The Press. — London, England, 1858-04-17 00:00:00

r years and years it was the systematic assailant of Lord PALMERSTON, and never guve a good word to the N, ble Viscount. It seems now to have decided on making a bite noire of the Noble Member for London, who dues not forget that he is one of the representatives for the City, non obstante the Times. ON THE BALLOT. The Inn throws up the cream.—Sir P. ',amis. THE trade of an agitator would appear at first eight exceedingly difficult as well as preca rious. To explain away prophecies belied by the event—to reconcile false theories with patent facts, and confound the memory after misleading the reason, so that old dupes may he accessible to new fallacies, might be deemed feats only possible to great ability. Yet the difficulty is less in fact than in seeming. The agitator has an ally within the camp which he assails ; ho appeals from the judgment to the instinctive hopes of mankind. There is a principle akin both to credulity and cupidity, yet deeper and higher than either, which prompts a yearning for ideal good, and suggests a panacea for physical, social, or political ills. Hence alchemy and astrology, South Sea schemes, and " the Hygeian system." Hence the Charter and the Corn Law League, the five points and the "big loaf." The men who have once drawn on this principle learn to renew their bills, or draw them on a fresh account, with little fear of their being dishonoured. The Reform Bill was to have given everybody everything, but it is now found to require a thorough reformation itself; and the experience of its failure has served to abate expectation from the same source. The Corn Laws are gone, but prices and poor rates ere as high and wages as low as in the dark ages of the bread-tax. So a new theme for agitation is wanting, and the poor frozen-out Leaguers wi:1" go in " for the Ballot. There is a fair primi-facie case, and they will make the most of it, while the solid and deep-founded objec tions to the scheme will be studiously ignored. We desire, therefore, before the new move ment commences, to clear our consciences by a distinct and emphatic protest against what we consider as a degrading and demoralizing proposal. A few words by way of preface as to the Ballot agitation. The Whigs, though they never meant to espouse the measure, coquetted with it after the Reform Bill, before they had yet learnt the art of retaining their Radical advocates gratis. Ballot-stock was rather looking up, when a solid citizen stepped for ward to stereotype the great idea and purge the representation by mechanism. GROTE'S rat-trap appeared ; but instead of raising the market, depressed it fearfully. The romance of secret voting was gone—there was a moral bathos about the contrivance which chilled and repelled sanguine spirits. Thorough• going partizans might still maintain the use fulness of the Ballot, but its dignity could never be restored. SYDNEY SMITH'S attack was another grievous blow. Clear arrangement—sound, conclusive reasoning—playful wit anl cutting irony, tempered by a good humour which left the quizzed no excuse for flying into a passion, combined to make it the facetious divine's masterpiece. If his view was not large enough to embrace the whole breadth of the moral argument, he saw farther and more distinctly than hie opponents, and remained unanswered and unanswerable. Then came the lowest THE PRESS, APRIL 17, 1858 descent of the Ballot; handed over to the tender mercies of FROST and FEAROUS O'CoNNoR —to the runaway rebels of Newport and the most sweet voices of Kennington-common ! And now, after long and vain struggles to raise itself from deserved obscurity, it is again to be worked by practised engineers with improved machinery, that the world may learn how much vitality there can be in a plausible falsehood. We do not fear for the result; secret voting will never receive the sanction of the English Legislature. And evea were it established to-morrow, it could produce no effects which as mere political parti sans we should be inclined to deprecate. It might in some degree augment the influence of wealth by simplifying the process of bribery at borough elections; but it would also strengthen the influence of hereditary rank and landed property. On the whole, it would leave the House of Commons pretty much what it is. As a thoroughgoing Reformer phrased it some sixty years since, " the milk " throws up the cream." The Ballot can only degrade the representation by gradually debasing the constituencies; and were we as indifferent to its had effects on national cha racter as we are fearless of its influence as a party measure, we would waste no word upon it, but leave its advocates to a short triumph and a long disappointment. But before we proceed to discuss the question of secret voting on its proper moral and political grounds, there are one or two preliminary topics to he shortly disposed of. In the first place, the general testimony of history is against it. It has not generally taken root and thriven in the same soil with constitutional liberty. The Greek and Roman republics, for instance, alike rejected it for legislative and, with un important exceptions, for elective purposes And, if we wish to test its value as part of their judicial system, we need only refer to the terms in which it is spoken of by ARISTO MURES and JuvzsAr.--men far before their age in moral and political wisdom—to see with what utter contempt the whole machinery of the ballot-box was regarded by honest and en- lightened minds. In the second place, it is alien to our English customs, not only in the election of Members of Parliament, but in other less momentous matters. If a society wish to elect their presi dent, they vote openly. If Mr. WESTERTON and Lord J. RUSSELL want to fight Mr. LIDDELL in pitched vestry, they demand not a ballot, but a poll. Publicity is the general rule, subject to the action of which Englishmen practise the art of self-government ; and our opponents cannot deny that on the whole it has worked well. There is, however, an exception on which the Ballotmonger lays great stress, as existing in an institution peculiarly English —we mean, the admission into our clubs by a secret vote. Yet, in truth, logically viewed, this exception makes rather for than against us. The member of a club, in giving his vote, does not profess to be fulfilling a trust. He is simply consult ing his own ease and enjoyment, and acting on grounds which he could not profess with out sowing discord and offence broadcast. A candidate for a club is blackballed because he is noisy, or touchy, or fanciful—because he is a coarse feeder, or a bad whist-player, or simply a bore. It is necessary for the peace of society—which forbids adding affront to dis appointment—that such objections should be enforced by a secret process. But as soon as a question of real moral responsibility arises, as when some member of a club is charged with disgraceful and ungentlemanly conduct, the process changes with the occasion. A committee of members is appointed, and they inquire and discuss and report openly. We re peat, the exception, if traced to its cause, lends no support to the views of the agitators who quote it so exultingly. The truth is, the real question turns on the fundamental ideas of trust and responsibility, and their relations to each other ; and it is upon this ground that we propose to treat it in a future number. Press of matter compels us to dismiss the subject for to-day, with a friendly hint to Messrs. BERKELEY and Co. not to be too eager in urging the adoption of their great specific. Success, were it possible, would deprive them of their favourite war cry in conflict—their most plausible excuse in defeat. Better to leave it, as a " Yarrow unvisited " in the region of politics a vague ideal to be cherished by their imaginative disciples. DEAN MILMAN'S LETTER. ST. Paul's Cathedral has been productive of men given to polite letter-writing. PETER PLIMLEY is gone, but Dean MILMAN lives. Like those young ladies who are said to have narrowly escaped being beautiful, so Dean MI MAN narrowly escaped being a poet. He has all the poetry of sentiment, without the fire stolen from Jove to render his characters living and real things. The Dean deals in statues, not in men. Nevertheless, he is a man of refined taste, elegant scholarship, nice discrimination; and if he never startles, he certainly never offends. When Dr. MumAN breaks silence, and comes forth with a letter to this Bishop of LONDON regarding St. Paul's Cathedral, every one interested in architecture and art is certain to give a respectful hearing to whatever he may have to say. We naturally expect the cultivated taste which the Dean undoubtedly possesses to shine brilliantly on such an occa sion, warmed by such a theme. It is to be lamented that ecclesiastics in this age are commonly, almost universally, " too late." The people's Express-train has started when the parsons, out of breath from a race against time, find themselves at the ter minus which the " profanumvulgus " have left behind. We fear Dr. MiLbiAN is one of the same sort. All he has to say about St. Paul's, and popular services, with decorations as addenda, is very tasteful and elegant, and more or less true ; but unfortunately it comes out a year too late! The Dean has been with the seven sleepers of Ephesus; and having awakened, fancies the City is now where he left it, and that this present is 1857 instead of 1858. This is a mis take. Consequently the letter of the Dean to the Bishop of LONDON, which, had it been written a year ago, would have taken the town by storm, and given Dr. MILMAN a very de served popularity, at the present moment is threatened with suffocation at.the birth. With Mr. LAZARD'S permission, we would borrow his well-worn specoh, giving it a new facing, and request to have " the right word at " the right time." Had St. Paul's Cathedral been opened last year, when there was a furore for special services, we should have been spared the unseemly disputes which have arisen regarding Exeter-hall. Had the Dean then advocated the opening of his Cathedral church for popular services, he would have travelled express with the people. But it has taken Dr. Ivlimabi exactly twelve months to awake to the conviction that Cathedrals might be used us well as looked at ; and at the very moment when he is ready to begin work in the matter, the general public are growing a little tired. In fact, the truth had better be spoken; and let us confess at once that the novelty is worn out. We have no doubt that in a very short time the services at Westminster will subside into very ordinary congregations; and this has always been our feeling on the matter. The services were a momentary enthusiasm—a new religious toy; but not a Cued principle,lnor in any way supplying the