The Press. — London, England, 1858-05-29 00:00:00

LORD PALMERSTON'S LOYALTY. TIIAT the political tactics followed by Lord PAL NIER.sToN at the present time will receive the final censure of posterity cannot be doubted by any one who observes the opinion of general society. Even as the facts now stand there is a case against the Noble Viscount of no ordinary gravity. Let us examine the nature of the charge which is raised against the Noble Lord in so many quarters, and we shall see that England has good cause for congratulation in the removal of so unscrupulous a politician from power. Only three months ago a grave complication arose in our foreign affairs, and the policy of the Palmerston Cabinet towards France came before the House of Commons. On February the 19th Lord PALMERSTON'S " Conspiracy to Murder Bill " was discussed, and there were for the second reading 215 and against it 234, leaving a majority of 19 against the Government ; and, after a Cabinet Council on the following day, Lord PALMERSTON resigned his office, believing that he had lost the confidence of the House of Commons; and he accordingly compelled her Majesty to seek new advisers at a critical moment, when difficulties were sure to be the legacies of any Ministry. Let it be remembered that a Minister is not necessarily bound to assume that one defeat, or even two, must necessarily be taken as proofs that he has lost the confidence of the House of Commons. Mr. Prrr, in 1784, sustained several defeats and did not resign his post; and in his short Ministry of 1834-5 Sir R. PEEL did not throw up power until he had ascertained by repeated trials that the House of Commons was against him, and in his place on the Bth of April, 1835, Sir R. PEEL stated that, after "four impressive defeats," no other course was left him—(Hansard's Debates, vol. xxvii., p. 980). Lord PALMERSTON, however, thought that one "impressive defeat" was enough, and he retired. Whether the Noble Viscount was right or wrong in doing so need not now be debated. If he were wrong, so much the more discredit redounds to an experienced statesman making a political blunder at such a time ; but if he were right in doing so, then the act of his resignation in February impeaches the whole of the factious conduct of the Noble Lord during the last three months. By his retirement the Noble Lord cast upon her Majesty the burden and responsibility of a total change in her .Royal counsels ; and no sooner was that change effected than Lord PAL witsros used every art, and employed all sorts of resources, public and private, in order to upset the Ministry which his own errors had been the means of bringing into power. He spared no trouble and omitted no practices by which he could embarrass his successors, who had the grave task imposed on them of directing those affairs which had been cast into confusion by Lord PALMERSTON'S failing to manage the majority which had been once at - his command, and which he had outraged by his arrogance. By his resignation the business of the session was inter rupted ; for nearly three weeks the progress of Parliamentary affairs was suspended, since six teen or eighteen gentlemen appointed to office had to go through their re-election ; and while it was admitted that the previous year had been " lost," there was imminent danger that the current session would also go for nought. In the meantime the public opinion of Europe was much perplexed at the sudden downfall of Lord PALMERSTON, and some of those "foreign intriguers " (alluded to by the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER in his brilliant speech at Slough) took advantage of the fact in order to spread prejudice against the free Constitution of Eng land. In the saloons of Vienna, and in certain German and French organs, there were virulent sneers about " popular fickleness," " uncertainty of the British Parliament," " wavering demo cracy," &c., &c., and a prima-facie case was affected to be made against the insecurity of an English Executive ; and even the dignity of a British Crown.was invidiously contrasted with the superior certainty of a more fixed and less constitutional sovereignty. As the facts were told upon the Continent it cannot be denied that some of the taunts had effect. The partizans of THE PRESS, MAY 29, 1858. Absolutism took pleasure in pointedly snarling at the "instability of the English Executive." There was an object to be gained by that detrac tion from the honour of British Sovereignty. The cause of Absolutism and Bureaucracy was thereby served in one direction, while the jealousy of certain courtly influences abroad was also cheaply gratified by any apparent diminution of the dignity and political security of Queen VICTORIA. And now the question comes, What has been the conduct of Viscount PALMERSTON towards those " foreign intriguers " who would thus obliquely disparage the dignity of the British Queen, under the guise of critical comments on the workings of a free Parliament ? We are sorry to record that Lord PALMERS TON for the last several weeks has done all that he could to justify and supply with evidence those " foreign intriguers," that they are not so wrong as might be hoped, when they affect to pity queen VICTORIA. The acts of Lord PM.MERS TON are referred to by them as evidence of what an English Sovereign has to tolerate. "He " was," it is said by these sinister publicists, " the Queen's adviser in February ; he compelled " her to look elsewhere for another Minister ; her " Majesty made the change, and then the ex " Premier resolves to compel the Queen to make " another change, and thus exhibits her in " a pitiable light ! " But these commentators forget to add that Lord PALMERSTON has been doing so at the risk of his reputation. An English Sovereign cannot stoop to resent personal affronts; but an English Parliament knows how to avenge the workings of faction, and a free people will not permit any individual, however great or powerful, to disparage by his proceedings the station of the Queen. Neither the thunder of the Times, nor the audacity of the Cabal, nor the witcheries of " Cambridge-house," can blind the public to the fact that Lord PALMERSTON has misconducted himself towards her Majesty. No one knew better than the Noble Viscount that her Majesty took time for reflection before in trusting Lord DERBY with the conduct of her affairs ; and yet, day after day, week after week, and month after month, the Noble Viscount has been doing his best to embarrass the Queen, to perplex her counsels, to thwart her constitutional advisers, and to expose her Majesty to the pitying wonder of Europe as in a dilemma between rival parties, and actually buffetted by factions ! For this grievous misrepresentation of the august office of the sovereignty of the realm, and for this misconduct towards Queen Vicroitu, Viscount PALMERSTON is undoubtedly personally respon sible ; and his reputation must pay the penalty. He had, contrary to all human expectation, arrived at the summit of power. He had become Premier with the consent of his Sovereign in 1855; and now in 1858 his vaunting ambition will not be content unless he can again become Premier without the consent of that Sovereign from whose service he fled, either in caprice or in a burst of passion, after one " impressive defeat" three months ago! And to compass this mere personal end the Sunday meeting is held at " Cambridge-house," without the slightest regard or consideration for the feelings of the Sovereign. The Cabal sets to work, the conspiracy is formed, Mr. CARDWELL is chosen to coax the Peelites, and Mr. Sergeant DEASY (of two years' Parliamentary standing) is selected for the purpose of cajoling the Romanists of Ireland ! Well, indeed, might the CHAN CELLOR of the EXCHEQUER say—" That the Cabal, " which had a tainted character itself, chose its " instruments with Pharisaical accuracy." That conduct such as Lord PALNIERSTON has ex hibited can be allowed to pass without exciting the displeasure of the nation is not, we trust, to be expected. Englishmen are not the subjects of Viscount PALNtERsToN ; they have given their allegiance to Queen VICTORIA ; and the dynasty of the House of Brunswick is not yet dethroned, and no fondness is shown by Englishmen for a Dictator. Many recollect that this is not the first time that Lord PALMERSTON has failed in respect to the Queen. In 1852 the House of Commons was informed by Lord J. RUSSELL that her Majesty was compelled to interfere specially with reference to the conduct of Lord PALMERSTON in forwarding despatches which had not been duly submitted to the Royal pleasure. The subject is too invidious, and we shall not describe the scandal which Lord J. RUSSELL first promulgated to the world; and it is with that same Lord J. RUSSELL that Lord PALMERSTON is now ready to cqalesce. One fled before Mr. ROEBUCK . B motion about the Crimean disasters, and the other ran from the consequences of his own "Conspiracy Bill." And these are the men who now seek to dictate to the British Crown ! Monarchy is popular with Englishmen as an institution ; for the people at large well know that some sovereign power is absolutely required in the State, in order to counterbalance the influence of a territorial aristocracy and of the wealthy commercial classes. Without the Sove reignty there would be danger of a class-contest between the aristocracy and democracy. And the people like to see the greatest men of the coun try paying reverence to the Queen, and they took pleasure in beholding the illustrious WEL LINGTON uncovering his snow-white head in pre sence of the Sovereign who prized his long-tried loyalty and unsurpassed services. The masses have an instinctive perception of the great truth that the Sovereign redresses the balance between the aristocracy and the commonalty. Therefore, to affront Majesty is to insult the nation, and to show systematic disregard to the community. The way in which Lord PALMERSTON fell from power—the arrogance of his deportment towards his superiors and his equals—his conduct in foreign affairs, which recals the lines, Cowering and quaking before a oomph-Toes sword, But lofty to a lawful prince restored— and the appointment of Lord CLANRICARDE to the Court of Queen VicroßlA—all these consi derations ought to have made Lord PALNERsTos peculiarly cautious in his conduct when he had forced the Queen to choose a new Ministry after his own still recent defeat. But the fatal levity of Lord PALmEnsToN seems to increase with his years, and the sight of aged recklessness is painfully distressing. He has now insulted both the Court and the Country ; he would rule the first by a Cabal, and he would fling the other to a Clanricarde. Eng land and her Sovereign have not yet fallen into such a plight as to endure the establishment of a " Cambridge-house " dictatorship, and the people of this anc►ent country (to say nothing of the feelings of the Sovereign) are not ready to allow their Monarchy to be outraged. The beloved granddaughter of GEORGE HI. is not the Sove reign whom Englishmen will give up to the power of men who can neither rightly use autho rity when they obtain it., nor loyally submit to it when properly given into the hands of others. RUSSIA AND TURKEY. THE politics of Eastern Europe present but few attractions to the great body of English men ; their sympathies are seldom strongly en listed on the side of either Russian or Turk ; and beyond the general impression that it is necessary to keep the Czar out of Constantinople, in order to preserve a free communication with India by the overland route, the mass of our countrymen have but little knowledge, and be stow but little thought, upon a question which is regarded by the other Powers of Europe with constant anxiety and vigilant watchfulness. It is right, however, that England, as one of the high contracting parties to the Treaty of Paris, should, even in the midst of an Indian crisis, remember the engagement into which she entered under that Treaty, and require the exact fulfilment of the terms for which she stipulated. Thus, and thus only, can the balance of power in Europe be maintained ; thus, and thus only, can the necessity for another war with Russia be obviated. Among the many questions left unsettled at the termination of the late Crimean campaign was one which even more closely concerns the development of civilization than either the recon struction of the government of the Principalities or the opening of the navigation of the Danube to European commerce. That question was the condition of the Christian subjects of the Porte. The attention given by the Congress of Paris to this topic was dictated no less by sound policy than by a benevolent sympathy. It was by means of her protectorate of the Greek Church in Turkey that Russia had gained her influence in Turkish affairs ; in older to repress that in fluence, it was necessary to withdraw the Oriental