The Press. — London, England, 1857-03-07 00:00:00

220 and fearlessly. There is something of the spirit of ancient chivalry in this voluntary voting—men entering the lists without com pulsion or even solicitation—the unfurling of the Conservative standard being enough to rally the good men and true in defence of their patriotic principles. THE VOTE OF THE BISHOPS. OF the many noticeable facts connected with the late dcbates:onChina, perhaps none is more remarkable than the silent vote given in favour of the Government by no less than eighteen of the Spiritual Peers of Parliament. We must deplore this action on the part of the prelates in question, not only on political grounds, but because we arc convinced that the Church itself cannot fail to suffer to sonic extent in public estimation from the unbecoin_ ing attitude taken by its great dignitaries. The Lord Primate may have persuaded him self that gratitude to the party which raised him so unexpectedly to his high po,lition, and has since given him so many congenial suffra gans of his own peculiar views, ought to have greater weight in determining his line of con duct than the dictates of humanity or the precepts of religion. But the working clergy and right-thinking laity of his province will hardly hold hint justified in this course. The most singular feature in the vote of the Government bishops is, that not one of the eighteen felt called upon to support his opinion by a speech. Was this from some lingering feeling of compunction ? Did they compromise with the Premier, and say, " Our votes are at your service ; but " even we cannot be guilty of the indocen3y " of raising up our voices on behalf of rapine " and murder '? We have heard, on good authority, that when Dr. THIRLIVALL was appointed to the See of St. David's, an ex-Lord Chancellor pro mised Lord MELBOURNE that the new bishop should never vote against the Whigs, though he could not pledge him to vote for them when he disapproved of their proceedings. What inference is to be drawn from his absence from the division the other night? That while not less grateful to his patrons, he was somewhat more consistent to his charac ter as a Christian teaoher, than his more Evan• gelical brethren of the Bench ? Let us hope so. But why did not another eminent eccle siastic attend in his place to deprecate a policy which it is impossible that he should not have condemned in his heart? We do not allude to the Bishop of liapoN. But Dr. JACKSON, of Lincoln, has hitherto borne a high character for honesty and piety. We are loth to believe that he was absent out of courteous compliance to the wishes of the Premier. It has long been a kind of maxim with the Episcopal Bench not to interfere in general polities, but to support the Government of the day on all questions where the Church was not specially concernel As a general rule, we do not disapprove of this course of con duct. But there arc occasions on which it behoves the Spiritual Peers to be mindful of their high office, and to remember that when the interests of humanity are at stake, and the honour of the Christian faith is imperilled, they are no longer mere assessors of the Minister of the day, but the bearers of a Divine mes sage, and the witnesses to a creed of mercy. That it is then their office boldly to rebuke those to whom they may on ordinary ques tions behave with deference, and to beware of nothing so much as affording any pretence for people to say that the Anglican hierarchy has abdicated its lofty functions, and grown care less of its sacred origin. OPINION IN IRELAND. DUBLIN, Thursday. THE news of the defeat of the Government s% as received here with the liveliest sensations of gratification. The result was not unexpected, but the anticipated defalcation of several members of the Conservative party created a feeling of doubt and mistrust. THE PRESS. There are one or two points to be noted in connection with this most important event. It is perfectly clear that, on the Budget, the disciples of the Bentinck and Randal school saved the Government. It is equally plain that, had they been powerful enough, they would have also averted from it this last catastrophe in its career of disgrace and humi liation. How, then, is this political problem to be explained? What is its legitimate solution ? Lord Palmerston's popularity with these personages is founded, it is understood, upon his supposed attachment to Protestant principles. Now, to he Protestant in an essentially Protes tant country requires little boldness, and demands no sacrifice. The Fremier, then, presuming, for the sake of argument, but by no means admitting, that his recent ecclesias tical appointments are a guarantee of loyalty to Protestantism, has a somewhat dubious and equivocal claim upon the votes he has lately secured. But, after all, what is the field in which the antagonist forces of Protestantism and Popery are really at issue? It is Ireland—lreland, which suffers under the domination of a priest hood, in whose wisdom, patriotism, and virtue, notwithstanding, Lord Palmerston has just avowed the fullest and most affectionate con fidence ! The Irish Protestants, therefore, are not beguiled by the noble viscount. It would be strange if they were. They know full well that his Administration has steadily fostered the Romish element in this country. In the exercise of its patronage it has accorded to it a servile, uniform, and sycophantic allegiance. The Conservatives of Ireland regard the present Cabinet as the enemy of the National Church. That is the true, the only test in the controversy. Ireland has no faith in a Minister who plays fast and loose with great principles; and if he had made fifty Evan gelical bishops all Conservatives, instead of four all Whigs. its distrust would remain undiminished ! The proof of this is at hand. One Irish Conservative only supported Minis ters on Tuesday night, and when it is ob• served that that one was Mr. Isaac Butt, the general force of the argument would appear to be greatly increased. All the independent Irish Roman Catholics supported Mr. Cobdeu's resolutions; and, although Lord Palmerston has done much more for them in Ireland than he ever did or will dr) for Protestantism in England, they man fully joined their Conservative brethren in a solemn and indignant protest against the hideous barbarities perpetrated at Canton under the sanction of British authority. The contest in Londonderry will result in the return of the Conservative, Mr. Clarke. The war in Tipperary waxes hot and furious, but it is almost devoid of interest. Whether Mr. Waldron or the O'Donoghue is successful matters little. Sartign darrrsgon4tutc. BRUSSELS, March 4. DIPLomATic affairs cannot be said to present an aspect of amity according to the proper acceptation of the term, unless dissension and interference are held to be harbingers of happier times. To use livelier and not inappropriate language, the events to come off are as follow—Prussia against Neuf chatel, Austria against Piedmont, England against Naples, England against China, Denmark against Germany, and Spain against Mexico. Such a list would surely satisfy the greediest for contests of this kind. M. de Bacharacht, the Russian Consul• General at Brussels, has been promoted to the rank of a Coun cillor of State of the first grade, and appointed to the same consular office at Corfu. The talent of M. de Bacharacht, which is of a high order, practical and official, will have a wider scope of action in superin tending the increasing trade of Russia in the Levant, and developing national resources in fresh channels of commercial enterprise. His extreme urbanity towards the English even when the war was at its height, with the general liberality of his opinions and desire for a cordial understanding between the two countries, are evidence of the just sentiments with which Russia has learnt to regard her former foes. And this leaning towards English interests is the SATURDAY, more to he appreciated from the favour with which M. de Bacharacht is regarded by the present Emperor. In the Danubian principalities, the Austrian com mander has given official notice that the troops will commence their march to the frontier in the second week of this month, and that the entire army is to evacuate the provinces before the 30th. For the present they are to be stationed on the frontier, waiting events. Intelligence having been communi cated that the Russians had receded from the parts of the country given up to Moldavia, a military divi sion formed in the square of Jassy under the com mand of Colonel Schwiffy, and marched out of the town with the band at their head playing the na tional air. On the 20th, 21st, and 23rd of February the national troops took possession of Bolgrad, Reni, and Ismail. The budget for the year 1856 shows the revenue to be 25,399,003 piastres and the expen diture 22,655.731 piastres, leaving a surplus over ex penditure of 2,743,731 piastres ; but the expenses of the Austrian occupation and the disbursements for the Turkish troops nearly double this surplusage, and leave a considerable deficiency. It was not pru dent to tell the truth on the eve of popular election. The boyards of the first class, to the number of thirty or forty, have petitioned the Porte against the present constitution of the Divan, which abrogates their especial privileges, and places them on a par with the second class. As this second class possesses even more property than the first, is equal in intel ligence, and held perhaps in higher estimation, no just ground can be alleged for an alteration. The motive is plain, for it is well known that the boyards of the first class are one and all accessible to Aus trian influences against the union of the provinces. Foreign journals of all nations that treat of Danubian affairs are rigidly excluded from the country; letters are carefully examined, and the authors of such as contain political news are incarcerated and treated with great cruelty. In fact the Kaimakan Ghika, under Anglo-Austrian protection, is exercising a perfect despotism, in order to pack the country be fore the elections for the Divan. And this is done in defiance of the Treaty of Paris. Theodore Balschi, the Kaimakan of Moldavia, died on the Ist of March. He was an old man, and only accepted office at the urgent solicitation of the Divan. It is supposed that until the organisation of the Princi palities the local Government will be carried on by a provisional council, and that no successor will be appointed. The Imperial ordonnance conferring the Vice royalty of Lombardy upon the Archduke Maximilian is completed. Nevertheless,'the differences of opinion between the Archduke and MM. de Buol and Bach continue. The new Viceroy determined to surround himself with Italian councillors, amongst others, MM. Gori, Decio, Val►narina, Guicuardt, &c., names that would have conveyed certain popularity upon an Administration. Such nomina tions were not in accordance w►th the Vienna pro gramme, 4od the proposition has been 4iscounte nanced but not defeated. It has been objected also by the Archduke, that General Count Giulay, having the command of five divisions of the army, in the Tyrol, at Ancona, Isonza, and Tessino, should be made his military "ad laws" at Milan. The Count represents the system that, by its ii on severity, has brought the Austrian occupation into disrepute, and the Archduke is naturally disinclined to commence his government under so unfair a pressure of dis• favour. He has proposed that General Count Stadion should remain with him at Milan, and that the head-quarters of General Giulay should be re moved to Verona. The reception given to the Grand Duke Constan tine of Russia at Turin by king and people has been most flattering ; arriving also immediately after the publication of the diplomatic correspondence betwixt M. de I3uol and M. de Cavour, the effect was still more fortunate. It cannot be denied that the com plaint of M. de Buol was forcibly and stringently put forward, based as it was upon palpable fact. The error he committed was in suppressing the cause that led to the grievance of which he demanded redress; and this omission, the gist of the whole, was supplied by M. de Cavour, in one of the most able, calm, yet bitter replies that everlproceeded from the. pen of a diplomatist. M. de Cavour communicated his answer to the Austrian note, to the Governments of Russia, France, and England. From the first he has received assurances of sympathy, from the second promises of support, and from the third an expression of dissent from the views of Austria in Italy,—and of an earnest desire to maintain intimate relations with Sardinia, " malgre les menagemens que d'autres questions pendantes lui imposent envers l'Autriche." That is to say in simple parlance that other and mightier considerations than the Italian question bind England to Austria under a Whig Government. This uncandid answer has embittered still more the angry feeling that was rankling throughout Pied mont at the disclosures of the Tripartite Treaty, divulged through the instrumentality of Mr. Disraeli.' C. A. H. 4 - .1 ,