The Press. — London, England, 1858-01-23 00:00:00

THE PR I s I Addresses have been forwarded to her Majesty from her Australian subjects deprecating any further deportation of English felons to that continent. The obvious comment upon this proceeding is that the colonists know their own business best, and must be the best judged of the effects of transportation on themselves. At the risk, however, of seeming presumptuous, we would suggest that they may possibly be mistaken. We do not mean to deny that the old system of trans portation was an obstacle to the improvement of regularly formed c ommunities. We will concede th at much for the present, though something must always be allowed for the value of their labour in a newly-formed settlement. But, in fact, nothing is more natural than that the colonists should draw no distinction between different kinds of transportation, and regard every shipload of oonvicts with indis criminating horror. But there can be no doubt that in any future legislation upon this subject the system of classification will be adopted, and such offenders only sent over to the colonies as may be calculated to advance rather than retard their civilisation. Already the principle is acknowledged by the discretion vested in the Home Secretary of determining what sentences of penal servitude shall be carried out by means of transportation. It has been our opinion all along that it would be better to confer this power upon the judges. who could judge of the criminal in his natural state before he had enjoyed an opportunity of practising on the sensibilities of the chaplain and governor. But at all events enough has been done to anticipate some part of the objection, entertained by the colonists, who, if they would make themselves accurately acquainted with the present state of the question in this country, would perhaps see reason to repent of their petition. The message of President BITIHANAN to the Senate of the United States relative to the arrest and release of General WALKER is a better token of that gentleman's abilities than of the peaceable disposition of his Government. He says exactly as much in praise of Commodore PAULDING as can be said consistent with discouraging such conduct in future, and condemns General WALKER'S raid as interferig with a better mode of obtaining the same results. This may seem a harsh interpretation to put upon a document the language of which is so guarded and so thickly sprinkled with generous and just maxims ; but we must confess we have no confidence in any American manifesto which does notexplicitly disavow all sympathy with the Munro doctrine. That doctrine may be right or wrong ; but it is, and will continue to be, the parent of filibusterism. The supporters of WALKER have indeed reason on their side when they quote the aggressions of other countries upon their weaker neighbours as precisely similar in spirit. None can know better than Mr. flocususw himself that WALKER will only be a "Filibuster " as long as he is a faii.ure ; and that. whatever he may think proper to say, the failure is not inevitable. The President wishes to confine his denunciation of such proceedings to the ground of expediency only. They prevent American progress. Thus he is enabled to steer clear of the principles which are involved But Mr. BUCHANAN cannot expect us to believe that he is sincerely of opinion that States are never founded by violence and fraud—that progress is never promoted by cruel or unjust means. This would be to fly in the face of universal history. But it serves Mr. BUCHANAN'S purpose to condemn filibusterism without condemning a generally aggressive policy. What we require is a distinct renunciation of its doctrine. We cannot look so far forward as the peaceful colonisation of the whole Western Continent by one dominant State. Whether they would be for the good or evil of the world we do not undertake to say; but we do say we will not be deluded by a cry which veils a policy of conquest under certain vague professions of impossible patriotism. Nobody believes in the cry of America for the Americans; but they know what it really means—America for the United States. Few persons to whom religion is anything more than a name, and few who possess even the smallest sense of the value of consistency in general, will be disposed to differ from us when we say that her Majesty's advisers would have done well to abstain from arranging a Drawing-room for the 30th of January. The observance of that day may or may not be wise and necessary—that is not to the point. As long as it was part of the recognised established ceremonial of the State religion, the Head of the State should not have been instructed to violate it. If necessary, the service should have been formally expunged from the Prayer Book. But it is, to use the mildest term, unwise to bring the ritual of the Church into contempt at a moment like the present, when we are being watched so carefully by many observant foreigners ; and, more than all, when we are about to link ourselves with a people among whom, it is believed by a large and nd Influential party in this country, the Eng lish theory of relig is unpopular. As for the sneers in which some of our contemporaries have indulged at the language framed by those sincere and pious men who merely shared in the feeling of horror which we know thrilled through Europe at the murder of King CHARM 1., they are simply disgusting, and consort very ill with those professions of attachment to his descendant with which their columns are filled. We are among those who think the service might be abolished with advantage, not from any wish to put a sl i g ht u p on such feelings as originally prompted its insertion, and which we sincerely hope are still to be found amongst us, but because we think that we may I 9 now fairly act upon the principle of letting bygones be bygones. This, however, is a totally different thing from turning the service into ridicule while it is a recognised part of the established ritual. And we are sincerely sorry that so untoward a mistake should have occurred as that which has given rise to the discussion. Sir Gaoling GREY has at length been prevailed upon to denude the Cape of some of the troops which he cherishes so fondly. In addition to the 3,000 already despatched, the latest intelligence announces that the 6th and 80th Regiments were on the point of embarking for India. These two corps number together 1,500 bayonets, and thus nearly complete the total amount of 5,000 men which the Governor was requested to furnish. We cannot but believe that cne additional regiment may still be spared, as the Kaffirs are entirely sub dued, and the colony both externally and internally is undisturbed. The 71st Regiment from Malta, and the 92nd from Gibraltar, are on their way to India overland ; and when all these reinforcements have arrived, our force, exclusive of the troops of the East India Company, in the three Presidencies will be as follows :—ln Bengal, 2 troops and 14 field batteries of artillery, amounting to 96 guns ; cavalry, Wregiments, or 3,000 men; infantry, 42 regiments, or 30,000 men. In Bombay, 1 troop and 8 field batteries of artillery, or 54 guns ; cavalry, 4 regiments, or 2,000 men ; infantry, 12 regiments, or 7,500 men. In Madras, 1 troop and 4 field batteries of artillery, or 30 guns ; cavery, 1 regiment, or 502 men; infantry, 8 regiments, or 6,090 men. Forming a grand total of 180 guns, 5,500 cavalry, and 43,500 infantry. The above details of the disposition of the forces may, we believe, be relied upon as authentic ; but it is obvious that the numbers can be only at best approximately correct, as they must depend on the amount of the casualties which have taken place in India since the date of the last returns. A MARRIAGE. A young, fair girl is wed to-day, A Princess of the land, Who, just as lowlier maidens may, Her heart gives with her hand ; Gift, holier or more precious, none To Serf or Sov'reign given— And blessed with which the humblest home Knows less of earth than heaven. What happier lot can fancy dream ! A blooming, royal bride, 'Round whom, in rich profusion, teem All ministrants to pride — A manly consort, future throne, Two nations' fond acclaim — And, wide as England's sun-lit zone. A blessing on her name! Born on a soil, the sacred hearth Where Freedom's watch-fire burns, Towards whose pure flame, throughout the earth, Each nobler bosom yearns— She goes to strange, tho' kindred soil. Where man's free voice is still, Tho laws in vain have sought to foil Th' indomitable will. For there the student ponders deep The Greek and Roman page. And pants to climb Fame's rugged steep, As hero, or as sage ; There with firm step once Luther trod, And with a fire-tipped tongue Proclaimed the road to truth and God, And smote the Dagon—Wrong! Oh! may she be the morning star That harbingers the day, Which from our holy Isle afar Must spread its steadfast ray ! Prussia's " Bright Stone of Honole* then, Not walls with vassals lined, But the strong hearts of Prince and Men By Freedom's rivets joined! And may she, like her mother, prove Her subjects' mother, too — The object of their honest love, As tender, and as true! May Prussia's eagle, soaring, join Britannia's lion might— The watchword " Peace," the countersign " God, and the people's right !" A young, fair girl is wed to-day, A Princess of the land, Who, just as lowlier maidens may, Her heart gives with her hand; Gift, holier or more precious, none To Serf or Solfreign given— Awl blessed with which the humblest hcme knows less of earth than heaven. • hrotaiiv.o. I