The Press. — London, England, 1858-08-07 00:00:00

746 of personal goodwill from Irish society. His speeches are animated with a genial feeling, and he is sure to gain the confidence of those whom he addresses. The long-mooted subject of a Packet-station in Ireland has recently occupied Lord EGLINTON'S attention, and the people of Galway have much reason to be obliged to him for the vigour with which he has applied himself to the solution of that difficult subject. As the ques tion is a local one, and is connected with com mercial considerations, we shall decline here offering any positive opinion on it. Valentia in Kerry, and Foynes near Limerick, have com peted with Galway for the choice of the station. Many there are who do not desire that Ireland should have a Government packet-station at all, and they prefer that some south-western port of England should be taken. The Galway people have earnestly asked Government for 152,0001. for a pier, and by the enterprize of Mr. LEVER, of Manchester, steamships have already been placed in the line between Galway and America. Lord DERBY, at the interview with the Galway Deputation, stated that the difficulty was about the freight. Passengers could be easily had to go to Galway from England, but they would object to transhipping heavy goods, with its addi tional porterage, &c. The objection is a strong one, and should be fairly met, and it is at this point that the subject becomes just as much an English as an Irish question. We surmise that the solution of this particular branch of the question will depend on the fact of the possibility of " through " arrangements being made, which would facilitate greatly the carriage of goods. Whether the English and Irish rail way proprietors would come to any agreement is more than we could say at present ; but we take for granted that the Irish railway proprietors would interpose no obstacles. The object of gaining three or four days, or even more, on the passage across the Atlantic is one of vast in terest either to the English commercial traveller or to the tourist for pleasure. In going to and coming from America an average of a week on the voyages would certainly be gained, and the value of so much time can scarcely be over rated. Even if the line were only a " passenger one," and fit to be worked only in summer, it is likely that it would pay well, and be of unques tionable advantage to the public of the empire ; so that in that point of view alone the Galway people have a powerful claim to a kindly consi deration of a reasonable grant. On political grounds, also, the West of Ireland has claims to the attention of Government. Galway has never been disgraced by agrarian crimes, and so averse was Galway from vulgar and debasing agitation, that O'CONNELL himself declared that "he never could understand Galway." That county has more Roman Catholic proprietors than any other in Ireland, and it is to the credit of that locality that for many years a Conservative Member was returned for the county. The character of the deputation which recently waited on the Prime Minister was one calculated to impress any statesman; and un doubtedly there has been " progress" made on this difficult subject of the Irish packet-station in consequence of the practical way in which the Galway people have managed. We confess that we think it is time that some thing► should be done upon it, and we shall await the decision of the Premier and the Chancellor of the Exchequer with confidence that they will do what they feel to be right and just between the strong claims of Galway on one side and the con venience of the British public at large upon the other. Lord CARLISLE would have made senti mental speeches, and quoted poetry as hard as if he were engaged in capping verses with himself, and concluded by leaving the subject to subordi nates ; but Lord EGLINTOUN has exerted himself with energy, and it will be highly creditable to his Viceroyalty if the port of Galway be selected as the port of departure for the packets to America. At present circumstances seem highly favourable to that conclusion, and parties in the sister country will be glad to hail his Excellency as being not only " the man for Galway," but for Ireland. 16. ES S, AUGUST 7,185 R AN AMERICAN COMPLIMENT TO PRACTICAL SAGACITY. NEXT to the pleasure of being praised by one whom you have praised, and of receiving com pliments for which you have sedulously laboured, must be ranked the gratification of having your motives appreciated and your conduct jus tified by an intelligent, however undistinguished, friend. Our leading contemporary appears to have lately received this gratification,—at a time when the gratitude of men in general makes the Times express itself in mournful periods, and complain that newspaper art is long, but its popularity fleeting,—that the public in the streets, to whem it has directed its loudest tones, does not regal d, b. stowing their fickle attention upon newer preachers—and that educated people have grown tired of its habit of prophesying, and besides are so unjust, that when it is useless to make any further appeal, the approval of even one discerning and appreciative contemporary must be unusually consoling. This approval, in addition to the satisfaction which the Times seldom fails to repose in itself, it is enabled to report as conferred upon it by its namesake in New York. The sagacious journal which bears the name of the New York Times fully recognizes, at a time when a great many people in this country are beginning seriously to doubt, " the practical sagacity "of our leading contemporary. In our last week's article we reported the complimentary manner in which the editor of the New York paper had expressed himself respecting the intellectual splendour of the Times; and this week we are made aware of American opinion in a distinct leader, a paragraph of which has been imported into this country. The "practical sagacity " of the Times is, according to the American judgment, resplendent in the light which it has lately thrown upon the slave question, and particularly in its opinion expressed respecting Cuba. "We are not sur prised," says the editor of the New York Journal, " that the practical sagacity of the Times enables " it to see the Cuban question in its true light." It has long been known that America, in the ful filment of her destiny, must have Cuba; that in taking possession of that pleasant island she only, in a manner, recovers lost property,—Cuba, no doubt, having at some early period of the earth's history formed part of the American mainland, and, in consequence of some universal confusion, becoming detached and wrested away from its rightful owner—a source ever since of as much pain and loss to the United States as to any sufferer would be the loss of an arm or foot, or to a belle the loss of her favourite jewels. For love of Cuba America is restless and sleepless, does not enjoy her turtle-steak or sherry-cobbler, cannot " chew " or "liquor," and in general passes very desolate nights and days. The shadow of Cuba, like a phantom, pursues America. It cannot saunter through a sugar plantation, look at a tobacco-field, make a mental estimate upon cotton, or lay down in an uneasy position anywhere, without being haunted by Cuba. The figure of Cuba is like Hamlet's ghost ; it waves America on, and leaves it no choice but to follow. " The practical sagacity " developed in the English Times, examined and approved in the New York Times, " enables us to see " the ad vantages which would accrue to England conse quent upon the recovery by the United States of Cuba. England, the New York paper argues, can " gain nothing by endeavouring to limit the " growth of the American territory or the in " crease of the American power." America, like England, is a greal industrial and commercial nation, and must extend her limits. It is a waste of diplomatic effort for an English Government to attempt to limit the frontier of America towards Mexico or Central America—vain to attempt to stay her republican desire to fold in an affectionate embrace long-lost Cuba, or to educate poor and sadly neglected .Japan. The arms of America, says the New York paper, are like the arms of England—only extended for the sake of peace. The impulse of America towards Cuba is purely an impulse of benevolence, mixed, however, with that constant regard which she feels for the interests of England. Why not let America take Cuba, when it is the interest of England to let her take it? The commercial argument put by the New York Times is strong, if not convincing. " The in " terest of the English in our acquisition " is nearly equal to our own." tempting, such an approximation But not to be bewildered in our judgmem have a commercial calculation, such require in these days, and then possibly be guided to a right conclusion. Here at any rate is a bold one " trade of Britain is with New York, " Baltimore, may go to show what " become with Havannah when Ha; "be an American port." Has America hitherto very reciprocal ? Nitnporte. argument be not conclusive, there i argument derived from a consideration terests of humanity. "As far as they " thing is to be gained and nothing " wresting that island from the " Spain." The practical sagacity of our leading porary enables him to see clearly the this commercial argument, and to belief with reference to the interests , The Times believes that in case Cuba the protection of the United States ' " will enter into an understanding to " slave trade." To this expression New York paper merely makes , " with or without such understanding, " English may rest well assured." Why should they not, remembering past assuranc everybody knows the inconvenience into any understanding. Unforeseen stances may, and do, sometimes happen prevent nations from observing engagements have entered into. Our easiest course Let Cuba be taken ; let commercial 7 be at an end; let us follow our manifest , let us leave humanity to the satisfaction general assurance, and do our best, if w accommodate our belief to the practical and commercial belief of the Times LORD JUSTICE KNIGHT _ A RUMOUR, uncontradicted if unconfirmed, running the round of the daily papers, Court of Appeal in the Upper House to be strengthened by the elevation Justice KNIGHT BRUCE to the Of the truth of this rumour we - with confidence. We should, however. to learn that such a _promotion contemplated. It is no affront to our to say that they would be the better fusion of younger blood. None of true, have yet outlived their intellectual but the advanced years of several make and severe judicial effort undesirable ' though not impossible • while others, . tively in the vigour of life, are not qualified abilities and by recognized professional to review the decisions of such men _ equity judges. And., admitting a reinforcement to be required, we can name no one r^ than Lord Justice KNIGHT BRUCE to • ation of justice in the last resort. Simultaneously with the rumour have said, we shall rejoice to see v , has appeared in the Law Ma'azine article on the " judicial qualities, abilities, : formances " ofthe eminent Judge in question. may be one of the shadows which coming cast before them, but, apart from this, merits notice both for its justice and We cannot, indeed, wholly agree with . opening remarks as to the fitness and , of discussing the judicial merits of living on the Bench. If such discussion is to V at all, it must not be limited to remarks or chiefly laudatory, but must now and ' with those cases, happily so rare on Bench, where the interests of justice moral or intellectual shortcomings , Probably, if we were framing a Utopia, exclude such discussion altogether. . tern are, this is rather a mitigation of evil than the introduction of a new their merits should be " freely, " spectfully, discussed," "in a put "tended chiefly, if not entirely, for "eyes." In such a publication there security for decorum, with every chance . , petent and impartial criticism. Certa inly article before us contains nothing offend the most jealous stickler for the ,on uTs s i o b i f o yni nwotfeeCrmeusabatyl Tempting, to o udgriae u t , .et us ach as nations :—" What the ork, Boston, or what it must Havannah shall America been pork. If this ere is another ition of the in. they go, every. )thing lost by dominion of ading contem. the cogency of to express its is of humanity, aba come under m that country to prohibit the a of belief the answer that, rstanding, the ' Why should nces? Besides, ice of entering •eseen circum- happen which ;agements they :ourse is clear. rcial monopoly aifest interests; tisfaction of a t, if we can, to sctical sagacity 3! ' BRUCE. meonfirmed, is papers, that the louse is about ation of Lord the Peerage. e cannot speak 3wever, rejoice on was really )ur Law Lords :ter for an in- of them, it is ectual powers. make frequent able for them, hers, compara- ot qualified by anal eminence as our present reinforcement e more worthy to aid the ad- :sort. r which, as we verified, there for August an ilities, and per- question. This coming events his, the article id moderation. ith the writer's and propriety living worthier s to take place marks wholly and then deal a the Englist T suffer by thr Apia,gs B of u w t a i we 8 8hil m °dulg at ed . of an existinl new one that , though re üblication in. )r professions. re is complete lance of com- Certainly the which could 'the dignity cd THE