The Press. — London, England, 1858-06-12 00:00:00

°3"V' NI A Adit e l rt 1 LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 12, 1858. No. 267.—V0L. VI. STAMPED ....SIXPFNCE. UNSTAMPED..FIVEPENCE. THE BALLOT. As these are days in which "progress" is much tdked4itseenas worth notice that the question of the Ballot is one which, in Parliament, has been, for some years, progressing backward. The divisions in the House of Commons, during the last four years, have been as follows : For. Against. Majority. 1854 . . . 157 194 37 1855 . . . 166 218 52 1857 . . . 189 257 68 1858.. . . 197 294 97 Thus the opposing majority has been growing, year by year; till the proportion is, now, just three against two, with the tide running strongly in an adverse direction. For, in truth, the whole course of the argu ment is terribly against the Ballot ; and this is felt more and more every year. When simplified, and reduced to the plainest issue, the Ballot is seen to be nothing without lying. This is de monstrable, when we divide the electors into the three classes of which they are unquestionably composed. These three classes are, — The bold and open voter. The hesitating and doubtful, but honest voter. The dishonest voter. Now, of these three classes, the last is the only one that can benefit by the Ballot. For the two former classes it does absolutely nothing. The first class is a large one. It consists of those who will not conceal their suffrages:—coun try gentlemen, who warmly espouse the cause of a neighbour ; London merchants, who earnestly desire to return a Lyall or a Masterman ; and many similar bodies. These men will not tolerate the idea of secrecy. They are proud of what they are doing, and they will not have it hidden in silence. To this numerous class the Ballot offers nothing desirable. They will simply scoff at it. They have been used to open and plain dealing all their lives, and they will not take to concealment now. The second class is a still larger one. It con sists of men of no very decided political opinions ;*. men who are gained by a canvass; but who, being . honest men, cannot bear the idea of flying from their word. We are accustomed to speak of "the people of England" as if they did, for the most part, hold decided views on political and religious subjects. But this is altogether a mis take. Hold an election, in London or West minster, without a canvass, and you will find that not one-third of the electors will appear at the poll. Of those who voted at the last Contests for those two cities, one half would confess, if they were examined, that they so voted mainly to oblige friends who had asked them. Yet not one in a hundred would willingly have deceived those friends, or have given a vote for "John eon," when they had promised to vote for "Smith." The whole of this class, then, of hesitating, undecided men, who care not much LATEST EDITION. which way they vote, but who, having given a promise, mean to keep it—the whole of this class would be unaffected by the Ballot. It would do nothing for them. The third class consists of the dishonest ; men who see no difficulty in promising A, and then promising B, and voting, after all, for C. Of this class, many, as might reasonably be expected, we in the habit of selling their votes, and would be glad of any device which would enable them to sell their votes three or four times, instead of only once or twice, at each election. This class would unquestionably be benefited by the adop tion of the Ballot, and it is this class which is the most clamorous for it. Go into the borough towns, where crowded meetings are often held, and petitions voted, with great enthusiasm, for the Ballot, and you will generally find that the mover is some political leader or chief, who, on the rumour of a general election, hurries up to town, and brings down some newly-imported East Indian, from the Reform Club, with a credit for 2,0001., and power to draw for as much more, "if need be." If it be asked how a corrupt electioneering agent can desire the Ballot, the question only shows the verdant simplicity of the querist. Intrigues of a corrupt kind are just those transactions which naturally prefer the shades of darkness. The Ballot puts an end to scrutiny, to the investigation of votes, and to many other inconvenient processes. The ballot box once opened, the numbers declared, and the candidate returned—all will be over. Then, as to the question how a return is to be insured, when no man's vote can be known, the reply is easy. Mr. M'Cleverty, from: Calcutta, or from Australia, lodges 2,0001. in the local bank, in the name of a mutual friend, who has injunctions to give a cheque for the said 2,0001. to the local COPPOCR, on the day which he, Mr. M'Cleverty, is declared duly elected. Well, this preliminary arrangement being made, the local Coppock goes to work. ,The electors are 600, and it is needful to make sure of 300. He begins by enlisting a I respectable Committee. He can perhaps find 50 decent men, "Blues," who will not desire, nor consent to receive, a bribe. ' Their names are therefore published, as the decoy-birds of the party. This done, the Coppock knows where to find the managers of the tripe-suppers. He gets the leaders about him, and whispers, "If the thing is done, I shall be able to give you a five pound note for each man, the next morning : only I must know the names." These leaders of the club-suppers carry him round ; he canvasses the needful 250, and books their names. Every man on his list has a direct interest in winning. It is, 51. if Mr. MT. comes in, or nothing, if he does not. They therefore rush to the ballot-box ; the requisite number of 302 votes is easily ob tained, and the candidate is duly elected. Scru tiny, or subsequent inquiry, is out of the question. Nobody can prove how any one man voted at that election. Surely, a calm consideration of these things will sufficiently explain how it is that the Ballot is constantly losing ground. The position we have taken is impregnable : Without lying, the ballot-box effects nothing. It cannot touch the open and earnest politician, who is willing that all the world should know what he thinks, and how he votes. It cannot affect the timid and hesitating voter, who, having given a positive promise to his friend, means to keep his word. It can only answer the purpose of the cheat and the liar,—the man who has promised to vote for A, and means to vote for B, and perhaps hopes to get money or favours from each. Shall a law, then, be made especially to serve the purpose of liars ? May we not ask, with SYDNEY Smrva, what lying has done to deserve such special favour and support? Why are the other vices to be left unrewarded and unhonoured,—and our whole patronage lavished upon treachery and falsehood? MORE JEW BILLS. WE have received the two new " Oaths Bills," or "Jew Bills," or whatever else they may be called, which are now before the House of Lords; and we have read them with some astonish ment. We had formed no expectation of any thing so absurd. 1. Lord LIICAN'S Bill assumes, at once, that the Bill which lately passed the House of Com mons, and was amended in the Lords, was a sham That Bill contained several enactments, altering the old oaths, in a manner which, to both Lords and Commons, seemed reasonable and desirable. It then dealt with the Jews, in favour of whom it made a special exemption. This special exemption the Lords struck out. But the Bill, without this special clause, was a good Bill, and it was one on whose merits there was no difference of opinion. All this, however, Lord LUCAN entirely ignores. He treats the body of the late Bill as if it had been a mere sham or delusion, meaning nothing. He had proposed a new clause, in relief of the Jews ; and now he proposes a new Bill, simply consist ing of that one clause. But why—if Parliament means to legislate on the Parliamentary Oaths— why not do what the late Bill, agreed to by both Houses (excepting the Jew clause), attempted to do, and succeeded in doing ? To turn a mere amendment for the whole 2. Lord L open to this o it complies mences with LUCAN, in It then proceeds three Oaths of a single clause into a substitute le measure, seems a plain absurdity. „.--- -- 7 — ,, LYNDHUuST'S itiP, 416 i'- . lll' 1,4 :• ' f 41 objection. • • • 110 ,.. with the ordigelyi. '' _' •• —: h a short preps , ' ''.. '` 4 s. rt his sketch of •'• ~ • 1 ._.•• I l iirai l ,* ceeds to substittel4 , "i'd • • lof Allegiance, '' - 7 °- 11. " 3-7 ' ' ii--, - ---; • ---: e - ''s