The Press. — London, England, 1858-07-17 00:00:00

678 open Exeter-hall, or Westminster Abbey, in the hope that they may induce the myriads to come in. But we do greatly desidemte a little calm reflection,—a little serious inquiry, whether this is the best course of proceeding. What is to be the result of these Special Services ? Is it meant that what is now special shall become regular ; and that leaving the churches in their present deserted state, we should rejoice that we have filled one or two large places, like Exeter-hall or 'Westminster Abbey ? Is this to he the practical result, or are these services to cease, after a time, and all things to fall back into their former condition ? If the first is what we aim at—if; while 38,000 empty seats remain unfilled in the Westminster churches, we rejoice that we have drawn 5,000 persons to Exeter-hall and Westminster Abbey —then we must say that the remedy does not meet the evil. Still less, if these Special Services are to be no more than a spasmodic effort, and if, after a series or two of three months each, the labour is over, and the former apathy is to return, —still less shall we have taken any rational means to cure the mischief which we deplore. One chief regret which we feel, with reference to these Special Services, is, that they withdraw the public attention from the principal evil, and paralyze all effort to remove or cure it. When we see empty churches, our first care should be to search out the cause and to apply some fitting remedy. Instead of which, we propose some thing which is no remedy. We find, for instance, in the city of London, twenty or thirty churches open on each Sunday evening, and not more than three or four of them provided with even half a congregation. And the remedy proposed is to open St. Paul's Cathedral for a service in the dome or nave, which, if successful, will collect 2,000 or 3,000 people. Now, there can be no doubt that, if 2,000 or 3,000 persons are so collected together, one-half of them will be drawn from the twenty or thirty parish churches which have had but scanty congregations. These will be still more empty, still more sad and dull. The ministers will be still more disheartened ; the congregations will be still more gloomy and listless. If some good has been done by attract ing one or two thousand persons to St. Paul's, some mischief has also been done, by diminishing many congregations which were already too small. If a judicious friend to the Church were to take up the map of the City, in order to discover how her services could be made more efficient and more attractive in that part of London, he would soon discover three things to be desirable :- 1. That some of the small City parishes should be united, and one church left open where now there are two or three. The population of the City is now so much smaller than it formerly was, that the actual amount of church-room is super abundant. There are about fifty churches for about 57,000 people. Twenty or thirty would be quite sufficient. 2. Yet, with all this superfluous room, the working classes are not received as they ought to be. The City churches are filled with high oak pews, well cushioned, into which the pew opener never thinks of ushering a man who has not a very good coat on his back. The labour ing man, if he ventures to enter, is eyed as if almost an intruder, and is directed to some dark seats in a corner. The first thing that should be done in the City is to reduce the fifty churches to twenty or twenty-five; the next is to reseat those twenty or twenty-five churches in such a manner as that every decent man who enters should at once be made welcome. 3. But in London and in Westminster, and in short everywhere, we need a style of preaching which, without vulgarisms or claptrap, should interest and instruct all classes. Sometimes the sermon is too learned and cold ; at other times it is jejune and dry. All men feel the want of, the whole press unites in calling for, a more lively and animated style of preaching. But we need not dilate upon this subject here. It would be idle to expect that any great change in the English pulpit could be brought about suddenly, or just when it was called for. But the other changes of which we have spoken, particularly a proper adaptation of our churches to the wants and circumstances of the people, might be commenced immediately. We desi derata a " Church Reform Association" for the metropolis, limiting the phrase "Reform" to the L THE PRESS, Jury 17, 1858. architectural arrangements of our churches. Such a body as this, supported by the bishop and supulied with a moderate amount of funds, might, even in the next five years, quite regene rate the Establishment in the metropolis. We know scarcely any department of Christian phi lanthropy in which a little labour and a little money might produce such important results, as in this which we have just indicated. LEGISLATION FOR IRELAND. THERE are two very important Irish measures before the House of Commons, which we trust will receive the assent of the Legislature in the course of the present session. We allude to the Dublin and Belfast Police Bill, and to the Bill providing for the retirement in certain cases of Assistant Barristers. With the details of the first of these Bills we shall not now trouble our readers, who are already aware that serious riots have occurred in the last six months in Dublin and Belfast, and that the police in those towns have failed to gain the confidence of large sections of those two important communities. In Dublin there are eleven hundred policemen, only 135 of whom are Protestants, according to the admis sion of Roman Catholics themselves. A closer estimate would probably show that there were only about eighty Protestants in the entire force. ' In Belfast, on the other hand, there are two hundred policemen, and there are only six Roman Catholics in the entire force, though there is a population at Belfast of from 25,000 to 30,000 Roman Catholics. In Dublin, the Liberal and " pro-Catholic " interest is dominant in the Corporation ; while at Belfast the Protestant and Conservative elements are decidedly in a cor porate ascendancy. It is easy, therefore, to understand that in Dublin the Protestants, and in Belfast the Roman Catholics, must be dis satisfied with seeing the formidable power of police organization placed within the influences of a particular local ascendancy. The history of the Orange and Green riots at Belfast, and of the College-green disturbances in Dublin, shows that something should be done to restore to the police of those cities the confidence of the general public. The influence of authority is seriously diminished, if the Protestants of the Irish metropolis and the Roman Catholics of Bel fast distrust the police. The Government measure proposes to find means for proportioning the police force in those great cities, so as to regain to the police the constitutional confidence of those important com munities. The fourth clause of the Bill is to this effect : " The Inspector-General, subject to the ap proval of the Lord Lieutenant, may transfer such of the officers and men in the Dublin Metropoli tan Force, and may receive such of the officers and men in the Belfast Police Force in and to the Constabulary, who shall consent to be transferred or received, and shall appoint them to such ranks in the Constabulary as he shall deem proper. The service in the Police to reckon for the Con stabulary." No better means could be devised for propor tioning the numbers of Protestant and Roman Catholic policemen to the respective cities in question ; and, by the proviso of the Lord Lieu tenant's approval being required, an ample check is given on official or sectional prejudices operating in the Inspector-General's department. At Dublin, as a matter of course, the agitation party endeavour to get up a " cry" against their threatened loss of influence. Always clamouring for equal rights and equal laws, they wish to leave the Protestants of the Irish capital to the care of a civic force in which the Roman Catholics are to the Protestants in the proportion of about ten to one. We shall not argue the question, be cause the principle of the Government measure is obviously just. But we cite with pleasure the testimony of the Northern Whig of Belfast. That Liberal organ administers a spirited rebuke to the Roman Catholic Corporation of Dublin, for having "exhibited a factious and bigoted in tolerance" in the discussion of the Bill of Lord NAAS ; and the Whig says fairly:— " The great bulk of the metropolitan force is made up of Roman Catholics, in the same way as all but a mere fraction of the Belfast constables are Protestants. The Protestants of Dublin allege that they have no faith in the conduct of the men to whom the tranquillity of the city is intrusted. They have shown that their allega tion is not unibunded—that there has been a sectarian spirit, on more than one occasion, exhi bited by members of the force. This very fact of distrust would, of itself, be sufficient to destroy the moral influence of the finest body of men in the United Kingdom." We have no doubt that the highly reasonable proposal of the Government will receive the approbation of Parliament. The measure for giving increased retiring allowances (in certain cases) to the Assistant Barristers in Ireland is absolutely necessary. Hitherto, if an Assistant Barrister in Ireland (an office equivalent to a County Chairmanship in England) had not served his full thirty years, his retiring pension was placed no higher than 4001. per annum. He might be drawing upwards of a thousand per annum from his office, and , he. might have served twenty or twenty-five years, and still Government had no power to offer him an adequate retiring allowance. The consequence may have been foreseen. For a long time past several of the Assistant Bar risters have been anxious to retire, being in invalid health ; but they naturally cling to office, refusing to accept so small a retiring pension. Their duties have consequently been discharged by occasional deputies, and the prestige of judic►al administration has suffered. The Go vernment measure, by giving a graduated scale, will enable those who are incapacitated by illness to retire ; and at the same time it will not give undue temptations to improper retirements. The measure is approved of by the Irish Bar, and the whole public is interested in having justice vigorously administered. Some small Whig snarlers attempt to raise a cry of " jobbery," but that taunt comes very ill from the partizans of the last Administration. COMMERCE OF FRANCE. TO THE EDITOR OF " THE PRESS." Sir,—Any correct information regarding France cannot, I conceive, be otherwise than interesting to John Bull, and from the Economist of June the 12th I take the following : The trade of France has received a check. . . . But the remarkable development of the great commerce of France must be owing to some more deeply-rooted and substantial reason than the commercial crisis which has swept over America (England) and Western Europe. In the year ending 31st of December, 1847, the imports of France were 51,600,0001., and the exports 41,960,0001. In 1856, the last year for which we have any official re turns, the imports had increased to 88,360,0001. and the exports to 86,680,0001., of which 6%280,00W. consisted of the manufactures and produce of France. The Times of July 10th gives the imports and exports of France as follovrs Imports. Exports. 1856 18;)7 Decrease .. 2,080,000 .... 800,000 There being a great discrepancy in these statements as•to the year 1856, amounting to 23,280,000/. on the imports, and 19,680,0001. on the exports. I hope, sir, you will inform us which is the real Simon Pure. This great development of the mercantile re• sources of France, her speedy recovery from the recent collapse of trade, with her increasing com merce and stock of billion, and material prosperity, under the firm and wise rule of Napoleon ff 7., is no doubt as highly disgusting to the Mazzinis, Ber nerds, and Red Republicans of France, as the suc cessful and peaceful management of the political affairs of Great Britain by her present Conservative Mikisters is to their opponents the Whigs, &c., of Cambridge-house notoriety.—Yours, July 14. A TORY. [We can conceive no other way of reconciling such opposite statements, but that of concluding that in one of these statements to year ending Jan. 1, 1856, is intended; and in the other, the year from Jan. Ito Dec. 31, 1856. We often observe a looseness in this very respect.—Ed. PaEss]. MENIMEMIft rake to din, for led in- if Lord force is way as 'stables Dublin luct of city is allega- been a 4 exhi- , fact of destroy men in sonable ive the retiring ssistant cessary. and (an [ship in r years, er than Irawing •om his !nty or had no owance. a. For nt Bar- k invalid office, pension. charged itige of 'he Go- ed scale, y illness not give Lts. 'rhe and the justice 1 Whig ry," but tizans of France eating to the 12th . . But imerce of noted and rhich has rope. le imports 80,0001. official re• and the nsisted of orts and rts. 0,000 ~000 0,000 atements )Lon the I hope, on Pure. stile re- 'rom the ing com- •osperity, is no Ms, Ber- the sue- political TORY. jrrvo :a.i.vof e s ng such ing that Jan. 1, h e year observe sal.