The Press. — London, England, 1858-04-17 00:00:00

PRESS, APRIL 17, 1858. THE RIVAL BILLS AND THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. WE may congratulate our readers on the effective progress that has been made in the right direction on the subject of legislation for India. Her Majesty's Ministers and the House of Commons are of one mind that the better way is to follow the precedent of 1813, and to proceed by preliminary resolutions, which can be submitted to both Houses of Parliament. It was known during the recess in Ministerial circles that there was a strong opinion in in fluential quarters that proceeding by resolu tions would save time, and conduce to the efficacy of a legislative measure to be sub sequently introduced. But as Ministers had introduced Bill No. 2 on India, it was obvious that the Cabinet could not go to the House of Commons, and then suggest another course of action. Let the whole conduct of the Cabinet be fairly considered on this point, and it will be seen that it acted in perfect good faith towards Parliament, and with great discretion. The subject requires special notice, and we shall place before our readers some views on it which will help them to a sound understanding of the course followed by the Government. It might have been anticipated, when Lord DERBY was unexpectedly called to assume the Government, that the new Cabinet should be prepared to introduce a counter-project to the scheme of Lord PALMERSTON. For if the Ministers, on entering office, had proposed to proceed by resolutions, the cry then would have been—" Oh ! the Cabinet has no views of " its own. It throws the whole subject on the " House." A moment's consideration will show that it would have been most impolitic if Lord DERBY had in the first instance pro posed to follow the precedent of 1813. It would also have been equally unwise if, having brought in a Bill (No. 2), the Noble Earl had then altered his plan, and had proposed that another course should be fol lowed. It must be at once obvious that it was more judicious for the Cabinet to let such a proposal come from the House of Commons. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER put this view very plainly (as we thought) before the House on Monday, though factious oppo sitionists purposely misconstrued his words. " Having introduced a Bill (No. 2) into this " House, I should have now felt great difficulty " in asking the House to consider resolutions "on the same subject." Precisely so; but that difficulty is now removed by the proposal coming spontaneously from the House itself. That proceeding by resolutions in a Com mittee of the whole House is the better plan can, we think, be shown on a consideration of the facts. On domestic questions the colli sions of "party" can do little damage, because such subjects are familiarly understood by the whole country. But the whole question of India is strange and complicated. In a legis lative scheme for the future government of our Oriental empire there are a vast number of claims to be considered. Parliament will have to take into account the rights of the Crown, and the proper means for securing and per petuating those rights ; Indian progress and the social improvement of the whole com munity cannot be overlooked; some parties, also, will pertinaciously insist that a certain amount of feeling ought to be entertained for the East India Company, with its claim of prescription (though its tenure was only on periodical renewals) ; and all parties will equally desire that the working of any new scheme should be made to harmonize as much as possible with the official action of the Home Executive, so as to secure vigorous rule, combined with direct responsibility. So great a subject requires to be carefully sounded; and the feelings of the community at large should be consulted and represented as far as possible, in order to obtain the national appro bation for the new measure. And to such times as the present the precedent of 1813 is clearly applicable. The circumstances of the two periods are not so very dissimilar. Then, as now, foreign affairs were critical. If in 1813 there was a Euro pean war, in 1858 we have had to suppress a gigantic mutiny. Then, as now, the political world was divided into many sections. In 1813 the House of Commons was broken up into Tories opposed to Catholic claims and Tories favourable to " emancipation," Court Whigs, Grenvillites, New Whigs, " Econo mists," and the " Irish members," who (lid not blend easily with English parties on account of the recent Act of Union. In 1858 we have -"" t. Faction, however, will not be silent, and Lord PALMERSTON'S followers in the public press get up a hue and cry after the Minis terial Bill. They assume that it is lost and to be withdrawn, and they affect an air of triumph on the occasion. They are completely mistaken on the subject, and it is obviously one on which they can have very little know ledge. They seem not to read the reports of what passed in Parliament. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said emphatically on Mon day—" It certainly never entered into my ima " gination to give up the bill which I had the " honour of introducing . . . . and I have " a lively conviction that we shall carry the bill "by a considerable majority, modified no " doubt by the criticisms brought out in die " mission." One would think that such lan guage was plain enough, but faction panting for office can be wilfully blind, and can even rush into open absurdity in its rancour. The notion is utterly erroneous that Bill No. 2 is withdrawn. The House of Com mons has never given a vote on it yet, or at all intimated how it might deal with the Government measure. Lord Patin:lissom, speaking on the subject of India, does not seem to command the ear of the House, for i$ is well known that the Noble Viscount has never given much attention to Indian subjects. On Monday, when the Noble Lord impugned the proposal of proceeding by resolutions, it was noticed how coldly his suggestions and criticism fell upon his hearers. It is recol lected, also, that legislation is not the faculty of the Noble Viscount. His own measure is now forgotten and laid aside, and no one can tell with the least degree of certainty whether Bill No. 1 or No. 2 would command most votes in the House. The fact that Mr. BRIGHT and Mr. Rozsucx preferred Lord PALMERSTON'S measure will not necessarily settle the point; and after the abuse so constantly showered by Palmerstonian journals on Mr. BRIGHT, it is most amusing to observe how eagerly they site the opinion of the Honourable Gentleman. As for the insinuation of the Times of Wed nesday, that there was any " intrigue " between the Cabinet and Lord JOHN RUSSELL, the thing is absurd. Lord JOHN RussELL saw that there was a rising feeling in Parliament in favour of resolutions, and the Noble Lord dexterously sought to seize the initiative, and by doing so, without intending it, the Noble Lord did what was not illtitned. The Daily News speaks of " Lord PALMERSTON'S desperate subordinates," and the articles in the Times betray their authorship. Lord PALMERSTON has amongst his followers a certain " apostate Peelite," who was introduced into Parliament by Peelite influence, but who "ratted " to the Whigs in the most unblushing manner, and whose sudden rise in life has been the subject of mysterious comment amongst colonial persons. A failure in debate, this ex-follower of Lord ABERDEEN is active in employing anonymous type to aid his fallen reputation, and his blunders in journalism are almost equal to those which have lost him credit " on his 1 egs " in the House of Commons. But the Times must always have somebody to attack. For prise Wu, u.......... ~• ups, caLs.a ..1..) .4 ./../LA%dr.s,A.ves pacptuvu iu nlirollUCe a Counter-project to the Lona! cliques, weakened power, were features t of the EXCHEQUER may have as much as he scheme of Lord PALMERSTON. For if the of 1813, and some of them can be recognised likes on holding up his finger on as good Ministers, on entering office, had proposed to in 1858 In 8 9 I_l-, when Mr. PERCEVAL was • terms probably as a Government has ever assassinated, it was thought that the junction proceed by resolutions, the cry then would , borrowed upon. We may regret that any- between Lords GREY and GRENVILLE made thing should interfere with the arrangements have been—" Oh ! the Cabinet has no views of them almost supreme. In 1857 Lord PALMIRS• made by Parliament for the redemption of " its own. It throws the whole subject on the TON had his "immense majority." But where debt, and we may admit that it is desir- . House." A moment's consideration w ill is it in 1858? It is where th e di c t a t ors hi p o f able that we should proceed, as was originally GREY and GRENVILLE was in 1813—gone. Can . show that it would have been most impolitic proposed, annually with its progressive liqui-any one examining the two periods doubt dation ; but if that can only he effected by im- if Lord DERBY had in the first instance pro- about the applicability of the precedent of posing at a most untoward moment severe posed to follow the precedent of 1813. It 1813 ? financial pressure upon the people, upon would also have been equally unwise if, Faction, however, will not be silent, and trade and upon labour; and if, moreover, it . having brought in a Bill (No. 2), the Noble Lord PALMERSTON'S followers in the blic happens that concurrently with uneasiness in press get up a hue and cry after the Minis- theEarl had then altered his plan, and had commercial world there exists unusual terial Bill. They assume that it is lost and eas iness amounting to plethora in the mone- proposed that a no th er course s h ou ld b e f o l- to be withdrawn, and they affect an air of tary world, no financial Minister of common lowed. It must be at once obvious that it was triumph on the occasion. They are completely sense would hesitate, we imagine, which course more judicious for the Cabinet to let such a mistaken on the subject, and it is obviou s ly to take; or would turn from the simple and easy one on which they can have very little know- ro D posal come from the House of Commons. mode of meeting his difficulties, to the corn- • ledge. They seem not to read the reports of plicated and oppressive one, for the sake of The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER put this what passed in Parliament. The CHANCELLOR preserving intact the symmetry of a financial view very plainly (as we thought) before the of the EXCHEQUER said emphatically on Mon- scheme of some former year. The Exchequer House on Monday, though factious oppo- day—" It certainly never entered into my ima- Bonds of Mr. GLADSTONE, and the payments sitionists p u rpose l y misconstrued his words. " gination to give up the bill which I had the out of the Sinking Fund on account of the war " honour of introducing . . . . and I have loans, fall due in the same years, and present "Having introduced a Bill (N o . 2) i n t o this a lively conviction that we shall carry the bill for 1858, 1859, and 1860 a heavy accumulation " House, I should have now felt great difficulty "by a considerable majority, modified no . of redemption. Now, surely it would be a "in asking the House to consider resolutions " doubt by the criticisms brought out in die- perfectly legitimate operation to postpone the aon the same subject." Precisely so; but " mission." One would think that such lan- • Sinking Fund for three years, so that it shall . guage was plain enough, but faction panting that difficulty is now removed by the proposal , not be operative till the revenue gets the ad- for office can be wilfully blind, and can even vantage of the termination of the Long coming spontaneously from the House itself. rush into open absurdity in its rancour. Annuities, and to raise by loan a sum suffi- That proceeding by resolutions in a Coin- The notion is utterly erroneous that Bill cient to pay off the Exchequer Bonds, and No. 2is withdrawn. The House of Com- , mittee of the whole House is the better plan provide for the extraordinary expenditure mons has never given a vote on it yet, or at I can, we think, be shown on a consideration of 1 4 occasioned by the late exceptional events. all intimated how it might deal with the This seems to us an obvious and legitimate the facts. On domestic questions the colli- Government measure. Lord Pautzesrox, arrangement; nor can we see that it is in any sions of "party" can do little damage, because speaking on the subject of India, does not way inconsistent with the principles estab- such subjects are familiarly understood by the seem to command the ear of the H ouse ,' for i$ lished by the soundest financiers. i s we ll known that the Noble V iscount has country. But the whole questi on o f The country expects with great anxiety the w h o l e never given much attention to Indian subjects. statement of the Finance Minister. The ex- India is strange and complicated. In a legis- On Monday, when the Noble Lord impugned perience and the discussions of the last few lative scheme for the future government of our the proposal of proceeding by resolutions, it years have added much to the financial know- Oriental empire there are a vast number of was noticed how coldly his suggestions and ledge of the public, and they now fully recog 1 . criticism fell upon his hearers. It is recol- c aims to be considered. Parliament will have nise the truth that a Budget is not a proper • lected, also, that legislation is not the faculty subject for the exercise of vivid imagination to take into account the rights of the Crown, of the Noble Viscount. His own measure is or fertile genius, and that the financial and the proper means for securing and per- now forgotten and laid aside, and no one can arrangements which are most acceptable to petuating those rights ; Indian progress and tell with the least degree of certainty whether public feeling and most easily workable for Bill No. 1 or No. 2 would command most votes the social imp ro vemen t of the whole com- the public good, are those which are the most munity cannot be over l oo k e d ; some parties, simple and the least dependent upon esti.Mr. ROEBUCK preferred Lord PALMERSTON'S also, will pertinaciously insist that a certain le mates of the future course of events. Mr. measure still not necessarily settle the point; ought t o b e enterta i ned for DISRAELI is a man of sound sense as we ll as amount of fee li ng and after the abuse so constantly showered f' with its claim of Company, of genius, and we f ee l sure t h at t h e l esson the East In di a by Palmerstonian journals on Mr. BRIGHT, it prescription (though its tenure was only on which may he learnt f rom th e brilliant finan- is most amusing to observe how eagerly they all and l part i es will Periodical renew a l s) cial failures of his suc cessor w ill b e found psite the opinion of the Honourable Gentleman. ll equay d es i re that the working of any new not to have be en l os t u p on him.As for the insinuation of the Times of Wed- scheme should be made to harmonize as neaday, that there was any " intrigue " between much as possible with the official action of the the Cabinet and Lord Jour; RUSSELL, the thing THE RIVAL BILLS AND THE HOUSE Home Executive, so as to secure vigorous is absurd. Lord JOHN RUSSELL sav/that there OF COMMONS. rule, combined with direct responsibility. So was a rising feeling in Parliament in favour of great a subject reuires to be car e f u ll y soun d e d ; qeuy WE may congratulate our rea d ers on theresolutions, and the Noble Lord dexterously and the feelings of the community at large effective progress that has been made in the sought to seize the initiative, and by d o i ng so, should be consulted and represented as far as without intending it, the Noble Lord did what right direction on the subject of legislation for possible, in order to obtain the national appro. was not illtimed. The Daily News speaks of India. Her Majesty's Ministers and the House bation for the new measure. "Lord PALMERSTON'S desperate subordinates," of Commons are of one mind that the better And to such times as the present the and the articles in the Times betray their way is to f o ll ow t h e precedent of 1813, and to precedent of 1813 is clearly applicable. Th e aut h ors hi p. Lord Pansficasros has amongst circumstances ... of the two periods are . not . so his followers a certain "apostate Peelite," w ho . proceed by preliminary resolutions, which can very dissimilar. T he n, as now, foreign affairs was introduced into Parliament by Peelite be submitted to both Houses of Parliament. were critical. If in 1813 there was a Euro- influence, but who "ratted " to the Whigs in It was known during the recess in Ministerial pean war, in 1858 we have had to suppress a the most unblushing manner, and whose circles that there was a strong opinion in in- gigantic mutiny. Then, as now, the political sudden rise in life has been the subject of fluential quarters that proceeding by resolu- world was divided into many sections. In mysterious comment amongst colonial persons. 1813 the House of Commons was b ro k en up A fa i lure in debate, th i s ex -f ol l ower of Lord tions would save time, and conduce to the into Tories opposed to C a th o li c c l a i ms and ABERDEEN is active in employing anonymous efficacy of a legislative measure to be sub. Tories favourable to " emancipation," Court type to aid his fallen reputation, and his sequently introduced. But as Ministers had Whigs, Grenvillites, New Whigs, " Econo- blunders in journalism are almost equal to introduced Bill No. 2on India, it was obvious mists," and the "Irish members," who (lid not those which have lost him credit "on his 1 egs" that the Cabi ne t could not blend easily with Engli s h p art i es on account i n the House o f C ommons. But the Times go to the House of of the recent Act of Union. In 1858 we have must always have somebody to attack. For i Ilan THE cient to provide the 3,500,0001. which will be required for this object not only in the year 1858-9, but also again in the year following? We think not. The circumstances of the country and of all classes in it are at this moment peculiarly unfavourable for the appli cation of any new modes of taxation. Neither trade nor property could well bear them. But this very state of things in regard to trade and manufactures, which is a stumbling-block to a Chancellor of the Exchequer seeking new revenue, presents indirectly a way out of his difficulties by other means. Money is abun dant among men whose business it is to deal in it as a commodity. Stagnation of enter prise has made it a drug, and the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER may have as much as he likes on holding up his finger on as good terms probably as a Government has ever borrowed upon. We may regret that any thing should interfere with the arrangements made by Parliament for the redemption of debt, and we may admit that it is desir able that we should proceed, as was originally proposed, annually with its progressive liqui dation ; but if that can only he effected by im posing at a most untoward moment severe financial pressure upon the people, upon trade and upon labour; and if, moreover, it happens that concurrently with uneasiness in the commercial world there exists unusual easiness amounting to plethora in the mone tary world, no financial Minister of common sense would hesitate, we imagine, which course to take; or would turn from the simple and easy mode of meeting his difficulties, to the com plicated and oppressive one, for the sake of preserving intact the symmetry of a financial scheme of some former year. The Exchequer Bonds of Mr. GLADSTONE, and the payments out of the Sinking Fund on account of the war loans, fall due in the same years, and present for 1858, 1859, and 1860 a heavy accumulation of redemption. Now, surely it would be a perfectly legitimate operation to postpone the Sinking Fund for three years, so that it shall not be operative till the revenue gets the ad vantage of the termination of the Long Annuities, and to raise by loan a sum suffi cient to pay off the Exchequer Bonds, and provide for the extraordinary expenditure occasioned by the late exceptional events. This seems to us an obvious and legitimate arrangement; nor can we see that it is in any way inconsistent with the principles estab lished by the soundest financiers. The country expects with great anxiety the statement of the Finance Minister. The ex perience and the discussions of the last few years have added much to the financial know ledge of the public, and they now fully recog vise the truth that a Budget is not a proper subject for the exercise of vivid imagination or fertile genius, and that the financial arrangements which are most acceptable to public feeling and most easily workable for the public good, are those which are the most simple and the least dependent upon esti• mates of the future course of events. Mr. DISRAELI is a man of sound sense as well as of genius, and we feel sure that the lesson which may he learnt from the brilliant finan cial failures of his successor will be found not to have been lost upon him. all the sectional politicians enumerated by Lord DERBY in his brilliant speech on taking office. The followers of Sir R. PEEL appa rently wish to play the part taken by " the Grenvilles " in 1813. The Liverpool Ministry had to defer much to the feelings of the House of Commons in 1813. The removal of ancient leaders, the quarrel between CASTLEREAGH and CANNING, the personal jealousies of various politicians in different parts of the House,had for the time deranged Parliamentary action. Recently it was shown in our columns how much the Free-trade section and those who truckled to it submissively had disorganized Parliamentary action. Divided parties, sec tional cliques, weakened power, were features of 1813, and some of them can be recognised in 1858 In 1812, when Mr. PERCEVAL was assassinated, it was thought that the junction between Lords GREY and GRENVILLE made them almost supreme. In 1857 Lord PALMIIILM TON had his "immense majority." But where is it in 1858? It is where the dictatorship of GREY and GRENVILLE was in 1813—gone. Can any one examining the two periods doubt about the applicability of the precedent of 1813 ? 1