The Press. — London, England, 1857-01-10 00:00:00

• Af-- - -(tVlL—rt ri TT 1r 4 -, f r,--,4 , e• . 1 .... ... 4. - . - f r•efe - . , :.., r,,i, : :• ,:.. • ' a .i . • i:as I. • ,, .N • I . r 9. - ) ' ! ' :•i ; - • 1. '' ' I - ' ii1;1. - . • ..7 ' , .." .. i .... ... • , i '''' •,1 I ... ,j r • r " ;;: ;.: - : } ;•,: , •, 7 7.;••+ ~ ' • :1 • ( ~..g b t I) '• 1 '4 • No. 193.—V0L. V. LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 10, 1857. STAMPED .. SIXPVC. UNSTAMPED -FIVE NEE. E!), e Vrtss. by a British squadron naturally gave rise to an impression that the difference was of the most serious kind, and likely to be attended with a renewal of hostilities. We see that in the end the demand of Russia has been acceded to, and that the resistance of the English Govern ment has been overruled. When it became certain that the Conference must assemble, the English Cabinet opposed its meeting until an arrangement could he come to that all the matters in dispute should be decided in a sense adverse to Russia. Again this resistance was overruled, and Russia received the compensation which she had claimed for yielding possession of Bolgrad. She withdrew her pretensions to the line bordering the Danube, that she might cross the Yalnuck, and receive a considerable tract of territory on its right shore. What do the Ministerial organs say to these broad clear facts? They cannot deny them, and therefore they are silent. They positively asserted that Lord PALMERSTON would never yield either point. He has yielded both ; and all the boasting of hiS adherents has had no other result than to show the convenient plasticity of their sentiments. The English Cabinet has, in our judgment. acted wisely in meeting the concessions of Russia with concessions. One great object of the Treaty—the removal of Russia from the Danube—has been effected by the arrange ment decided on, and the only purpose for which Russia desired to keep Bolgrad is answered by the tract of territory conceded to her on the right of the Yalpuck. It is unfortunate that the concession was not made by our Government until it could not with decency be longer avoided. On both ques tions,—the meeting of the Conference, and the compromise to be adopted—the refusal of the Cabinet of England to act with that of France gave to Russia an immense advantage, by weakening the alliance which is the surest barrier against her ascendancy in Europe. no epithet can describe the " Lord of the Admiralty," who is not satisfied with making himself the most ridiculous man in all Eng land, but who conducts himself in the Queen's service as if a Christmas pantomime was the fit sphere for Parliamentary characters. For a time the escapades of Sir ROBERT PEEL were laughed at as harmless exhibitions of fatuous vanity ; but the matter is becoming grave, when coarsely indecent speeches are recklessly delivered by an English official against the Ministerial celebrities of other countries. Who is Sir ROBERT PEEL that impunity should be allowed to his senseless mummery and indecent invectives, seasoned with slang, and peppered with jokes from Joe Miller? We know of no reason why follies should be excused in him that would be sure to bring down the loudest condemnation, on other persons. Our readers will, ere this, have laughed at the absurdities of his harangue ; but we are sorry to say that in other countries Sir R. PEEL'S speech will not be received with mirth. His reference to the religious observances of the Empress of RUSSIA was in The worst taste ; and his coarseness app'ars still mot% offen sive, when we recollect that the Russian Court had shown that it was disposed to overlook Ms previous exhibitions. His allusion to M. de MORNY was also ill-bred, and peculiarly ill judged. Ought any member of the family of Peel to sneer at " speculators "? But the taunt about M. de Moo ry's" speculations" is still more un fortunate, since Sir ROBERT PEEL himself took over to Russia several carriages and horses, the whole of which he attempted to sell; and he actually did contrive to dispose of some " lots' of " Sir It. PEEL'S carriages and horses. Besides, the eccentric baronet's own admission of the purchase of the turquoises ought to have made him rule his tongue with more caution. LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 10, 1857. WE hope it may be taken for granted that no further difficulties will arise to prevent the due execution of the Treaty of Paris by the date which the Conference has named—the 30th of 'Arch next. Unless some new and unforeseen obstacle is raised, the new boun dary line between Russia and Moldavia will be settled by that date ; Austria will have evacuated the Principalities; and Englarid will have withdrawn ho.r ships from the Black Sea. As the only points which have impeded the fulfilment of the Treaty have been fully dis cussed and settled, we may anticipate that the resolutions of the second Conference will be final. The conclusions of the Conference must be regarded as completely re establishing the peace of Europe, and on that account are to be heartily welcomed. There was, indeed, no reason why the settlement which has now been made should not have been come to sonic months back. But the delay has, at least, had this good effect. It has shown that there are no insuperable obstacles to the maintenance of amicable relations among the great Powers of Europe, when they can be induced to fairly discuss their differences, and submit their rival pretensions to sagacious and conciliatory mediation. This taunt in one hearing the name of Peel at " speculators " makes us think of the (lay when Mr. YATES PEEL tOld HENRY HUNT, then M.P. for Preston, '• that the Honourable Mem " ber had better stick to his blacking." Upon which MINT rose in his place, and delivered the only speech he ever made, which still lingers in Parliamentary memory, viz.:— I am perfectly aware, Mr. Speaker, of the difference between the honourable gentleman and myself. My father was the first tradesman in my family ; the honourable member's father was the first gentleman in his. One) would think that the present M.P. for Taraw•orth had sufficient experience of public life to know the Value of caution. This settlement affords just cause for satis faction. For several months past we have been assured by Ministerial writers and speakers that the maintenance of peace was extremely doubtful, and that we must keep arms in our hands, as we knew not how soon we might be called on to use them. Repre sentations of this kind could not fail to inspire n vague feeling of disquietude. Men were not alarmed, but they were unsettled. They knew not what to expect; they did not know whether they had obtained the substance of peace or only its shadow. The facility with which the Conference has settled the disputed points, and the indiffer ence with which the terms of the compromise have been received, show of how little impor tance in themselves were the matters at issue. The fact is, that since the conclusion of the Treaty of the 30th of March we have been quarrelling with Russia, more from a feeling of irritation and ill-will than from any substan tial grounds of difference. The arrangement concluded now might as easily have been concluded five or six months ago. "It is known," says the official article in the Moniteur, " that the nature of the ground " did not permit the Commission fin• fixing the " limits to come Winn understandinA on all the " points of the line of the new frontier be " tween Turkey in Europe and Russia." Under those circumstances, a reference to the Conference became absolutely necessary to determine points which the Commission had not authority to settle. Russia pro posed.that the Conference should reassemble as soon as the difference arose; and all the time which has elapsed since that proposal was made has been needlessly wasted in irri tating discussion. The leading facts of the whole case are now before us, and the line of policy pursued by Lord PALMERSTON'S Cabinet may be judged ty its results. In whatever way the facts are viewed, it is impossible to congratulate the Premier on his success. When the boundary differences arose he resisted the demand for a Conference on the ground that the points were too plain to require reference. The occupation of the Black Sea SIR ROBERT PEEL'S LAST SPEECH. THE last speech of Sir ROBERT PEEL (we mean the present baronet of that title) is the most degrading of all his mountebank exhibitions. That such a man should bear the name of a late eminent statesman, is a ludicrous instance of Fortune's caprice. The great Protector was succeeded by RICHARD CROMWELL , the Lord CHATHAM, who humbled the house of Bourbon, was followed by the Lord CHATHAM of Walche ren ; the good Lord LYTTELTON had for his son the wicked Lord LYTTELTON ; and in the pedi gree of the PEELS, Sir ROBERT the sensible is followed by Sir ROBERT the --; but really it is possible, however, that the Court of Russia, the Prince DE DONE (one of the inde cently assailed), and M. DE MORNY may pass over the Lord of the Admiralty's expc sure of himself. All those personages "have, also, heard of GEORGE FREDERICK YOUNG, and what that gentleman publicly said to Sir ROBERT PEEL. Episodes of the sort we allude to are not readily forgotten in the Courts of Europe, especially when the per formers (like Sir R. name, which they st tempt. We should certainly Mr. FREDERICK PEEL after brother's " oratory." LEECII ever drew any humour as the contrast .PEEL) inherit mat :rive to bri y like totie:'lo.. rz' • after peisis — , , i Neitiott * 1 . 4 earicat ,rast be., 4 ;14 1; 4 1 • Fr i re•