The Express. — London, England, 1850-06-29 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS—FawAT, Jums 28. Tho Mw oft at i ss'eleek. Lord Luninann sat speaker. The Lesdkird tad Tenant Bill was read a third time and tas . were the Small Tenements Recovery Bill, and the a rli l e-heare (So-Masi . 0 Bill. The Marquis of LfiNSDOWNE, situ relating the Pan Neuters of the attack made upon Dm Queen on Thursday Seining, pall • high tribute to the firmness and courage men fasted by her Majesty, as well to the mot hosiast lc loyalty testified by all elutes of her suhjects on the tidings of the event being madepublie. Until the character and motives of the rime were ascertaised, the noble marquis stated that he raid not eay whether en address shouid be asked for from their 'ordains. Lord STANLEY was amoral that no member of the heave failed to sympathise is the general feeling of loyal af t ferret towards the sovereign and indignation manioc the dastardly criminal Its hoped also that so cainbi.l feeling would be allowed to o; crate so r to permit upon light grounds the escape of the criminal rider lb, plea of insanity. The Criminal Law Consolidation Bill west through com mittee, on the motion of Lord Buovonag. The Drainage acd Inurc.reinent of Laud Advances Bill als 3 went through committee, and, the standing orders being epeci ully suspended in its favour, was then read a third time, and passed. The Australian Colonies Bill wee reported, with the amendments, the most imp irt ant of which was the °minion of the federal cloves. Some observations upon the changes that had been effected la the bill were interebaaged between Lord Mosteapk, Earl Grey, and Earl St. Germans, the Perot was received. The *pimp-lion laterni•ota Bill was read a stood time, and ordered for committal on Thursday. Their lordships adjourned at 7 o'doek. to Monday nest. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—FRIDAY, Jess 28. The 8 took the chair at 4 o'clock. Lord J. RUSSELL, on 'Dewlap that the home at iM rising should adjogrn till Monday, recapitulated the circumstances, already published, attending the dastardly assault upon the Queen on the preeedinr evening, and, while declining to give sanneceseuy importance to the set by moving an address, es pressed a conviction, which was promptly reap nid,d to, that the house fully shared in the loyal feeling so univcr-ally ma nifested by the public. Some conversation then took plum relative to the pen:tested Exhibition of Industry, end several inerab-re joined in pre. isrrieg • remonstrance against selecting Hyde-park as the site for the necessary edifice. Ultimately the discussion was allowed to stand over until Monday upon representations, made by Lord J. Russell sod Mr. isbouchen, that a special meeting of the commissions= is whom hands the project was placed was to be held upon the subject today, Saturday. GREECE -ADJOURNED DEBATE. ad as I wish to deal bolsi, with yen all, I will statethe ease in • few words, aad to whieh statemeat, I feel, so bon. gentleman will take exceptien. First, I will take the ease of Mr. Finlay. Mr. Finlay sealed in Gress seas 20 years ago, liaise taken up has abode at Athens, user a merawat or trader from his own country, but as a dealt. of Greece. He purchased lead la the neighboar lel es: of Athas. I b .ve seen that lad. I saw this plats Just as the foundations of the boas were rising above the surface of Om earth ; and I likewise observed the state of the laad. The load was purchased as • speculation In the neighbout heed d Athena. (Hear.) Mr. Finlay became interested in the prosperity of Athena. The government ot Greta wss eon laseed at Nauplia ; but the desire of the people was that the government should be restored to the classic soil of Atheism (Hsu. hear.) All the landed proprietors, being Isessested in making Athens the metropolis, signed a ro yalties entering tato an engagement with the common entadeipality to furnish land as sites for public buildings at • estate number of drachmas, equivalent to 3id. or 44. of ear money, per square yard. (Hear, bear.) Now, I do not intend to go through the correspondence relating to Mr Finlay, but will cease to ma point. Mr. Finlay was nee of tame who, in connexion with several others, dispeored of lead to the Greek government. Amongst those who dls• paid of lad to the government were eons foreigners , and Ilya the aimed of two of these foreigners, Mr. Hill and the America consul, the palao • was erected. 84 H. Leone, in his first letter to L ird Aberdeen, spoke of these gentlemen Ming sufferers with Mr. Finlay. Their land was taken fer the erection of the palace, and Mr. Finlay's land was taken few the purposes eta gardea. These are (sets that I believe no penes will deny. Now, what I want to call attention to is this. All the other proprietors of land, without exoeptioa, =d to and accepted of the terms offered by the commis of the municipality appointed for that purpoes. ("No. no," from an hon. member.) Does the hon. gentle man the member for Southampton, wi•h blue book in hand— (laughter)—meat to say that such is not stated and admitted ? (No so.) Why, it is stated there in his blue book. Will the lime gentleman admit that Mr. Hill and the American eel, Omagh standing in the suns position with Mr. Finlay, agreed to the terms and accepted their money. (Hear, bear.) I know Mr. Hill, and I mast say it is an amour to be acquainted with him, for, as was said by 84 H Lyons, there was no person to whom the rising genera tion of Greece was more indebted. (Hear, bear.) But Mr. Picky refused the sum of money which the ether par ties accepted ; • controversy followed, and the end was that ships of war were rent into the Bay of &lama. Ni person an deny that. (Hear, hear.) Now, as regards the claim • Pacifico. To be sure be had his house outrageously attack. d. He scat his bill to the governmen.l and with that bill in the hand, of the government ship of war were sent into the Patens. (" Hear, hear," from the opposition benches) Sir, I confess I blushed with indignation at the inventory of M. Pacifico ; and am not surprised at hoe. gentlemen deprecating all allusion to the deals of that bill, as it the entire question was not ono o' details. (Loud cries of " No, no.") I maintain it is. es No, no.") I maintain that, with the exception of the demand of apology for the insult to the Fatoma—(" to, no")—the question is one of details. (Loud cries of '• No. no," from the opposition benches.) That ay shows me that you are determined to vote through blind passion and party spirit. ("Hsu, hear," "Nu, no ;" cheers and counter-cheers) Well, M. Pacifico sent his bill to the government, and the chugs for a bed stead was set down at 150/.—(lambter, and " hear, hear") — for the sheets of the bed 301.; or the pillow-cases 10/. ; and for the coverlids 251. (" Hear, bear," and laughter.) Tois inventory is doubly disgraceful to all concerned; beeline, ant, you state it is not • question of nisi prius details ; and ma, you say Pacofico brought all those valuables that he alleges to have been destroyed to Athens, with • view to die pea of them to the King. (Hear, hear.) Now, if we look at the wearing apparelol Pacifico, we will find the same exa geration to prevail—as, for instance, a gold each and appen dages, 501. Sir, when I read that noventery, my impression was that putting down drachma for pounds would give • nearer approach to the value of the property. I now come to speak of thee:: lonian boats, for which 2351. were de seeded, and after that comes the cute of the tour lonises, who were toumb screwed sod chap d through the public streets to prison. Sir, the Home Secretary far Greece con Croatia the statement of our c.nsul, and di ales the alleged facts. (Hear, hear.) At the end of the correspondence— which I must say is rather pausing to know who was in the right or who was in toe wrong—you will find tbat the noble lord (Lard Palmerston) had no chiEalte fa deciding the setter, and recommending a demand of 20/. in each ease. (Hear, hear.) Now, air, I will come seat to the case of the Femora, a ship of war lying off Pans. A boat starts at nine o'clock at night; the niget is dark, and the bat does not make for the regular land lag place, hat for the beech. The coxswain goes ashore, and ea returning is taken, as also his crew, by the guard. (Hear, bear.) Now, bear in mind that the Greeks could not soak • word of English, nor the English a word of Greek; and bearing that in mind, c h ange the erwe from Greece to Engbini--say tne port at Brighton or Hastinee. (Haar, hoar.) A boat, in • dark night, arrives at that which is not the landing place, the caw CI a shore, sal are arrested by the preventive mat. Wen, they cannot speak English, and the preventive men pat them down as French smugglers because all foreigners are smugglers in their mina. (Laughter.) Well, but on being taken to the stairs and an interpreter brought, they are immediately liberated and eent leach to their ship, with every mark of respect—thaw, la epitome, Is • statement of all our griev ance,. (Ooposition cries of " Hear, beer.") I will admit that we were wrong, or I will admit that the Greeks were wrong ; bat was no; the question one that might be settled by otter mesas than by toe intervention of vessels of war ? (Hew, hear.) Now I must confess I take a very vulgar and , reeeay view of this questun. But were there ao other means of settling it than loos which we adopted ? (Hear, hear, from the opposition) It is plain the only rasa why .11 thee, q oestions were not settled betore, was owing to the t spirit of cur representative in the government of Greece. I speak not with a desire to dispense Sir E. Lyons; because any other of our aubamvlors, on getting mixed up to heal politics, as in the core of Madrid, would have acted similarly. (Hear, hear., Bet that is no rasa why for six or nine months no letter should be answered, and why thee petty grievances should have gone on accumulation one on the back of another until at lest von sent a filet of 15 vessels to settle the matter. Is there not at the bottom of all this something that is wrong, and might it not to be tease& d ? I confess that if all this is to take place, instead of having an ambassador at Athens, reetiving 5,0001. a year, I would simply have a consul a: th- Poems, who should be paid for attending to the commerce at the port, and I would say to him, " Never gn to Athens at all ; if ever you go to Athens, and mix yourself up with its political intrigues, you shall be removed, and somebody else will be appointed in your place." I think that would be better for this country than being placed in such a situa tion that it cannot notice theenost trivial matters, without mixing them up with former disagreement, and consequent animosities. The absurdity of having to employ fineen vet s.le of war to collect a debt of 6,0001. is evident. Almost everybody whom I have spoken to on the subject has said, " Depend upon it there is something elm behind that ; you are not in the secret." I confess I waited for Ss spate of the noble lord with the expectation of hearing that there was Demobilise in the back ground of which we had not heard. I an told by thee, who inner that they have got au Waling of the matter that the noble lord by the demonstra tion of the fleet in Athens intended to menace Russia; that Rotel was lemonsior troublesome, attached too much im p ortance to itself, and that it was time to make • demon stration. " Well, but," 1 said," how has the fleet answered its purpose as a demonstration against Russia ? I find that immediately the court of Russia hears of this demonstration a remonstrance is sent by it to the government of this country —s remonstrance, I must say, couched in language which I never expected to read as addressed from the government of that anti-barbarous country to the government of this country. Let hon. members reed in the 127th page of the bluebook the language ad dressed by Count Nesselrode to Lad Pastrami, and see what is the linguae used. I want to know what advantage there hat bees. in the course adopted when one con sequence is a very hectoring epistle from Count Nesalrode, to which there is such a very meek and Weblike reply ? One of the reasons why I abhor this elitist aggressioa—for I cell it an unjust aggression to mad these ships of war when other means of obtaining redress were open—(bear, bear)—is that we have been obliged to submit to such language as that used by the Russian coon. You were then weak towards Rands, may because you had committed an injustice, and were eoaseious of it. Otherwise, so far from this country aver using in • position in which she could be bullied by Rorie, such Is the power which civilisation and the advance of mechanical science give to her as compared with Ramis, that if you behaved with dismay to amaWir states, Russia would not dare even to look eisparegingly at you, ambles. to take any hostile steps. I have asked, why was not We matter settled in some other way than by tae sending of ship of wet to Greece. I am now some to that part of the ease which, in my judgment, places the conduct of the Foreignweles in a position altogether inexcusable. There are certain hon. gentlemen who last year did me the honour of voting for the motion which I brought forward in f f interna tional arbitration. (" Hoar, bear," and laughter,) Now I aldrem myself to those hon. gentlemen. I ask bon. gen tlemen opposite to take a survey of my friends, and to see whether there is say conscioussess on their part that they ought to vote fer—(The remainder of the an urea was lost amidst • bunt of Awn and laughter.) The motion which 1 brought forward last year wee that in elicit'. ia which disputes could not be settled by amicable negotiation, recourse should, if possible ' be had to arbitration, My friends may say, " It is clear that the noble lord could not refer this case to arbitration, otherwise he would have done es." Now my charge against the noble lord is this, that Is did report to arbitration alter he had mat a force of fifteen ships of war to Athens. (Hear, hear.) No sooner is this deasonslation known that an envoy arrives from France with tenders of ma'am. Now I salt my that I was inspired with feelings nearly akia to contempt for diplomacy when I read the account of the interview which tw k place between the noble lord and H. Drouyn de Lim. I have read both the aooount tarnished to the French National Amenably, and that published in our own blue I book, and I must confess that I have felt the mast sovereign contempt for diplomacy slate. H. Drays de Lhuys comes over here in the most loyal spirit to offer to settle this beggarly affair of a few thousand pounds la Greece. Ile frankly told the noble lord, and the noble lord has re peated his declaration in • letter to Lord Normsaby, that it woad even be useful to the French government to be allowed to settle the matter ; that is to say, to sae s peons souses in America, it would have given them political capital la I:MIMS N aw, how did the noble lord receive M. Drays de Lkuys ? Was it in the way in which any man of bal. atm, any man tocastomed to the common affairs of life, would have received bles ? Did be say, " We are very much obliged to yea ; it is an affair of some thousands*, rands which bas for • long time been kept open, sad we shall be yen' much obliged to the. parameat of Femme if they will marl it fog a." Weald Set that have beet a rational Oa the order of the day for ramming the adjourneel de bate beim: read, Mr. COCKBCRN eluded to the terms of nisi prissy sr pont. which Sir J. Graham had applied to the defence .l rd for the foreign seetstery, and retorted that all. gation upon the eltuges brought by the other side, which he de scribed as the most pettifogeing he had ever listened to. Mr. Gladstone, in particular, whom be ranked as Lord botoley'e lawenent in the commons, ries Disraeli cashiered. had availed himself of those forensi c arts. The hon. and learned member dissected minutely the address delivered by that gentleman on the previous evening, showing how summons were his vale-statements of fist end fallacies in orrustest, and dwelling upon the ineempetence and on wanking's of the tribunals to which, as Mr Gladstone had as serted, the &aims of Messrs. Finlay and Pacifizo should have been referred. Tao people of England, he added, would justly appreciate the motives of the party which. siker four years silence, arraigned the government Ivor each a legations. The question consisted of two parts—the interference of the government in the steles of Greece, and their policy with rt Ferenc* to the rat of Europe. The object of the first was to redress certain woe's admitted to have been sustained by British subjects, who were therefore entitled to redress from the Greek (ornament ; and if that government did not afford redress, it WA/ the bounden duy of the Smith government to int•rgue. Mr Cockburn then proceeded to show that in the cases of Mean. Firday and Pac:fico It WAS impossible to obtain /edit*** tram the Greek authorities. In that of Mr. noisy the tribunals were not open to him, NJ Mr. Gladstone sup posed; he mould so. ewe the "over ion, who. before alai alter the parties of the eoestitutlos, was inespozeible. In the came of 3,1 Pacifico, the imputations upon whoa, character he treated as unt.ir attemp e to prejudice his claims, be had sustained a wrong, apd was therefore entitl.d, though a Jew, or even a forger, to redress. Is what civil tribunals could he obtain compensation from a al* of brigands sad paupers ? A criminal prosetewion had bees tried, and had failed. Of the condition of the Greek CAMS and stuaripalities Mr. Cockburn drew a very unfavourable pietas, confirming its eseurasy by saunas from a pamphlet by Mr. Bedlie Coehrses. Tortnres of the most atrocious kind, though t• strirly_prohiblted by the eoustitwloe," were practised is ' Oa; British eubjects were liable to these kite:one; and were they to watt until they obtained redress (tam mutt trl banal*? Ile then entered upon the other branch of the gars tic n—the general foreign policy of the gov. rument —repreech• ID/ the opponents of that policy with their prolonged Militia, while the transartions which they now impugned were taking plow. He Medicated the cotoprehent lee terms tit the resolution proposed by Mr. Roebuck, as being necessary to negative if not the vete of the lords, which was limit, I in the eave of WOK,, at all mote the oiscesmon that preceded it, and had ranged over the whole qtr atif.n of forties policy. Taunting the lolinwere of Sir J .Graham sad Mr. Gtidetohe with their convenient silence and hypaeritical triindthip during the last four Team, be gave them fora 11030, this pro- verb: " I bide my time." In mat difficult and trj iug times Lord Palmerston had interfered only when invited, or wbes legitimate occasion called for interfereoce, steering a middle course —recce:mewing monarchs to make timely and wise concessions to their sahjiets, awl endeavouring to indite* enc.ted ant irritated actions, g maded into rebellion, to listen to the coucte:s of mo.tration. His honour was not the less bees... success had not crowned his et D oeniinr the a.hie lad's coarse of proceeding in the Spanish ease, the Neapolitan ewes, and that of Austria and Piedmont, he uttered an indignant invective against those whom sympathies were awakened only in favour of tyranny, despotism, and absolutism. The intsrfv•iince of Lord Palmerspot wee endetnned be coos. i: was upon the wrong side, though it was the side chosen by Mr. Canning, whom mantle had fallen w.lland sat ruefully epos the able 1 od. On the complicated pro blem how a successor could be provided. M.. Cockburn, by following out weary hyp.itheida to s reduaio ad absurdum. pronounced Its solution beyond the power of the party op posite. (The Loa. member, on resuming his seat, was an. thealastically applauded from all tides, sal received the personal congratulations of a number of members who came for Mar purpose from mats on the ministerial benches.) Mr. WALPOLE replied to Mr. Cockburn, adopting hie distribution of the ques:ions under the heads of the interfor mire of the government is the particular case of Greece, and their general foreign policy. Lpsn ate first bead, be ob serve I that Mr. Cockburn had confiaed his argument to the personal claim,. carefully omitting all allusion to the na tional claims in relation to the two Islands, whereas the proceer'ing of the noble lard in this matter had violated the express stipulations of a treaty and endangered the amity of nations and the peace of then world. With respect to the per sonal claims, the principles of international law, which were as well underateod at those of the common law of England, forbade reprisals except on the positive refusal of a go vernment to afford redress, or an evasion of justice by or, reasonable delay, or a dec;ron obviously partial and un just ; and applying these principles to the an of Mr. Finlay gad M. Pacifico, he 'honed that they were not smith's the exceptions. Passing, then, to the general system pursued by the noble lord in his intercourse wish other nations, he compared it, in its tendency and its results, with that of Lord Aberdeen; the former maculated to sow jealousy and distrust amongst nations, and to destroy their amicable intereeturse ; the latter maistaining, by an equal and dignified policy, then pests of the world. Mr. MILNES considered that the simple statement of Sects 'iris by Lord Palmerston should have settled many of the punts in this comprehensive question. His policy, if wise in prineple, should not be tested by its esteem at its popularity. It was d.fileult for an English minister to avoid a cartels amount of interference is the affairs of week Mates ; but he believed it had been exercised discreetly and prudently by the noble lord, the characteristic of whose administration was its moderation. The reclaim time made on bebeif of British subjeirs in Greece would have been promptly attended to by other stets.. If a dif. fermi mode of dealing w.th such cams were to be adopted, our countrymen would be sapmed to outrage throughout the world. Mr. Diskant and Mr. Corms,, nee together, but the former gentleman having given place, Mr. COBDEN proceeded to eddrese the hones. He said: I hope I shall be exempted from the sweeping eltarge made spinet hon. gentlemen who do not ietend I. Newport the motion of the hes. member for Shellield—namely, that they are in the interest of despotism all over the world. (Hear, hear, from the oppolition broth's.) I have beard from some Goo. friends about me—some of whom are not very remerkoble for deenceratic sympathies, er the ex tension of constitutional liberty I have heard, I soy, from some of them a great deal of intole rant. expressed against those honourable gentlemen who refuse to take the same view as themselves and the go vernment take on the present occaeks. (Hear, hear.) Now, I ask bon. gentlemen, do they thirst me an ally of Ramie?— (laughter, and hew, hear)---or ef Austria or of France ? (Hear, hear, and laughter.) I will salt them if I have not shown as much sympathy for the crushed Hungarians and Italians as they have ; and if my coemopolitan notion are not as sensitive as theirs? (Hear, hear.) Then, if they think me as liberal is that respect, surely they may allow me and the gentlemen who think with Ise the freedom of taking the view which our ce:.stienees direct on the present occa sion, end which has Dotting to do with constitutionalism at lone, or despotism abroad. (Hear, hear.) The fir-t question which presents itself here is the question which lately came before the Haase of Lords—the conduct • f her Majesty's government in the affairs of Orme. (Hear, bear.) The hew. member for Sheffield, however, has enlarged that piccolos by &merlin hie motion ever the entire f reign porty 01 her idelesty's ministers. (Hear, hear.) Now, first, with regard he Grime. The ques tion is, what W 44 the eondlnet of her Nejesty's govern ment as regards the attain of Oren*? I have not brought my Nee beaks with MO; and I therefore will not read a lbs. list as the., has bees a gstliketloa on the subjest, THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, JUNE 29, 1850. and bluing's-like coarse ? Bat, instead of that, what was the course _ pursued by the noble lord ? Wby he bu r gh with M. Dumps de Lhals over Um different words, "good officer, " "mediation." and arid. tra d es ... I declare that nsiher in this Itoglish nor the French facial publisationa respecting this "Air ass I make eat the distinction. But the noble lard insists apes it. He will net take en arbitration ; it mast sot be a mediation—it mast bo good caws. X. Draws de_Lhup, in the French assonsat divan by himself to (laurel lAleft, describes him self as hiving entreated the noble lord to expand the powers our, which he was inessuid—be besought the noble lord to allow him to become an arbitrator la this matter. (11i ar, k ie r.): No, no; it was decided upon. (Hear, hear.) All w• would allow the French to do wus to exercise their good otiose to muscling the Greeks to do what was required. W.ll, Bum Oros pica to Athens crippled with these candi date. He ads to work with Mr.Wyse ; sad, as I think after reeding the ao. oust. with the most submit desire to settle the matter in dispute between the twe parties. In fact, his cheroots, as a diplomatist was largely costa/Toed in the swam of his mission, and he proceeded with an evident disposition to surmount every possible obstacle. But whin be came to the cue of U. Pacifico, and whoa he heard from all the respestabla people in Athens with whom he was forced into communication the real facts of that case; when, in of freeient depends mere en pane and commons and 'do wny them spite eny_lebeure of govenimente, and that if yea eirel piennellime pmeashatione which ate constantly Winn Mann Mani, Inman= will take sere of itself t giving the say further ereeltie. On word now is fillinuee to the tone taken os this afse of the home with respect to time who appw the motion. The hon. member for Middlesex lints that those who differ from it may expect to be visited by terrible eossequinees e and mike of appeals mit ',doom. We know what that mesas. Bet for myself I s.O only lay that, attending all the monde, on nmmitteee sad in the evening in the house, I do net sit here for pliant., but because I wish In my owe humble way to advisee those principles upon which I cave a strong con viedes, and it there be oce on which I have estranger con viction than another, or an for which I made the first public exhibition of ain't is print—(a laugh)—it is that which is invaved in opplisitin to this mots a. I have maintained it in public foe the lest fifteen years, and it I remain in this house one geese object with me will be to pro mote by every possible means its diffusion and program. I mold like to MI the day when interauree between nations may be assimilated to that between individuals, among which latter the progress of civilisation is indicated by the abolition of the prudes of wearing arms, and the dis continuance of dusliing, formerly so much adopted among the higher classes. (Hear.) I pihould he glad to me some change like that coming over the intercourse between nations, and moral gradually superseding physical force. We use that coercion ha, b. en abandoned sn schools, and even in lunatic nylons, and that even the training of ant • male is found to be better done by gentleness than by foree. Why not adopt this principle between nations ? Would it rot be better than sending 16 ship, of war to collect a debt 01 6,4001.2 Such are the principles which shall have my support, and if the threat which has been made rather vaguely should be carried out it will be mate satisfaction to see to feel that I have upheld my principles, even at the expense of some personal sacrifices. (Rear, mar.) vulgar plum, he toned that it was an atrocious attempt at swindling, he could not swallow that cue, and the matter broke off. At the very time when these proceedings were going on at Athens commenced the " good offices" between the noble lord and M. Drouyn de Limy. In London. So that there were two negotiatioas going on at a distance ot two thousand miles, each having for its object the settlement of this unimportant affair. The matter ended as might have been expected. Tarouti the failure of a courier, or the neglect to pat a letter in the letter-bag, tbs affair was broken off; and after preliminary conditions had been agreed upon in Londm, sums of war proceeded to Athens, the government of Greece submitted, and you (adoressiog the government) got your money. Wed, what followed ? The French government, taking offence it the course which had been pursued, withdraws is minister. And now Comes the climax of my ease against the noble lord for not having IIC. apted arbitration before- Actually after your ships of war at Athens had extorted the money, and when a large part of the automat lay in the bank, the noble lord has consented to the most humiliating course ; for, I consider that communi cation of Lord Nornianby's to be humiliating ; an I I consi der that of M. Drouyn de Lhsys to be still more humiliating, for it is what the French call Ida _livid. Through the with draws! of the French ambassador you have been obliged to put an end to all that you did with your fifteen ships of war. (Expressions of dissent.) All that the vessels of war did you have been compelled to nullify. (Hear, hear.) Yes, yea have certainly agreed to substitute for it the convention of London. (Interruption.) Why, have yen not agreed to substitute the convention of London for those terms ? Nay, more, have you not agreed to give up the money lodged in the bank as a guorsotee for M. Peeifico's claim ? lieu, hear.) What do you call that ? When it is lodged in the hark the French tell you that you must give it up, and must accept the terms agreed upon by the con vention of London. But my complaint does root end there. The system pursued by the noble lord with respect to foreign 'Mars is one calculated to breed private quarrels. Who. has arisen out of this matter ? First, you have sub mitted to a rebuke from Russia and to humiliation from France. But the question is not settled now. (Hear, hear.) Titers are three arbitrators appointed to settle whether M. Pacifico', claim. in respect of Portugal are valid. So that my friends will see that, alter employing all this force, the government have been obliged to r.sort to arbitration to settle this dispute, and that there are matters still resting over which require the erhitr Aloe of three courts. (lieu, hear.) Now, I cannot imagine a more complete triumph for the principle welch I edeocated last year, and which wee supported by SO members of this house, than is exhi`oted by the details of these proceeding. (" Oh, oh," from beeches oa the ministerial aid' of the house.) Why, thin are hon. gentlemen behind me who are gemming. (Laughter.) I am not surprised at their grow; they must be growing at the %nought of their own ioocirois tency to-night. (Laughter) What are we called upon to do in being aske t to vote for the hon. and leached gent:emsu's motion ? Why, we are asked to vote that this matter has Ma most fairly, justly sad delicately managed. I do not at all think it is finished ; for, independently 8' those three arbitrators upon M. Pacifico's claim', and inde pendently of the good offices, there are, mind you, certain Ominous little I , gnats left. It appears from the last despatch of General Lobito, to Lord Normanhy that the French have promised to use their good offices t i prevent any future quarrel b ltßOOft the Greeks and ourselves, and I should not wonder if some dispute were to odes out of that. There is I also an intimation !TOM RlUsii that she has some claims to make for some vessels belonging to Itos-ta hav ing been stopped in one of the ports of Greece, and Boron B; unnow has fairly given no ice that be will have to demand reclamation. I should not wonder if, before lung, wit were engaged in a dispute with Russia with respect to these claims. Al this ha. ariwn just b the Foreign-office would nut submit the whole of this rout-or/log business to arbitration. (Hear, hear.) In the first Just .nce, Fiance would then have beer, proud to do what this country has at last rulonittril to wider circumstan , es of humiliation. Well, now, lee us take the result of the bueineet as for as it has gone. The whole amount of the claims upon the Greek government was 33,0001. ; the whole amount received is 6,400/., so that as the matter stands at mount it appears before the world that having made a demand of 33,0001., you have up to this moment only received 6.4001, and this will show to the world how great was the extent of your demand in compa rison with its justice. (Hear.) Looking lathe claim of M. Pacifico, and looking also at the opinion expressed by Baron Gros with reel .rd to it, and a. the prneawiiitos at Athens, declare must solemnly my firm belief that if the people of Ragland really understood the merits of this iitteetiort, if they had read, as I have done, the blue books—l have that opinion of the 1411111.111 and justice of my countrymen, that I to lien', that in spite of the galvanic effort to make this a party question—(loud cries of "No, no ")—so disoured would they be with the whole proceedings, that they would raise a subscription to pay bock to the Greek g movement the mosey whioh h o town taken from them. (Laughter.) Well. now. besides being asked to express our approbation with regard to the Greek affair, we are asked to identify our selves with the foreign policy pursued since the present go moment mine i ito office. Why, I say, I should be the most inconsistent man on euth were 1 tomes any such vote. (Hear, hear.) For what have I been doing? At a public meeting in Manchester I denounced the pro ceediogs of the noble lord is Syria. Bash in this house and oat of it I denounced the course pursued by him in Portugal . I moved for the number of our vessels em ployed in l'ortugal. I protested in public, aye, and amidst enthusiastic approving audiences, against our interference in the affairs of Sicily. I am now calleal upon to express say approbation of the proceedings o' the foreign-alio during the existence of tee present administration. Why, I say. sir, that if I did go I think my mouth ought in future to be closed upon any question respecting economy or retrench. meat or the possibility of reducing our establisliments— (hear, hear)—because I am quite sure that if this sj etem is to continue, it you are to send fifteen vessels of war to col lect a debt of 6,4001., not only can you not reduce your es tablishments, but your es'ablishments are not large enough. (Hear, tear.) I claim for myself credit for as much sym pathy with foreign nations struggling for liberty up to the point that we have attained as can be felt by anybody either lie this house or out of it. It is not true, as the hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. Roebuck) said, under a misappre hension, that at a public meeting which I attended I said I was for war in favour of the Hungarians. I understood him to represent me to have said, " I em for peace in everything else, but I make on exception in favour of Hungary.' Mr. ROEBUCK.—Perhape the boo. genieman will allow me to tell him what I did say. (Hear, hear.) I said that the hon. gentleman having made a speech in unison with the feeling , of the meeting, made an apology for what he was about to add respecting the war iu Hungary. He said he had been peaceful in everythiug else, but be was warlike then. (Hear, hear.) Mr. COBDEN.—The hon. and learned gentleman has misunderstood me. I have in public advocated inter ference by our government in the domestic affain of any other country. I hold to the principle of non-intervention, even in oases in which my feelings are most concerned. (Cries of " the Russian Loan" from the opposition.) I bold to that principle, humble individual as I am, and with. out having upon me the responsibility of a minister. In all my public conduct I defy any one to show an instance in which I have violated that principle. When I saw that principle violated by others, as in the case of the Russian invasion of Hungary ; when I saw, at the same time, a large and influential portion of the press of ibis country bounding on a barbarous nation to invade a comparatively civilised state, then, living in almost the only country in Rarope in which there was a platform that could not be corrupted, though a portion of its press might be, I stood forth as a public man, and denounced the invasion of Hungary But at the same time I stated that! sheald be as ready to denounce the interference of our own government in Hungary as I then was to denounce that of RM.. Yon will find what I said, if you refer to the report of my speech. Bat it is a matter of small inputting what my iudieidual opinions may be. When you come to the question whether the government ought to be the promandistof its own opioioas in foreign countries, the issue is altogether changed. I maintain that our government has no right to hold any isteroourse with the government of say country ems the government defacto; and whether that government de facto be repub lican, despotic, or monarchical, I hold that we have no right to interfere ter the purpose of nuking them take uu opposite I MI firmly convinced that if we laid down non- Mst tion as our invariable principle we should compel Russia and Austria to follow our example. But It is a mistake to suppose that the noble lord has always appeared abroad as the champion of liberalism. 1 am not going to fall Into the delusion that this le a battle between liberalism on the ono side and despotism on the other. I do not believe that the noble lord is asy more democratic than hie oolleggues, or than boo. gentlemen opposite ; but the feet is, that he is a man of a very active turn of mind, who likes writing protocols, and the smaller and more insignificant is the subject the more pleasure he takes in dismissing it. (A laugh ) I do not find that the noble lord takes up any great lib era l quest i on& Did the noble Iced ever protest against the invasion of H aulm ! True, he made a smolt against Austria, which power was feeble end contemptible at the time, but he did not breathe a syllable against Russia. On the connney, he spoke of that power la an apologetic manner. Did the noble lord go to Italy tothrzesnototnebbtioilielbrosreodesiohms:tiinthuditsseic:sidl.f P tra i l ra las ui tha en elie did Oe st e t send Lord E y ed' stitatioaal change., but merely to advise gov ernmen t s t o adopt some administrative reforms. That was not the want of the Italian people. They wanted security and good go verment, which was only to be obtained by constitutional forms and a reprecentative s ys tem. I do not fall then into the delusion that the question is between liberalism and &grim upon the coatitteat. I believe that the Preto' Sir R. PEEL repudiated with acorn sty connexion with unspiraton, and denied the existences of any conspiracy against the government. Various motives had been sug gested by speakers opposite (or the vote he was expected to give ; but they left eat of their combinations the possibly that his decision could be honest and based upon no calculations of eflloe. He then went on to say: I do not forget that I have attempted to give her Majesty's fp - Tenement • cordial and constant support, in utter oblivion of the circumstances in which they succeeded to power. (Hear, hear.) I have felt it my duty to give them an unostentatious, but, because it was snostentaiiown • not less effective support. I have not the honour or advantage of their personal friendship, I never had any political connection with them. I have had no communication with them for four years, which es•gbt not have been had by the most independent member of their own party. I have given them my support because I most cordially approved of their policy in domestic matter. (Cheers.) I think their policy in thou matters has been a liberal and conscientious policy. I agree with them, and I wish to r. peat it now empha- Coolly, that with respect to those principles of com 'Racial policy, so far from bring any hue com promise between myself eat hon. mena`ten who sit near me, and whose confidence I have had the misfortune to for teit—l am bound to say that every day that passes convinces me more and more that on the cordial adoption of, and un equivocal adherence to, those principles of commercial policy the peace and true intereata of this country mainly I depend. (Herr, hear.) I coLcur with them in gene ral as to their Irish policy, nor have I tot gotten the declare-' ton I made with respect to Ireland on toe day I quitted °®:e. I retain the opinion I then expressed, that your true policy towards Ireland is to maintain civil equality as to priviteges, and not to permit re:isious opinions to constitute soy ouqualitioation for the favour of the crown. (Hear hear ) It is, then, bec ow I concur in their general print( plea ot domestic policy and commercial legislation—l mean the general outlines of their Irish policy, and out the particular opinions of individual members of the cabinet as regards lielond, that speaking generally I Lave Riven thou ineuutee My serail support. (Hear, hear.) Sir, I laugh to scorn the imputation that this motion has some connection with • foreign conspoloy. (Hear, hear.) I believe of others what I know of myself, that they would repudiate any intimation or dictation (ruin any person tot immediattoy connected with the interests of their own country. (Cheers. I entirely disbelieve the tairtenes of any such conspiracy. And again, with respect to combinations ot political opponents, of course in the conduct of party there must be concert, there snit be combination, 1 speak not of that concert or combs notion with the 'lightest disrespect, but I would say this for myself, u the hon. sad learned member demands an ex planation, that so far from my being a party to any co. abi nation, I never knew anything of tue resolution of toe Lords until 1 taw it in the papers on the following day. (Hear, hear.) I knew as little of the coracction of it, and woe as wholly ignorant of the intend th to propose it, as the noble lard 'kunst whose policy it was directed. I think, then, 1 labour under no ialhoeace which can prevent me from giving • fair and dispassionate cot saderation to the proposal before the house. (Hear, hear.) It is s id that alter four years of patient endurance—aft' r four pears of silent neutrality, I and others come forward now to condemn the conduct of the noble lord. I come for ward with no condemnation of the government ; but the hon. and learned member demands from me to acquiesce in a motion of positive and general approbation, and not only po: love approbation, but in the assertion of a principle the eansietreion of which is ten times mere important than the saving or it) bag of any adiniuistration. (Hear.) I shall not forget on this occasion that there hove Datil times la which I supported the foreign polies- of government. 1 supported it with respect to Portugal, acd would riot concur in a vote of censure with regard to the policy pur sued towards Spain ; but 1 took that opportunity of express ing my regret that the tone aqui:mei by the noble lord in erudite ing the communications with Spain was cot calm fated to conciliate the goodwill of the people of that couotry. (Heir, hear.) But the most important point of hie foreign policy I c .I:war in. I agree with him in his recognition of the Fri cell republic. (Loud cries of " Hear, bear.") I agree with him as to the policy of recognising that goveromt at which appeared to be most conformable to the will of the people. I go further. I thick that the recognition ought not to be a cold and reluctant acquiescence in an inevitable necessity. I believe, with reference to the unstieution of that government, that the true policy of this country is to maintain friendly relations with that great power on the other side of the Cnanoel, to cultivate • good understao ding, and to show a disp eition to place confidence in the French people. (Hear, hear.) But it is because I agreed with his policy respecting the French government, because I admitted the policy of cultivating a good understanding with that power, that I now ask the noble lord to give me an account of our French relations, and to tell me why it is that such correspondence as that—(pointing to the blue book)—bas taken place, and how it is that he has alienated the feeling of Franca at a time when she showed • dis position to reciprocate a cordial and unlimited confidence? The hon. gentleman proposes to us a resolution, the effect of which is to imply approbation of the principles upon which the foreign policy of the government had been regulated. It declares thou principles to be the best calculated— but I find the non gentleman has taken some latitude here, for he I has omitted the word " best "—(hear, hear)—but it declares them to have been such sa were calculated to maintain the honour and dignity of this country. ((lear, hest.) Now, sir, I very much dislike professions of political faith—l very such dislike suburthing to certain articles, in order to cover the passed in another house. But when I am called on to subscribe to the principle , which regulate the diplomacy of the government, is it too much to ask the hoe. gentleman who proposes that resolution to me, to define what those principles are ? (Hear, bear.) Are the? non-ioterventional 1 (Hear, hoer.) Are they the positive assertion of claims once brought forward against the Greek government? Are they the enforcement of those claims by tie power of this country ? Are these the prin ciples the hon. gentleman wishes us to subscribe to, or dose he say subscribe to my articles and you will find what the principles they refer to are by the results ? If so, that is a vague definition of articles of political faith. (Hear, hear.) The honourable gentleman has divided his po litical history into three parts—the first from 1789 to 1815, then he takes from 1816 to 1830. In 1830, he says, there dawned upon us • new era—the cow weucement of a happier period was the recognition of the dynasty of Orleans on the throne ef France. In that you we announced in the speech from the throne that the elder branch of the house of Bourbon had coated to reign, and, in pursuance of the course pursued by the government, seeing that the new sovereign met with the general concurrence of the French people, we gave to that new sovereign a cor dial recognition, and attemptai thereby to lay the founda tion of a good understanding between the two countries. Well, does the period e a tond leek to 1830 on which I am to collect the principles he desires us to mark with our appro- bation ? (Hear) I apprehend not (Hear.) I apprehead also that it would be no answer to thecensure of the House of; Lords to pass a panegyric on the foreign policy of the last 50 yens. I appreheud that, as far as the noble lord is concerned, he means that I should affirm the policy of her Majesty's present government, as distinguished from that of their predeceseors. Lord PALMERSTON was understood to say that that was not necessary. Sir R. PEEL—But then how would the passing of this resolution answer the moue pseud by the House of Lords ? (Hear, hear.) I thought it necessary to place that construc tion on the motion which the noble lord appears to plain upon it, but It was the noble lord's (J. Russell's) owa declaration that removed that Impression from my mind. It was the noble lord who mid, on the first night on which reference was made to the censure conveyed in the vote of the Reuse of Lords—it was the noble lord who said that his noble friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs would not be the ministerof Austria—(lean, hearirj—would not be the minister of Russia—(hear, hear)—would not be the minister of Frazee, but would be the minister of England. (Herr, hear.) What was the meaning of that declaration ? The noble lord has, I am sure, too much prudence and discretion to point • sarcasm against three of the puttee powers in Europe, for he can hardly suppose that there is sash • fund of hoarded goodwill and friendship that he can afford to be liberal with ex premien/ of that kind. (" Hsu," and • laugh. )My construction of the passage, therefore, was, that he mama to eontrist the soaduet of the noble ford the present Secretary for Foreign Affairs with the undue of my noble friend Lord Aberdeen, and that what he solicited of me by my vote of to-night was • tacit reflection on that policy for which I myself was capon- Bible. (Cheers.) Well, air, 1, who had been connected with my noble friend during the whole period he held the office of Foreign Secretary—l was connected with him at the period when he announced that we had recognised the house of Orleans, and that we were determined to maintain the not friendly relations with Frame—l resslasd connected with hla aai July, 1846, when, in surrendering power at the fat of the saajiwity of the Reuse of Commons I ea succeed the Mrilainatien of the only differenos that rimained with the Halted States by the adjustment of the affair of the Oregon. (Cheers.) I do not look back on my conneMen wick my noble friend with any other fool ing then that et sor dial satiefaction—(hear, hear)--and I believe there never rained a minister lees disposed to make a ramifies either of the honour or the interests of this Misery, or eel nesee eiaosrely desirous of maintaining not only peace but generally friendly relations with every country with which we may be in saway brought into con test. (Hear.) I never tuadeestood t his home to disappeove of the pelicy which he pursued. (Cheers.) I never under stood the house to convey information that in the attempt to maintain peso. we ever showed a disposition to sacrifice either the tumour or the interests of England. (Hear, hear.) But I do recollect that the nealatenanee of pesos was often jeopardised—that we had had to soothe the excited state of the public mind—(sheen)—and I must say that it was the good fortune of England, of France, sad of the world, that at • critical period of our history this country was not involved in war, on account of the most stupid end frivolous cause of war that ever arose— I mean the expulsion of Mr. Pritchard. (Hear, hear.) It will be remembered that a great party in France took its name from Mr. Pritchard, or at boat the name of Pritchardites was a sign by which the large majority who supported the government against the war cry of Francs at that time was aistineniehed. And I will do justice to M. Guisot, the then minister of France, by declaring my belief that it was mainly owing te his courage, his ?resolution and determination in resisting the war cry in Franco, that we were enabled to avert the calamity of war, (Hear, hoar.) Well, sir, we had difficulties to contend with in maintaining the cause we pursued. We were charged by the noble lord opposite with making the Ashbur ton treaty. lbe noble lord thought we were much yielding to those great powers with which in con ducting the foreign affairs of this country we come in con tact—(huar, hear)—but the result was that the ROOM of Commons generally did not share, in the opinion of the noble lord, and the policy we pursued Of :maintaining peace with out the sacrifice of honour, was a policy that met the cordial a'sprobatlon of parliament and the country. (Hear.) Now the resolution of the hon. gentleman embraces two objects— first the protection of the government, secondly a declaration of public principle. He calls on me to affirm that I believe the couro pursued by her Majesty's government in reference to their foreign policy is one calculated to maintain the dig nity and honour of tee country. I wish, sir, I could make that af f irmation ; I assure you it would be more grateful to my private feeling, more in consonance with my disposition, to support the government if I could do so. But Ism 'peak ing of the particular affairs which led to the vote of the House of Lords, the particular oonduet of the government in reference to the Grecian affair I cannot consistently with my consci entious conviction declare that I think the course the go vernment have pursued in that case Is the best calculated to maintain the honour and dignity of this country or to pro mote the leterests of peace. (Hear, hear.) I take, perhaps, • peculiar view on this question. I am not a partisan of Greece or of the Greek government. I am, on the contrary, disgusted with their evasions and trickery. (Hear, hear.) I have had experience of them, and I k-ow bow impossible it wee to lecture from them either redress or satisfaction. I have had occasion, or at least my noble friend with whom I acted has had occasion, to express to them our great dissatis faction at the count, they pursued. The noble lord has read a letter addressed by my noble friend to the mir.ister of Greece, and the noble lord made much of that letter, and compared it with his own ; but why were we authorised to make that communication ? Because we had the misfor tune to stand in the position of a friend to Greece, of a creditor who had received no money and could get no faction ; we stood in the position of a creditor who was en titlA to an ansual payment with two other power., and is conjunction with whom rem nstraeces were addressed in vain, and when we saw the government of the country re moving from dile. every man of the highest character in whom we had cettafideece, and appointing others in their stead who were suhjs ct to grievous imputatior.s. I think se creditor thus deprived of his nooeey and the prospect of ob twining if, becoming by these measures more distant, was justified in holding pretty strong language of warning arid rem marina to those who were making appointments which still more clouded the prospect of any satisfactory result. (Hear.) The noble lord aced that letter with great emphasis, and contrasted it with a letter which he had written to our mini-ter at Athens,and the r.oble lord said oee the course you pursued—you absolutely authorised a criumunication to; be made directly to the sovereiod,but Leaore cautious and more toeeilistory, addressed my letter to the minister of Bor land residing at Madrid, but at the rage time I expressly told hint that it was no ost embarrassie,e to int. rfert in the domestic affairs of other countries. " Bet her Majesty's go vernment are so sensible of tee inconvenience of interfering, even by friendly advice, in the internal atisirs of independent states, that I have to abstain from giving y-. 0 instructions to make any representations whatever even to the Spanish ministers on these matters." Aad then the noble lord said. and this was received with general approbation, Now contrast my coodiset with that of Lord Aberdeen, who addressed his remonstrance direct to the sovereign, whereas I would not arpecieeh the micietet even with the language of remonstrance, "—( heat ) — and then the noble lord charged my right hon. friend (Sir J. Graham) w.th suppressing the important passage that would have b roe testimony to his great forbearance, and I woe somewhat in. dined to blame my right hon. friend for suppressing that passage, for it contained this remarkable direction, test the representative of Eisgland, though he was to be careful of expres•iog the sentiments of his government to the mi nister, need not cored al from those who might have it in their power to remedy the evil, the fact that such senti ments were entertained. (Cheers and laughter.) Now, it I s e nt • communication to another country, and wished to avoid embarrassment, I would rather make that communication to the minister or the sovereign than tell my own minis.er to witl.hold it from both, but not to scruple to eommuoieste the views of , the Brinell government to those who were in direct opposi tion to that minister. (Cheer) Toe noble lord contimies his deepetch in these words : But thou& you mit .if course take care to express on no occasion on them 'objects entiments different from these which t have thus emplained . to you, and although you mil m anyf. nit to express those sentiments in any manner or upon occasion ea se to be t likely to create, incress , , or encoarege discontent —;cheers'—yet you t turd Lot conceal from any of those persons who may have the power of remedying the existing evils the feet that such opinions are enter ' tamed by the British government. sossagasthstrou few notrirystawassitlipsissyresen. (.40ettfmenshasegricifutahhisirtirhuulhaii,:eittea:juue.de_:,:eib:enzneept7,::_stduntrrnoy.:„....ctrehniuf::17_,..::::::,;7:: Se not mit me for positive epprorm6 ) -- you it s "ilePres"Pr"P"Art hnias.tbtat:ealaviWthisevilihlttlyleilah.iun:g.)faraGthTle'DehiegrCuraminlanihtitinonebidstite,,ebridhLr:vi:fal:wtelm*:),:i!..°l ati e oar ▪ tit th. wpoisplap:catutedniityostef sit1:101.21:b: himr.s.Wxy:t eiw lithme ad:vs: o a f : ai w enir n i rtimanwg" th u the ti a9 l thi t i h ed f o i it of the convention were ah.. not in se , t t t l h efi en u f n ," fil , tih: - . 1 • Y‘11:: , • but the moment there appeared p foreignO t a , l a we et. certaino t t o n i t to l ° c 0 not I t o : : a r t i dd h . i ma m ! Wyse, n yi e l . 2 "h T ry y t o c : d : e i r 6 4., ka l e a r a ? i tl ie ' : . 1 : 1 41 „. :1:3! h a y m "e i h ea ada bi a s oL , Fl t n e o rii r ed n a : tn e hth r neet t e l l t o ° fl n hl2l : , " W tohiv a s h maer .ykr gove r n m ent gwadhel s tea mer t h ey(t e e mrPdw be ne gl e c ted eDe f id he t e 000tnihvm e n a bl edr note e M y m ii 'e tannchnlu;:dds.l. intended • ::::".1.:1:111:f:::}:7; n aohn minister nydadliscdo e h t tteohe A enm . v b . )r e nwbb iih h i (el o i I, p hope oei dru o m. • l ** ment, and asking them, if they did Mi n ter, an I en would paretic him to send by the mots vette ' l * **; at aas itln ve• lar il e n inr a . i communication to Mr. Wyse from the noble made by the Foreign Minister of Fe e demanding;matures riot make it Ite Fr 'fel 'nLh convincetoo:d Lordoew e re N re: y t ra 3mhr r e s o rted mma Fren c h e eb r e t e nt h teb. be en h Yi a s -aN' wi g o ve r n ment,tr e wei: e st e nt°l moment 171 1 ()e : n hi;ei n hn i t t ri hr W n r 'y'he :t 4aon n e y:: ; * to • offence, we sr:denten' at once to accept ,•-• . Sen." (Hear) Why, what an o b v i ous • ••• • • the effect, of this misunderstanding-fe , to the wounded honour of France, four.. • " unjust suspicion. But why not at once ***, convention ? You were asked to do i-. it on you. You refused. You were ul ire; -• ; • (Hear, hear.) A communicatio n we •:. ' Imbitte in the French Ch am b er . , in oh.. • which I insisted upon on the 20th et MI ay-. • ~ • • the withdrawal of the representative • the court of London-that in awe • - • • ' • obtained, and France has accepted the e r • Normsnby." Well, that was a palatial eerie Englishman to read. (" Hear, hear," an d f r , • • r . have been prevented by a frank '.Haar tn F ra • e . France demanded in the first instance, a•; , 1 ••• • •• a . serioently conceded. I think you were ' • ceccenien you subsegeently mad e. 1 ..e.• 1••: having made that cue:vision rather than it - erre-e good understanding, but do cot ot •., a • the course you hive taken is tr.. le st. with the dignity and ho nour ce "• prntectionist cheers ) I do • f.• e ask the two noel, lords -weee„f e , to Lord Aberdeen end hM torsi!: mired this letter from Russia and r,te•ce • T , had seen the French ambusader war. c a w .• ;.1 because we w•'.uld not accede is tee t a•• • :,-, v. fluently acceded-I ask eon, if w e h • r a - the c. arse which we had talon R„ •• with the dignity and honour of England. I . you have remained upon your sets ue..: I * . that proposal ? ('• Hear, hese' and she • not willing to provoke any ceneur• e, . Ido feel it utterly incoreistect with a r:.;•- i • • vote a positive approbation-a dee'neati'e •• yon have tele nis most corisisttnt with •ee - • city of England, (Loud protectionist et rr. I see your present position with respect t" .I.er - Russia-can I tee the mighty goeshoes unsettled in the north of Europe-can 1 art t.. vantage it would be that you should be 're :. ••- lasing with all those powers-can I see to;• that the ;viers* you have taken .; • calculated for the maintenance of pence Peace, nodoule, there is. Then is nod •••ir• •.• • • war. But, if the bon. gentleman's its ...it farce, it:must leave them amicable arrengements I to must between great powers more deunoul • (Hear, hear.) Why, what is our diptcmom r ' fur ? It is a witty eagles for maintaining p.-- remarkable instrument used by CiTlikafd Latl,l3l • • pose of preventing war. Unless it he us-a art tr. • -unless it be used to appeals the see, of individual men, to check the &elites mat of nations' reme.traente - unless it • • . that parrot*, it Is an instrument not nee °blowout. (•• Hear, hear," and cheers) f. •• • . of diplomacy to fester every wound-to •• , - mothingevery jealousy? Is it to place s nt. • . - in Europe fur the purpose, not of pre .• adjusting q Isere's, but for the peril ; angry correepondence w•th the Time ; •-a• • .• supposed to be unpalatable, instead •.. a • . L .• the representa•ime of other poem. I - • , expenditure on this costly instroine,- • . ~ •.• • groat ergine, need by civilised nat:or s • .-; • - serving peace, ia converted into a ca.. . (Cheers.) I have no depoeitein•-1 ; -- feelings for the last tour years being e_ • • little interest in entering into an, rya.• • . that I will make no reference to the t• • ; - introduced into that must able ar . -.. • . • which made us proud of the :at: a • it-(cheers)-chile oboe:sties wee • . • and with ability worthy of h s •• of conduct which he pursued. L••. 1 c••• r• . • withdraw from the cossidcrati a of • . assigned, as it appear' to me, c s. 7 • voting for the hon. g; ntlensan's me:, ..••• ,a.: •• tion. I Come to that which is te.: *e • ' • important-the principles the hen. et. . ra. faith of the g ivernment-the ihter.v. -• . • • -. are small in comparison wirh the re.: . s • • by the bon. gentleman. The h0n.:t.,..•. -. • Southampton ( )Ir. Cockburn) teas -.• reference to the past merely. N ; • . (Cheers.) Is this a motion 'o isc:ire .• •-• the government Ste right or weans :n 1; .i • v stance, their conduct under great d !fir :..• - respect of Greece, not deserving of ceroce. • whoa ? No. But you ask me to ter.: Lt at : • te certain v..gue and indefinite prince i.s. •a .• which I can only collect from the se • ece .• ' entreat the consideration of the h... 5, - '"•• the consideration of the noble h r • • t; of opinion which lam called upon to .le. Semen says there shall be no mi-teee as It is not the resolwi rm. It is • r... .- intention of which is this-- We ate :•.) t... tee all foreign countries with whom we : :!. • 2 power : , so far as it is physically c : r,r-s.. .1 : • 73 ployed to ceerce their rulers ; bus tl a - -. • e• •: 'e ictioence of this country end of ice g • • o, - e the world sba!l know that we ate tie t. 7 cur find a large endeavour, en the part of ... vindicate to themselves the right of • .• - The intention of this motion is. t:.: ; .1 of Cummins shall 'dim, °pony, pmic.y, a , . .; am'riguity, that we are (or self government. ‘) ••• ; tay to the anti ;es of the world-I believe I •13. ' correctly the words and sentiments of the hon. gee' - endeavours e o 1 17 a % e . t his t o o e af.r say : resolution, etto.. yrw t ol n t d b e ll= a rei na tions los t he t i e t t o l o hf :ot p l o f! ht j e t h eoo thisnefaw orld-you, cale o s of l e r ; n : y e: f his own enlightment, and confidence Ice hie ;ma . ; to govern locuseit-to resist that tyraety %qua, a r name of 'legitimacy,' has ever sought to' coat . se him all those powers which we as El:4;bbiZer. confider to be the very birthright that mum his tion shall he mods openly , pia:oa, col velars: em• bct I the ios,znrua. in i t Challenged over and over again te • ,I• :Are It, dare it. The principle for %Met 1 ?mead, are is that, is the principle fur which every stream acne, in this country tor the :as: tile contended-namely, non-Mterferecce ;n the other countries, without some c:eer And necessity affeetiog your own mined,. e ;• es.. I contend, an' l g ta t p w h ht l ro h a e n em t c ee th ti : i i : ht el pw n a p h r ia ri r o )n ti l a ce . c i e mpw i s hp lp n he el l e d e io i h sf h l e .i e: d r arn ewhiun w w e Wh d fastawdas iche : l con en ou l ;... t of arbitre• ry .• ovrrrm" was melted by Lord Castlereagh at the emo• te , ' when sovereigns attempted by force to cheat 1 , • gross of constitutional liberty-(cheasl-te)•v.r is a matter of so grave importance a) „, t , perm. • the other matters CoollCetta • " 7 ; affirm i p o lt n eh , awtthhita,h. which we. w l per.i e c. n e t t pdroe t he by the 19thlot November, 1792. treaty of there woo a esso;teeto toe .•.' ch u neigbbou th ri utterlyteupnhion w hi ch im e n p w o o a 1 1 34 ti t i t:: i t ef t re April,t 0 . 11 a ' k d , maintain r t9w3ltha:te c ei it e d r . c r hil e n y o n ubno ss • t tk paned e ;l n ita t"t France ye:isne: tru arh I .' I ri despotism, but I do sot admit it in Merur of Warr ~„.„.„‘", country,t interfere sam e with .d a admit r e o h : the declaration of Austria and F1%16,4111. 04 the in France, was hostility to monarchical made to France to resist the sovereign king. n w: sere enabled to remain at peace with France for a certitt We declared our willingness to maintain 'ee. hd r e i o g m h t eus i tse t i t er i t i l i o ti n a t r ti fs a r 'P ro f its standing a declaration of war by Austria sad • but we did It under these circumstance.. .‘, the 12th of May, 1792, the Frees , h minister inlay Grenville that " France would reserve her libert, satiation and her right of refereeing 11 , ml( ; tb a t r ' rye ir should dictate to h r, but tha• she ',Add gild 6 ,7),, :n to all the trowels from whom she received e n v her pacific dispositions ; and the King wished it pr, 1 , : os to that he would not permit his agents at pet the morsel foment or favour insurrections or to interfere wi W policy of such tatty, believing that such inter& 27. ar2 N 'tey m. (Cheers.) Spain was divided into two parties, a constitu tional party and a despotic party, the a institutional party took those enlarged views which enabled it to remedy the evils Spain at that time was suffering. ant I understood the noble lord to mean that the views of the British government withheld from the minister, should be lreely commtusicated to them. ("No," from Lord Palmerston) But I was speaking of the government of Greece. Now, I admit you bed just claims against that government. ( Hear, hear ) I admit that the birth or the religion of ?d. Paeitieo consti• tut, d no reason why he should not have the same title to indemnity from injury with the highest noble in the land. (Hear, hear.) I admit, too, that the meanness of his residence is not to be advanced as a reason tor with holding from him justice and redress for the injury d..ne him. I concede to von, for the sake of argument, that you are justified in the claims you have proposed. But I say there wee an obvious mode of making them without offend ing France, or provoking the rebuke of Russia. (Haar, hear.) I believe, without any compromise of your own dignity, you might have got the whole IA the money you demanded and at the lime time avoided the difficulty in which you have bee .me involved with these two powers (Hear, hear.) What was your position in regard to Russia and France at the time when y; u determined en this appli cation of force ? With regard to Russia, you had asserted the authority of England is remonstrate with Russia against the attempted expulsion of the refugees from Turkey (Rear, hear) She had acceded to your demands. (Meer, hear.) And with regard to France, you had from her nothing but assurances of the most cordial sympathy and good feeling. (Hear, hear.) Never was there a period in which it was more the interest of this country to conciliate good feeling in France. France was weak ; she was torn by intestine divisions. We could have made concessions to her at that time without throwing any imputation on their honour, and you might depend on it that any conces sions made to France in the hour of her weakness would have been remembered with permanent gratitude is the day of her strength. (Loud cheers.) What necessity was there for provoking that feeling in France which we find expressed in this correspondence ? Ido not ask you to abandon any just claim, but I say why could you not, when it was so im portant that you should maintain • good understanding with Russia and France in respect to the affairs of N Athens Germany—why could you not say " we have claims on Greece? you are coguaranteeing powers; The !swot nations would justify us in proceeding summarily for redress, but we will net send there lire or six sail of the line and stop the commerce of the country until we have invoked your good offices." (Hear.) Why could you not have said, " There may be limits to delay—and should this arbitration fail as it may, we will not abandon our claims. Insult has been given which a2maads apology—that apology we will have, but we will not enforce oar other claims with out an appeal to your good offices." (Hear, hear.) You may, I know, quote the case of the United States, of France. and et other powers which have demanded summarily re dress, but the true policy of England should be to set en example of a different course of action so far as you can do so without compromising your honour. I admit that you had the right. It is possible that you had the right, and I believe you had the autho rity to obtain your right by force; but if every country was to enforce its rights by force, there would be no se- , mail for the peace et Europe for a single day. (Chests.) I do not, then, deny the right; but I say every conside ration of policy under the peculiar circumstances in which you stood towards Russia and France—ltussia having at that time just tweeted to your demand in regard to the expulsion of the refugees, and France having shown NM disposition to confide in you, and to act cordially with you —there was every motive for your exhausting every effort to settle We through the means of their good aloes before yen resorted to force, reserving to yourself the power of resorting to tome should these good offices fail. (Hear.) Why, you did not object to the employment of them good offleee—you accepted them when they were tendered by France? (Hear) Why not invite them— why net have invited the good offices of Fromm to assist you in the adjustment of your difficulty ? 1 believe had you done so you would have affected that adjustment, and you would have gained the good will of Russia and of France, while you would have avoided giving offence to Greece ; but, above all, you would have avoided those humiliating rebukes which have bola admi nistered to you by Russia and France, and which I cannot read without deep pain—(hese, hear)—and having read which I cannot vote for a resolution declaring that the course you have pursued was calculated to maintain the honoar and dignity of the country. (Rear.) Ido not blame you fee the concession you have since made—l do not blame you . 1 . hta 4.relt 1 a