The Press. — London, England, 1854-07-22 00:00:00

11111111 676 L Alb! Oki._ time, can relieve us from the infliction without violence, though we may pay dearly for the mischief occasioned by its temporary usurpation. FACTORIES' REPORT. WE opened the report from the Inspectors of Fac tories, recently issued, in the hope that it might con tain some authentic evidence on the state of the Lancashire districts, especially of Preston, that great battle-field of capital and labour. Our expectations, however, are disappointed. Mr. LEONARD HORNER passes altogether over the " strike " question, as too well understood to need farther explanation, moral ising at the same time on the uneducated state of the people, the want of intercourse between masters and men, and the necessity (? ) cf a compulsory educa cation bill, which should make it a penal offence in the parents not to send a child to school. Is there anything in bureaucratic employ which fosters a ten tency towards despotism ? We should almost think so, and the above is not the least significant illustra tion of the fact. It is noteworthy that in the case of children employed in mills such a law as here sug gested actually exists, and is enforced. Mr. lioatiEtt has therefore a right to argue that Parliament has acknowledged the principle for which he contends. His plea is simply the following—that only educated persons appreciate education; ergo, ignorant parents will not send their children to school; whereby the evil perpetuates itself, and cannot be remedied ex cept by governmental interposition. But his assump tion, though plausible, is unfounded. Parents, them selves ignorant, do desire teaching for their children ; children of quick brains desire it for themselves—it is the value of infant labour to the parent, not the apathy of the latter—his poverty or covetousness, not his indifference—that leads him to keep the child at home. Setting out from mistaken premises, it is no wonder Mr. HORNET arrives at a wrong conclusion. It is satisfactory to see that in some parts of the coun try employers are beginning to cultivate a more friendly spirit among their " hands "—treating them not merely as " hands," but as working men and women, whose comforts should be considered, and whose goodwill is worth securing. It used to be the custom to open the mills only during working hours, leaving the operatives, male and female, to find shelter as they could. Now many of the Glasgow mas ters provide rooms for their accommodation, places where they may cook their meals, and other like con veniences. Sir JOHN KINCAID reports that this prac tice is on the increase—one good example makes many imitators. A long history is given of the rules respecting ma chinery hastily promulgated by Lord PALMERSTON, and as hastily withdrawn. The whole proceeding seems to have been a blunder, the more unfortunate as there is room for much improvement in this re spect. Preventible accidents are frequent, and often fatal. The best workmen seem to grow careless when constantly employed among machinery. Hence the necessity for greater precaution than either mas ters or men care to observe. THE Irish news of the week contains little matter of importance except such as has arisen from the pending assizes. These, happily, aro light, and show a welcome improvement in the state of the country and its population. So limited, indeed, is the criminal business to be disposed of that the sessions are not likely to occupy one half the time usual in former years. At Waterford there has oc curred that almost unprecedented event, a " maiden assize." Is A CIVIL CASE tried) at Wexford Assizes on Tuesday the orphan children of Mr. and Mrs. Macsweeny got five thousand pounds' damages against the Great Southern and Western Railway Company, on account of the loss of their father and mother, who were killed by the railway accident at Stratfan last autumn. This is the largest amount of damages ever had against any railway company in Ireland. THIRTY-FIVE PRISONERS, chiefly belonging to the Roman Catholic party, engaged in the late disgrace ful riots in Belfast, were brought before the local magistrates on Monday, and sentenced to pay fines of 40s. each, or undergo two months' imprisonment. The man Russell, who was stabbed, is still in a dangerous condition, and the party charged with committing the offence remains in custody. INAN ADMIRALTY ORDER has been received in Limerick for 408/., payable to a poor man named Hickie, as wages due to his son, Cornelius Hickie, shipwright on board the lost Erebus and Terror, ex ploring expedition of Admiral Sir John Franklin. Tse Roscommon Messenger states that Mr. John B. Dillon, one of the colleagues of Smith O'Brien in the unfortunate proceedings of 1848, has obtained permission to return to Ireland. THE PRESS. V rue6ings in V arliwnt. THE WAR MINISTER. The vote of supply for the expenditure to be in curred on account of the new Secretaryship for War was moved for on Monday by Lord J. Russell. Some serious debating on the whole question of the war policy of the Government, and the recent changes in the functions of the Colonial Secretary, had been anticipated, but the announcement that Ministers intended to propose next week a " credit vote" for war expenses to come led to a postponement of the discussion, which it was thought more expedient to take on the wider question then to be opened. Mon day's proceedings accordingly presented little more than a dry abstract of the official details involved in the proposed division of the secretarial functions. In describing these changes Lord J. RUSSELL re- marked " that daring former wars the functions discharged by the Secretary for War and the Colonies related principally to the conduct of military affairs. The colonies were then of comparatively trifling importance, and the official busi ness arising from them presented few points of much com plication or urgency. Now, however, the case was different. Colonial questions furnished an amount of occupation suf ficient to monopolise the undivided attention of a Secre tary of State ; and, as soon as the country was engaged in a serious war, it became obvious that some redistribution of the duties was absolutely necessary. After enumerating the principle on which this change was to be based, namely, the concentration of control over the several de partments of military organisation under one single and responsible head, the noble lord briefly sketched some of the propositions that had been offered for accomplishing that end, and dwelt especially upon the reasons which had led the Government to reject the plan recommended by the late Duke of Wellington, who considered that the Master-General of Ordnance, being necessarily best ac quainted with the military necessities of the country, would be most eligible as chief adviser of the Sovereign upon the affairs of war. Pointing out the distinction be tween the military and the political questions connected with the administration of the army, he explained that ac cording to the plan now proposed by the Government the former should remain under the control of the professional chiefs, the Commander-in-Chief and Master-General of Ordnance, who would also decide all questions relating to military promotions, patronage, and pay. The civil and political functions would be allotted to the new Secretary of State for War, while matters of detail would continue, as at present, under the supervision of the Secretary at War. The Commissariat, he added, would fall to the Se cretary of State for War; the embodied militia would be controlled by the military chiefs, the disembodied militia by the Home Secretary. Various changes and improve ments in detail might be hereafter accomplished, but these must be developed in the course of time and of experience; and little progress in that direction could be expected at a moment like the present, when the office was so newly constituted, and the practical business of the war so ur gent. Lord John Russell then detailed the internal me chanism of the new Secretary's office, described the per. sonnet of his staff, and concluded by moving that a sum of 17,300/. should be voted to defray the additional ex penses which the change would necessitate up to March 31, 11355." Sir J. PAKTNC,TON expressed his extreme disap pointment at the meagre outline just given of the Ministerial intentions : The plan now sketched, be contended, offered a very imperfect cure for the anomalies which existed in the ad ministration of military affairs. The army was practically divided into six sections, namely, the regular forces, the artillery, the militia and yeomanry, the embodied pension era, the commissariat, and the dockyard battalions. Each of these sections was placed under the control of a different head ; while the single practical step now announced con sisted of a transference of the commissariat from the Trea sury to the Secretary for War. The existing anomalies had been often and long since set forth in the reports of parliamentary committees; and many proposals made for their removal, and the consolidation of the different de partments under a single head. But to all of these the Government had paid no attention, but had treated a new Secretaryship fur State, without defining the duties which the department would have to discharge. Adverting to some points of detail connected with the change, Sir J. Pakington inquired what distinction was to be drawn be tween the functions of the Secretary at War and the new Secretary of War, and could not believe that two Cabinet Ministers were necessary to superintend one department of administration. The SECRETARY AT WAR gave a variety of instances, actual or possible, to illustrate the distinctions be. tween the military and civil duties which it was in tended to apportion among the military and political departments of the War Ministry, when reconstructed according to the scheme of the Government: — He proceeded to defend that scheme, urging that it was calculated to do much good so far as it went, and en forcing the reasons that had induced the Ministry not to go further at the present moment. Respecting his indivi dual functions, he explained that the Secretary at War could not be considered as an administrator of the army. He was the delegate of the Treasury, entrusted with the anditorship and control of the details of expenditure on ac count of military services; and to the existence of such a minister he attributed the recognised result that the ex penses of the army were more economically administered than those of the navy. He believed that it was expe• SATURDAY, client to maintain the office he held as a separate depart ment, and declared that, whether the contemplated changes enhanced or diminished its importance, he should allow no personal feelings to prevent his co-operating in their accomplishment. Colonel DUNNE and Mr. G. BUTT having briefly expressed their dissatisfaction at the Ministerial schemes, The vote was agreed to. VOTE OF CONFIDENCE. Lord J. RUSSELL on Monday gave notice that he should next week have occasion to move fora vote of credit in supply , for t he purpose of carrying on the war. He could not then state exactly the precise amount of the vote, but the estimate would be laid on the table by Thursday. Mr. DISRAELI on Thursday remarked that it would be convenient to the house if the Leader of the Government would say when he would lay on the table an estimate of the amount required in the form of a vote of credit for the expenses of the war, and when be would propose to take it into consideration. Lord J. RUSSELL said that her Majesty had been pleased to order that a measure should be delivered to that and the other House of Parliament, and in pursuance of that message it would be the duty of Ministers to propose a vote of credit on Monday next, which would amount to the sum of 3,000,000 i. The message would be presented on Friday (yesterday). It would propose that the sum in question should be voted for the purposes of the war. It would not be necessary to take any further vote in com mittee of ways and means, as the votes which the home had already granted would be sufficient. The message would be taken into consideration on Monday. PUBLIC REVENUE BILL. The Public Revenue and Consolidated Fund Charges Bill stood for third reading in the House of Peers on Monday, and the motion for that purpose was duly proposed by Earl GRANVILLE. Lord MONTEAGLE moved as an amendment that the bill should be referred to a select committee. He pointed out various risks and inconveniences which he thought might arise from the measure, and re ferred to various classes of public functionaries who would suffer under the injustice of having their ap• pointments submitted for annual discussion in Par. liament. The bill also violated the independence of the House of Peers. By disallowing the salaries of the officials who collected any tax, the House of Commons could effectually annul that branch of tax ation without going through the formality of a bill, or asking the consent of the Peers. Lord Monteagle also urged that the increased number of miscella neous votes, which this bill went to swell, would almost double the time now appropriated to financial discussion, and to that extent lessen the time that could be applied to legislative purposes. Desig nating the bill as anomalous in character and unjust in principle, he prayed the house to refer it to a select committee, in order that it might be more fully considered. Lord BROUGHAM supported the amendment, al luding especially to the police magistrates of London, who, though discharging judicial functions, would be left at the discretion of the House of Commons if the bill passed. The Duke of ARGYLL defended the bill, and in stanced various classes of functionaries, among others the members of the Board of Health, the Poor-law Board, and the Insolvent Commissioners, who held their offices dependent upon annual votes. He contended, therefore, that there was nothing exceptional in the provisions of the present bill. The Earl of DERBY said that the intention of the Government of which he had been a member was to bring under the control of the House of Commons, not the mere net receipts of the customs and excise and other sources of revenue, hut the gross amount of that revenue, and to let the house vote the annual cost of collecting it. If this bill had only gone thus far he would have supported it, but he objected to placing under the control of the House of Commons judicial or quasi judicial offices. Lord CAMPBELL concurred in thinking that the bill required further consideration. Earl GRANVILLE, yielding to the strong expression of opinion in the house, consented that the bill should be referred to a select committee, upon the understanding that it was not to be thrown over to anothe: session. The bill was accordingly ordered to be referred agreeably to the tenor of Lord Monteagle's amend ment. THE BRIBERY BILL. The consideration of the bill was resumed on Thursday, when a very protracted discussion too k place respecting the form of words by which candi dates on nomination, or members before taking their seats, were to declare themselves innocent of bribery. Finally, the " declaration," after two divisions, was settled according to the following formula : " I do solemnly and sincerely declare that I have ingly made, authorised, or sanctioned, and that 1 will ingly make, authorise, or sanction, any payment on my election, otherwise than through the election °Mei excepted and allowed by the Corrupt Practices Prevet (the present measure), nor have knowingly done, or will do, any act contrary to the provisions contained In this not know- not know account at eer, aaoe AB iention Act ill hereafter tug act."