The Press. — London, England, 1854-12-23 00:00:00

DECEMBER 23, 1854. those of our own—who were the subjects of the same so vereign, or of sovereigns for whose cause we fought, and who, I believe, behaved throughout the great war that ended in 1815 with admirable courage, intelligence, and discipline. I confine myself entirely to those free lances, those miserable mercenaries, those condottieri who were engaged in the cheapest market, who had no political con victions or unison of sentiments to animate them in the cause, who were purchased by the power that paid them most, and whose achievements are immortalised in the passages I have read to you. As I have taken 1811 and 1812, I may be allowed to read an extract from a despatch in 1813. The duke writes to General Campbell at Ali cant : Sir, I have received your letter of the 12th, regarding the conduct of the second Italian regiment. I entirely concur in all the measures you have adopted, and I applaud the decision and firmness ofyour conduct. The foreign troops are so much addicted to desertion that they are very unfit for our army, of which they necessarily form too large a proportion to the native troops. (Hear, hear.) The evil is aggravated by the practice which prevails of enlisting prisoners, although deserters are nearly as bad. The consequence is, therefore, that a foreign regiment cannot be placed in a situation in which the soldiers Can desert, that they do not go off in numbers, and in the Penni. Rola they carry to the enemy the only intelligence which he can procure. With this knowledge I seldom, if ever, use the foreign Britiah troops ou the duty of outposts, and whatever you may determine regarding the 2nd Italian regiment, I recommend the same practice to your consideration. (Hear.) In more recent days the right hon. gentleman re marked that the danger averted at the battle of Inker mann was attributed by a French semi.official journal to the information given to the enemy by a deserter from the French Foreign Legion. After elucidating the special demerits of the proposition, Mr. Disraeli adverted to the principles on which it was based, and the course adopted by the Opposition in regard to it : Under the present circumstances I think that, irrespec tively of all other considerations, looking merely to the details, I can prove that the measure the Government is proposing is one that will be fruitless and barren of the results which it desires from it. Let us look at the policy of the measure. Here we are engaged in a war which even the highest authority now calls a great war. You, the Ministers, omit no opportunity now of dwelling upon the magnitude of the peril, and of the greatness of the resources of the enemy with whom you are contending. The country watches with anxiety the conduct of your army 3,000 miles from home. There is a solemn conviction in the public mind that this is a crisis in the struggle be tween the Western powers and Russia. Parliament is suddenly called together—so suddenly that, even at the last moment, Ministers, as it were, changed their minds. The attention of the whole of Europe is attracted to the events of this important assembly, especially when it as sembles under circumstances so remarkable. It is an nounced that we are assembled together in order that her Majesty's Ministers might communicate to the Council of the nation for its adoption and sanction those great mea sures which the Government thinks adequate for the exi gencies of the time. The noble lord the Home Secretary has taunted this side of the house with always pressing on the Governmentto take measures equal to the exigencies of the moment, and, when the first measure is proposed in that view, that they cavil at and criticise it. That was not a generous taunt on the part of the noble lord—(Hear)—gene rosity may not be much valued in the House of Commons, though I hope truth may long linger among us; but 1 ven ture to say that the taunt is not just, for the Government has received no obstacle whatever in the conduct of the war from the Opposition. (clear, hear.) There has not been a vote proposed by them which has not been cheerfully acceded to them. Tho Ministers might have had any amount of money or of men—(hear, hear)—for merely ask ing for it. They know they might count upon us for a cordial, sincere, and earnest support of their policy, and I say, sir, they received it. (Hear, hear.) It is not, there fore, just on the part of the Secretary of State to rise now, and having entirely failed in defending a measure which I am bound to say I am not surprised that he failed to defend—for even his talents must be sometimes baffled — he was not justified in attempting to cover his retreat by casting reproaches in the faces of the people of England and of the Opposition. ( Hear, hear.) The noble lord has attempted to convey that he and his colleagues have experienced from us a factious opposition; that we have cavilled at their policy, taunted them into action, and at the moment when they demand our support we refused it. It is a notorious fact—and no misrepresentation can disguise it from the people of this country—that, instead of takingadvantage of the difficulties of the Government as Oppositions before now have done—(Hear, hear)—instead of throwing obstacles in their way, we have said from the first, " Act with frankness and firmness, and you may count on the same support from us that you would expect from the adherents you most trust." From that line we have never deviated. (Hear, hear.) I say then, under these circumstances, I can conceive nothing more im politic than a Minister coming down to Parliament, not asking to embody the national force, or for very large votes, or for the grant of a great number of men, or for any other measure which shows a consciousness that they are embarked in an almost internecine struggle ; but they come forward with one only measure, which I have shown from the records of experience to be of so imperfect and paltry a character. (Ile ar, hear.) Utterly repugnant to public feeling throughout the country, what, he inquired, would be the effect of the measure abroad:— - I want to know what influence it will have on European Cabinets and public opinion abroad ? I read to-day in an organ which exercises great influence in Europe, not un friendly to the Western powers, I believe, though it takes moderate and mitigated view of these important transac tions—a great continental anthoritl—l read an article en THE PRESS. the policy of the Government, concluding with the obser vation, " all we can deduce from the policy of the English Ministry is that the recruiting powers of England are ex hausted." (Hear, hear.) 1 ask the noble lord, and the President of the Council, or any gentleman in the house, is not that a fair inference and the only one to draw?' (Hear.) Can any one doubt that is the opinion which will affect the conduct of public men and nations? It will affect the conduct of these German powers of which we have heard so much. Do you think that the Austrian treaty, which we were called upon to congratulate the Throne for—do you think the results of that are likely to be more important because of the impression that the re cruiting power of the country is exhausted? Reverting to the allegation of "necessity," Mr. Disraeli asked : Is this the policy—is this the conduct that wise, expe rienced, and responsible statesmen, the Ministers of a country like England, should pursue at this moment ? Tell me, as we have been told to-night, that we can only enlist bojs, when the experience of every gentleman in this house convinces him of the fallacy of that observation — (Hear)—and, if it be not fallacious, the observation is only more unwise and injurious. But to make statements of this kind, which are not to be decided by the experience of any gentleman wherever he sits, but by statistical docu meats and that body of information as to the resources of the country which is in the possession of every well informed person, is to me a most extraordinary proceeding. Why, the returns of the census contradict you—every public document of your own officers contradicts your assertion. The state of the population of the country is not such as that it can only furnish fur recruits those who are mere boys. It is not the truth in theory—it is not the fact in practice ; and it is impossible that the noble lord can ris e and tell us in sober sadness that it is not in his power to morrow, if he appeals to Parliament, to raise 100,000 men who are not boys; it is impossible that he can make that statement and receive for it the sanction of the house. But, if that be so, ought the fact to have been revealed, and is nut the making of such statements as those of the noble lord and his colleagues calculated at this moment to paralyse the conduct of the Government, and to palsy the spirit of the country; and, instead of bringing about a successful and triumphant issue, rather to—l will not say, consum mate the catastrophes that may be impending—but to pre pare a future full of anxiety and gloom to this country (Hear.) Comparing the performances of the late and present Administrations, the right hon. member said : The Secretary-at-War, on this and another occasion, has dilated with much eagerness on the difficulties of the posi tion of the Government from the imperfect establishments which they had at their command, but has never had the generosity to admit that, weak as our Government was, we in creased the force of the army, and also of the navy ; that we created a Channel fleet and put our artillery in an efficient state. lam not saying this in any spirit of boastfulness, but in answer to the charge that has been made against this house. I say, both at the period of Sir R. Peel's Adminis tration, and at the period of the Administration of which I had the honour to be a member, appeals were made to the House of Commons, from the nature of affairs, without any communication of causes—appeals were made to the confidence and patriotism of this house, and those appeals were responded to. ( Rear, hear.) If that be true, great is the responsibility of those Ministers who, suddenly acceding to office at the beginning of the year 1833--who before a month had elapsed were aware that the Emperor of Russia had proposed the partition of Turkey—did not under these circumstances make the preparations that were necessary. (Hear, hear.) But, says the Secretary of State, " Make preparations in time of peace—make preparations, when negotiations were going on—the Minister must be mad who would propose such a thing!" Why, when is a Govern ment to make preparations but under such circumstances and in such a position? All the preparations made by your predecessors for the last fifty years, preliminary to war or in confirmation of peace, were preparations made in this same manner. You had your militia called out, and there was no declaration of war. It was no impediment to your negotiations if you had increased your forces very largely, instead of very slightly. This occurred in the year .1853 ; but what did you do in lti:.4—(Hear, hear.)—when you must have been conscious for a year that war was inevit able ? When you were on the point, under certain con tingencies, of even declaring war, which ultimately you did declare—when even in the previous autumn the nation was absolutely calling on you to take decided measures, and you did even order your fleet to cuter the Black Sea-- what was your ,unduct then ? Why, when you declared war, did you not take those measures which would have placed you in a very different position—which would have prevented great national calamities, and the necessity of calling Parliament together to pass this bill? (Hear, hear.) Mr. Disraeli concluded : I am not going, in spite of the boastful speech of the Secretary-at-War, and in spite of the assertions of the noble lord the Lord President of the council—l am not going to be drawn into a discussion as to the conduct of the war as planned and schemed by the Government. I feel persuaded that the time will come when this house will expect that upon the policy of the Government there should be a full and a complete discussion. ("Rear, hear," and cheers.) The country knows now that one of the greatest expeditions ever sent out by the energies of this nation was ordered by her Majesty's Government to invade the Crimea and to besiege Sebastopol. Since the expedition against Sicily by the Athenians, l do not know that there ever was an expedition from which so much was expected, or upon which so much was at stake. ( Hear, hear.) There is unhappily in the commencement of both these expe• ditions too much similarity. The schemers were arrogant, boastful, and eversaaguine. There were too many gene 1215 rids in the Sicilian expedition ; there was too little cavalry ; there was a winter campaign, and there was no reserve. ( Hear.) When hon. gentlemen go into the country in a few days-1 understand they are to be absent a month—there may be moments when the battue is exhausted, and when there may be a frost. 1 reoomniend hon. gentlemen at such a time to refresh their memories by turning to the pages of" Thucydides," and reading the despatch of Nicias to the Athenians, especially where he says, " Men of Athens, 1 know you do not like to hear the truth; but understand this—you sent me out to be a besieger ; but, lo ! lam besieged." (" Hear, hear," and cheers.) We know what was the end of the Sicilian expedition. May Divine Providence, guarding over the expedition in which we have embarked, save us from a similar conclusion, but at least let us do now what the Athenians did even i u their proud despair. They sacrificed to the gods and appealed to the energies of their countrymen. We, at a moment not, I believe, of equal danger, are in a situation which 1 pray may end in triumph, but still a situation of doubt, of peril, and of anxiety, if unwisely we bring in a bill in order to enlist foreign mercenaries to vindicate the fortunes of England. (Loud Cheers.) Mr. MUNTZ opposed the bill, lamenting that the Government had committed themselves to so weak and discreditable a proposition. Designing to give an independent vote on the question, he expressed his conviction that if every member who conscien tiously disapproved of the bill was equally honest, the Ministry would have no majority ou the division. He was quite certain from what hon. members had said to him by scores, that they were as much opposed to the bill as he was, but they must swallow the nauseous dose. (Loud cheers from the Opposition benches.) With the Ministers it was the old story, " If you don't carry the bill we must resign." Then he would let them resign. (Laughter and cheers.) From what he knew of the feeling out of doors, the country said " Resign." It was quite clear somebody was iu fault, and he would ask if it was possible, looking at the last six months, to find any Government which had ever committed a greater number of blunders? (Opposition cheers.) The noble lord (Lord Palmerston) said, " We are asked why we went to Sebas- topol ?" He did not ask the noble lord that, for he knew they went there because they were afraid of saying they had done nothing. (Hear.) lint why did they go at such a season and with such an inferior force ? (Load cheers from the Opposition.) There was oue thing more important than any other, and he should like to know how the treaty was effected with Austria by which that power was allowed to take possession of the provinces. The Russians were by this enabled to send their reinforce ments to Sebastopol, while the allies would have been bettersituated without thisinterposition on the part of the Austrians. He doubted whether any good would come from the present Austrian treaty. He was anxious to give encouragement to this, or any Government that would carry on the war with that rigour and efficiency due to the honour of the country, but lie could not vote fur the pre sent measure. (Cheers.) Mr. DEEDES spoke briefly also in opposition to the bill, after which Lord J. RUSSELL replied. The present situation was this—Parliament had voted 170,000 men, but the actual number raised fell short of that number by more than 20,000, and many of those who enlisted were too young for service. It might bt3 true that the country was unanimous in supporting the war, yet the supply of the nerve and sinew by which the war must be carried on fell far short of the imme diate necessity. The measure was confessedly an expedient., but none better had been suggested to meet the pending exigency. Throughout Germany, they were assured on good authority, that much en thusiasm prevailed against 'Russia, and this enthu siasm the Government hoped to render available to furnish a force for employment when it was so much required. Adverting to the general conduct of the war, the noble lord submitted that the results of the campaign were far from insignificant. Looking at the pretensions of Russia at the commencement of the year, and her situation at its close, the efforts of the allies must be acknowledged to have proved suc cessful in baffling the aggressions and humbling the pride of their enemy at almost every point. Colonel SIBTHORP and the Marquis of BrAwnronn interposed a few remarks amidst imperative calls for a division, which then took place, the result being to pass the bill through the second reading, by a majo rity of 211 votes to 202-39. The motion for going into committee on the bill was brought forward on Wednesday, at the noon sitting of the house, and led to a somewhat dis cursive debate, in which a great number of nietnbers took part, and which was still unfinished when he hour for adjournment arrived. In the course of the discussion strong objections to the measure were ex pressed by many hon. representatives on both sides of the house, and others, among whom was Mr. Cobden, accepted the proposition merely on the plea of necessity ; our troops having been rashly sent to the Crimea and inefficiently supported when there, whom it was now indispensably requisite to save from destruction by aid obtained wherever it could he got. In defending the bill Lord JOHN Itt'i 1. repeated the assurance that it formed but one out of a series of measures which Ministers intended to introduce for the more vigorous prosecution of the were I ■ I