The Press. — London, England, 1854-04-01 00:00:00

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Whatever is intended for insertion must be authenticated by the name and address of the writer, not necessarily for publica tion, but as a guarantee of his good faith. .lix 21rirxixi+ LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 1, 1854. POSTSCRIPT. HOUSE OF LORDS.—FnmAy. Lord CLARENDON, in moving an address to her Ma jesty in answer to her gracious communication, hoped that nothing would disturb the opinion that Europe had formed of the unanimity of the country. The Ministry had been blamed by one party for its hesitation in the negotiations, by another for its rashness, but the verdict of the country had been in its favour, and its efforts for peace had been hailed with general acclamation. He then adverted to the secret correspondence which would have remained in the archives of the Foreign-office had the Minis try not been challenged. That correspondence had shown them honest to Turkey, honest to their allies, honest to the enemy himself. He went through the correspondence, showed that the Czar had himself agreed to consider the question a European one, that he bad no wish for territorial aggrandisement, and declared this, not on the word of a monarch, but of a gentleman. This assurance came from his own pen. Lord Clarendon then read portions of a despatch from the Czar. In it was declared that the best means of supporting Turkey was, not by over bearing demands, but by assistance; that none of the powers ought to take advantage of Turkey's weakness to claim advantage for itself. This was in May, and it offered all that could be desired to quiet suspicion. No man with such a memorandum before him would have refused his confidence. The claims cf the Czar now amounted to a virtual con trol over Turkey, of which he discussed the ruinous consequences to Europe. It was not what was called the Eastern question, but the battle of civilisation against barbarism. Even now the dread of Russia weighed heavily upon the world, mainly from the dextrous use she made of the intestine divisions of others. The Czar treated Austria with so much contempt that, even in the present year, he sent her a convention to sign for his own advantage, and when Austria asked what would be done in the event of her signature he refused to answer. He had reason to be well satisfied with Austria, whose conduct had been straightforward, and whose efforts had been unceasing for the preservation of peace. Unfortunately, she differed from Prussia in her opinion of modes of action. Nothing would be more fatal than a difference between the two German powers, which would end in a revolutionary outbreak, as the revolutionists would look on the power opposed to Russia as their friend. No peace, he was assured, would be certain if Russian aggrandisement were not effectually checked. He looked fqrward to the establishment of the rights of the Greeks, which would be effectual only if the spontaneous act of the Sultan. Trusting to the protection of Heaven, we might look forward with confidence to the results of this just contest. He then read the address—an echo of the royal communication. Lord DERBY did not rise to oppose the address, feeling himself the importance of unanimity. The war, however, lamentable—was just and necessary, and his only fear was hats the in the Ministry even . yet continued to hope agai bope re : establ ment of peace. He feared that they did not yet realise the importance, the difficulties, and the dura tion of the struggle in which we were engaged, and of which it was vain to hope for a speedy issue. He said this not to discourage the enthusiasm of the country, which would only be increased by being fully conscious of the magnitude of the struggle. It THE PRESS. was one that would not be trifling, and the country must be prepared to find that for years it might make but little progress. He adverted at length to the consequences to Europe of Russian domination over Turkey. There was no hope for the liberties of Europe till the one was entirely independent of the other. Referring to the secret papers, he could not see in them any deception on the part of Russia. He believed that nothing that had occurred would _ _ have taken place if Lord Aberdeen had not been at the head of the Government. The memorandum of 1844 referred to other communications. Where . were they? The late Ministry had not been in office forty-eight hours before Baron Brunow called their attention to the memorandum, to which he never referred afterwards; but when the noble earl succeeded to the Government the Czar, recol lecting this memorandum, in which he had been co directly consulted, and taking advantage of the state of Europe, brought forward his claims. It had been argued at the date of that memorandum that, if any thing happened to Turkey, Russia and England were to agree in its distribution. Austria, it was said, would not venture to oppose Russia; and France, isolated, would offer no resistance. These designs were offered —unblushingly offered—to England by Russia. Under these circumstances the Czar had more reason to say that he had been misled, that the British Government not only by previous occurrences, but by the very tenor of the conversation debated in the last despatches, and from which Lord Derby showed that the Ministers, while disclaiming all participation in the partition of Turkey, had virtually admitted the right of the Czar to the very protectorate which he claimed, and against which we were now taking up arms. He believed the Czar to be persuaded that he had been entirely frank with the British Government. He passed a warm eulogium on the conduct of France and the extraordinary man who had rescued her from anarchy, and said that where we might have had most to fear we now received the most efficient assistance. He could not forget that last year, in the very presence of war, a budget was brought forward and applauded which crippled the resources of the country—which promised the abolition of the income tax, and this in spite of warnings from within and from without. He tben referred to the inadequacy of the means proposed to meet the war—with a large source of in come cut off—the revenue anticipated ; and with all this it was expected that the expenses of war were to be met out of our yearly receipts, an expectation utterly and absurdly impossible, unless, indeed, it were done by a depreciated currency. An undue economy would expose the country to greater danger than it bad ever experienced. There must be no paltering about a few hundred thousands ; the appeal to the country must be, not to its enthusiasm, but to its perseverance. He thought that the time was come when we ought to be more fully informed of the exact terms of our understanding with our allies, and concluded by trusting that, as this was one of the most just wars in which England bad ever been engaged, so he hoped it would be the most suc cessful. Lord ABERDEEN complained that private expres sions of friendship of the Czar had been construed into an attack against himself. Lord Derby had himself had his own compliments—on his accession to office he had been congratulated by Austria—by the only minister hostile to England—and had re turned a warm letter of thanks for the favour. The note of 1844 was drawn up in real expectation of a crisis in Turkey—it had been approved by the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel—and was so little distasteful to France that be bad himself communicated it to the ambassador, who had ex pressed no uneasiness. For the attacks on himself he had read those before in a paper—it seemed more in favour with his opponents than the Times—he meant the PRESS. He read at length a leading anti• de from that paper on the subject of the memo randum, admittting the greater part of the personal allegations against himself, of which, he said, he felt proud. For the war itself its only legitimate ob ject was that of peace—peace had ever been upper most in his thoughts—but he had not neglected the means for carrying on the war with dignity. Lord MALMESBURY reprobated the light tone taken by the head of the Government. Instead of taking a statesmanlike view of the question, the head of the Government amused the house by quoting extracts from a weekly newspaper, which he could only understand by supposing that the Prime Minister had been paid by the editor to puff his periodical. He then discussed the correspondence and the memorandum at some length, repeating that Lord Aberdeen was nidentitled with it, and showing the importance attached to it by the Russian Govern• ment. Lord GRANVILLE remarked that the identity of view between the speech of Lord Derby and of the article in question warranted the suspicion of a connection between them. Lord BROUGHAM remarked that it was necessary to prevent popular delusion and disappointment as lbw*** 301 to the speedy issue of the war. The popular voice had been hitherto more eager for war than the Government, but in proportion to our reluctance in undertaking the war would be our vigour in carrying it on. He reprobated all appeal to revolutionary passions, hoped much from the German powers, and said we must prevail with a just cause, a united people, and a faithful ally. Earl GREY concurred with Lord Derby in con demning the financial operations of last year in the face of the war. The preparations hitherto made were probably inadequate, even if peace could be secured in a few months. He concluded by a long peroration in praise of the great blessings of the late peace. Lord HARDWICILE said that our naval preparations were as yet inefficient, and that our policy was to behave with the utmost liberality towards our seamen. Lord LANSDOWNE denied in strong terms that the Government had shown any want of appreciation of the importance of the war. They had shown their opinion by their reluctance in engaging in it. No one could point out any particular moment when it could be said that war ought to have been declared, dealing as we were with a Sovereign considered above all others a man of honour. Without a regu lar system of mistrust how could we refuse to trust him ? The war, amid all its horrors, would have its consolations : it put an end to all wars of aggression, and cemented the alliance of France. With regard to the sailors, every care was taken both of their effi ciency and of their pay. The rapid equipment of our ships had been a marvel to the world. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—FRIDAT. THE IRISH REFORM DILL.--THE OATHS BILL. Replying to Mr. French and Mr. Spooner, Lord J. RUSSELL stated that the Irish Reform Bill, though in a state of preparation, could not be laid on the table before Easter, and that he should not pro ceed with the Oaths Bill until after that date. THE ROYAL RESSAOE. Lord J. Russzu then moved the address from the Commons in reply to her Majesty's gracious mes sage, and which was identical with that presented in the House of Peers. Dwelling emphatically upon the vast responsibility of the task which the British Government had undertaken, the noble lord recalled to mind that more than fifty years had elapsed since a notification such as that conveyed by the royal message had been communicated to the house, and depicted in forcible language the advantages and progress which forty years of peace had enabled us to attain. The momentous change that was now inaugurated by the commencement of war called for the fullest explanations to show its cause and justify its conclusion. Lord John Russell then entered into a detailed narrative of the events and analysis of the arguments and propositions with which the history of the last twelve months had been filled, and in which Turkey, Russia, and the Western powers of Europe were all deeply interested. Upon every point he contended that proof was shown of a con. sistent determination on the part of the English Mi nistry to discountenance the attempts of Russia, to repudiate her proffers, and baffle her in trigues, at the same time that no effort was spared to accomplish a pacific solution of the difficulty. Showing how the question grew continually more in tricate and threatening, he remarked that a last element of perplexity was added when the Sultan declared war against Russia, admitting, however, that the step must be considered justifiable, even by those who most regretted it. Russia, indeed, was altogether in the wrong, and Turkey so completely in the right as to have compelled the adherence of two powers—Prussia and Austria—who had long been closely united with the Russian Emperor. Bringing his narrative down to the present moment, the noble lord stated the result of the last opportunity for re pentance offered to the Czar, and urged that when it failed no alternative but war was left if they wished to maintain the equilibrium of Europe. Under these circumstances war bad been declared as announced by the royal message. It. was a determi nation of the utmost gravity, but rendered indispen sable by considerations for the position of the coun try, and the interests of England and of Europe, which would be imperilled by the aggrandisement of Russia. England, he proceeded to argue, could not stand aloof from all the disputes that might arise among the other European nations. She was some times bound by interest and duty to become a party or an arbiter in those controversies. With respect to the allies that were to stand by our side in the con test, the noble lord stated once more that with France we bad been, and were, in cordial concur rence. With Austria and Prussia the relationships ' were less satisfactory. Those powers had joined in recommending the Czar to accept the last proposals offered him, and evacuate the principalities. But neither of them was bound by a convention, or had even given an assurance of joint action with the Western powers. Prussia especially bad evinced a . _ :.x . ...- - I - El S