The Press. — London, England, 1857-07-18 00:00:00

700 THE WEEK. Wa trust that the Government and the country are at length satisfied that the rebellion of the Bengal army is not to be lightly treated, nor the throb of public anxiety which heati; from one end of Hindostan to the other to be regarded with composure or unconcern. Lord PALMERSTON may still feel " no alarm," Lord GRANVILLE may still pin his faith to the Indian funds, and Mr. V. SMITH may even still main tain the disaffection to be "at an end ;" but we apprehend the people of this country see too much of the desperate precipice over which we are vibrating, through the folly and negligence of India's rulers, to discover in the situation anything satisfactory or consoling. They know, as Mr. DISRAELI expressed it, that " lone' years of misgovern inent " have brought about this terrible crisis. They see by Lord MELVILLE'S speech on Tuesday that the current of discontent, not confined to one corner of India, nor contracted within ono circle of complaint, has year by year been permitted to gain strength, till at last, fed by a thousand streams of illwill, through all the secret windings of Hindostan its waters have swelled, and, too might] to be restrained, have burst into a cataract of rebellion. And this is the result of our East Indian rule. .By its neglect of good government it has fomented discontent, and swelled sedition into revolt. In such a grave crisis as this, when the fate of so many of our countrymen and the fortunes of the empire for the moment tremble in the balance, the most manly course is the most prudent, for by bravely resisting the torrent with which we are threatened not only will present security be obtained, but future and more deplorable mischief averted. That Lord CANNING has given India an animating example of vigorous constancy or courage, we cannot con scientiously say. On the first outbreak he took shelter in temporising measures which all the world knew would prove neither safe nor durable, and by the latest accounts, in place of exhibiting firmness and caution in every act, he was petting and pampering those regiments that remained faithful, at once exhibiting his weakness and fears, and doing the thing best calculated to provoke a general rebellion. At present the mutiny is confined to the Bengal army. The Bombay army, it is said, may be trusted, but symptoms of disaffection have appeared among the Madras troops, and the people of Bombay, Madras, and Bengal, we may rely upon it, though neither seditious nor rebellious, know their rights. No man can foresee where the movement will end. That the intelligence received by this last mail is for more serious than the Government choose to admit, is very generally accepted. The East India Board are in a state of real alarm—it is impossible for them to deny it—and the feeling in the City is the very reverse of confidence. In such a precarious and wretched state of things the Government must act with promptitude and vigour, and the nation must prepare for great sacrifices. Rebellion has to he subdued, Central India must be reconquered, and unconditi3nal submission exacted. It would have been better for us if by judicious reforms the Indian Government had checked incipient sedition, and spared us the necessity of exerting this terrible expedient of force ; but Quos Deus cult perdere prius dementat. It is now beyond a doubt that it is the intention of Prince NAPOLEON, after leaving the manufacturing districts, to pay a visit to the metropolis. During the stay of the Prince in London, his Imp eria Highness will, we believe, be the guest of the Duke and Duchess of HAMILTON, in Arlington-street. Prince NAPOLEON will also pass one of two days at Osborne-house with the Queen before his return to Paris. r The exhibition of Sir JAMES GRAHAM at the meeting of Members of the House of Commons, in Palace-yard, on Thursday, was highly characteristic of the man. Tt was a regular case of " Co3lebs in " search of a party." He recited all his votes in favour of " Religious Liberty," but he took no notice of his Conservative votes from 1831 to 1845, of his bitter allusions to death's.head-and-cross-bone denuncia tions, and more flowers of rhetoric in the same vein. He disclaimed having had " communication with Lord J. RUSSELL"—a point apparently uppermost in his heart—and he spoke of the " very liberal opinions "of Sir R PEEL'S later years" Sir .TAMES GRAHAM then, in a set style, talked of warning the House of Lords, end assumed a menacing air. We must protest against any statesman taking such a tone to either branch of the Legislature. It was the tone used in the Sebastopol Committee by Sir JAMES GRAHAM, but the House of Coin. mons laughed at his threats, and his imitation of Mr. CaexEß's celebrated passage in the Reform-Bill debate about CROMWELL and " that bauble, the mace." On that occasion Sir J. GRAHAM WAS told that "he was a great proficient in the oratory of terror," and it is a style of eloquence not calculated to sway Englishmen of any rank. A politician injures his cause by employing it, as was found by seine of the Anti-Corn-Law League legislators, who ceased to use it as they acquired more experience. Sir JAMES GRAHAM has many talents, but to improve by ago is not amongst his qualities. His displays have always something of that heedlessness which was a reproach to him in early days. For one who prepares his speeches, he is singularly incautious. We like to see a public man improve, and we call to mind what pleasure was felt, even by avowed adversaries, on seeing the late Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTII improve every year up to the time of his early and regretted death. But Sir JAMES GRAHAM remains hard and harsh in his tone ; he does not mellow with time, and his ability is depreciated by his acrid air and minacious manner. It is the peculiarity or this eminent person to damage any cause which he takes in hand. Nobody has so often contradicted himself: he is eternally fighting a hard struggle against the ghosts of his former acts and speeches. After his " scenes " with so many Members of the House of Commons, from the THE PRESS, JULY 18,1857. O'GORMAN MAHON to Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE, it is possible that Sir JAMES GRAHAM would wish to close his public career by getting up a " scene" to his own glorification with the House of Lords. But we trust that he will be disappointed ; and we feel assured that, while the Peers of England will always remain open to conviction from argu ments of real ability, they will disregard such a peculiar tone as that einplcyed with sinister effect by Sir JAMES GRAHAM in his ill expressed speech at Palace•ynrd. The motion of Lord BROUGHAM last night in the Lords, and of Mr. Burros earlier in the week in the Commons, for the presentation of addresses to the Queen with reference to the slave trade, and unanimously accepted by both Houses, had more or less relation with the recent sanction of the French Government to a scheme for pur chasing and importing into the French Antilles 10,000 Africans, who under contract to submit to ten years' compulsory labour at the fair rate of wage, are upon the expiration of that period of service to consider themselves free. The good consequences of this measure have been rather boldly prophesied ; but, to say the least of it, the details which have now come to light exhibit it as a very hazardous experiment. For what, in the name of common sense, will constitute in the eye of the African a distinction between the French legitimate buyer and the illegal slave dealer? Both go to the coast of Africa to purchase negroes. The demands of each will fill the barra coons ; both will visit the barracoons ; both will barter or buy ; and both will ship on so many negroes as he can get for his money or his goods. It is in this fact of purchase we asseit lies the very pith and mar row of a legitimate revival of the slave trade The French agent will ap pear upon the coast as a competitor with the Cuban dealer. An imme diate impulse will be given to the slave trade—it is impossible to deny it—and the very foundations of that edifice of African freedom which has cost us millions of money and much valuable life will be shaken to their centre. For what is to prevent Spanish and Brazilian agents establishing themselves up and down the coast at the Gallinas, in the Bights, at Kabenda, at Loando, or at Ambriz, upon a similar plea ? Can any man doubt for a moment but that such a result of the French scheme is inevitable? The experiment is not to be limited only to France. There is no reason why every other country should not supply their labour market in the same way ; and it is not exactly pure conjecture to say that they would, for Lord PALMERSTON, we all know, is not the man to conciliate the strong power and to menace the weak. If the French Government can by persuasion, not by purchase, induce the free Africans on the seacoast to emigrate to the Antilles, the scheme may ultimately prove beneficial to Africa, provided always that faith he kept by France ; but if French agents are to be permitted to pur chase and export the domestic slaves of the more powerful coast tribes, we defy the French Government or Lord PALMERSTON to prevent the most extensive and alarming revival of the slave trade. Everything turns upon this question of purchase. At first we were led to believe that the African emigrant was to be a free agent in the arrangement, but now that it appears " his freedom is to be pur chased"—a.delicate mode, by the way, of saying that he or she is to be bought—the whole transaction assumes a different and a darker colour. If the scheme is carried out as originally devised, all that we can say is, that vigilance which Lord PALMERSTON promised last week should be exercised by us upon the spot, will no longer be needed, nor even the presence of our cruisers required. The horrors of the middle passage will be at an end ; slavers will disappear from the face of the ocean ; and capacious emigrant vessels will convey the African to any part of the world he may select for acquiring independence and wealth. A charming picture, no doubt. But one, and the most important question of all, remains. What will her Majesty's Government do under the existing facts of the case ? That something must be done is manifest. Lord CLARENDON " doubts" and " does not believe," and " trusts" that the French flag will not be sullied by slavery. But we want some more manly and definite exposition of Government intentions. We cannot tolerate any measure bearing seeds which will irresistibly ripen into a revival of the slave trade ; anti it would be well if Lord PALMERSTON took an early opportunity frankly to state the policy her Majesty's Government have determined upon in a question where the national honour and interest are so deeply involved. The appointment of Sir COLIN CAMPBELL to replace General ANSON'S loss to the Indian army has been received with very general satisfaction throughout the country. The high character, the marked abilities, and the soldierly qualities of Sir Cow; are too fresh in the memory of all to need rema"k. There is only one man whose claims to the post have been mentioned with any show of superiority to those of Sir CoLIN, and that is Sir PATRICK GRANT. Sir PATRICK iS a Company's officer of high standing. He is Commander-in Chief at Bombay, he is on the spot, and has even been temporarily invested with the command before Delhi. We do not dispute the high qualities of this gallant officer; but, apart from his belonging to the service of the Company, we would venture to observe that a man who has passed his life in the rebellious Bengal army, and who for many years was the Adjutant-General of it, is too thoroughly identified with the past rotten system to be the man for its reorganisation and ref orm. It is just now of vital importance that our troops should reach Calcutta in the shortest period. The Times recommends the Govern ment to employ some of their spare screw line-of-battle ships, and Admiral WALCOTT looks with wistful eyes upon her Majesty's enormous and idle steam fleet, but Government has " reason to believe " we quote Sir CHARLES Wooo's words—that the troops can be conveyed " more conveniently and rapidly" by the employment of hired tram, k -~',