The Press. — London, England, 1854-12-16 00:00:00

1208 ("Hear, hear," and cheers.) You have commenced such a campaign ( a great blunder) without providing for it (the next great blunder). ( Loud cheers.) The huts will arrive in January, and the skins probably will meet the sun of May. (Cheers.) These are your preparations ! (Renewed cheers.) But you say that time was of the greatest cGnsequence— that if you had dela} ed fresh frosts would have been encoun tered. Surely, however, when a Ministry has so managed the affairs of a country as to bring it to such a condition that at last they have to go to war with one of the greatest mili tary powers in the world, you will agree that the decision should be arrived at after deep thought, with ample know ledge. Surely oue would have thought that statesmen who arrogate to themselves all the ability and all the experience of this house would so have played their cards that in trying this great issue they would have essayed it under tho most favourable circumstances, and not have incurred fearful odds. (Cheers.) It is now two years since you were dallying with Russia with your diplomatic overtures. (Hear, hear.) You may possibly have supposed that your negotiations would terminate in peace. I believe the majority of you did ; because I know that when a body of men of different opinions counsel together, they always take refuge in the consolatory conviction that they will not be called on to act. ( Cheers.) I believe, then, that this Cabinet of Coalitionists from the first flattered themselves that the tremendous circumstances they have to encounter, and which engage their most anxious thoughts by day and night, would never be a part of their lives. (Cheers.) The First Minister of the Crown had never dreamt that at the termination of his career he would be acting against that Russia of which he was the cherished and almost the spoiled child. ( Cheers.) And another Minister who has indulged in dreams of political Liberalism, scarcely thought that the latter days days of his eminent career would thus approach his pur- Ese. (Cheers.) We know this from the Chancellor of the xchequer at Manchester, and from his budget in the House of Commons. We know by your own confession that not two of you are of the same opinion; yet as responsible men it was your duty to have formed some policy two years ago. You appear to me not to have embraced any definite object or adopted any definite system. If you had, you would not have told us now that you are obliged to enter upon a winter campaign in the Crimea, because time is precious and that another month's delay would have rendered it impregnable. This I maintain — that the Ministry which has involved this country in a war with Russia ought not to have taken such a course unless they were prepared for all those consequences which men of experience, ability, and knowledge must have known, unless they shut their eyes wilfully to those con sequences, must have ensued. I said just now that they had called Parliament together unexpectedly ; but what I object to in the Government is, that they have done everything unexpectedly in this great affair—(" Hear," and a laugh) —they have done everything too late ; and in all they have recommended they have given signs of vacillation of opinion and uncertainty of purpose, and, necessarily, feebleness of execution. These are little things—they may be nothing ; but the doctors came after the men were wounded, and the nurses ap peared always after the wounded had expired. These things were never cared for until the indignant sorrow of the nation called upon them to exercise the duties of minis terial humanity. (Hear, hear.) But the same fate seems to await them in all their course. Now it is the surgeons that are too late, now the nurses • after the battle rein forcements arrive ; and at last the storm and hurricane, that everybody had been expecting, overwhelms our navies. This is not an overcharged picture, for it is founded upon fact. Does the house think it is judicious that, under such circumstances, Parliament should meet sub silentio But even the resolution to call Parliament together was taken too late. ("Bear, hear," and a laugh.) They prorogued the Parliament to the 14th of December, and then so uncertain was their purpose—so vacillating their conduct—so undefined their object—that, having assembled and counselled the Sovereign to prorogue Parliament to the 14th December, they find it necessary to invade the prerogative, and are obliged to avail themselves of the scurvy aid, comparatively speaking, of an act of Parliament, to call us together on the 12th. (Hear, hear.) I should like to know what influenced these gentlemen when they coun selled the sovereign to prorogue Parliament to the 14th? And yet these are the men on whom the fortunes of the country depend. What are we to think of men who, taking into consideration all the circumstances of the nation, recommend to the Sovereign to prorogue Perlis anent till the 14th, which virtually was a meeting after Christmas, and then, in a panic, avail themselves of an act of Parliament, and call us together on the 12th ? I want to know why they changed their opinions ? (Hear, hear.) I want to know why it is necessary to pro vide now for an immediate increase of the forces, and why that was not done when it was recommended and sanc tioned by the Sovereign ? It is in perfect keeping with the whole conduct of the Government, and adds another to the catalogue I have mentioned. I want to know, in the dismal and deplorable circumstances in which we are placed, and in which we are alone sustained by the unsur passed heroism of the English troops, why they determined upon a winter campaign in the Crimea, without that assis tance and support our soldiers ought to have received? Such a step would have been considered most unnecessary and unwise if Ministers had only ordinary foresight and sagacity. I will not say the disastrous position of our forces, when I recollect the glorious feats of arms they have accomplished ; but certainly I may say that it is a deplorable state of things in which we find ourselves. It appears that towards the end of her Majesty's Speech there is a specific for our dangers. It is not from the deeds of daring of oar own gallant countrymen, or the enthusiasm and loyalty of the country, we are to look for extrication from the position in which we have been placed ; but rather, as it seems to me, from the fact, as her Majesty informs us, that, "together with the Em- THE PRESS. peror of the French, I have concluded an alliance with the Emperor of Austria, from which I anticipate impor tant advantages to the common cause." If the noble lord ( Russell) condescends to address the house, I would impress upon him that it is expected from him by the house and the country that on this subject he should speak with some degree of frankness. We are asked in the Speechfrom the Throne to maintain this great war, and to prosecute it with vigour and force. I maintain that it is impossible to form an estimate of what our means will be to enable her Majesty to prosecute the war, unless we have some idea of the assistance she is to receive from her allies. (Rear, hear.) We know the assistance she receives from her ally the Emperor of the French. It is precise, it is generous, it is cordial, it is sincere. (Cheers.) It is doubly generous, because it is accorded to a Government, many members of which were distinguished for the vitu perative language in which they have spoken of that prince. (Loud cheers.) I know of nothing more to the credit of the French people—l know of nothing more to the credit of the French ruler and the French people, than the cordial mannner in which they have cooperated with the present Government in this war. (Much cheering.) I remember when the First Lord of the Admi ralty inaugurated his manifesto against the Government of Lord Derby by a diatribe against the Emperor of the French—while I remember that another member of the Cabinet, not so eminent —(a laugh) determined, in cyder to make his court in the proper quarter, to outdo the right hon. gentleman, and, not satisfied with abusing the Emperor of the French, maligned and slandered the people of that country—when I remember these facts, and that the chief of the present Cabinet raised an opposition to the Government of which I was a member on account of our indecent and precipitate recognition of Napoleon as Emperor, I must say that I admire the candour and gene rosity of our allies. (Hear, hear.) In his character, and in the character of his people, I have unlimited confi• dence. I believe the motives of our alliance are beyond the intrigues or the insolence of individuals ; it is a prin ciple of civilisation, and a question of high feeling which the Government, in my mind, do not comprehend—which will continue to bind together France and England. (Bear, hear.) France is an ally that does not want to be paid for the aid she gives you. (Hear, hear.) She is not to be subsidised. She is a friend with whom a treaty need have no secret article. (Hear.) A year ago, after the massacre of Sinope, when the Par liament met, and there were indignant demands from the Government of some explanation of their conduct, the First Lord of the Admiralty rose—and they could not trust a bad cause to a better man—(great laughter and cheering) and with all his specious eloquence came forward to the table, and told us then—" 1 will not defend the past; it is liable to much misconception. We may have been idle or vacillating, but we had a great object to gain and to accomplish, and that is the alliance of the German powers." The massacre of Sinope took place in order that we might obtain the alliance of the German powers. Well, have they become our allies? (Hear, hear.) I do not see that there is a treaty yet with Prussia; but Austria, we are told, has entered into a treaty from which we anticipate great advantages to the common cause. Now I say that we should be the most spiritless batty of men that ever• lived, if, recollecting that a year ago an attempt was made to excuse your backslidings by the alliance with the German powers—when we recollect that a year has elapsed, and that this treaty has not yet been brought into action— I say that we should be the most spiritless body of men on earth if we did not demand from the Government some franker explanation than we find in this niggard notice in the Speech of the Austrian treaty. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord may say that it is not yet ratified, and that it will be laid on the table, and then we all may read it, but I can hardly believe that a man of his ability and spirit will make such a wretched excuse. I may agree with him that it is unusual, but the noble lord should make a precedent on such an occasion, when sacrifices are demanded from the country, and should frankly in form us of the terms of this treaty. (Hear.) - _ Sir, if the assistance we are to derive be of a provisional and contingent character, I should say that, although we are ready to support her Ma jesty with all the means in our power, it will be the greatest hallucination if we imagine that Austria is going to supply any of those means. (Hear, hear.) I should have thought, indeed, that the noble lord and his colleagues had had enough of the four points. If I re member right, the present Government was formed upon four points. (Much laughter.) Was not there the pre servation of peace—was not there the extension of tree trade—thirdly, was there not parliamentary reform—and then, as the fourth point, was there not national education. (Great laughter.) It was upon these four points that the Coalition Ministry was formed—(renewed laughter)—but if we are to judge by this precedent—if we are to suppose than the four points which Austria is to secure are not easier of accomplishment than the four points which the noble lord promised us, and for which some honourable gentlemen opposite sacrificed their principles, and some only sacrificed their party—(great laughter aud cheers on the Opposition benches)—but for which the noble lord sacrificed both—(renewed laughter and cheers)—l should certainly feel that we were not entitled to receive much encourage ment from this promise of the Austrian alliance. Sir, I maintain that it is the duty of the Government, on the sub ject of this Austrian alliance, to be frank. If they will not be frank with their opponents, whether they sit upon this aide of the house or the other, I would humbly venture to say it would be wise upon the subject to be frank with the people of this country. (Loud cheers.) The people of this country are not so blind to questions of this character as they were a few years ago. The people of this country are now beginning to comprehend the enor mous issue at stake ; and if they find that with Parlia ment called together, their affairs in an unsatisfactory state—this old ghost of the Austrian alliances is again to ISATURDAY, DECEMBER 16, 1854. haunt the chamber of their representatives, as our main hope and aid, I think it is not at all unlikely that they will feel considerable disrelish at our condition, and think, therefore, it would be wise in the Government to tell us what Austria really means. I think the House of Commons ought to know whether Austria intends merely to watch the game, and profit by the first opportunity, or whether she mean to employ her troops ? Is she an ally in spirit and in blood, as our ally in France ? Yes, England has a right to demand that from the Government which has the management of the crisis —(cheers)—and I suppose we shall hear to night—for, if not, I am convinced that this meeting of Parliament, and this communication from her Majesty, will not have the effect on the country which I for one earnestly desire. But if we are to have only an equivocal alliance—if we are only to have an interference that will serve but to bewilder and to mistily—if we are to negotiate when we ought to act, to stop the course of national conduct when the country, slow to enlist in questions of this kind, but when, as their blood is up, determined to accomplish their object—l say, if that is what we are to have, for me at least let there be no Austrian alliance—no four points—no public treaty-- no secret articles—but let France and England together solve this great question and establish and secure the liberties of Europe. (Loud and continuous cheering). Lord JOHN RUSSELL, who rose only a few moments before two o'clock, briefly adverted to various items in the bill of indictment preferred by the preceding speaker against the Government. On each point he submitted some consideration in order to justify or palliate their conduct. Remarking upon Mr. Disraeli's defence of the freedom of debate, the noble lord said be (Lord J. Russell) had been accused in a pleasant publication of the day [THE PRESS fl of never speaking without an encomium on Magna Charta—(a laugh)—but an encomium on Magna Charts at that late hour wouldhardly be more out of place than a vindication of freedom of speech in that house. (Laughter.) Finally he yielded to the demand urged by Mr. Disraeli for a frank expla nation of the terms of the Austrian treaty so far as to give the following important resume of its provi. sions Austria had now advanced a step further than she had gone before, but she had not even yet gone the length of saying that if before the end of the year peace were not made with Russia she would be a belligerent. She had only gone this length—that if she should be at war with Russia, a treaty offensive and defensive should, ipso facto, exist between Austria, England, and France. She had likewise agreed that before the end of the year she should take into further consideration what steps she would be prepared to take with respect to terms of peace with Russia. Now, he understood the meaning of that article—certainly not containing anything very precisein itself—(a laugh)— to be, that if England and France propose conditions of pea3e, which should be in conformity with the four bases, and which seem to Austria to come fairly within the terms of those bases, and that Russia should refuse to assent to them in a treaty of peace, then Austria would no longer hesitate, but be part of the alliance defensive and offensive. He did not wish to overstate the engagement in any way, and he quite agreed that Austria might still, at the last moment, say, " that those terms of yours, those four bases explained in a way I did not expect, would , reduce Russia too much, and diminish too greatly her weight in Europe, and she can never be expected to agree to them." Such might be the language of Austria, without any breach of faith, and she would then be released from the alliance, but his belief and expectation were that she did concur in those bases which were necessary for the security of Tur key ; and if Russia did not consent to a treaty of peace founded on those bases, then in the next campaign the forces of Austria would be joined with those of England and of France. It might be said we ought to have gone further and got better terms from Austria, binding her to join us at once. It was easy to say that these were not the terms that ought to have been accepted; but the question was, whether it was not worth our while to form such a treaty with Austria rather than lease Austria unconnected and bound by no ties. The belief of the Government, as well as the Government of the Emperor of the French, was, that it was wise to enter into these engagements, and that the success of the war was thereby promoted. By uniting the other powers in a general guarantee ofneral the principalities, and accepting from the Sultan a g e declaration in favour of the Christians, the natural influence of Russia would be greatly diminished ; and without some such terms as these no peace could be advantageously concluded. The Address was then agreed to, and the house adjourned at 20 minutes past 2. [For continuation of Parliamentary Intelligence, see page 1185.] Ready, price 28. Bd. •, b y post, Ss., U IRISH QARTER LY REVIEW. No. XVL—DECEMBER, 1e54. CONTENTS.—Art. I. The Future of the Working Classes 2. Biography of John Denim, Part Convict Systeme, Past and Present-4. Removal of Irish Poor-5. National, Fac tory, and Reformatory Schools. First Paper: National Schools —B. The Census, Part 111. v. The Dublin Hospitals, the Blunders of the Census Proved-7. Paris Correspondence: Paris Past and Present-8. Quarterly Record of the Progress of Reformatory and Ragged Schools, and of the Improvement of Prison Discipline. Dublin: W. B. KILLY, and for R. SHICW. London : SIMPRIN, MARSHALL, and Co. No. XVII. will appear on Ist March, 1855. London: Printed and Published at the Office, 110, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the County of Middlesex, by ALFRED Dm, of 17, Bedfonistreet, Corent•garden,onSAT UE. DAY, the 16th day of December, 104. _ -J 11..