The Press. — London, England, 1858-12-11 00:00:00

1210 ° THE PRESS, DECEMBER 11, 1858. replenished when once their stock of guano is exhausted, because the birds from which guano is created are driven away, and, like coal, when it is once dug up, you cannot expect to have it reproduced. I believe that nothing is better after all than good farmyard manure, and if those who cultivate the land would be more attentive than they are in some farmyards to the collecting of the manure formed in those yards, and would apply it to the enrich ment of the soil, I believe that foreign manure would, in many cues, not be required; at all events, I think that the time is not very far distant when the foreign supply will cease, and when domestic guano will be the source to whch you must apply. There is one great subject which is very much discussed, and which is now under chemical examination—viz., whether town sewage can or cannot be advantageously applied as manure. One's hope was that the application would be easy and certain. Experiment has shown, however, that it is very difficult; that the matter mixed up with the sewage, and which is of its nature inert, forms so large a portion of the compound that its removal costs a great deal, and is not remune rative. I know, however, that the Metropolitan Board of Works are now employing experienced chemists to see whether town sewage cannot be applied so that it may be advantageously transferred at any distance as agri cultural manure. Undoubtedly if in a town like Romsey you could mix mould with the contents of your cesspools a great deal of valuable lost manure might be obtained which would otherwise be lost. It is hardly necessary for me to say—because I know your kindness to those under you—that while agriculturists attend to their machinery, their cattle, and implements, their labourers ought also to be the subject of their peculiar care. I knew people imagine that societies like the Labourers' Encouragement Societies are not founded upon sound philosophical principles. entirely differ from that opinion. I am quite sure that such meetings and such institutions do immense good. It is all very well to say that labourer; ought not to receive a piece of card or a few shillings as a reward for many years of faithful and dutiful service—that they ought to throw back such a thing upon those who give it them, and say that they are trifling with the labours of a life. But such an objection is at variance with the principles of Inman nature. It is not the few shillings or the bit of pasteboard that constitutes the reward, bat you appeal to one of the leading principles of human nature—the one, indeed, moat conducive to the social improvement of mankind— the love of approbation—the love of the approbation of others, of those whose opinion is of value to those who are judged and who are capable of judging. The labourer who comes before such an institution and who receives a ticket of good conduct and a few shit. lings of reward has the same sense of pride, of selfrespect, and of gratitude as the soldier who gets the Victoria Cross, or the officer who gets a ribsuid tied round his neck or hung over hie shoulder—distinctions for which men risk their lives, and go through the greatest dangers. Go into the eotta , Ae of the labouring man, and see the delight with which he points to the card on the chimney-piece, which proves to the eyes of his neighbours that he is worthy of the distinction of receiving this testimony of his merit as a citiz,-n. Gentlemen, I give you " Prosperity to the Romsey Agricultural Association." parties into which the people of England are divided—the Conservatives, the Whigs, and the Radicals—l say that the Conservatives are the parties that ought to bring it forward. Observe the reason. Twenty five years ago a Reform Bill, which has formed the constitution of this country since that time, was brought forward by the Whigs. 1 am old enough to have had a seat in Parliament at that time, to know what was said and thought of it. We spoke of it in very disparaging terms—in terms which I acknow ledge were much more severe than the measure deserved. It was confessedly a measure brought in by one party in the State. I will say no more upon that, except that the same party have twice put into the Queen's Speech a recommen dation to Parliament to consider that same question with a view to remedy the defects which experience has shown to exist in that measure. Will you, then, leave them—the same people—to attempt again to botch their own mea sure ? I say nay. They have had their turn, and have had full credit for their measure, which has turned out better than I expected. But, if we are to have another Reform Bill, it ought to be no longer intrusted to them, but ought to fall to one of the other two parties. Well, that being the case, speaking as a Conservative, but still giving my honest opinion, I do believe that throughout the whole of England the strong majority will be prepared to trust that delicate operation to the hands of the Conserva tives rather than to the Radicals. According to my judg ment, they would rather that the operation should be performed by an experienced surgeon than by a medical practitioner, who, however great his skill, has yet had no experience in the matter; that they would rather trust the bringing in of a Reform Bill to Lord Derby than to Mr. Bright. Mr. DARBY GRIFFITH, M.P., also made some allu sion to the subject, and said, he believed the country was not desirous to undertake the great organic changes, or to ride upon the sea of popular expecta Lion as it did twenty-five years ago. He hoped that in whatever change might take place there would be a careful consideration of the claims of all classes; but, speaking in agricultural language, he believed they would prefer to confide their prospects and their interests to the old Derby plough rather than to the Birmingham scarifier. measure was introd uce d to the House of Commons h would lend his boat e xert i ons, b oth by vote and speech to carry it. They had got a H ouse of Commons which was now willing to submit t o t h e op i nion of the country, and what more did they want ? I f they turned it ups i de down be thought they would not improve its present constitution. He thought, also, all that was necessary to be done was with regard to the representation of the counties. It lay more with the counties than with the boroughs. The great fault which had been committed was the division of counties, by which means two or three great landed pro prietors, by patting their heads together, could prevent the voterlfrom exercising an independent franchise. He thought it was wrong that people who had not 501. should be excluded from voting, and therefore he had voted for Mr. Locke King's motion, to extend the county franchise to 101. holders. Having observed that he had been instrumental in establishing a 101. franchise in Australia, the right hon. gentleman proceeded to say : There was another thing which he thought ought to be done, and to which he would now turn his attention, and that was what was to be done with those classes whom the Reform Bill had not invested with the franchise. Those who did not now possess the franchise were not enabled by fortune to live in houses of 101. per year rental. He wished to speak with the greatest respect for the working classes of this country, and when he compared the wealth produced by them with the property of the richest men in the country, that property sunk into insignificance. But he was bound to consider that the country should be represented by its wealth and intelli gence. He agreed with Lord Macaulay that it was better for wealth and intelligence to represent a nation than mere numbers only. He knew he was telling them what many would disagree with, but it was better that he should come there with truth on his lips than any more claptrap lan. gunge, because, if he did not speak in accordance with what he intended to do, be should very likely be one day called to account. The number of constituencies, if equally divided amongst the 658 representatives, would give 37,000 persons to each. Let them look round at the matter as it stood with regard to Ireland. In England each member represented an average of 24,000; in Ireland they represented something like 73,000; therefo-e. if an average were to be taken it would give Ireland 210 mem. hers instead of 105. Such a measure would no doubt disenfranchise several of the boroughs in Worcestershire, and he knew that in Kidderminster they were below the mark. If they adopted Mr. Bright's principle, instead of sixteen members for London, as now, they would have, in proport:on to its population, seventy-three members; therefore Mr. Bright would concentrate all the parlia. a mentary power in the lar g e t owns . M r. B r i g h t wou ld take the representati on f rom t h e count i es an d g i ve i t to the large towns. Why should they look to Sardinia, which ten years ago was under an absolute monarchy, as an example to this country, or either to the mushroom States of America, in both of which they had vote by ballot and universal suffrage? Let them take a lesson from France, and there they had universal suffrage, vote by ballot, and au absolute government ; and what did they find' That no man was safe from domiciliary visits during soy part of the day or night. THE RIGHT HON. R. LOWE ON REFORM. Ma. LOWE addressed a meeting of his constituents at Kidderminster on Wednesday, giving an account of his votes in the House of Commons and expressing his opinion on political events. In eulogizing Lord Palmerston he said : He believed that impartial history would render to the me ivory of Lord Palmerston a very different measure of justice to that which had been rendered by disappointed factions and unscrupulous malignity. At any late, now that Lord Palmerston was no longer powerful in giving promotion, or in conferring benefits which could excite the wishes of mankind, he could only saj that a man who at a period of unexampled danger and difficulty boldly and firmly grasped the helm of State; who carried us bravely through the Russian war ; who secured an honourable and triumphant peace; who took care we should not lose in the quibbles of negotiation that which we had so nobly won by a gallant stroke of arms ; who, by his course of policy with respect to China, had opened it up to our commerce; who, by his policy in India, had put down rebellion, and had nobly revenged our slaughtered country men and women—such a man had established for himself lasting claims to a nation's gratitude. Mr. Lowe, after a passing allusion to the unfitness of the present Ministry to govern such n country as thin, then referred to the question of Reform, con trasting the excitement about the old Reform Bill with the apathy at present prevailing in the country on the question ; the people bad patiently waited for seven years. Mr. Lowe then proceeded to reply to Mr. Bright. He said .!•1 The noble PRESIDENT then proposed " The Mayor and Corporation of Romsey." Dr. BEDDOME, who has served the office of mayor six times, and who is now in his third successive year of office, returned thanks, and adverted to the criticisms on Lord Palmetston's recent visit to France. There was this coincidence connectea with his visit to France, that immediately after his return the Empetor of the French gave a free pardon to Count Montalembert. He hoped that when his lo►d ship again visited France his return would be marked by the removal of all impolitic restrictions upon the French press. Lord Palmerston then left the chair, amid the cheering of the meeting, and the proceedings termi nated. In conclusion, the right bon. gentleman said he should always be glad to derive the inspiration of his words and acts from the glorious and noble con• stitution of the British nation. MR. GLADSTONE'S MISSION. A LETTER front Corfu says :—" Since his arrival here Mr. Gladstone has been in communication with all the Greek authorities of Corfu. Ou Thursday he called on the Bishop, and bad a lengthy conference with him. He has also visited the churches and every object of interest in the city. On Friday the Queen's warrant, appointing him Lord High Corn• missioner Extraordinary to the lonian Islands, was read to a full meeting of the Senate, and he on that occasion delivered the following speech in Italian ": Your Highness and Most Illustrious Sirs, — Yon have heard the words of the Sovereign Protectress Of the United States of the lonian Islands. THE RIGHT HON. SOTHERTON ESTCOURT, M.P., ON THE REFORM BILL. THE President of the Poor Law Board, the Right Hon. Sotberton Estcourt, presided at the meeting of the Wilts Agricultural Society, at Devizes, on Wed nesday, and in his speech, after dinner, he alluded to the new Reform Bill. Having compared himself to a friend of the artist who sees a picture while being done, but whether it will be a " good likeness " or a " pleasing " likeness he cannot )et say, the right bon. gentleman proceeded : The House of Commons, as at present instituted, always followed the will of the people; as also did the House of Lords—for instance iu the Jew Bill. The agitation for a new bill came not from below ; it was the work of the upper and middle classes. It did not come from the people at large. And now he came to what they had perhaps been looking for—his opinion upon it. He did not think that if a Reform Bill had been obtained a few years ago it would have worked beneficially to those who framed it. If the working classes had bad their own way some time ago they would not have been so well off as they were now, badly off as some of them were at that time. He had been, ever since be understood anything about reform, a thoroughgoing Liberal, and he saw no reason now to change his opinion. He had early been taught in a system of politics which he had never felt called upon to change. The times had come to him, he had not been obliged to go to the times. The principles he held in 1832 he held now; they were those advocated by Lord Grey, and he did not differ from them. He advocated that the country should not be governed by mere numbers, but by its wealth and intelligence. lie did not wish to make a Reform Bill ; he left that to Mr. Bright. With regard to the redistribution of electoral districts, the principle of the old bill was to remedy suc h scandalous inequalities as those which gave members to the Park at Gatton, and to Old Sarum, whilst Birmingham and Manchester were not reptf sented. If there was any bormigh which since that time had become so small and insiocifilant, and so unworthy or the great privilege of reviiinin; a member to Perth ment, 1.0 was perfectly willing that that privilege should be taken away from it. If they were to have a Reform Bill he hoped it would not be a sham, but an honest and anal measure. It such a From the Commission which has been read to you is derived whatever title I possess to your regard and Basis tance, and to that of other lonians in the execution of my duties. It. avoids, as you will observe, all interference with constituted authority, whether in your hands, in those of the Loid High Commissioner, or in any others; and while binding me, as the subject and servant of her Majesty, to I given purpose, it does not bind any lonian, but simply empowers rae to appeal to a free and voluntary aid in furtherance of my endeavours. Nor is it only the title, but the matter and scope for my charge, which is to be gathered from this Com mbsion. . Now, that is my case. I *nave been to London, and may possibly have taken a glimpse at the canvas • but, whether the Reform Bill, when it comes out, will be a good likeness of what you expect, and will be satisfactory to you, depends not upon one or two items, which may be let out beforehand, but upon the whcle measure as corn. pleted by the great artist in whose hands it now rests. After observing that the present unexcited time was the proper time to bring in the bill, Mr. Estcourt said : Her Majesty, ever solicitous of the well-being of the people whom she either governs or protects, is earnestly desirous that the inhabitants and subjects of the lonian State should enjoy in the fullest sense, according to the spiiit and opportunities of the time, every advantage which was contemplated on their behalf by the Treaty of Pails in November, 1815. Aware that embarrassments have heretofore from time to tine beset the action of the institutions established under the treaty, she deigns to seek information through an organ independent of past lonian politics as to the causes of those embarrassments and the best means of removing them. On the onn side the British Protectorate over those UPON ; on the other the e ubste t nxtee ex i s tence of the I believe that the measure will be conceived with an intention of placing the representation of the people upon a broad, a deep, a good, and a stable fourdatton ; and that it will be judged of by the people of England with much less excitement than when a Reform Rill was proposed twenty-eve years ago. Now, gentlemen, it is also said— you Conservatives are nut the proper people to bring such a measure forward; you Conservatives have always been obstructing reform, and you should therefore leave it to your opponents. My answer is, that of the three great