The Press. — London, England, 1853-07-23 00:00:00

THE PRESS. SATURDAY, doctoring the market I can prevent their touching a shameful discount. How also are we to raise the loan of eight or nine millions to pay off the South Sea Stock? There is no balance in the Exchequer —that has been appropriated to meet the bills which were sent in during June. These things must be considered. Sir C. WOOD: These things ought to have been considered before you embarked in such absurd arrangements. Whoever heard of a Chancellor of the Exchequer reducing the rate of interest on Exche quer Bills in a falling market? Whom could you have consulted? Not the Governor of the Bank, I am sure ; and certainly no one at the Treasury, unless they are very much changed since my time. I told you how it would be. As for the project of paying off the South Sea Stock, and all your other rigmaroles— Mr. GLADSTONE : Lord Aberdeen, I must appeal to your Lordship. I am afraid I may get into a passion if this proceeds. Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT: When we come to rigmaroles, I should like to know whether four budgets in a year are rigmaroles? Sir C. WOOD: A party who uses the word rigmarole should learn how to ring his Rs. Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT ; Well, that is capital from you! It can't be said of the present Chancellor of the Exchequer that his mouth is full of plums. Sir C. WOOD : I am sure his Exchequer is not. Lord ABERDEEN : Order, order! we have quite enough of war with out having it in the Cabinet. Graham, what do you think of this ? Sir JAmEs GRAHAM : My opinion remains the same. The Baltic fleet is five and twenty strong, first-rate ships, admirably manned and equipped. We can oppose to invasion from that quarter six ships of the line at the most, with deficient crews. The result is not doubtful. The enemy will arrive probably at Hull. Their march throughout the north of England, principally inhabited by members of the Peace Society, cannot materially be opposed. Their arrival at the capital may for a moment be delayed by a diversion to Cumberland. I see Netherby in flames. All the mauvais sujets will swell their train, and all the evil passions will be let loose. The gaols will be delivered, the hulks will be emptied, the ragged schools will take possession of those ancient seats of learning where ourselves and our fathers before us have been nurtured. The enemy have never forgotten that in the last war their own venerable metropolis was a sacrifice. They will avenge its loss, and probably set fire to the Thames. The Duke of NEWCASTLE : At our last meeting I agreed with Lord Palmerston that our wisest policy would be at once to arrest the pro gress of Russia, which would now be comparatively easy for us, but which in five or ten years hence may be impossible. But since I have listened to Lord Aberdeen, and clearly understand that war with Russia involves his own resignation and the breaking up of the present overnment, the question assumes a new aspect. I have to ask myself which is the greater evil—the universal dominion of the Em peror of Russia, or the possible return of Lord Derby to power. As a free trader and a devoted follower of Sir Robert Peel, I cannot hesi• tate. I would sooner see the Muscovite standard float on the Tower of Landon than relinquish my present office to Sir John Pakington. The Earl of CLARENDON : War is clearly impossible. This country is governed by the middle classes, and the middle classes never fight.: lam rather even against defending our own shores. It would be much better to " maintain the cause of order" by paying a small tribute ; and if quietly done, through the Billings or the Rothschilds for example, no one would be a whit the wiser. Sir Motsswonrit : The question, I apprehend, for the solution of the Cabinet to-day is, to reconcile the cause of peace with the maintenance of empire ; to prevent Exchequer Bills falling to a disgraceful discount ; and, at the same time, prevent the country from sinking in the scale of nations. I am for peace, but I am also for empire ; and the course which I recommend to my colleagues is the following :—I recommend them to change the seat of government. It, is obvious that this country is used up. It has for a long period been called Old England, and now appears only to possess the characteristic of old age, namely, Avarice, " the good, old gentlemanly vice." I should recommend that we should quit Losnox for VicromA, and enthrone her Majesty as the Empress of AUSTRALIA. There we might. start afresh, with all the advantages of experience—if, indeed, experience have any advantages, a, moot point; and an entire freedom from those encumbrances which are popularly called Institutions. Lord JOHN RUSSELL : If the Right Honourable Baronet. who is the President of Works, could contrive to take Woburn Abbey with him to Australia there might be some chance of the experiment succeeding ; but, as it is clearly impossible to move Woburn Abbey, I think the best thing we can do is to remain here. The Earl GRANVILLE : I am clearly for peace, and at any price. I think the utmost we can do in the way of war is the Chobham Camp ; and if that could have been pitched under a glass cover, which IMAGINARY CONVERSATIONS OF EMINENT MEN. No. n.—A CABINET COUNCIL. Lord MIZEDEEN : My Lords and Gentlemen, I have called the Cabinet again together on the subject of our last Council. It appeared then to be the opinion of a majority of my colleagues, in which I could not share, that prompt and decisive measures should be taken to arrest the progress of the Russians ; in short, that we should go to war. I thought it best that an interval should elapse before we ex pressed our final sentiments on such a topic. I have well considered my own, and I shall now state them. I think the time has gone by when England can go to war, except in defence of her own coasts. It is useless to shut our eyes to facts. England has become a mere commercial community. It worships only two things—capital and credit. A great portion of its wealth is invested in foreign countries, and its credit entirely depends upon general tranquillity. Patriotism, and even nationality, have propor tionately decreased with the influence of our territorial constitution, and, probably, they will all of them ultimately disappear together. So long as we can manage not to be involved in foreign troubles, we may continue to enjoy what we have acquired ; but I am convinced that another great struggle will not at its termination find us a first-rate power, and that we must eventually take our place in the same political scale as the Scandinavian Monarchies. So much for the general question of WAR. Irrespective of the se opinions, I confess I am not disinclined to witness the tranquil ex pansion of Russia. In the first place, a colossal empire, with a mare clan:rum, is an anomaly that cannot last. The settlement of the Russians on the Mediterranean is an inevitable necessity. In the second place, I have always looked, and still look, upon Russia as a great conservative power, and ono of the most efficient barriers against the eruptions of Jacobinism. With these views, you will not be surprised to learn that I can be no party to a policy which would attempt to arrest the progress, or even influence the conduct, of Russia. 1 am against war generally, and I inn against a war with Russia particularly. If, therefore, my colleagues cannot agree with me in these views, I have only one alterua. tive—which is, to resign my office into the hands of her Majesty. thrill of hr►rror pervades the Council Chamber ; the followers 'if Sir ROBERT I'NEL looking particularly disturbed ; Mr. IitAIO4TONR scowls, and bites his lips; Lord JOHN RUSSELL whispers to T.ord PALMERSTON, trho, clearing his throat, makes the following observations.; LOP' PALM EnSTON : A country that can only go to war in defence of her own coasts will not defend them very effectively. If the com merei►d system has brought us to such a pass that we are prepared to abdicate empire, we must take measures to counteract the com mercial principle. But I don't believe a word of it. My opinion is, that England is still a martial, proud, high-spirited country, and that, with the exception of a few fanatics and political economists, the nation was never better prepared for a great occasion than at the present mo ment. Let the existence of our power, or the interests of the Pro. testant cause, for example, be at stake, and I have no doubt that the country would rise to a man. Commerce has made us rich, but it does not follow that commerce has made us cowards. So much for the general question of war. As fin• the particular question of war with Russia, I am of opinion that if, a month ago, we had acted with common sense and common spirit, there would have been as much chance of war with the Emperor of Russia as with the Emperor of China, and about as much danger. But there are people who will not understand that imbecility is not prudence, and that there is no policy less safe than the policy of vacillation. 1 shall say nothing about the inevitable necessity of the expansion of the Russian empire. I have so frequently, and so recently, shown fo my colleagues the sheer insanity of permitting Russia to settle herself on the Bosphorus, that. 1 will not condescend to say another word ot► the subject. If such a constunmation 11111 only be prevented by war, 1 am for war; but I express my opinion that, even now, with energy, both may be avoided. Mr. ClLAnsTost.: : I protest. against the introduction by Lord Pal merston, in a deliberation on the Eastern question, of allusions to the Protestant cause. If "No Popery" is to be called out at every Cabinet licit appears to be their le, I can no longer be responsible ‘duct of our finances. 1 wish my colleagues to consider that element of our deliberations. lf, in addition to the a bad harvest, we have the certainty of war, what will be Exchequer Bills ? At present, it is only by constantly ....., , ‘ I A %MU L • .-/(N- N. 1 0 )- Vinttleil, wit ." , "%4: - :'‘ l'4' t 'r 4- Z r the eottil 1 • . .: 1 - ' N?,ii .... 4 \'‘'.'. . :.. .7). ' ffirtiettlarly --.\.:,'../- '\ : ',ll„ z e : w.,! sreet o f 1-.... • . ••:', t 1 e price of ;i I ...i•L', l % 4 72 t; - 4 "-4.lrt'l P A \,..4...--....4—...9,,,,, 27G