The Press. — London, England, 1858-03-13 00:00:00

THE PRESS, MARCH 13, 1858. section—but a measure which, dealing largely and com pletely with all those questions connected with the subject which are entitled to consideration, will, I trust, recom mend itself to all temperate, rational, and sober-spirited men as • measure adequate to the occasion. (Hear.) Being ready to act in that spirit, I do not think that I am asking too much for her btajesty's Government that we may be permitted to give consideration to the construction of that measure, and that we may have the time for thought and for labour which the responsibility for so vast a theme demands. I cannot believe—the hypocrisy is so flagrant —that any prejudice would be raised against us because in dealing with this subject we wish to deal with it like sincere and responsible men, and because in anything which we do we wish to do that which will be adequate to the occasion, and which will meet with the approbation of all sound thinking people in this country. (Cheers.) I feel that it is unnecessary for me to enter into details upon a theme which must be brought before Parliament in due time, and therefore it would be unwise in me to offer opinions which I might otherwise have laid before you, and which, indeed, I have expressed in this county on various occasions, on the various points connected with this subject—the different franchises, for instance, the modes of taking votes, and questions of that character. When the question is introduced to Parliament by the Go• vernment, that will be the occasion when our opinions will be offered to the country in a formal and matured manner, and that will be the occasion when the country will be able to form its judgment upon them. RI have only one word to say upon the position which I now have the honour to fill, and my acceptance of which you by your unanimous re-election to-day have ratified. Gentlemen, I read in the newspapers, where we all get our information now-a-days, that we are a Government on sufleranco. [A voice in the crowd, "It is quite true."l An hon. gentleman says that's quite true, but I shall take the liberty of flatly contradicting him. (Laughter.) I should think that the last charge which would be made against a Government of which Lord Derby is the head is that of being a Government on sufferance. In 1852 we might have remained in power—we were solicited to remain in power by our opponents—if we had chosen to be a Go vernment on sufferance. (Cheers.) As the organ of that Government in the House of Commons I said that we would never be a Government on sufferance, and we quitted office because we would not be a Government on sufferance. If a Minister brings forward a measure of im portance, and that measure is not carried, if there is a majority of the House of Commons against it, and he still remains in office, that is what I call a Minister on suffer ance. But if that happens to the Government of which I am a member we shall not remain a Government on suffer ance, but we shall take that constitutional course which it will be our duty to pursue. Having been summoned by her Majesty to her councils at a critical moment, I am not going to assume that the House of Commons is hostile to us. We have been summoned to power without any intrigue, by the spontaneous voice of our Sovereign, and am I to assume that under these circumstances the House of Commons, and, above all, the present House of Com mons, is to array itself in factious organisation against us ? Far from being a Government on sufferance, I count, under the circumstances of the case, on what T will call, not a personal or party confidence, bat a constitutional confi dence on the part of the Howe of Commons. I think, if I know anything, I know something of the House of Com mons. lam sure that the House of Commons is on the whole a generous and gentlemanlike assembly, and it is not inclined, especially under the circumstances which have marked our accession to office, to make itself the ready tool of any political intriguers. (Cheers.) But I know that the House of Commons, like human beings in general, is not exempt from fanits and errors. I know that in 1852 it acted in a vcry different manner. There was arrayed against the Government of 1852 a coalition of all sorts of opposite and discordant parties, who by their united influence threw the Ministry of Lord Derby into a small minority. But have thecireutristances of those days brought no lesson to the people of England—has the ex perience of those events brought no wisdom to the House of Commons? The destruction of Lord Derby's Govern. ment in 1852 brought on the war with Russia. (Cheers and expressions of dissent.) I am stating that which J know to be the fact, and I lepest that that act brought on the war with Russia—the war with Russia brought on the war with Persia, the Eastern disturbances, and the Indian mutiny. (Cheers and a laugh.) A gentleman in the crowd, I see, laughs at that statement. He is one of those, I believe, who in this very hall cheered Mr. Cob den, and proclaimed him to be the very man to represent Buckinghamshire. But what does he say to the language of his favourite statesman on this very point? Mr. Cob- den is nnt:oubtedly one of the most eminent men who ever sat in the House of Commons. He was a strong opponent of Lord Derby's Government in 18.52; he was one of the majority which expelled that nob'eman and his colleagues from office. But what did he say a year or two afterwards in the House of Commons ? Of all the votes, he declared, which ho had given in the course of his political life, that which turned Lord Derby out of office in ltia was the one which he most regretted, for that vote had cost this country millions of treasure and thousands of more precious lives. (Loud cheers.) Therefore let the gentleman in the crowd who laughed just pow reconcile as he best can his own opinions with those of Mr. Cobden on this matter. I be lieve that the present Ministry are not destined to that ahortlived existence on which our opponents are so eagerly counting. (Cheers.) I believe that we shall be judged by our measures and by them alone, and if the people find that the policy of our Government is a spirited but prudent policy, if they find that we conduct the affairs of the country with energy and wisdom, if they find that under our influence our foreign relations become peaceable and tranquil, that revolt abroad is put down, that well-matured schemes for the govern ment of dependencies are introduced and established, that on all social questions which interest the country reforms, whether they be reforms of our representative assembly or reforms of the law, so long as they are improvements, are supported by the existing Government, 1 do not think that it will be in the power of an 3 combination of factions to disturb our Government, and if we do our duty to our Sovereign and our oountry we shall be supported by the Queen and by the British people. (Loud and long GOA. tinned cheers.) The Chancellor of the Exchequer resumed his seat amidst the hearty congratulations of his friends and the cheers of the audience. The usual vote of thanks to the High Sheriff then ended the proceedings. THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL. Essr SUFFOLIE.—Sir Fitzroy Kelly, her Majesty's Attorney-General, was re-elected on Saturday last without opposition. Sir Fitzroy Kelly spoke strongly in favour of an extension of the franchise, and said that the question of parliamentary reform ought not to be delayed beyond the ensuing session. The legal reforms of the new Ministry, he ttnsted, would meet the wishes and wants of the people : I hope that, in the position to which you have now re stored me as your representative, I shall be enabled, even during the present session of Parliament, to submit to the consideration of the Legislature • number of important measures, in which all of you whom I see before me must be more or less interested. (Cheers.) We hear in the important commercial circles of England loud complaints of the state of the law of bankruptcy and insolvency as affecting the relations of debtors and creditors. I have already, during the very short time I have been in office, directed my attention to that subject. (Cheers.) I ass in communication with persons conversant with 00111111.101111 and commercial exigencies in all their details in the soma great commercial cities and towns in Engird, and flume I shall before long be enabled to submit to the Been el Commons a measure which at least will remedy the number of Ulm evils under which the essamer munity has so long laboured. (Hear, heir.) Aria, there is a subject to which I alluded when I was WI be , . fore you—a measure for the registration of titles, mad for facilitating the transfer of land—( Hear, hear)—a subject in which every one of the inhabitants of this county mast feel a personal interest, because the expense atten dant upon the smallest transaction in the way of selling or charging a little piece of land, is such as often to deter people from taking those measures in their domestic rela tions and for personal purposes which may be very essen tial to their interests had they been enabled to effect those transactions, but which would be attended with so great an expense as to bring upon them embarrassments and difficulties without end. (Hear, hear.) Let me assure a class of persons in whom I myself take a sincere inte rest—l mean the attorneys and solicitors in England and Wales—, class of persons I will not say to whom I owe, bat certainly through whom I have attained, whatever 7 possess of fortune or station—( Hear, hear)—a class of persons for whom I entertain the sincerest respect—let me assure them I shonld not willingly become a party to arty measure which would in any way prejudicially affect their interests. (Hear, hear.) But I believe that no such consequences would follow. I believe if we succeed —and it shall not be my fault if we do not succeed—in passing a measure enabling the owners of land to transfer oe charge that land with the same facility as they can transfer or charge stock in the Fonds—( Hear, hear)—l believe, so far from injuring the interests of attorneys and solicitors, it will for many years to come, at least during the first and primary working of the measure, increase their occupation without prejudicially affecting the interests of the community. ( Hear, hear.) There are many other matters as to which I will not detain you by alluding, but to which my attention has been directed ; and I can only assure you that in all that relates to law reform—in all that relates to the civil administration of the affairs of this country—in all, more especially, that can affect the interests of land, and the owners and occupiers of land-- I shall endeavour worthily to discharge those duties which you have imposed upon me. (Cheers.) purpose was the improvement of the representation of the people, yet its hidden and more substantial element was the consolidation of Whig power. (Cheers.) To the great surprise of the world, seven or eight years ago, the most distinguished member of the Whig party, who had intro duced the original Reform Bill, announced his intention of introducing a new one. From that moment I looked upon myself—and I believe the same was the case with every gentlemen with whom I act, not merely in the Govern ment, but in political matters generally—es honourably emancipated from the engagement made by Sir R. Peel. If the Reform Bill was to be altered, if the settlement of 1A33 was not adhered to in spirit and truth, if another Whig Reform Bill was to be brought out, I thou. t that we might all, as Englishmen, as well exert our critical and constructive faculties, that we might give our opinions as to the principles on which such a measure ought to be framed, and the methods by which the means to be attained ought to be worked out. From that time I have never concealed from you my sentiments upon this subject; instead of avoiding, I have rather sought occasions for making a frank exposition of them. The second Reform Bill of the Whigs was pro mised in IMO and 18.51, and it is now 1858. The delay certainly has not been occasioned by us. (Cheers.) It is not the Tories who have been the obstructors in this case. (Cheers.) There has not, hitherto, been any cry in the country for " The bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill," but, on the contrary, nobody among the Whigs themselves would listen to the question when it was brought forward, and on two occasions the bill was with drawn, not because of any opposition from us, but from a sense entertained by those by whom it was brought forward of its utter inadequacy, and from a total disrelieh for the article on the part of the great body of the Liberal party. (Cheers.) And so we have gone on year after year—we have had an inefficient Government, we have had a coali tion Government, and we have had a Government of pure elements and materials ; but we have never had any Go vernment which has really had any hold upon the confi dence of the country, and whenever they were disturbed or distressed they, every one of them, cried out—" Only let us stay in a little longer and you shall have a Reform Bill." Lord John Russell brought forward not one but two Reform Bills. When Lord Aberdeen formed his Go vernment, the condition of his being supported by the Liberal party was that he should bring in a Reform Bill ; but we did not get a Reform Bill from Lord John Rus sell, nor did we get a Reform Bill from Lord Aberdeen. When Lord Palmerston came into power he was to carry on the war with energy, but the moment peace was con cluded he was to give us a Reform Bill. Year after year a Reform Bill has been promised, year after year the pro mise has been broken. First it was to be brought forward next year, then we got to the year itself when it was to be brought forward, and then we were told " it will be brought in--after Easter." ( Laughter.) Everybody thought we were really going to have it at last. I thought so myself, and I looked into the almanack to see if it was an early Easter this year. It happened to be an early Easter, a Reform Bill was certain, and—the Government was changed. (Laughter.) I ask you in a common-sense and a purely serious spirit is it decent, is it politic, is it honest and honourable, that a question of such a nature as this, a question which con cerns the representation of what we believe to be a free and intelligent people, eminent for their love of liberty and progress in knowledge. should be made the stalking horse of factiono—(cheers)—that it should be hung up ar.d taken down according to the exigencies of a distressed Minister, and that the highest principles of policy should be part of the stock in trade by which a Government is to shuffle through a disgraceful and discreditable existence ? (Loud cheers.) No, gentlemen, lam convinced that it is the opinion of the people of this country that this ques tion should be settled, aye or no. If a Reform Bill be necessary it must be produced, and it will be carried, and if it be unnecessary, the Minister who is not prepared to grapple with the question ought frankly to state that that is his conviction. (Cheers.) Remember that a Reform Bill has been twice brought forward by her Majesty's Go 'eminent. Remember that only two months ago the attention of Parliament was called to the subject in the gracious speech from the Throne; and in my opinion, and in the opinion of those with whom I act, it is totally im possible that a question which has been introduced to the notice of the country by the proposition of the Minister, and by recommendation to the consideration of Parliament front her Majesty herself, can any longer be trifled with. We shall therefore give to it our earnest and serious con sideration. (Hear, hear.) But then we are asked, " When are you going to bring forward your Reform Bill —after Easter ?" Those gentlemen who have been seven years playing with the question—who have postponed, procrastinated, and delayed year after year—as many years as my learned friend, Dr. Lee, had questions to put to me —now tell us that we are not sincere reformers. " Where is your bill?" they say. " Haven't you got it ready ? An impatient people is not to be baulked of an object for which it has such a ravenqus desire." (Laughter.) We have, if possible, to effect a reconciliation with our great ally ; we have to conduct negotiations upon which the peace of Europe may depend; we have other tasks before us most difficult to fulfil; we have to put down a revolt in India which will yet demand from this country no com mon efforts; we have to carry a bill through Parliament for the government of that country based upon principles which I hope will recommend it to the national approba tion ; we have to introduce financial measures of no ordi nary gravity, and yet we are told we are not sincere re formers, because our Reform Bill is not immediately to be brought forward. The course which we shall take will be this : —We shall give to that subject our most ear nest and serious consideration, with the view if possible of bringing forward a measure which shall not be a mere party measure—(cheers)—which shall not be devised merely to prop up a faction—which shall not be invented merely to increase the political influence of a political THE SOLICITOR-GENERAL BELFAST.—Mr. Cairns, her Majesty's Solicitor- General, was re-elected last week without opposition. Mr. Cairns, in the course of his remarks upon the occasion, observed that it was true Lord Derby's Go. vernment was a Conservative Government. And what was a Conservative policy ? Some newspapers cried it up as something opposed to improvement, and said it was rather for retrograding ; but it did not mean that. He would ask them to look at the names of those in the new Government in the House of Commons. There was Lord Stanley, Sir John Pa kington, Mr. Walpole, Mr. Henley, Sir F. Thesiger, now Lord Chelmsford, and he would ask, were not these the very men who were the supporters and originators of every scheme for improvement in '' House of Commons' Mr. Cairns then proceeded notice what might be the measures which the • Government would propose : The question of legislation for India would require attention. The late Ministry had brought in a bill away with the East India Company, and appoint tary of State with a council of eight, which the Sec. himself was to choose. (Laughter.) He objected to at.. a measure as this, for it would place too much patronage in the hands of one man, which no Minister should be allowed. (Hear, hear.) He considered it would be well to take time and learn the cause of the mutiny, • d then tern and it in the eeded to the new sire their bill to do a Secre- Secretary xl to such patronage thould be Id be well and then