The Press. — London, England, 1858-01-16 00:00:00

THE PRESS, JANUARY 16,1858. not be worked up into feeling enthusiams about Reform. A great leading organ has repeatedly endeavoured to damp the discussion of the less it has come wishes of the wgotten that Par- . (ocial as well as itg nservatives insist - nection, Oleic wealth, their dierents in the le learned pro iequate share of representatives in Parliament, in that case they are contending for social as well as politi cal rights. " Society "in England is far more complex than the mere political constitution. One can master the " Constitution" in the text-bcoks, an I in the speeches of illustrious statesmen ; but English " society " has in stincts and habits peculiarly its own which cannot be embodied in an Act of Parliament The query " How will it work?" is the test by which Englishmen strive to decide upon the merits of a new scheme; and the main diffi culty of the present Cabinet in dealing with Reform is to devise some measure which would be accepted by their supporters in re demption of the Premier's pledge, and which would not, at the same time, be so anti-Con servative as to bring in the risk of a rejection by the House of Peers, and by all that is honoured and influential in the collective community of Englishmen. When the Bill of Lord GREY'S Cabinet was agitated in 1831 and 1832, the question of " How will it work?" was often asked. The Liberals, of all shades, answered that it was a glorious measure, and would regenerate Eng land. Two years afterwards a great change came over the opinions of many amongst them, when they beheld the English Parlia mentary Dissenters working in vigorous con cert with the Irish Repealers for the over throw of the Established Church. A prodigious reaction set in, and at the dissolution in the winter of 1834, although there was a small majority in favour of the Liberals, yet the polls throughout the country were singularly close. The experiment of the Grey Reform Bill proved this conclusion satisfactorily—viz., that if the great institutions of the realm be in real danger, the national feeling is so tho roughly sound and loyal that a reactionary and defensive movement is certain to be aroused, which in its turn must become the popular passion of the time. The Monarchy and the Church were in real peril from 1833 to 1841, in days when the unnatural " Lich field-house Compact" was degrading Parlia ment and endangering the empire. But after Mr. O'CONNELL had paid the penalty of his misguided politics, after Chartism had been exploded in England, and Young Irelandism crushed, and after the great mass of the Eng lish people had become alienated from great democratic movements, in consequence of the dire events which had followed the continental conspiracies in 1848—after these changes had taken place, another result of the working of Lord GREY'S Bill of 1832 was then made visible. The nature of that result demands attentive consideration. Amongst the ablest opponents of the Grey Bill, the late Mr. CROKER was particularly distinguished. Unlike Sir ROBERT PEEL, Mr. CROKER had studied the question for a long time, and his mind was familiarised with all the eventualities dependent on Reform. In opposing the Bill, Mr. CROKER contended that the measure would either work a revolution, or else that it was calculated to secure an ascendancy for the Whig party. Sir ROBERT PEEL, on the other band, seemed puzzled in dealing with the measure. His mind was without 'Jeep convictions on the subject., and a counter Reform Bill was proposed—" too late." In leading the reactionary movement against the Whigs, Sir ROBERT PEEL earnestly counselled the Conservatives to depend on their social influence, and, imitating the " Agitate, agitate, agitate " of Lord ANGLESEY at a memorable crisis in Ireland, Sir R. PEEL desired the Conservatives in Iti3s to " Regis ter, register, register." Experience has proved that Sir ROBERT PEEL and Mr. CROKER were partly right and partly wrong. When Sir whole question, but neverthelei 01), even in opposition to the 1 Tinto awl of the Prime Ministei Let it net, therefom be forgoi liaraentsry Reform ink its social politic4l aspects. en Come that their grest pc dal cone landed estates, and copmercial gentry, and their nimerods an Church, the Universitfes, and th, fessions, should receive an ade( Public opinion has been turned aside from wild and speculative projects, and directed to useful and feasible ends. Popular education has been ably discussed and vigorously pro moted ; the health of towns has been judi ciously improved by statutory acts; and the action of the Church upon the masses has been called forth with 'euersy. Atail N lys have largely promoted internal intercourse; amuse• ments for the million, like the Crzstal Palace and other great' undertakingi, nave given common enjoyments to opposite classes of society ; Art has been encouraged, and the public press has been cheapened, extended, and improved. Any one who remembers what has been done iu the last twenty years must acknowledge that, without any regard to " party" or political considerations, there have been vast changes and several great improve ments in England and its society at large. In a progressive country like England such a series of changes, safe, practical, and whole some, are only in accordance with the instincts of its inhabitants, and the traditions of their race. The history of England is a history of social growth and national expansion ; but, strangely enough, mere political reform is not one of the grand means by which England has advanced in civilisation. The rise of our mighty empire, the acquisitions of Canada and the West Indies, the gradual erection of our 'stupendous power in the East Indies, our influence on the Continent, the progress of our mercantile marine, the discipline of our famous navy, the manufacturing developments of the north—all these, and similar social growths, were entirely unconnected with political re form. Yet it is to these, and to kinded develop ments, and not to political changes, that England owes its vast opulence, its wide• spread power, its great resources, and its civilising empire. Such growths would not satisfy the longings of the credulous masses, nor the purposes of ambitious political connections, bent on mono• polising all the advantages which may arise from the advocacy of " Reform." The popular imagination in all countries has an ignorant credulity in there being some short road to an El Dorado for the working classes. In 1848, the popular imagination through Europe, with its enthusiastic delusions and unsatisfied desires, made Thrones and Dynasties topple to the dust. The masses believed that they could achieve much, and their ignorance made them overrate the force of intrigue and cor- ' ruption amongst the Governments which they overthrew. In England, " the Charter," with its five points, was the grand fallacy in which large portions of the working classes believed. The Whigs were in office in 1848, and they denounced the " mob " and " demagogues." At another time the Whigs would have called the populace by the name of " the people," and hailed even FERGUS O'CONNOR as a patriot. After the close of 1848, and the total collapse of Chartism, the Liberal party appeared to acquiesce in what seemed to be the general feeling of the country, that Social Reform should be actively fostered, and mere Poli tical Reform laid aside. Such a course of action might have worked well for the country, if there had been able administrators in office. But " the families " could only exhibit the second-rate men of a past and more brilliant age. Lord Jorix RUSSELL was an excellent debater and a vigorous administrator in matters of pure politics, but his cast of 'mind, or his special acquirements, were not suitable for• the settlement of social questions. His colleagues were inferior to himself, and his Cabinet sunk from sheer exhaustion ; and then when the Conservative party came into power, and after certain economical questions had been de cided, it was found necessary by the Liberals to get up a new cry, and Political Reform was again adopted by the Whigs as their means for acquiring and retaining power. Conservatives, therefore. are left no option about the discussion of a Political Reform. The question has been forced on the Legisla ture and the public, and it will be necessary to watch the conduct of the Cabinet, and of the Liberal party, with unceasing vigilance, and thoroughly to comprehend the whole eventualities of the case. Parliamentary in- Silences have brougibt the subject on, although A large portion even of the Liberal public can- LORD RAGLAN'S MONUMENT. ROBERT PEEL told the Conservatives to depend on their social influence, that eminent states. man was correct in thinking that the Conser vatives nnuld rote VaTlitment so long as the Monarchy and Olturily were in danger; but, on tin #oer ban if ililr. CROKER to so me exte . . gera d pew of revolutio n i n Eng d, at ken tic veteran contro vers s 4 s ikg t il ' tieipation that if the n tutiow sit AA the Grey Bill, wouldl Eng cl be expoeed to tho desp o ti sm of a es ascendancy. " Revon ution" is not much to be feared in our times ; but there is great danger that the Liberals will make another step to organise still further a class ascendancy for themselves. There is danger, beyond doubt, of some huge political jobbery being palmed off upon the country by the Whigs; and let not people bo deceived by the mere name of Lord PALMERS TON. The country may be deluded, the public mind may be irritated, and Parliament may be trifled with by a deceptive scheme; and it is impossible to calculate what might occur from one of those periodical bursts of indignation to which all free communities are subject. " I believe," said Mr. DISRAELI, in his speech at Newport Pagnell, " that political change, " unless called for by a political necessity, is in " a country like England a great social evil." So it undoubtedly is, for it is " a great evil " to distract attention unnecessarily from the social reforms which require attention without any regard to mere politics. "But," continued the Right Honourable Gentleman, " I have looked " always on the remedial agencies which " would be exercised in arrangements that " may have been factiously brought about by " the good sense and common feeling of " Englishmen." We, too, have a large faith in those " remedial agencies," but we cannot trust implicitly to them. In the same bril liant speech, teeming with practical con siderations, Mr. DISRAELI warned his hearers, "You would be acting a suicidal part if, know " ing quite well that a Reform Bill was to be " introduced in deference to those who think " that claims connected with the land have " too much political power, you were not to " awaken the country to the real state of the " case." Let Conservatives, therefore, recol lect that even the " Coalition " which over threw Lord DERBY'S Government committed itself to the opinion that the county repre sentation of England should have forty-six members added to it. If the Palmerston Bill be a revolutionary one, the Conservatives would defeat the measure and overturn its authors. But what is more to be anticipated is that the scheme proposed will be a factious one, and contrived for the solo purpose of maintaining an official ascendancy for Libe ralism. In order to prevent such a measure becoming law, the vigilance of the Conserva tive party and its united action will be, as we trust, successfully applied ; but both Lord DERBY and Mr DISRAELI have announced that they will give their dispassionate attention to any bona-fide scheme brought forward with the view of making a truly fair and permanent adjustment of a political question that at present interferes with the progress of most desirable social reforms. OUR British Demus, contemporaneously with his advance in social importance, has suc ceeded to a share in certain enviable privi leges hitherto restricted to the aristocrat. Among other luxuries he now boasts a whole legion of parasites, flatterers, and led captains. He has long been taught to believe himself the very greatest man which the universe has ever seen—invincible in war, infallible in wisdom, unrivalled in generosity. Every class above him has been proportionably depre ciated—and, indeed, this is a task which his servants find peculiarly to their taste. Does a member of the hated order perform a great or gallant action, the rodent tribe are imme diately upon him. Either his birth or his actions are instantly called in question. If the one cannot be denied, the other must. ra," di fives na en t i: o , t e rs; wr-.- depend state s . 1 the Con ser• io long as th e DKER to son ic revolution i n eteran contro- pation that if Grey Bill, ho despotism be feared in tiger that the p to organise or themselves. of some huge off upon the not people bo Jord PALMERS- [ed, the public iament may be me; and it is :ht occur from if indignation .0 subject. , in his speech litical change, necessity, is in at social evil." great evil" to 1:om the social i without any continued the I have looked ;encies which Igements that iught about by in feeling of large faith in it we cannot he same brit- practical con- !d his hearers, 1 part if, know- Bill was to be use who think be land have u were not to al state of the erefore, recol- " which over- nt committed county repre- have forty-six almerston Bill Conservatives 1 overturn its be anticipated 11 be a factious lo purpose of aucy for Libe• uch a measure the Conserve- will be, as we it both Lord nnounced that to attention to forward with mod permanent )stion that at )gress of most UMENT. raucously with Ince, has suc- 3nviable privi- le aristocrat. masts a whole d led captains.