The Press. — London, England, 1858-03-13 00:00:00

THE PRESS, MARCH 13, 18513: any sacrifice rather than change those laws and customs, even indirectly, at the instigation of a foreign sovereign, still it would be wise, consistently with that spirit and de termination, to maintain an unimpassioned and unpre judiced feeling towards the Government and people of France. (Cheers.) I know that at this moment calum nies are circulated in every quarter with a view of making the people of England believe that the Emperor of the French, instead of being our faithful ally, has rather sought an opportunity to pick a quarrel with England, because he thought he had us at some disadvantage in consequence of the disturbances in India. Gentlemen, there is nothing more unfounded than that. (Hear, hear.) There is no prince in Europe so well-informed on all political matters as the Emperor of the French. There is no prince in Europe so well-informed upon the means of defence pos sessed by this country as the Emperor of the French. I will be bound to say that he knows much more about our ships and soldiers than any of her Majesty's subjects, and quite as much as her Majesty's Ministers. The Emperor of the French, who is this well-informed prince, knows as well as I do that, notwithstanding the fine army which we have sent to India, we have at this moment in this country a larger effective force than we have had at any period for the last twenty-five years. (Cheers.) He knows as well as I do that in twenty-four hours we could man with able seamen the most powerful Channel fleet that ever rode upon the English waters. The Emperor of the French, who is the best informed prince in Europe on English politics, knows I dare say as well as I do the last monthly return of our recruiting rota; and he knows that in this country, where we have no conscription, and where we can only appeal to the patriotism and public spirit of the people, there is • larger recruiting going on at this moment for every arm of her Majesty's service than during any month of the Crimean campaign. Then what a calumny it is to pretend that he has picked an occasion to quarrel with us on account of our Indian diffi culties. We must clear our minds of these prejudices. The Emperor of the French, I am persuaded, is willing now, as he was before this horrible attempt on his life, and before this unhappy and blundering misconception of the English Ministry, to cultivate the friendship of a people whom he respects and esteems, and to preserve that alliance which, to use his own words, can alone maintain old Europe against those commanding influences which are rising in other parts of the world. He is as ready as ever to support that understanding between England and France, which he believes to be the best security for order, tranquillity, civilisation, and European power; but the success of his efforts, and of those of the persons who are responsible for the conduct of affairs here, to bring about the consummation which I trust is at hand, in the restoration of a good understanding between the two countries, depends greatly on the Rood humour of the English people, and the good sense of the French people. I have touched at some length on this subject, which is foremost in the minds of Englishmen at the present moment. Yet I ought not entirely to avoid all others. We have undertaken the responsibility of Government all will admit at a very critical period. We have to encounter some difficulties which are not of an ordinary magnitude, bat I do not despair that we shall be able to steer the ship in a manner which will be satisfactory to the people of this country. In the first place we have at once to deal with a subject of magnitude and interest—the government of India. I will say a word or two upon that subject, because, from what I see in the public journals, it is plain that there is considerable misapprehension in the public mind as to the position and the intentions of the Government in respect to it. I myself have ever been of opinion —at least since the time when I could form any opinion of which I may be per mitted to speak now—that the Government of India is of an anomalous character. In 1853, when the charter was renewed, I thought it a great mistake to force Parliament to legislate for India without waiting for the result of those inquiries which were then being carried on by com mittees of both houses, which I think would have induced Parliament to come to a different conclusion from that at which it did arrive, and would have led to the termination of what is called the double form of government. A noble friend and colleague of mine, Lord Stanley, at my personal instance and with my aid in debate, did bring forward a motion to delay the settlement of the question until the inquiry was complete. We were defeated on that occasion, but the policy which is now to be pursued by all statesmen is exactly that which we recommended in 1853, but which a majority then refused to adopt. This year. when the Government brought forward their measure for the new form of government for India, there was an amendment moved by a gentleman who is quite independent of party, Mr. T. Baring, to the effect that it was not expedient to legislate for Indiairit the present moment—having We ranee of course to the civil war now raging there. That was not a party question—it was brought forward by a gentleman who has no connection with party. When he gave notice of that amendment no person was acquainted with his intention but himself. My own opinion I confess was, that until the military settlement of India had taken place it was not expedient to invent a new Government. I voted with the minority on that occasion, and I believe my noble friend Lord Stanley voted with the majority. But it is the intention of the present Government to pro ceed to legislation on this subject, and we have been accused of inconsistency in voting that delay was expe- dient in one month, and sating without delay in the next. A moment's calm and unprejudiced reflection, however, must convince any one that there is no inconsistency in that course. It is said that we have bowed to a decree of the House of Commons, expressed by the majority of 140 or 150 who voted in favour of immediate legislation, and that having bowel to one decree we ought to bow to all others from the same quarter. In the course which we intend to pursue we do not bow to the vote of the House of Commons, but we look to the effect of it. The great objection which I urged in the House of Commons against rights and privileges of Englishmen with the maintenance of that alliance which is necessary for the cause of Euro pean civilisation is a problem not easy to solve, but one from the solution of which we shall not shrink. (Hear.) So unhappily have affairs been managed that the result of the proceedings of the late Administration with respect to these great transactions appears to be that there is apparently an attempt to change the laws of England at the dictation of a foreign power. I am convinced the people of this country will miter submit to such a pro ceeding—(cheers)—and, although I deeply regret that by misunderstanding and misconception such a situation should have been arrived at, I feel it is impossible that the difficulty should be solved by pursuing a course which the great majority of the people of England have already entirely condemned. I do not, however, despair that these great difficulties may be overcome. Ido not despair that there are means and methods by which, consistently alike with the honour and interests of England and of France, we may arrive at some conclusion which wed be perfectly satisfactory to both nations, and will, as I hope, leave no feeling of coldness or alienation behind. (Cheers.) In considering this question I regard with great con fidence the character of the Emperor of the French. The custom of that prince, arising necessarily from the great transactions with which he has to deal, is to leave the conduct of affairs for a considerable time to his Ministers and to subordinate agents. This is the neces sary consequence of the Emperor's dealing himself, more or less, with the entire administration of his empire, both foreign and domestic; but it has happened before, as I hope it will happen in this case, that when by their mismanagement and by their misconduct a critical state of affairs has occurred,—when the peace of Europe or the independence of countries has been in question,— when difficulties have appeared to take much' an inextri cable form that no solution was at hand,—the Emperor himself has then interfered and has brought to the survey of the whole transaction that sagacious and unimpassioned intelligence which he possesses, viewing the state of affairs, as I believe he will do on this occasion, solely with regard to the interests of France. The Emperor of the French, I feel assured, will not permit these great principles of policy of which he has been the chief sup rrter, if not the originator, to be sacrificed for want of intelligence or from deficiency of judgment on the part of those individuals who have had the previous manage ment and conduct of these matters. ( Hear, hear.) I feel persuaded that when the Emperor himself brings— as no doubt at this moment he is bringing—his personal investigation and supervision to all the circumstances of this difficult case, he will not hesitate to recognise the original error of his Ministers ; that be will not hesitate to place confidence in those laws of England the efficiency of which has not even yet been tried to obtain for him the just remedy which he solicited. ( Hear, hear.) I am confident that when the Emperor has investigated in gash a spirit all the circumstances of this case, while he reoogniseenthe first error of his Ministers, while he recognises what has too late been acknowledged, the effi ciency of the existing law—if his hopes are frustrated, if it be proved that :hat law is inefficient ( which I am not inclined to believe), and if the monstrous doctrine can be demonstrated to be the law of England that an alien in this country may commit with impunity a crime which one of her Majesty's own subjects could not com mit without incurring the penalties of the law, then I am sure the Emperor of the French will not send dictatorial messages or menaces ; he will leave them to counts and eolonels—(laughter)—but he will appeal to the justice of the English nation, and he will ask them, " Do you wish it to be the law of England that an alien may commit with impunity a crime which one of your Sovereign's own subjects cannot commit without punishment, and that such a crime may be perpetrated against the person of your faithful ally ?" ( Cheers.) Now, with respect to this situation, I watch with in terest the trials that will soon tate place in this country. I know it is imagined abroad that there are great and pur poted delays in the investigation which is now in progress be ore magistrates, preliminary to the trials which will sub sequently take place ; but this arises from that ignorance of oar forms of law which is too prevalent on the Continent. These forms of delay were adopted to protect the liberties • the subject, and we must on no account permit them to be diminished. So far, however, as I can form a judg ment, from a knowledge of proceedings now in progress— and of course I avoid giving an opinion upon the guilt of any man who has not been tried—l think a case of such gravity and magnitude will soon be brought before our tribunals, that the efficiency of the law on this important subject will be fairly and completely tested. Until a deci sion has been given I think it premature to say more. For myself, I have confidence in the law of England. I cannot but believe that the law of this country is sufficient to touch miscreants of the class in question ; and although I would on no account, under no circumstances, with no conditions, and under no limitations, ever consent to tamper with that law of asylum which has rendered this the consecrated land of liberty—(cheers)—l do not hesi tate to express the great gratification I shall feel if the law is proved to be powerful enough to deal with those who have outraged the feelings of this country, and have violated that sacred right which, even with such exceptions, we are still bound to maintain. (Cheers.) I have touched upon this difficult and delicate topic with frankness, because it appears to me of the utmost impor tance that there should prevail at this moment au intelli gent spirit in this country on the subject of one relations with France. It is undoubtedly the interest of many influ ential persons, classes, and individuals in England to poison the feelings of the people of England at this moment against the Government and people of France. That is, in my opinion, a most dangerous conrse. (Cheers.) While the people of this country should be prompt under all circumstances to maintain their laws and customs, and while they ought to consent to every and legislating for the government of India at this time was that it would weaken the Government of India in the opinion of those in India who ought to look upon it as most powerful. (Hear, hear.) But what is th e cond i tion of that Government now that it has been condemned by a majority of 140 or 150? Who can suppose th at t h e East India Company will exercise any influence in India when the House of Commons has condemned it as incompetent The Directors of the East India Company must feel like corpses—(laughter)—they must be conscious of bein g dead men ; and I shoul d suppose that th e i r greatest anxiety is to get their burial over as soon as possible, and that their obsequies should be consummated in the most decorous and even in the most splendid manner. It being a positive fact that we must have a new Go. vernment in England for India, that its construction will not admit of any long delay, and that the moral influence of the existing East India Company was destroyed by th e vote of the House of Commons, we feel it to be our duty to lay a measure before Parliament. But we are not going to take up the measure of our predecessors--that was one of the most objectionable and inefficient measures that was ever introduced in Parliament; but we are going to deal with the question of the Indian Government in a very different spirit. This is not the occasion, and it would be the height of impropriety in me to enter now upon details which mast be reserved for Parliament and which will very soon be before the world, but when our measure is brought forward I shall appeal with confidence to public opinion to decide upon the comparative merits of our scheme and of that of our predecessors, which was con demned, I must say universally, even by those who voted against Mr. Baring's amendment. I hardly know, gentlemen, whether there are any oth er subjects of that urgent and instant importance which would justify me in trespassing much longer on your time. LDr. Lee.—The ballot.] The ballot is only a measure, and not a principle. It is a part of that great subject of parliamentary reform on which, of course, it is my intention, with your permission, to make a few observa tions. (Cheers.) The subject is not one on which I can feel any difficulty in addressing the electors of Bucks, since on these very hustings last year I made some obser vations on the subject which you listened to with great indulgence, and since then I have addressed my consti tuents in the northern part of the county, when I took leave to lay down some principles and to offer some facts which have been very acceptable, not only to my own con stituents, but to the country at large. It is a subject upon which we have conferred so often, and to which I have given so much consideration, that it never for a moment entered into my mind to leave this table without offering my opinion upon it. (Cheers.) Let us revert for a moment to the years 1832413, and let me ask you what was the cry then when the Reform Bill was under discussion? There was a great many persons who disapproved that measure. 1 myself—though my opinions were nut of much consequence—then disapproved of it. 1 thought it a great party manoeuvre which, if successful, would place the Whigs in power pretty well for the term of my life. But so great was the enthusiasm in favour of the bill that no person then could open his mouth in criti cism upon it with safety to his life. A great many men took objections to the principles on which the bill was founded and to the methods by which its ends were to be worked out, but nobody would listen to them in the House of Commons. The cry was, " The bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill "—and I believe no one was louder in that cry than my learned friend Dr. Lee. (Loud laughter.) The learned doctor always criticises any change in my opinions with much equanimity, but he is never charged by me with those remarkable gyrations which be himself has exhibited. I won't say that he is a " most vile antithesis," because the epithet is odious, and I have a great respect for my learned friend—but that be is a remarkable antithesis all will agree. (Laughter.) I should like to remind those gentlemen who bawled "for the bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill," that the ballot was not in it. (Cheers.) What was the next stage then in public opinion as to the Reform Bill ? After a certain time pnblio opinion began to grow a little sober on the subject—the Conservatires, that is to say those who were formerly the Tories, who had been reduced to about 140 after the Reform Bill, began to increase considerably in numbers under the leadership of a very able man—and then the Whigs began to suspect (that there was a chance of the Tories coming back to power. What did they do ? They immediately raised a cry— " Oh, the Tories must never be allowed to come back to power, for they are not sincere ; and if they do get back to power they'll be altering the Reform Bill." lam sure the learned doctor was very much alarmed about that. (Laughter.) It was in vain that Sir R Peel, speaking for the Conservative party, offered a solemn and reiterated assurance that the Tories—however mach they bad op posed it, however injurious in many respects and unsatis factory in more they deemed it—gave to the Reform Bill a sincere adhesion that they accepted it as the basis of their public and political conduct—they declared in the face of the nation that they would act in the spirit of that reform, that they would not seek to tamper with or to alter its provisions. But no, for ten years the Tones were kept out of power because they were not sincere re formers, and because if they were admitted to power there would be the greatest danger of their attempting to alter the Reform Bill. I, along with every other member of the party with which I act, have always looked upon that as a solemn compact given by Sir R. Peel that we should adhere to the settlement (made by the Reform Bill. Still I never changed my opinion about that bill ; and though J did think that a subject of such magnitude was dealt with in many respects in a way not entirely tins orthy of it, yet I believed then, I believe now, and everybody pretty well agrees with me, that there was in the concoction of that bill a greater number of jobs than in any bill ever in vented; and that, although its superficial and nouuma