The Press. — London, England, 1853-07-02 00:00:00

j 4 .ble No. 9.—VoL. I. tip V rtss. LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY 2, 1t443. THE news of the rejeetion of the ultimatissi mum by the Porte reached St. Petersburg on the 24th ult. The Emperor of RUSSIA has made a personal declaration to the English and French Ambas sadors, expressed in the strongest language. He stated that even the destruction of his fleets should not prevent his invading Turkey, and obtaining the reparation which ho believed to be his due. The fourth division of the Russian army is ordered to enter Moldavia. The Russian force On the line of the Black Sea amounts to MAO men. The Emperor complains that the conduct of Lord ABERDEEN is entirely at variance with the private declarations of that Minister. It is said that peremWory instructions have been forwarded to M. de BRUNOW to cease his habitual communications with the Premier, and to confine himself, in future, to official intercourse with the English Secretary of State, whoever he may be. LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY 2, 1853. Hu doubt, eollllllallibt a certain amount of par liamentary following, apart than the merits of the. cause. Few persons au•e fully aware of the vast amount of small patronage which is at the disposal of ant English Minister. With dex t•ous management and at good whipper-in, even the " tentless pigs" may lac kept tram► squeaking inopportunely ; and many a Radical who bawls and blusters — by permission—about ballot, short Pairliaments, and tenant-rights, is all obedience and silence , oil the night of a party division. But when to the influence of Downing-street is added the influence of Leaelenhall street ; above all, when that nest of corruption is threatened over which Sir JAMES Heee spreads his sheltering wings; it is no nuuwel—to put the matter delicately—that the preponderance of votes should not be found on the same side as the prepondel•unee of opinions. Other causes have doubtless operated on the minds of Conservative gentle men. There are some who honestly believe their party principle tA) consist in opposition to all change, good Or bad, and who thus, when two alternatives are offered them, prefer, without farther discrimination, that which seems to involve the least degree of departure from things as they aa•e. Others, again, have been misled by the cry, " Don't make India at party question"—as though a Government did not make every question at party question in which its reputation is concerned—as though, in Mr. DISRAELI'S phrase, 11. party question must necessarily be ant improper question—as though that were a party question in which Mr. WAI.001.1.; and Mr. COBDEN, Mr. NAPIER and Mr. BRIGHT, entered the same lobby against nut equally heterogeneous asseutl►btge on the other side ! These well-meaning gentlemen have haul their wish. They have vindicated their " principle" at the expense of their col leagues, and will 'no doubt receive it cordial welcome from the Moi•uiiay Chronicle and Sir C. Wow). But the battle of Indian reform is not lost. Far from it : the result of Thursday's division will hardly neutralise that of the preceding fiat'. nights debate. Tin nigh to many people the subject be repulsive, partly from its novelty, partly from the wilderness of detail into which it finis out, yet, under the rigorous eriticisio of " Young India," seareely one flaw in the Company's administnition has passed wholly untouched. A vast 111/04/4 of information has been circulated, which will gnulually find its way to the remotest parts of the country, and to all classes of newspaper readers. 'the English public no longer images to itself a powerful and benevolent company, ruling a conquered race without the aid of the sword, diffusing education, opening roads, averting famines by immigration, and protecting life and property by the aid of an efficient police. These delusions have vanished from the pub lic mind, not to return. Another picture is now before us, of wars recklessly engaged in, provinces annexed without justice us without advantage, perpetual and profitless bloodshed. finances showing yearly an increasing deficit, men perishing by hundreds of thousands for want of those supplies of water which nature does not furnish, but which in Asia it is the first duty of a wise Government to provide, eionmerce wantonly impeded, education re fused, justice mocked by the ignonmee of Englishmen, combined with the thirst for gold of native subordinates. That " empire of opinion "of which we are wont to boast is PRICE SIXPENCE. now demonstrated to rest, not On the opinion of our benevolenee, but of our force—on the terror of arms, the timidity of Orientals, the want of chiefs, the diversity of mees, the mutual distrust of those who, unitedonight give its cause for tear. And looking at home, we see men, obscure and unlivable for tho most part, sitting in Seeeeey, dents with the patronage whom) right distri bution is the very condition of our Indian tenure, and weaning at their pleasure Clover nors-Ileneral appointed by the Crown. These things needed only exposure to put an end to them ; and, HOW that they are exposed, a remedy will lie promptly found, despite of the pseudf-'Toryism tries to ismeeal the existenee of Olt evil, rather than be at the trouble of providing its cure. THE GOVERNMENT OF IRELAND BY ITS PRIESTS. Ima.Axo, according to the popular belief, has been always governed by middlemen. The rt icipat • in this process hitherto by Protestants and gentlemen has invited a flood of Radical obloquy. But the triumph of the briekbat and shillelagh at the late Irish elect ions has not changed the system : it has only cheapened the instruments. As the price of the activity which raised them to power, Ministers are now, in the words of Lord Demur, " trying that most dangerous of all dangerous " experiments—to carry on the Government of " Ireland through the Roman Catholic priests.** The evidences of this policy are accumulating on all sides, so that our chief difficulty at this moment is to find spite(' to exhibit them in anticipation of their el inmequenees. Already, indeed, has the confidence in the impartial administration of justice in Ireland been shaken. The law has been made a ter ror only to the supporters of it. After the mockery of legal proceetlinga which ft 'Bowed the Six-mile-bridge affray, what soldier will not feel disheartened in the presence of priest led rioters, or what burly priest will not feel ii sured that he may with impunity head " the "boys" in the cause of Mother Church, und, acting on the hint of her Majesty's present So liciter-Genend for Ireland, add the terrors Of a dark night and a heavy bludgeon to those of spiritual denunciations from the altar? We are not now going to restate the parti eulars of this well-known affair. It is pant, though it will long be remembered "for' the " praise of evil-doers and lior the peafailinent of " them that do well." Their reverences were not prosecuted, though openly accused, at the time and since, by a committee of the Homo) of Commons, of instigating and leading a riot ; but the soldiers were. Nor has any satisfactory reason been assigned for this, though demanded in the Parliament and by the country. Even supposing that priest iivaxx's mime on the Leek of the bill as a wit ness preserved him front prosecution—a doc trine monstrously absurd—there was no such bar in the ease of priest \Musa. The ex planation offered by the head of the Govern ment is not uninstructive. The Cabinet, it appears, decided that the priests were to be proseeuted, and wrote to that e ff ect to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland ; but his lordship, in the exerehe of his discretion, refused to THE INDIA DEBATE. A Loxo, and on the whole a dreary, debate has been concluded by a decisive majority in fa vour of Sir CHARLEM Woon, whereat Ministers rejoice, and cry exultingly that the Conserva tive party is broken up. Never having antici pated that the India Bill would be defeated on the second reading (although a severer ordeal awaits it in committee), we care little for a few adverse votes more or less ; but it seems im portant to indicate the causes of this victory, lest inferences should be drawn from it which which the facts do not warrant. The general measure. it is admitted on all hands, possesses few elements of merit, and not one of permanence. It unsettles every thing, but it settles nothing. It destroys the independence of the Director s, yet maintains their irresp‘maibility, their incapacity, and their patronage. It is patched up in haste to prevent agitation, yet it disclaims finality, and thus opens the door to agitation for an un limited period. Except one or two local changes, which we will not now discuss and the distribution of the civil patronage, which we agree with Lord STANLEY in approving on principle, though to us the details seem fitulty, no single clause has been selected for praise, and, as a whole, it has not been mentioned by any single speaker except with censure. In what, then, consists the redeeming fea tures which have earned for it the support of the House of Commons? Every I ioyenunent, LATEST EDITION.] ‘ , / e / 7 AO% MII INN