The Press. — London, England, 1858-12-18 00:00:00

1228 T II EDWARD Lrrros shows us the elder Caxton trying to reform the unbelieving mind of a sceptical politician, by enlarging on the value of a saffron-bag worn at the pit of the stomach; but the change was to take place, not from the bag itself, but from faith in the bag. The illustration is applicable to the spirit of Irish popular move ment. The United Irishman, the Agitator of the O'Connellite type, the Young Irelander, the Phoenix Club projector, each and all of them have had their saffron-bags, and shown great faith in them. " Something great" was always to have come from open confederacy or secret conspiracy. The thing, whatever it may be, conspiracy or agitation, dark treason, or a gigantic talk-shop, is set going, and several join and support it, hoping that " something great " will come by it. Even the attorneys' clerks in Ireland join in the Phoenix Club, trusting, like Mr. Micawber, that " something will turn up," by inducing anserine participators in alcohol and agitation to turn out and learn the goose step. Poor, silly, sanguine dupes, with over-credulity in the saffron-bag, so ruthlessly ripped open at Skibbereen! Little did they know that between the Viceregal-lodge in the Phoenix-park, and the anti-regal lodges in the Phoenix Club, A t etty reilway ran - And there thi ough twenty posts of telegraph They flashed a sane, mesaage to and fru— u the Poet Laureate has it. The work of' Precursor-Treason is discovered, and its mis chievous manipulators are detected in the full employment of phantom-coining. Stirring speeches breathing of EMMETT and enthusiasm, eloquence of a kind where reporters are "not wanted," drillings by moonlight in unfrequented places, and enrolment of members who arc to be ready when the word is given—in short, the rehearsal of a great plot which is to burst upon the astonished world at a future time,—all this is known and discovered, and the fact of the Phoenix Club cannot possibly be ignored. Its existence shows clearly that the Irish revolu tionary influences have lost all faith in the Plat form and in public spouters, and accordingly its representatives hide their :doings, illustrating that law of revolutions so cleverly pointed out by Mad. de STAEL (and quoted for its sagacity by the Duke of WELLINGTON), "On ne conspire pas sur la place." Anticipation of future emergencies is what the projectors of the Phoenix Club calculate on, and we must not place confidence in those Irish Li beral organs who know nothing at all about "what has been going on." The beginning of a serious plot, which might prove troublesome and grave at a future time, has been discovered, and Lord EGLINTOUN has acted with judicious energy in treading out the first incendiary sparks which threaten a future conflagration. The Whigs, if in power, would affect constitutional scruples, and when the country might be in aflame, they would give notice of moving for a Committee in a future session to consider the best means of extin guishing the fury of the fire. Our private letters from various parts of Ire land give ample details for justifying the energy of Lord EuLtyrourt, and we have no doubt con dign punishment will fbllow upon those who have aided in fomenting this conspiracy, whose body and tail are in Ireland, though its serpentlike and cunning brains are in America. HAZARDING A "BRIGHT" REPUTATION. .TouN BRWIIT tells us in his explosion at Man chester, now a few days old, that in bringing forward a Reform Bill "he is hazarding his reputation." We want to know the value and the nature of the article, and the amount of the risk. Is it his reputation as a Quaker ? We fear it was never greater than the area covered by his broad brim. He is as much a Quaker, we imagine, as many people are Protestants or Papists---a nominal adherent, retaining the phy- E PRE S S, DECEMBER 18, lactery and pronouncing the shibboleth, and in secret laughing at that straitlaced and easy principled sect. How far his dabbling in Reform Bills may be inconsistent with the creed of his co-religionists we are unable to guess. But of this we are sure,—that, should he lose his whole reputation as a Quaker, he will not weigh six ounces less avoirdupois. Does he mean his reputation as an English man ? What is it ? Where is it ? Has he not denounced in virulent invective—mistaken for eloquence by the Morning Star—all that makes up the strength and reflects the glory of Eng land? Ile has denounced the Peerage as effete, and insinuated, if not argued, that the submer sion of that ancient asylum of justice and freedom in the muddy waters of the fierce democracy would be a consummation and a benefit devoutly to be desired. He has represented the English Episcopacy as an "adulterous breed "—ignorant as he is, or unmindful as he ought not to be, of a fact, patent in every chapter of our history, that, with all their faults, the Bishops have written those defences and vindications of our religion which the highest continental scholarship has been the first to recognize, while as a whole they have allied themselves with the broadest interests of the nation. When our country felt called upon to unsheathe the sword, and our dearest and deepest feelings and character were " jeoparded " in the high places of the field," it was his custom and delight to disparage his country, to denounce her sense of duty as Quixotism, and to scare the masses by exaggerated pictures of the expenses of war. His mean and mercenary spirit estimated duty at so many shillings—pre ferring a cheap though dishonourable peace to a dutiful because inevitable war. No public man drew down more contempt and scorn at that day. No citizen was more unpopular, even with the masses among whom his only force lay. his retirement from public life became a necessity, if it had not been a choice. He has now emerged from his obscurity neither a wiser nor a better man. lie again bids for the popularity he had forfeited by his unpatriotic conduct, by making Birmingham and Manchester speeches which have alike amazed the more moderate of his sup porters and inflamed the passions of the more unreflecting of the English poor. In the judg ment of the wise and good, he has not hazarded but ruined such reputation as he had left him. Ile need be under no apprehension of hazarding his reputation by introducing a Reform Bill. It is a virtue it is not likely he will recover, and positively certain that he cannot lose. Does he mean that he hazards his reputation as a statesman ? Ilis assumption of the thought is preposterous. Even in the Free-Trade con flict COBDEN did the work. BRIGIIT merely ran beside him and barked. What law has he placed on the Statute-book? What beneficent measure has he introduced ? What blessing will lowly cottage or noble hall associate with Jonx BRIGIIT ? What monument of patriotic or philanthropic goodness has he built ? Where, either in report or record, is there any evidence of his statesmanship ? What does the vain talker mean by hazarding his reputation ? There are in him no elements of statesmanship. He has neither the practical sagacity of Sir ROBERT PEEL, nor the moral power of GLADSTONE, nor the genius of DERBY, nor the English feeling of PALMERSTON, nor the constitutional learning of RUSSELL, nor the breadth of mind inherited by STANLEY. His only possession is unbridled gab, unmodified licence of speech, and a recklessness of all consequences in his thirst for platform applause and popular hero-worship. Does he mean his reputation for acquaintance with the history, or the constitution, or the ante cedents of his country's history ? We hand him over to HENRY DRUMMOND, at whose hands he received one of the neatest drubbings that a noisy democrat ever tasted. In his recent speeches his imagination supplied much of his history and his memory a good deal of his eloquence. Never certainly was Quaker less guilty of knowing his country's 4 history, or schoolboy—wi th , perhaps, one exception, his copatriot, R Gißaox 1858. more entitled to the birth for repeating history backwards, or rather translating it into the opp o . site. Mr. BRIGHT may be quite at ease on the subject of hazarding his historic renown. Does he mean to teach that the reputation he may hazard is that which he has accumulated by bringing in bills into Parliament, and seeing them pass into law ? H ansar d i s s il ent on his exploits in this matter ; the newspapers know nothing of his Parliamentary triumphs, llis reputation is yet to be gained, not lost. We do not envy the man of Birmingham his coming laurels—their fragrance, verdure, or weight. 11 his past be the key to his future—if antecedents furnish any elements of prophecy—if the plat forms of Birmingham and Manchester reflect any rays of the forethrown light of his anticipated glories—we venture to predict, if we may we plain language, that he will put his foot into it. He may talk glibly and plausibly, and affect to be the mouthpiece of millions, and demand for " manhood " a suffrage, which the upholders of order, law, and social and national well-being will, whether Whig or Conservative, refuse. Ile may rouse passions which he cannot lay, and con vulse the masses whom he can never satisfy, hut he will neither gain the reputation he desires, nor hazard a reputation he has not, by bringing in and carrying through a bill based on the principles, or rather the unprincipled demands, which he has made in his recent political explo sions. DISCOVERERS OF TIIE UNREAL. THERE are some gentlemen who ara wonderfully clever at new discoveries. It is not that they are highly scientific—they never make any discoveries in that line; but they have a strong moral scent by which they detect, with amazing quickness, another class of existences. With the best pos sible intentions—yea, with a jealousy for the right and the true which does them the greatest honour—they not unfrequently astonish the world with discoveries of things, indeed, which ordinary mortals would never suspect, much less be able to bring to ligh t. The only drawback is that their science admits not of so vulgar yet necessary a thing as demonstration. It fails indeed usually even of moral proof to any other persons than themselves, or others like disposed. We are required to believe it all upon their bare assertion. Thus it resolves itself into this one proposition—that credence is for the credulous. Were it not the fact that the greater part of man kind never reflee., or take the trouble to make inquiry, such philosophers would find very few followers. But unfortunately nothing more is needed than for a thing to be positively asserted in order for it to be believed by numbers; a nd thus the false conclusion gains credit, and not o nl y so, but realizes the poet's description of fame or report—crescit eundo. Hence, what is the em ployment of one half of the public press but to correct false statements or false conclusions of the other half? Happy is it if only truth prevails at last. Among adepts at discovery of the kind to which we have alluded, we are sorry to be obliged to class some of our best and most reli gious men. Through their own special organs, they are constantly putting the public upon a wrong scent. It was only the other day Lord STANLEY, in an address of his to the young cadets at Addiscombe who are just going out to India, happened to say that to any " English "gentleman in India there is no such thing as " private life; " and at once some of our watchers to "make a man an offender for a word," dis cover an intention on the part of the Govern ment to padlock the mouth. and fetter the free action of every Englishman who henceforth holds or takes office in India. in regard to the promo tion of Christianity. Now, our belief is that this is the veriest mare's-nest in the world. All that Lord STANLEY evidently intended was, to remind these young men that any conduct on their part „ . , • , ‘,. - - . , , _ _ ... • on the 1228 Tll E P 1 ES S, DECEMBER 18, 1858. more entitled to the bir,lllforrepeatinghistory site. wmardr.s,Boßruthemr theatyrabneslaqtiunigteitaitnteoase 'WARD Lrrros shows us the elder Caxton ' lactery and pronouncing the shibboleth, and in whichte.ach. thathe thehas reputationaccumulated ng to reform the unbelieving mind of a and seeing secret laughing at that straitlaced and easy subject of hazarding his historic renown. oppo. ical politician, by enlarging on the value of principled sect. How far his dabbling in Reform 'n-bag worn at the pit of the stomach ; but Bills may be inconsistent with the creed of his ge was to take place, not from the bag maDy'oehaszahrdemiseatnha to by bringing in bills into Parliament, co-religionists we are unable to guess. But of from faith in the bag. The illustration this we aresure,—that, should he lose his whole ' to the spirit of Irish popular move- them pass into law ? Hansard is silent on his reputation as a Quaker, he will not weigh six sited Irishman, the Agitator of the exploits in this matter ; the newspapers know ounces less avoirdupois. nothing of his Parliamentary triumphs. lik rpe, the Young Irelander, the Does he mean his reputation as an English- reputation is yet to be gained, not lost. We do ejector, each and all of them man ? 'What is it ? Where is it ? Has he not not envy the man of Birmingham his coming 'lion-hags, and shown great denounced in virulent invective—mistaken for laurels—their fragrance, verdure, or weight. i nething great” was always his past be the key to his future—if antecedents eloquence by the Morning Star—all that makes furnish prophecy—if any elements of h 1 yen confederacy or secretthe plat up the strength and reflects the glory of Eng- forms of Birmingham and Manchester reflect any whatever it may be, land? Ile has denounced the Peerage as effete, rays of the forethrown light of his anticipateddark treason, or a glories—we venture to predict, if we may use and insinuated, if not argued, that the submer ing, and several join plain language, .that he will put his foot into it. sion of that ancient asylum of justice and freedom ` something great '' . He may talk glibly and plausibly, and affect to - in the muddy waters of the fierce democracy be the mouthpiece of millions, and demand for `torneys' clerks in would be a consummation and a benefit devoutly " manhood " a suffrage, which the upholders of h, trusting, like to be desired. He has represented the English order, law, and social and national well-being will turn up,„ "adulterous breed"—ignorant Episcopacy as an will, whether Whig or Conservative, refuse. Ile alcohol and may rouse passions which he cannot lay, and con oose ste as he is, or unmindful as he ought not to be, of a vulse the masses whom he can never satisfy, hut p. - fact, patent in every chapter of our history, that, he will neither gain the reputation he desires, credulity with all their faults, the Bishops have written nor hazard a reputation he has not, by bringing nen at in and carrying through a hill .based on the those defences and vindications of our religion ween principles, or rather the unprincipled demands, which the highest continental scholarship has Ind which he has made in his recent political explo been the first to recognize, while as a whole they sions. have allied themselves with the broadest interests of the nation. When our country felt called DISCOVERERS OF TIIE UNREAL. ,pon to unsheathe the sword, and our dearest and THERE are some gentlemen who an. wonderfully 'pest feelings and character were " jeoparded clever at new discoveries. It is not that they are the high places of the field," it was his highly scientific—they never make any discoveries A and delight to disparage his country, to in that line; but they have a strong moral scent 'e her sense of duty as Quixotism, and to by which they detect, with amazing quickness, masses by exaggerated pictures of the another class of existences. With the best pos f war. His mean and mercenary sible intentions—yea, with a jealousy for the led duty at so many shillings—pre- right and the true which does them the greatest I though dishonourable peace to a inevitable war. No public man " k onour—they not unfrequently astonish the contempt and scorn at that day. world with discoveries of things, indeed, which Are unpopular, even with the ordinary mortals would never suspect, much less in his only force lay. Ili ---s be able to bring to ligh t. The only drawback is 'ic life became a necessity, if that their science admits not of so vulgar yet ~ lie has now emerged her a wiser nor a better necessary a thing as demonstration. It fails the popularity he had indeed usually even of moral proof to any other •-• conduct, by making persons than themselves, or others like disposed. `er speeches which We are required to believe it all upon their bare oderate of his sup- Ans of the more assertion. Thus it resolves itself into this one In the judg- proposition—that credence is for the credulous. s not hazarded Were it not the fact that the greater part of man had left him. kind never reflee. or take the trouble to make hazarding , Bill. it inquiry, such philosophers would find very few wer, and followers. But unfortunately nothing more is needed than for a thing to be positively asserted ,a ion in order for it to be believed by numbers; and n- thus the false conclusion gains credit, and not only n so, but realizes the poet's description of fame or report—crescit eundo. Hence, what is the em ployment of one half of the public press but to ,rrect false statements or false conclusions of the er half? Happy is it if only truth prevails at 'ng adepts at discovery of the kind to re have alluded, we are sorry to be class some of our best and most reli- Through their own special organs, 3tantly putting the public upon a 't was only the other day Lord address of his to the young Abe who are just going out to say that to any " English there is no such thing as Ace some of our watchers nder for a word," dis lart of the Govern- And fetter the free henceforth holds 1 to the promo lief is that this Id. All that I, to remind their part