The Press. — London, England, 1857-02-28 00:00:00

THE WEEK. BY the influence of the Emperor of the FRENCH the negotiations between FERoUK KHAN and Lord COWLEY, which last week threatened to be abruptly terminated, have at length been reduced to a practical basis, upon which it is possible a Treaty of Peace will be negotiated. Whether that Treaty will be ratified at Teheran is more than probable. We haveyet to learn the exact stipulations of the Treaty which is reported to agree upon the mutual evacuation of Bushire and surrender of Herat ; British Consuls at the same time to be installed at Teheran, Bushire, and other towns on the coast, with a coaling station at Karrack. It is much to be desired that the position of Herat, and the exact boundaries of the Affghan and Persian frontiers, should at this opportunity be distinctly defined, so that all misundersta►►dings for the future upon these points may be obviated. In the presence of these diplomatic efforts for the restoration of Peace between the two countries, and the assurance of a satisfactory solution of the questions in dispute, it is worthy of note that our Indian preparations for a per manent occupation of Bushire and Karrack continue, that stores and building materials are still shipped from Bombay, and that powerful reinforcements arc at this moment landing at Bushire. Moreover, we learn by telegraph that the head-quarters of the British army have been advanced to Bussorah, and that active operations against the Persian forces in the ne ighbourhood were contemplated upon the arrival on the scene of operations of the Commander-in-Chief, Sir JAMES OUTRAN. By these movements, undertaken only upon instruc tions from home, it would not appear that the re-embarkation of the troops was regarded at Bombay to be so imminent as the assurances here of a pacific termination of the existing differences would lead us to believe. The intelligence from China is important. Tho situation of affairs was, by the latest dates, becoming more complicated. The passive resistance of the Chinese has given place to vigorous offensive measures. The attack of Admiral SEYMOUR had excited the patriotism of the people ; the rebel fleet at Whampoa had joined the Imperialists, and their combined squadrons of war junks had attacked the British squadron. They were repulsed as a matter of course, but they retired in good order. Sir MICHAEL SEYMOUR, in retaliation, had landed the seamen and marines of his squadron under cover of the ships' guns, and burned the suburbs of Canton. These deplorable successes will lead to a protracted war. By such barbarous acts of aggression we can only excite the hatred and detestation of the Chinese, incur the just opprobrium of all civilised powers, and ruin the trade and commerce of Canton. Sir ;Tons Bowntso has esteemed the gratifica tion of a stupid and chimerical whim before the honour, the interests, or the dignity of his country ; and by an overweening desire to instil into the minds of the Chinese what is rooted into his own—namely, a very high opinion of himself, and a very mean opinion of them—has betrayed us into the most impolitic measures, and reduced us to the absurd alternative of either undertaking a costly offensive war, upon a point in which we had no business to meddle, or of deliberately dis avowing the acts of Sir MICHAEL SEYMOUR and Sir Join.; BOWRING, and patching up a peace upon terms which might place the European inte rests upon a most precarious and unsatisfactory footing. The relations between Austria and Sardinia continue very unsa tisfactory. Count PAAR has arrived at Turin on a special mission, bearing peremptory demands from the Cabinet of Vienna for redress of certain stated grievances. The principal grievance, we believe, refers to the repeated attacks upon Austria by the Sardinian press. The late revelations made by Mr. DISRAELI concerning the secret treaty have created a profound sensation in Turin, as showing that Sardinia has nothing to hope from the Western Powers in her differ ences with Austria. The announcement by Mr. DISRAELI of the existence of the secret treaty between France and Austria, guaranteeing to Austria the secu rity of her Lombardo-Venetian provinces, has excited very general attention throughout Europe. The subtle denials and the painful admissions this statement drew from the head of her Majesty's Government have not been without their effect. A tardy article in the Constitutionne/, without doubting Mr. DISRAELI'S facts, labours to show that the treaty never was or ever could be effective, upon the ground that France expressly stipulated for a declaration of war against Russia by Austria. We respect the political influences at Paris; but we positively assert that no such stipulation was contained in the treaty. The Independance Beige, usually one of the best informed journals in Europe, we are glad to see partially corrects the error in statement of the Constitutionnel This convention (remarks the indeprndanee) had for object to tranquillise Austria as to the fate of her Italian possessions ; but the engagements entered into to that effect by Frmice had not as a Rine qua non condition that Austria should unite her forces with the Western Powers against Russia. If disturbances had broken out in the peninsula during the war, and Austria had not marched a single man against the common enemy of the Weitern Powers,we think that in virtue of the stipulations signed at Vienna on the '22nd December. Austria would hare had a right to claim the suppurt of the French arms to r•- establish order and maintain her authority in Italy, if that Rapport had been necessary. That rip,ht Austria unquestionably possesses to this day. This secret treaty still exists. It is but one phase of the policy of Lord I C tI.NIERSToN in Italy. The history of the negotiations with Sardinia at the same. period has yet to be written. SATURDAY; The debates this week comprise discussions on important prac tical subjects as well as upon the great questions of the Budget and our Foreign Policy. On Monday night, in the House of Lords, the LORD CHANCELLOR moved the second reading of the Probates and Letters of Administration Bill. His second speech does not seem to have erased the bad impression created by his first. Lord Sr. LEONARDS objected to his perpetual changes of opinion, and all tha Law Lords together to his plan of increasing the jurisdiction of the Court of Chancery. In the House of Commons the debate upon the Budget terminated in a majority of eighty for the Government—an event the causes of which we have discussed in another portion of our columns. It is worthy of note that Lord JOHN RUSSELL, who came to the aid of the Government, expressly admitted the accuracy of Mr: DISRAELI'S calculation of a deficit of five millions in the ensuing year. On Tuesday evening, in the House of Lords, Lord DERBY introduced his resolutions on the China question. It will be long ere Lord PALmEasrox's Government recovers from the effects of an encounter in which all fact and ail argument was on the side of their opponents. Our Liberal contemporaries have frankly acknowledged as much. But the mystery is,—What could have driven Sir JOHN BOWRING, who is well known as a peaceable diplomatist, into such extravagances? Can it have been instructions from home? On the same evening, in the House of Commons, Sir J. WALmsLxv brought forward his motion for inquiring into the exist ing inequalities in our representative system, and for extending to the unenfranchised that share of political power to which they might be entitled. Of a proposal so decidedly negatived, we need not say much; but we may observe, that at this moment by far the greatest sufferers from electoral inequalities are the Conservatives. On Thursday night, before the debate upon China was resumed, Lord CAMPBELL moved for a select committee to inquire whether the report of what takes place in Parliament or at public meetings should be placed on the same privileged footing as reports of proceedings in a court of law. We perfectly agree with Lord CAMPBELL, that some re strictions on the freedom of publication must still be maintained. The old Romans knew that there was no species of injustice so diffi cult to grapple with, or the impression of which it was so difficult to efface, as invidia. This is only kept down by a tolerably strict law of libel; and those who would study its effects where it is freed from such restraint will find abundant information in the history of the Ciceronian and Augustan eras The debate on China was again ad journed after a vigorous and telling speech from Mr. WHITESIDE. The feeling of the House is so far in favour of the motion that the alarm of the Government is apparent. The result of the debate cannot ho but most damaging to Lord PALM ERSTON'S present ricketty position. The result of the Colchester election is not surprising to any one acquainted with the neighbourhood. Mr. REBow had considerable local influence, which was not a little increased by the steady circu lation of a report that he had been mainly instrumental in the establishment of the camp near that town, from which its inhabitants doubtless derive great and various benefit. All the young women to whom the camp would be a perfect godsend, would persuade their parents and guardians, perhaps their husbands and sweethearts, to vote for the author of such a delightful measure ; and if the artful Mr. REBow had any previous intention of standing for the borough, the device must be admitted to carry off the palm from the green parasols of Pickwickian celebrity. In addition to these advantages, Government was not behindhand in exerting its utmost influence in favour of the Liberal candidate ; and of the manner in which that influence is exercised let the electors of Southampton tell, for they know best. Some striking personal incidents have occurred in Parliament within the last few days. The expulsion of JAMES SADLEI a was moved on Monday the loth instant; and on last Monday Mr. HUMPHREY BROWN, M.P. for Tewkesbury, received a piece of plate from 1,013 of his constituents, and was entertained at a banquet, to which seventy persons sat down. Just about the time when NE'. HUMPHREY BROWN was dressing for dinner, Mr. HAYTER was informing the House of Commons that Mr. JOHN M'Crarooa had accepted the office of Steward of the Chiltern Hundreds; and a new writ was moved for Glasgow ,midst " cheers." Of the dinner to Mr. BROWN we have seen only a brief and guarded report. The speech of the " Hon. Gantleman " contained one most remarkable statement. lie said—" Though he " had never given a party vote in the House of Commons,he was much " respected there ; and to prove that such was the case, it was only " necessary for him to relate a circumstance which had occurred "ye? y lately. When a dissolution was expected, a member of her Majesty's " Government met him, and said to BROWN, you have never " been of our party, but I like your honesty of purpose and impar " tiality; awl if you Joint a qualification, I trill give you one with great " pleasure.'" If this had been stated in Parliament, we surmise that many members from both sides of the House would have cried, " Name, name." It is certainly " surprising, if true." What rare disinterestedness on the part of one of her Majesty's Ministers ! It occurred also " very lately,"—since the publication of those reports which are not unconnected with the acceptance of the Chiltern Hundreds by the late Member for Glasgow. It was an odd coin cidence in time that on the same Monday, and about the same hour, " cheers " should have been given by Parliament at Mr. M'CraEooa's withdrawal from the House of Commons, while " seventy " persons were giving three" cheers " to Mr. HUMPHREY BROWN on his acceptance cf a piece of plate. THE PRESS. 204