should be kept in efficiency, and then, if they took care to have an efficient channel fleet and kept the coast defences in order, they need not be under any fear of the arsenal at Cherbourg. With regard to India, he congratulated them on the position they were in when compared to what it was this time last year. Then they were filled with doutn and dismay, men's hearts almost failing them for fear, because they could not tell the extent or the duration of the rebellion. But British arms had everywhere triumphed. British valour had every where defeated the enemy, however numerous his forces, however strong his torts, or however powerful his artillery. The Queen's proclamation had ever}• where been attended with the happiest effects, and Lord Clyde was now advancing with a wed-appointed army to stamp out the last embers of disaffection and rebellion. He trusted that when all was over and tranquillity was restored, the blood which had been shed would not have been poured out in vain. He trusted to see a new order of things arise in India, and that the Government would endeavour to make the improvement of the condition of the nations of that land their care. A golden opportunity was open for administering the policy of a wise statesman, and he looked with hope and confidence to the results of the policy of the young statesman at the head of Indian affairs. There was also a great opening for extending Christianity in India, and, whatever the Government of the country might do, it was the duty o' the people of England to support the missionary efforts of those self-sacrificing individuals who gave up all the pleasures of life for the purpose of devoting themselves to the enlightenment of the heathen. He aided that he was a firmly.attached member of the Church of England, but would allow to Disst nters all freedom of conscience, and would treat Roman Catholics with impartiality and equal justice. The local interests of Herefordshire should ever have his warmest advocacy. Alluding, in conclusion, to the approaching Christian festival, he trusted that they would spend it in harmony and Christie.n hospitality, all wishing "on earth peace, goodwill toward men." A vote of thanks was passed to the sheriff, and the assembly before separating gave three cheers for Lady Emily Foley, the popular sister of the newly elected member. BRECONSIIIRE.—The high sheriff has received the writ for the election of a member for this county in the room of the late Sir Joseph Bailey, and has flied Tuesday next toe the election. The only candidate in the field is Mr. Godfrey Charles Montan, son of Sir Charles Morgan, of Tretlegar, who in his address to the constituency avows himself favourable to "timely progression, yet well•considered measures of financial and political improvement." On the sub ject of church-rates he says he hopes t.) see such a measure shortly introduced into Parliament " as will secure the maintenance and repair of the fabrics of the Established Church, and finally allay all the irritated feeling which now unhappily ptevails." No opposition la threatened. Sttrogolitan. THE NATIONAL PROVIDENT INSTITUTION held its twenty-third annual g. neral meeting at the London Tavern. on Tuesday, Mr. Lucas in the chair. The report showed that, within the last twelve months, 1,188 propuwals have been offered to the board, of which 1,007 have heen accepted and completed, assuring the sum of 482,4891.. the annual premiums on which amount to 13 ; 913/. 4s. sd. Of the re maining proposals 943 have been declined and 83 are not yet completed. The number of members who have died during the year is 214, the claims arising thereon, including 7,4941. 18s. sd. as bonuses std r e d to the original sums assured, amount to 109,3211. Hs. 5.1 The total sum paid to the representatives of deceased members since the establishment of the institution is 809,6481. 143. 4d. Notwithstanding this