The Press. — London, England, 1854-12-02 00:00:00

.. . . -- v a THE PRESS. I.I.) THE WEEK. PARLIAMENT is summoned to meet on the 12th inst., next Tuesday week, and thus an involuntary and reluctant acknowledgment is made of the foresight which, ere the prorogation, counselled an autumn session. The sitting must be important. For the first time in our political history we shall be carrying on a war with a party of econo mists in office. Not only the theories of several leaders of the self styled " Liberal" party, but the actual personnel of a large portion of the parliamentary supporters of Ministers, are decidedly repugnant to the vigorous and effective prosecution of the war, and to its adminis trative consequences. There has not yet been any opportunity of testing the working of a reformed House of Commons; and how far the largo commercial party now in Parliament will be prepared to bear con tinuous taxation, and to increase the national burdens to the extent required, is a subject admitting of much speculation. The difference between the political map of England in the days of Mr. Pm, and that now existing, is evident at a glance. Our modern parliamentary commercial party, with its free-trade, cheap-loaf, and unrestricted intercourse dogmas, has not yet been tested under exigencies such as now exist. The present representatives of manufacturing England — the Cobdens, Brights, Wilsons, and Williamses—bear no resemblance Either to the Tory commercialists, or the political Radicals of former times. They may have no power to check the full tide of public sen timent, but they may exert all their influence in favour of half-mea sures, inefficient armaments, and scanty supplies—in short, they may do their utmost to starve the war—a policy the most pernicious that can be devised to the real interests of the country, and most adverse to the speedy restoration of peace, but a policy which hitherto the Government has shown its determination to carry out, with what results the two months experience of the Crimea expedition may best show. We are still without authentic advices from the Crimea later than the 9th ult., a period of three weeks, when simple and inexpensive arrangements for the transmission of intelligence would have enabled us to regularly receive reports by telegraph within four days from the camp at Balaklava. By the despatches from Prince MENSCHIROFF, how ever, brought to us via St. Petersburg, it appears that up to the 19th operations on both sides were nearly suspended. The allies were employed in fortifying their position, and making preparations for the winter, while the Russians were perseveringly strengthening their defences in Sebastopol. The fire on both sides was languid. The deadly battle of Inkermann had occasioned too much loss on either side to be readily repaired. Though defeated with such terrible slaughter, that the Russians effected one of their main obj ects by the struggle of Russ i ns allies, according to the reports received, meditated an immediate and general assault on Sebastopol : the combat of the sth has indefinitely postponed their intention. It is not so much the numerical weaken ing of an army from battle which diminishes its capability for active operations, as it is the partial disorganisation of the force from the loss of i per, persons entrusted with the performance of special duties and services, and the necessity that exists for repairing damages, and getting the wholy army ,ato efficient and working order again. The activity of the allies must be further retarded by the terrible disasters which have befallen our ships, and more especially our transports, in the Black Sea. It was one argument against the expe dition being undertaken late in the year that the navigation of the Euxine during autumn and winter was notoriously most hazardous, and that there would be great difficulty in maintaining communication with our troops by sea, and in providing for the safety of our fleets. The storm which swept the Euxine on the 14th was one of the fiercest ever known. It is announced that thirty-two English transports were wrecked on that fearful night, and among them the magnificent steamer the Prince, for which the Government had recently paid 105,0001. Several of the British ships-of-war were severely damaged, while, far more shocking to relate, the Henri Quatre, a French line-of battle ship, went down in the storm. Tho Turks, more unfortunate still, have lost several of their men-of-war with all their crews on board. Though the allies have received considerable reinforcements, yet it appears improbable that they will seriously think of attempting to carry Sebastopol until they are much stronger than at present. The question then arises whether it will be possible materially to advance the siege during the winter months. This point is of importance If the expedition be not intended to act against Sebastopol until the spring, it will be most inexpedient to crowd the camp at Bala klava with reinforcements, as the casualties from illness and the climate would prove most serious. The dangers of the terrible Euxine must also be taken into account. If we decide that winter must suspend the campaign, the question will remain, what should be done with reference to future contingencies ? With our present Government, could we expect to collect an army of forty or fifty thou sand British troops (in alliance with double that number of French) at or near Constantinople ? If it were decided to concentrate a force such as we have suggested, the troops might be kept at Constantinople, and preserved there in a high state of efficiency by exercise and disci pline. An ample body to keep the camp at Balaklava, on the suppo sition of suspended hostilities in winter, could, of course, be easily supplied. But just as an inefficient force was sent out at first, when every effort should have been made to provide an army of such strength as to have ensured certain and speedy victory, numbers of troops, it is probable, will now be crowded within the lines at Balaklava, though without the possibility of being serviceable for months to corns. SATURDAY, The German Courts are again busy with negotiations, and th 3 " four points " have once more risen into importance, from the Em peror NICHOLAS having expressed his willingness to treat on them, while the German States seem disposed to unite in their favour. There is more prospect of a cordial union between Austria and Prussia than has previously seemed probable,—as we learn from the speech of the King of PRUSSIA on opening the Chambers on Thurs day. Prussia will defend Austria if that Power is attacked in the Principalities: which means, in plain terms, that Austria having gained these provinces has engaged the other States of Germany to support her in keeping them. In all other respects the alliance will probably, be as favourable to Russia as against the Western Powers. Much speculation has been excited by the visit of Lord PALMERS TON to Paris. His visit is certainly not one of amusement ;as since the death of Lord JoCELYN both Lord and Lady PALMERSTON have lived in as much retirement as is consistent with his Lordship's official position. We may assume that he has some important business to discuss with the Emperor NAPOLEON. But of what nature? Can it be—that the Premier thinks of retirement, and that arrangements are making for Lord PALMERSTON to succeed him? If such a change be in contemplation, it will, like other moves of the Coalition, come "too late." No such shifting of places would now serve to give one hour's stability to the Government. If Sir CHARLES NAPIER should be returned for Marylebone (not that we think even that vestry ridden borough likely to give Sir BEN JAMIN HALL quite so remarkable a colleague), his appearance in the House will be a curious scene. The question who shall bring him up to the table will be rather a delicate one. At first sight, his godfathers at the table of the Reform Club seem the right parties. Lord PALMER STON would, we have no doubt, just us soon introduce the hero of Bomarsund as not, and could do it with the free and-easy grace mu- Early his own. Nobody would laugh at him, unless he desired it. But would the First Lord of the Admiralty take NAPIER'S other arm ? We doubt it. Clearly the member who ought to introduce Fighting Charley is Mr. JOHN BRIGHT. For Sir CHARLES has verified Mr. BRIGHT'S prognostic—that all that the Ministry would do, would be to obtain double prices for Russian exports. Evidently Joi.; BRIGHT must flank Sir CHARLES. We fear that several of our readers must, like ourselves, have felt the deepest pain in listening to the private narratives of the wounded heroes who have been permitted within the last few days to reach the white chalk cliffs of Albion. Far more torturing is the reflection that with good management at home there would not be a fifth part of the sacrifices, the protracted sufferings, and the mutilated persons, on which so many mourning families in the country have received viva voce such pathetic revelations. In all that concerns the commissariat of the army there has been an amount of neglect which, if it were not well attested, would seem incredible. We have before us a confiden tial letter from a surgeon now in the Crimea, dated Bth November. He writes :—" The omissions in the commissariat and medical depart " ment are too bad. Amongst the things most neglected or forgotten " are candles, of such impo rtance to the medical department. After " Alma, darkness brought medical men to a stand. One officer, over " whom much lamentation has been deservedly made, perished of " cholera in my tent, and but for four inches of candle brought by myself "he would have died in darkness. After making a representation, the " regiment received three candles for its medical department." Facts like these tell their own tale. In connection with the above, we may notice the reiterated appeals made to the public for a supply of old rags. Is the Govern ment of England really too poor to provide proper dressings for the wounds of its soldiers? We feel humbled as we think of this evidence of the shortsighted plans that have marked our preparations for the campaign. It is announced as a wonderful achievement that two thousand shirts, two hundred and fifty pairs of sheets, seventy-two worked jackets, four hundred towels, and twelve hundred pair of stockings, and other like articles in proportion, have been distributed amongst our troops by private liberality. Is it fitting that our brave and suffering t fellows should be left to the chances of such casual relief? AMATEUR ADMINISTRATORS. THE papers are filled with letters from gobemouches cf all degrees of fatuity, who recommend infallible nostrums for the destruction of the Russians, the protection of our troops, the reinforcement of the militia, and other desirable objects. There is also a shrewder class of cor respondents who have convinced themselves that the articles they sell are exactly the things most required at the present crisis. The good old fable comes into play once more : the city is besieged, and every man insists upo its bing defned by his especial handiwork. One suggests wool, anothere leather, e a d third is all for woodwork, a fourth for bricks and mortar : Then a builder was sure lath and plaster would do ; Says a surgeon, " Oh, I'll spread the plaster for you ; lint as for the laths I should question their use :" " Oh, sir," says the builder, "you talk like a goose." Luckily, there is no fear of the catastrophe of the fable, and of the enemy actually rushing in among us, while selfishness is at loggerheads. But, on the whole, a selection from the " Allow -me to suggest " columns of the daily press would not impress an indiffereu! person with a conviction of the common sense of " Constant Readere. .1 *' F \ ihm, 0'