The Press. — London, England, 1854-05-06 00:00:00

412 pvterbings zn V adianunt. ,•••.,••••N , 1•••• OXFORD UNIVERSITY BILL The committee on this bill had sat merely pro formd last week, and began the consideration of the measure on Monday night. An amendment was moved to the first clause by Mr. HORSMAN. The clause appointed the board of commissioners who were to act under the bill, and named them asfollows :—The Earl of Ellesmere, the Bishop of Ripon, Mr. Justice Coleridge, the Dean of Wells, and Sir J. Audrey. Mr. Horsman referred seriatim to these proposed functionaries, and objected to their appointment on a variety of grounds, but chiefly because they were for the most part already burdened with an amount of duty which would necessarily disqualify them for the efficient discharge of any new labours. He feared that the business of the commission would, under such circumstances, fall practically into the hands of the secretary. He moved that the names should be left in blank until all the other clauses of the bill had been gone through. Lord J. RUSSELL thought it was better to settle the question of the commissionerships without delay. Very extensive powers were to be assigned to that body, and it was fitting for the house to decide at once into whose hands they should devolve. The commissioners named in the clause had been selected with much care, and were, he believed, persons in whom the university, the Government, and the public, could place confidence. Sir J. PAKINOTON having defended, and the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER opposed, the amend ment, Mr. DISAILELI protested against the bill being judged by the character of the commissioners, or in any way but from its own merits. lie argued that the only rational course to pursue was to define first what was to be done, and afterwards decide who was to do it. A prolonged discussion on the amendment closed with a division, in which the clause as it originally stood was affirmed by 109 votes to 141-28. An amendment to the fourth clause was proposed by Sir W. Htarncore. The clause empowers the commissioners to demand evidence, documents, &c., and contains a provision relieving the officers of the university or ita colleges from the disabilities under which they might lie as to giving information or pro ducing papers from the statutes of the university or their own oaths of office. Sir W. Heathcote moved the omission of certain words and the substitution of a modified proviso, not making mention of oaths. The conscientious scruples that arose on this point were discussed at much length, and various suggestions made for the purpose of alleviating them without unduly fettering the commissioners. At length a division was taken, and the clause adopted in its original tenor by 110 votes to 09-49. Upon the sixth clause, providing for the organisa tion and election of the Hebdomadal Council, Mr. WALPOLE moved a series of modifications de priving the Chancellor of the proposed privilege of nominating two members ; rendering those members elective ; and introducing, under the title of "see. tional election," a system by which the members to be chosen from the heads of colleges or halls andthe professorial body would be elected, not by the en tire congregation, but each by the votes of his own class. Mr. NEWDEGATE, in supporting this amendment, said, in substance : • " He wished to draw the attention of the committee to the fact that it was on the plea of the necessity of electing these three classes that they were asked to create an en tirely new body, for which had been chosen the old name of congregation, and which would, in fact, be the governing body ; for, if the plan of the Government were carried out, the hebdomadal council would be a mere emanation of this new body of congregation. Let the house consider bow measures for the consideration of convocation, the present governing body of the university, were to be initiated, and they would understand the enormous power which it was proposed to place in the hands of this new body congregation. At present all measures for the go vernment of the university, all questions for the considera tion of convocation, must emanate from the hebdomadal board, which consisted of the heads of houses, the vice chancellor, and proctors—in all twenty six persons. This body was independent in its constitution, had proved most valuable for the maintenance of the discipline of the university, and, at the same time, amenable to the public opinion of the university in the initiation of subjects for the consideration of convocation on all great questions. At present the whole legislation arose in the hebdomadal hoard, hot it was now proposed to create a new nominated body of some two hundred members, to whom virtually would be delegated the power of initiating measures. For the proposed hebdomadal council would be a mere com mittee or delegacy of this new congregation, to which body lall measures and questions must be submitted by their committee, the hebdomadal council, for approval or rej ec tion, before they could be submitted to convocation. This new body would be totally independent of convocation, and large and powerful enough to be inspired by a apirit 1 of intense rivalry against econvoeation. To explain this proposed organisation to the house he would compare it THE PRESS. with the political constitution of this country: he would compare the proposed hebdomadal council with the Cabinet the proposed congregation with the House of Lords, the con vocation with the House of Commons. Now, the constitu tion of the State would be analogous in action to that pro posed for the university, if the Cabinet were to become a committee of the House of Lords, from which all measures must emanate for the consideration of the House of Lords, without whose assent no measure nor question could ori ginate in or reach the House of Commons. He well knew that the House of Commons, as the popular and representa tive body of the State, would never submit to be thus fettered and incapacitated from independent action. He would pray the House of Commons not to enforce fetters, such as they would never bear themselves, upon convocation, the noblest municipality, the most intellectual, the most justly honoured popular and representative body of the United Kingdom, peculiarly adapted as it was by educational attachment for the government of the university. How would this measure affect the rela tion of the university to the Church of England ? The convocations of Oxford and Cambridge were the only means of expression left to the Church of England, but now they were about to constitute a new body, large enough to be the rival of convocation, in which body it was proposed to vest the whole powers of initiating measures for the government of the university. It was proposed to constitute a nomi nated body of residents in the university to whom would be given a direct power of controlling and preventing the action of convocation in the government of the university. By this means the great body of the Church of England would be deprived of the means ofregulating the education of those who were to be its future clergy. Convocation was a most enlightened constituent body, the best adapted for the government of Oxford University of any that could be created—it constituted a direct connection between the Church of England and the university, and yet they were about to interpose a third body between convocation and the university. The excuse was that this proposed body was necessary to elect the hebdomadal council ; but it had been clearly shown that no such necessity existed. It had been shown that the hebdomadal council might be more ad vantageously constituted by the election of three several parties—the professors by the professors, the heads of houses by the heads of houses, and the remaining third by convocation. If this last privilege were not conceded to convocation they would cut off completely—as he believed it was the intention of the Government to do—all connection between convocation and the university, by interposing be tween them the proposed new body of congregation. It happened that while he was at Oxford the Tractarian movement had commenced, and he might be permitted to say that no danger more serious had ever threatened the Church of England. It had been the means of transferring to the Church of Rome some of her ablest members—men who had since become her most bitter assailants. Now, had that danger, he would ask, arisen from within or with out Oxford, among the non-resident or among the resident members of university ? It had had its origin within, and it was from within that it was proposed to constitute that power which was to interrupt the relation between convo cation and the university. What was the history of that great danger, the rise of Tractarianism ? It had been op- ' posed by that hebdomadal board which it was at present sought to abolish. It would have been crushed by convo cation, which the measure before them proposed to super sede, had it not been for the interposition of the veto of the proctor, which was about to be retained. Now, looking back at the last great danger which had threatened the Church of England, he should ask the house to pause be fore it consented to deprive the government of the univer sity of its free and popular character, derived directly from convocation, the fair and honest representative of the Church of England. Such were the constitutional objec tions to the scheme under discussion. Nothing could be more unlike the old congregation, which had long since lapsed into being mere form, than the novelty which it was proposed to raise up and endow with its name. That was a novelty which had been created by the Government, and for which they had no sanction from the university what soever. On the contrary, the opinion of the university, so far as it could find expression, was in direct opposition to the proposition of the Government. The petition of con vocation to her Majesty prayed for powers which her Ma jesty might have given consistently with the constitution of the university and her right as visitor, had not the Eight Hon. M.P. for the University and the Government advised her Majesty to refuse. That petition stated that convoca tion desired to preserve the hebdomadal board, but to con stitute another board, elected from convocation, to partici pate in the initiatory power which the hebdomadal board possessed. The petition prayed for nothinglike the consti tution of this new congregation, but for an organisation totally dissimilar ; in fact, for power to appoint n delegacy of convocation to perform the functions of which the Go vernment would deprive them. It had happened upon two most important occasions before that convocation had given expression to opinions in which the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer had not participated. Con vocation had petitioned against the Jew Bill. The right hon. gentleman had upon that occasion stated that he felt sorry to be obliged to differ from the body which he repre sented; but that really they must leave matters of legisla tion in the hands of persons whose province it was to deal with such questions. Convocation had also been opposed to the Papal aggression, and in favour of the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. Against that measure the right lion. gentle man had recorded his vote. Now, he should Fut it to the house to say whether, when it was taken into account that in those two marked instances the right hon. gentleman hal differed from the opinion of his constituents, there might not be some natural bias in the mind of the right lion. gentleman towards choking the expression of senti ments which were not always bound to be in accordance with his own. He should, in conclusion, once more re mind the house that in the clause under their consideration the free action and integrity of the university was to a great extent involved. (Ilear ,hear.)" SATURDAY, A prolonged discussion terminated in a division, when the amendment was carried against the Govern ment by a majority of 102 to 140-13. Some time was spent, and another division taken, for the purpose of adapting the phraseology of the clause to the amendment thus passed, but before that operation could be completed it was agreed to post pone further progress until Thursday. The committee sat again on Thursday, when the discussion of clause 0 was proceeded with. Sir J. PAKINGTON moved an amendment, substi tuting Convocation for the proposed Congregation in the constituent body who were to elect the sit Convocational members of the Hebdomadal Board. Lord J. RUSSELL urged many reasons for preferring the proposed Congregation. That body would consist of experienced, active, and resident members of the University, and was, he considered, much titter to exercise a control over its government than the Con vocation, which comprised two or three thousand electors, who were scattered over the country, and might not have visited the University for venty years. Mr. HENLEY feared that the power entrusted to the Congregation would practically fall into the bands of a narrow oligarchy. He preferred the wider constituency afforded by the members of Con vocation. Mr. NEWDEGATE praised many of the past acts of the Convocation, and denounced the proposal for superseding its privileges. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER denied that Convocation would lose a single privilege under the bill. For the new function of electing certain mem bers of the Hebdomadal Council, it was desirable to find a constituency which should include and repre sent the woikiug power of the University. Such a constituency, he contended, was provided in the sug gested Congregation. The relative merits of the Convocation and the Congregation as an electoral body underwent a long discussion, in which much vehemence was at intervals displayed by hon. members. Ultimately, upon a division, the word " Congregation" was adopted by a narrow majority of 192 to 176-16. An addition was made, providing that the Vice-Chancellor, or his substitute, should be the president of the Hebdoma dal Council, and the clause was then finally ordered to stand part of the bill. Three other clauses were afterwards disposed of, the committee leaving off at the 11th without ap pointing a day for resuming progress. CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY. Replying to Lord Lyndhurst on Monday, The Earl of ABERDEEN stated that it was not the intention of the Government to bring in any bill having reference to Cambridge University during the present session. INCOME TAX. The committal of the Income-tax Bill stood for Monday in the House of Peers. As a money bill there' was of course no opportunity for their lordships to propose any modification of the measure ; but the motion for the committee, which was proposed by Earl GRANVILLE, was not acceded to without a some what prolonged discussion, in the course of which the Ministerial policy, especially in the department of finance, was reviewed and criticised. The noble mover of the committee contented himself with a brief resume of the treatment which the income tax had received and the changes that had been effected in its dimensions by the present Chancellor of the Exchequer. Lord BROUGHAM consented to accept the tax, even in its increased form, as a melancholy necessity of the times and under the compulsion of our having to provide for the war expenditure. He, however, re tained his conviction that the tax should be levied upon capital under a different tariff from that im posed upon labour. The Earl of MALMESBURY believed that the sim plicity of the income tax was its worst fault. Being so easily imposed, it offered a temptation against which Chancellors of the Exchequer should be kept on their guard. He then criticised the conduct and policy of the present Ministry since they entered office, contending that by a series of blunders they bad brought upon the country the calamity of war, and were embarking upon another series in their contrivances for paying its cost : " The present Coalition Ministry, which had driven their predecessors from office on a question of finance, might naturally have been expected to have made their financial policy the strongest and the most successful portion of their administration. But he would confidently ask any impar tial individual whether, if they had ever contemplated such an object, they had not utterly failed in its accomplish ment. The present Chancellor of the Exchequer had vainly attempted, shortly after the commencement of his official career, to lay down financial arrangements, which were to extend over a period of seven years, and bad made that attempt after he had been put clearly in possession of the ambitious views of the Emperor of Russia by the Eng lish Minister at St. Petersburg. The prospects of peace, however, had at length vanished, in spite of the sanguine anticipations of the noble earl at the bead of the Govern ment and the Chancellor of the Exchequer hoped that Bb.