The Press. — London, England, 1854-06-24 00:00:00

580 Airo4ings in farlianunt. - THE EASTERN QUESTION. The serious attention of the Peers was drawn by Lord LYNDHURST on Monday to the memorandum relative to the Eastern question lately transmitted by the Cabinets of Vienna and Berlin to their envoys at the Germanic Diet. That document., he admitted, had never been officially published in England, but its terms were quite sufficiently known to justify criticism, and its tenor was calculated to excite sus picion and anxiety. Though somewhat obscure in language, the memorandum seemed clearly to imply that the war should, under no circumstances, have for result any change in the existing territorial posi tions. He then compared the memorandum with the protocol signed by the representatives of the four powers on Dec. 9, and with other more recent protocols, and declared that the whole series of State papers led to the conclusion that the maintenance of the status quo, the preservation of the old territorial limits of Europe, including the boundaries of Russia as well as of Turkey, was assumed a.s a fixed prin ciple for any future arrangement of the pending dif ficulties before war was declared by the Western powers against Russia, and had never been disowned since the occurrence of that eventuality. That Aus tria and rrussia would make peace on such terms he gathered from the expressions of the memoran dum to be indisputable, and he apprehended that England and France might be entangled into a ne cessity of accepting the same imperfect and unsatis factory solution : " Under these circumstances, and considering the prin ciple upon which we are now acting, and upon which France and the Austrian and Prussian powers are acting, as well as we, it is extremely difficult to come to any con clusion than that, whatever be the result of th 3 war, we are finally to put an end to it by restoring Russia to, and leaving Turkey in, precisely the same state as that in which they were anterior to the commencement of hostili ties. That this is the principle upon which Austria and Prussia are acting is free from all doubt, because, accord ing to their actual statement, if Russia were to agree now to withdraw from the principalities, and at the same time to enter into a guarantee as to the integrity of the Ottoman empire, there is no doubt that neither Austria nor Prussia would take any part in the further contest. And, if that be true with respect to those two powers when they are acting in common and on one common principle with the two other powers, it appears to lie clear almost to demon stration—and I must come to that conclusion unless I hear something to convince nie to the contrary from the noble earl opposite—that at this very moment the powers are acting upon the principle that if Russia should assent to admit the integrity of the Ottoman empire and the in dependence of the Sultan, and should consent to guarantee that integrity, we must be content to terminate the war upon that principle. (Hear, hear. )" Contending that the ambition of Russia required more vigorous measures of repression, and must be checked and crippled at various points, Lord Lynd hurst referred to the Danube, dwelling upon the vast importance of that river as a channel of navigation to Central Europe, and describing the condition to which it had been reduced through the faithless execution on the part of Russia of the powers and duties assigned to her in the unfortunate treaty of Adrianople : " Every kind of evasion was practised. The object was to maintain the rival port of Odessa at the expense of Aus tria and of all the other kingdoms of Europe. If any noble )ords wish for any details with respect to this subject, 11 exhort them to read the papers that were laid on the table of your lordships' house last year, and they will be found to afford a lively instance of the shuttling and, could I apply such words to such illustrious persons, I would iay, the mendacious policy, the diplomatic skill and false hood of the Court of St. Petersburg. (sear, hear.) Is it not, then, evident that it is absolutely necessary that a change should take place in the territorial possession of the mouths of the Danube—( Hear, hear)—that such an alteration is necessary to secure that important and valu able object, on which so much reliance is placed by Austria rid Germany—the free navigation of that important river? (gear.) I say, then, that this object is in contradiction with the principle which has been attempted to be estab lished, that the notes quo, as far as territory is concerned, is not to be altered." On the side of the East, also, he considered that a barrier must be placed against the encroachments of the Czar, by interposing the Circassians, restored to their rights as a free people, between the frontiers of Russia and Turkey : " We have, by the superiority of the combined fleets, shut up the Russian fleet in the harbour of Sebastopol ; it does not dare to come out, for fear of encountering our su perior naval power. In consequence of this, they have been compelled to desert and destroy ail their establish ments, except Anapa, on the eastern coast of theillack Sea. The chain of forts which they had for fifty years been con structing, in order to afford themselves opportunities to invade that territory and to give them free intercourse with their possessions south of Circassia, they have destroyed. Can it be supposed possible that, after we have encouraged the Circassians and supplied them with arms, it should be intended again to restore that territory to Russia, to place her in the situation which she before occupied? (Cheers.) How unjust would such conduct be towards the Circas- THE PRESS. . . siems—how unjust to our allies ! I say that such a course of proceeding never can by possibility be adopted.'•' Lord Lyndhurst then reverted to the general ques- tion, pointing out the steadily-aggressive policy which Russia had pursued for many generations towards the dominions of the Sultan, and how constantly the Czar had relied upon, and endeavoured to foster, divisions among the Western powers of Europe. The protectorate established in the principalities had been made the subject of a boast by Count Nesselrode, as giving Russia the key of the position against Turkey ; while Count Lieven had actually indicated the means of turning that position to account for effecting a swoop upon Constantinople before any of the Western powers could interfere. He then enforced the neces sity of providing some effectual guarantee against the recurrence of these dangerous enterprises. But how was this contrived ? The guarantee of the four powers to maintain the integrity of Turkey might doubtless be sufficient, so long as they were united and prepared to enforce it. This state of union could not, however, be depended upon ; and as for any guarantee resting upon treaties and depending upon the good faith of Russia, they would not be worth the paper on which they were written. Russia could not be bound by treaties. The history of that country for centuries had presented a tissue of fraud, duplicity, trickery, and violence. Citing recent in stances of grasping ambition and Asiatic ill-faith on the part of the Czars and their ministers, the noble lord continued:— " Is this the system, and are these the persons, on whose assurances we are to depend? (Cheers.) I remember hearing an eloquent speech from a noble lord ou the cross benches as to the necessity of placing confidence in a person with whom we might be negotiating; but the speech, though eloquent, was not convincing. As far as relates to the transactions of private life, confidence may properly be founded upon character ; but when great in terests are depending, and when we employ agents to pro tect those interests, give me leave to say that caution, jealousy, and foresight are the qualities which should cha racterise our negotiations. (Cheers.) lam of the same mind as Charles Fox was when he said he preferred the old parliamentary word jealousy' to the modern one ' confidence.' (Cheers and laughter.) When the interests of millions are at stake—when the liberties of mankind are in issue—away with confidence ! (Cheers.) Confidence ge nerally ends in credulity. ( Loud cheers.) This is true of statesmen as of individuals. (Hear, hear.) The Russian Government is marked by all the characteristics of Asiatic barbarism. St. Petersburg is merely a second Tobolsk. When Napoleon was going to Egypt he took possession of Malta and another small rock in the Mediterranean, which caused Pitt to say that there was nothing too vast for the aim of his ambition, nothing too small for the grasp of his rapacity. The remark is as applicable to Russia as it was. to Napoleon. Russia has doubled her European territories within the last fifty years, and yet she is bent on possess ing herself of Khiva. The loss of two armies does not deter her from prosecuting this purpose, although the place cannot be of the slightest value to her except as affording her the means of annoying us in respect to our Eastern possessions. In this way does Russia go on for ever. Take the most recent instances. While Nicholas was pre tending to act the part of protector of Turkey, and trying to cajole the Sultan with professions of friendship and es teem, he was at the same time planning the partition of his empire. ( Hear, hear.) This is the Emperor with whom you are dealing, and on whose statements and re presentations we are to rely. (Cheers.) These circum stances should put us on our guard against placing the slightest reliance on any engagements into which Russia may enter. We must have guarantees for the fulfilment of her undertakings. Ido not mean personal guarantees— they are worthless. Russia has coined a new phrase of which we may avail ourselves—' material guarantees.' ( Cheers and laughter.) Russia must give us what she calls material guarantees ; and if we hold in pledge or mortgage something valuable which she would not like to lose we may hope to bind her to her word; but as fur moral gua rantees—as for a pledge of good faith and honour—such things, coming from Russia, are to my mind of no value whatever. (Hear, hear.) But then my noble friend oppo site may say—What course would you pursue ? What is your policy? My reply is, that that would depend a good deal on the events of the war. (` Hear, hear; from the Ministerial benches.) This, however, I unhesitatingly de clare, that in no event, except that of extreme necessity, ought we to make peace without previously destroying the Russian fleet in the Black Sea, and laying prostrate the fortifications by which it is defended. (Great cheering.) If we leave Russia that fleet and those defences we leave her in a position in which she will be sure to coerce Tur key, because in that case Turkey must, to use the words I have already quoted, be submissive to her will. (Hear, hear.) I know not what course Austria intends to pursue, but I think I may venture to state that, in this matter, she has far more at stake than either England or France. (Hear, hear.) Should Russia hold permanent possession of the principalities, the whole southern frontier, and, indeed, the independence of Austria, would be threatened. If this monstrous, this leviathan power, which stretches forth its arms so many thousand miles from west to east, and presses on the northern and eastern frontiers of Ails trio., should also succeed in establishing itself on her southern frontier, Austria must be crushed. (Hear, hear.) What course Russia will take if she should succeed in ob taining possession of the provinces of Turkey in Europe it is not for me to predict. That she will not stand still — that she will not stand stationary, is certain. She knows — to use the emphatic language of the Emperor—that Bur rounding nations contemplate her colossal power with awe, and know that hex vast armies only await the signal for SATURDAY, , . pouringlike a deluge over the states and kingdoms of the world. My lords, I feel strongly on this subject, and I believe that if this barbarous nation—this enemy of all progress except that which tends to strengthen and conso lidate its own power—which punishes education as a crime —should once succeed in establishing itself in the heart of Europe, it would be the greatest calamity that could befal the bantam race. (Sustained! cheering.)" The Earl of CLARENDON remarked upon the irre. gularity of a discussion founded upon a State paper of which English politicians had no official cogni sance, and when many even of their lordships learnt it probably for the first time. Dismissing the memo randum as possessing in reality much less importance than had been assigned to it, the noble earl addressed himself to the question of the Austrian alliance:— "After the . philippic which my noble friend has pro• nounced against confidence,' I am almost afraid to yen tore on a declaration of my confidence in Austria. But I think 1 am justified in saying that we should look at Aua. tria as an independent power, carrying out her own policy, having some internal dangers to apprehend an d man ; German difficulties to contend with, and that, under these circumstances, full allowance is not made for her difficult position. I know that it has been said that Austria has not moved with that vigour and rapidity which was called for by our intervention and by the possible necessity of the case. But I would only call upon your lordships to place yourselves in the position of Austria, and to remem• her that up to the close of the year 1853 she did not believe in the possibility of a war. She trusted to the assurances and to the friendly feelings of Russia. She believed that her wishes and her interests would not be disregarded by Russia, and that the Emperor of Russia would not turn a deaf ear to her entreaties. She did not think that the Em. peror of Russia would abandon his conservative character, and be himself the disturber of the peace of Europe." Enumerating other tokens of Austrian sincerity in the contest against Russia, and remarking that she had placed troops at the disposal of the Porte for repress. ing the insurrection among the Montenegrins, had sent ships to aid in putting down the Greek rebellion, and was raising her army to 300,000 men, the Foreign Secretary proceeded to pronounce his conviction that Austria had no intention of concluding peace upon the terms apprehended by Lord Lynd hurst, and which he further declared would prove utterly unacceptable to England and France : "Nor can I believe that after the knowledge which Austria has acquired of Russian policy, and after the ex• perience she has had of Russian friendship—that after the vast expense she has incurred, and the great risks towhick she might be exposed—l cannot believe that alie would be so wanting to her interest and to her dignity as to conclude such a peace as that to which the noble and learned lord has adverted, which could be nothing but a short, hollow, truce, and to which England could not be a party---(load cheers)—a peace which could attbrd Austria no guarantee for the future, but would leave her entirely at the mercy of Russia, and leave Europe for ever afterwards subject to the pernicious influence and oppressive policy of that power. My noble and learned friend has asked what were the terms which would be proposed for effecting a peace with Russia. My lords, I cannot possibly say, any more than my noble and learned friend, upon what terms peace can be mode. That must depend upon the chances and the contingencies of war. And indeed, my lords, if I did know upon what terms we alone would be prepared to make peace—if ( was prepared to say that we would accept no other terms than those which the noble and learned lord himself would accede to—l assure your lordships it would be the most imprudent course I could possibly take. But this we know, that the policy of Russia and the power she has hitherto possessed of carrying it out have been and are dangerous to the peace and well-being of Europe, and that both are adverse to the cause of progress and of eivilisaticn And we also know that the object and interest of Europe must be to curtail that power and to check that policy. We know that the means of doing it are now so great and effectual, and that the opportunity is so wonderfully favour able, that if we were now to neglect it we ahonld - in vain hope for its return. (Cheers. ) All Europe is not to be disturbed, great interests are not to be injured, the people are not to have fresh burdens imposed upon them, great social and commercial relations are not to be abruptly torn asunder, and all the greatest powers of Europe are nut to be united in arms for an insignificant result. I think yon must agree that repression will only postpone the danger, and that safety can alone be found in measures which shall prevent its recurrence?' The close of this speech of the noble earl was followed by cheers not less enthusiastic than those which had arisen at the utterance of every sentiment which spoke of vigour and determination in prosecuting the war. The Earf of DERBY briefly analysed the phraseology of the " memorandum," and declared that Lord Clarendon's explanations had not removed the un favourable interpretation which Lord Lyndhurst had given it. He still believed that, according to that agreement, the co-operation of Austria and Prussia with the two Western powers would cease if the prin cipalities were even evacuated and the territorial limits of Turkey restored. Nay more, if England and France chose to urge the war to further results, the Austrian and I'russian alliance might be trans ferred to the Emperor Nicholas. Passing on to the English side of the question, he expressed his sincere pleasure in hearing the determination announced by the Foreign Secretary as to the prosecution and objects of the war " It bad been very satisfactory to him to hear the noble earl state again that as we were now embarked in this wa.