The Press. — London, England, 1858-06-26 00:00:00

the impulsive movement. When they were conscious that the torrent was carrying them away with it, they sought in vain to retrace their steps. Some ranged themselves anew around the Throne; some emigrated." We draw no parallel between the French Revolution when set in motion, and the present state of England, nearly at rest. But we know that, whether at rest or in motion, the only security for a State is in principle. This is the foundation of the building—the axle on which the State machine turns. Remove or damage this, and all real security is gone. Such statesmen as 1111aanizau and PEEL forget this. Differing, as Frenchmen and Englishmen often do, in private character, both were "of the earth, earthy." It is of the former that LAMARTINE says —" Of all the levers of " a great man, he lacked none save honesty. " The people were regarded as his instrument ; " Posterity was his Faith, and Glory his God. " Himself all for time, no immortal sign makes " holy his thoughts, his deeds, or his character." Such a politician could create nothing ; he could not even save anything. Liberalism—the scheme of politics which the Standard would fain assert to be ours—is the dis solver and disorganizer of everything. Yielding to such politicians as Mr. BRIGHT and Mr. MIALL all the credit that we can, as sturdy Englishmen, it is impossible to hear or read them without feeling that with our old English system they have no sympathy. For Lords, and Prelates, and Sovereigns, and Courts, and Palaces, they have no liking. But their system—the American—and the English, will never coalesce. If we are to have Liberalism, beginning as the Standard recommends, by the concession of Jewish claims first, and of Church-rates next—we are abundantly warned by Mr. MIALL himself that all this is only a commencement. Of what is to follow, there can remain no doubt. Is it not written in the histories of 1640-1650, and of 1789-1795? If Liberalism—i.e., Democracy— the waywardness of a pampered people— is to rule, then it will be prudent for our best and highest ones to bethink themselves before hand; to provide themselves a fitting refuge; and not to wait till they are pulled from their seats. THE LATEST FROM THE " SOUTH." THE State of Alabama, in the southern division of the United States, is, according to a popular American ditty, a remarkably pleasant location. The inhabitants are reported to be easy, well to-do people, occupied on their cotton or corn or tobacco plantations, of a reflective and econo mical turn, but sanguine for the most part, and disposed to make everything agreeable. Like Georgia and Carolina, and other neighbouring States, the State of Alabama has long enjoyed Southern institutions. In consequence, however, of the intrigues and jealousy of the Northern States, those institutions of late have not worked so well as could he wished; the planters have had, to combine in self-defence, and considerable yearly expense has been incurred by them in simply protecting their own interests. The land is excellent, intended apparently to supply civilization with the raw material of its usual garment; the locality pe culiarly favourably to commerce; a vast foreign trade open; the only want which the State suffers is a want of labour and population. Under these circumstances, and in connection with a few other States equally indigent, the Alabama planters have formed themselves into a Conven tion, and appointed a Special Committee to report upon the best means of remedy. The Report, which fills four closely-printed columns, is at present before us, and its state ments are so candid and its admissions so credit able that we have extracted some of them for the benefit of the public. The report was made to the Southern Commercial Convention at Mont gomery, in Alabama, which met in May of the present year. The Special Committee on the Revival of the African Slave Trade has chiefly turned its attention to two economical topics—the present uncivilized and unproductive condit ion of the negroes in Africa, and the present consumptive want of civilization in the Southern States. There is a glut of negro THE PRESS, JUNE 26, 1858 material in Africa, where the land does not re quire it ; there is a dearth of it in the States, where the necessities of cotton and tobacco do. Is there no mode of algebraically solving the problem ? By no theory of civilization can the plus be turned into a minus ? Is it not possible to bring over or borrow a sufficient sum, and mentally debit the State with it, for the sake of a good commercial answer ? If negroes in their own country refuse to develop their faculties and to satisfy our standard of happiness, is it not ex cusable at least to take possession of them and conduct them into that state of industrial hap piness and development where they will, and for which they were evidently intended ? This is a common mode of stating the argument; but the Alabama Committee is more outspoken. "As to the question," states the Report, " whether, in any event, it may be right to bring " the negro by compulsion to a life of labour— , " that question we take to be determined by " domestic slavery." The question of abstract right or wrong is determined by the domestic fact. The law allows, and the South requires, the institution. The North opposes it upon arguments of strict democracy ; the South upon the basis of aristocracy. All men are equal, urges the North, pointing to the level of the Declaration of Independence. All men are not equal, replies the South, objecting to the horizontal plain. Democracy, according to the South, is a popular ideal; a social and political inequality is an historical fact. The Report propounds,—" Whenever States have come to greatness, they have exhibited the condition of unequal classes. There were citi zens and slaves in Greece, patricians and ple beians in Rome, peers and villains in England, nobles and peasants in Central Europe. Generally whenever there has been power and progress, there has been articulation, a ruling and a sub ject class—if not a ruling and a subject race." From this premiss it is quite clear that there must be negro slaves in the United States. " The analogies of this great universe are not " against the institution.' The Committee has " no means of knowing what is to be the final " constitution of society '." but it is inclined to fancy that slavery will be perpetuated, under some new form, in a future state. All zoology is in favour of it. Proceeding through rotifers and polyps and carnivores, we find different castes of subject animals, until we arrive at the highest dominant type in creation—a Southern planter. On this firm and solid stand-point the Committee of the Southern Commercial Convention feels that it can confront the advance of the North. An inequality of races is neces sary, and if the State of Alabama is ever to be come fit for the final constitution of society, the Committee is of opinion that the State must sedulously and rigorously extend that inequality. This inequality, sufficiently promoted, as it could not fail to be, by the revival of the African slave trade, would give to the South what it wants at present. It would, to cite the Report, give " labour—population; it would give us powers "of extension to vacant territory; it would "draw foreign enterprize to its embrace—foreign " capital to its support; and it would furnish the "commodity into which to subsidize the anis " saries of the North to whip the North from " every field of population." In other words, it would accelerate the millennium for the planter, though it might not do so much for the slave. It is urged by the Committee with a good deal of force, that the remarkable impulse of the North has been owing to " the foreign wave of power," in the shape of 250,000 innuagrants a year. The South, on the other hand, has had no such " foreign wave,"—the wave of labour has been rather receding than advancing; and " though labour has been productive, products abundant," the Committee report a somewhat remarkable fact :—" Many would fail to sell " estates to-day for as much as was paid for them " in market filly years ago." A foreign African wave, or rather surf is urgently required; yet if labour becomes cheaper, will not the price of slaves be thereby lowered, as well as the value of the commercial products of their labour? The price may be lowered, we are told, without injury : " Those who own slaves now will be the first, perhaps, to buy them. Though not competent to do the business of educated slaves, they will 603 be yet able, under the direction of eddcgted slaves, to do the business which would else re quire a better class of labour; and, without there should be a reduction in the price of Southern staples, the trained slaves cannot be less valuable than they are, and with this want of them to guide and regulate the African, it is possible that they may come to even higher value." Nor will the price be greatly affected. Cotton may possibly come down to a level with other staples, but there would be still a large market open. The South at present produces only two thirds of the cotton required by the world. With a greater stimulus it might drive Egypt and India from the market ; in any case there would be left a broad basis for rice, and hemp, and tobacco; for fruits, and perhaps for tea and coffee. But will not the slave element, if largely increased, become an element of danger ? Armed with proper discipline, the Committee has no apprehension of that. Negroes without civil rights and without education are, it is argued, by no means refractory ; if they give signs of mutiny, sufficient remedies are at hand. Nor need the Slave States, if reinforced by a large negro immi gration, apprehend the antagonism of the North. With an importation of one or two hundred thousand slaves, it will not be necessary to fight for an extension of territory, as the South had to fight for Kansas. The North will find it their interest to succumb. Instead of being nests of political demagogisin, the Northern States will be homes of peaceful manufacture and mer chandize ; the South growing cotton, and the North making money by spinning and weaving it. Thus the American Union would carry out the intention of PROVIDENCE, by employing the slave in the work for which his defective intelli gence appears to fit him ; and the Committee would, as they express their sincere desire, "in " humble reliance on an overruling PROVIDENCE, "do their part by slavery." The result at which the ruling race arrive we commend to the serious consideration of European sympathizers : " Under the influence of these consideratio your Committee are constrained to favour the re opening of the Foreign Slave Trade, and they propose for the adoption of this Convention the following resolutions : " 1. Resolved, That Slavery is right, and that being right, there can be no wrong in the natural means to its fbrination. "2. Resolved, That it is expedient and proper the Foreign Slave Trade should be re-opened, and that this Convention will lend its influence to any legitimate measure to that end. "3. Resolved, That a committee consisting o one from each slave State be appointed to con sider of the means, consistent with the duty and obligations of these States, for re-opening the Foreign Slave Trade, and that they report their plan to the next meeting of this Convention." THE THAMES WATER-CURE (?) WHEN BURKE maintained that there might be stench intense enough to be sublime—that the loathsomeness of the cause might be forgotten in the overpowering greatness of the effect—the Thames was as clear as the average of large rivers, and not much less pure. Even about London the elements of pollution were rather known than felt to exist. To row between the bridges was still pleasant; the water, but slightly turbid, and never fetid, was still fit for washing or teamaking—for cleansing the outer or refreshing the inner man. ',Salmon maintained their periodic migrations, and anglers still sallied from their armoury in Crooked-lane to attack the shoals of roach in their autumnal descent to London-bridge. BusicE's Thames experience was of a river, not a cesspool, and he happily lacked the opportunity of testing his mephitic theory on the grandest scale. Could he have lived to see these days of " progress," and have enjoyed a trip in a penny steamer at low water, he might have modified his views. At all events, they have no living advocates from Putney to the Isle of Dogs. The cry of annoyance, of disgust, of loathing, wearies all the echoes of the metropolis. The legislator, perspiring under the press of business, longs in vain for a breath of fresh air from the river, whose expanse mocks him like s