The Press. — London, England, 1854-03-04 00:00:00

THE PRESS. THE SUSPENDED REFORM BILL ; OR, HOW TO GET LIBERAL CONSEQUENCES FROM CONSERVATIVE PRINCIPLES. WRITTEN BY AN EMINENT STATESMAN AT A TIME WHEN HE DID NOT EXPECT THAT FRIEND BRIGHT WOULD HAVE B EHAVED SO BADLY. Come, spirit of COBDEN,--come, genius of BRIGHT, — Assist the last move ('tis, 'pon honour, Finality) Of a Statesman who fain would appear to do right, But who fears it won't pay to do right in reality. Come teach me a trick (none can teach it so well Which shall tickle the gentry and favour the cads, — Shall neatly distribute the oyster and shell, Bamboozle the Tories and strengthen the Rads. 'Tis proved by statistics of country and town, Population and members compared in a table, That the seats for the towns must be sadly cut down, Or the " Tutor's Assistant " denounced as a fable. Old Cocker himself would the contest decline, If, by way of challenge, this problem were chosen, • By proportion to prove, " As six millions to nine, Is two hundred and odd to exactly twelve dozen." To solve the dilemma, suppose we declare Against giving mere multitudes weight and authority ; And, the balance of power to adjust and repair, Give forty-three seats to the county—minority. No matter how parties are balanced, no matter How trade, agriculture, or cotton-mills stand, Population our basis, at random we'll scatter Our seats for minorities over the land. Just think how the plan will astonish the clowns, And Liberals rejoice in the fruit of our bounties; Eight Tories returned by the few for the towns, And forty-three Rads by the few for the counties. Two principles thus, which, divided and single As foes to King Mob, all true Democrats shun, Like our own Coalition, shall bear when they mingle Good Radical offspring, thus blended in one. Yes ! put them together, the few and the many, Two terrible truths we no longer shall dread— They'll swallow each other, like cats of Kilkenny, And Moonshine and Lion may bury the dead. EXTRACTS FROM THE DIARY OF A RESPECTABLE RADICAL M.P. FEBRUARY 24.—Have had a lengthened debate on the Eastern ques tion, on a former occasion, as Lord JOHN to-night observed ; and, athis lordship's request, have this evening been voting war estimates, in case war should be declared. Valuable privilege, discussion ; but result in this case not magnificent, I confess. Contented, however, and looked, when I got home, in the French papers for further information ; found it there. Subsequently read Sir JAMES GRAHAM'S last year's speech at Car lisle; the speech he made when elected; and wrote a letter to the Free and Independent, showing the superiority of our representative institutions. As Sir JAMES truly said to his constituents, "We are the only people who really exercise a control over the servants of the Crown " (Mem. : To try and find out what Ministers mean about War and the Reform Bill) ; and, as I added in my letter, "To make that control as complete as it is intelligent, we get the fullest information from the blue books as to what they are going to do, almost the very moment after they have done it." Intend, like Mr. HUME, to support the Ministry, being quite satisfied with their explanations. To my mind, all their replies, as to the past, have been candid and courageous ; " Their chief defect" —as a panegyrist of the Coalition in the British Cabinet of 1853 remarks of Mr, GLADSTONE'S speeches—is "an occasional obscurity of meaning ;" and, of course, you can't prevent that whilst you have ABERDEEN to explain. Was much pleased with SIDNEY HERBERT'S army estimate introduction speech. Wonderful capacity PEEL had for finding out exemplary subs.; CARDWELL, HERBERT, and F. PEEL are, every one of them, men of " administrative ability," and " occasional obscurity of meaning." Sensible fellows all ; economists, and know the spirit of the age, but wasteful in the quantity of language they use to conceal their thoughts. House voted the estimates readily,—nobody objecting but WILLIAM WILLIAMS, and he principally on the ground that colonels in the army were tailors. Considered that a degradation ; did not men tion that he was a draper. Suppose that's where one ought to draw the line. CHICHESTER FORTESCUE returned for Louth—thanks, they say, to the suffrages of Lord BELLEW'S electors. Creditable to BELLEW, when gratitude is so rare, to remember all his obligations to the Govern ment; and must be gratifying to the Coalition to be popular in Ireland. The Durham letter might have prevented it. February 28.—T0-day, Sunday, a Cabinet Council, or a Council of some kind going on. What can be the matter? Radicals in great dismay. Hums, the veteran Reformer, offering his aid to the Govern ment, and BRIGHT and the new blood assuring it of their opposition. Must find out what all this means ; or shall have at the next election to represent the minority. Who 's right ?—who 's wrong?—and what is it all about ? Have asked HATTER whether there is really to be war ; HATTER winked. Asked Boa LowE; Boa replied, " I believe you, my SATURDAY, boy." Asked GLADSTONE—occasion evidently one for his unfortunate defect of " obscurity of meaning." Asked young PEEL, but it was not in his department. Ventured to ask Lord JOHN, but he did not hear me. Put it to PALMERSTON, who replied, with coldness, that he was now at the Home-office. Think I shall leave off calling PALMERSTON "my noble fiiend." Dined at the Parthenon, my favourite club, and met a second cousin of Lord JoHN's, who disapproves, but is well acquainted with, his cousin's policy. A young gentleman, but well informed ; spends his mornings at a Government office, and has given me some valuable hints as to the dangers to the Constitution of exa mining the civil servants of the Crown. He let out the whole hitch, observing in sporting phrase—he has an extraordinary passion for Bell's Life—that " The leader was trying to smash the trap." Was puzzled at first, but found that he alluded to a historic saying, that "Johnny had upset the coach." Went on with his explanation, from which it appeared that the Whigs were of opinion that the Coalition was the madness of the few for the gain of the many, and that the Peelites had usurped all the power—that the Whigs did not want—and all the patronage, which, of course, they did. Lord Joust, accordingly, to go out with a bang on the Reform Bill, and country to suppose him victim to Liberal principles, but too heroic in his martyrdom to com pass the fall of his colleagues at a war crisis. War to get unpopular, as the taxes grow, and a resuscitated Whig party to claim office, as persons of well-known administrative ability, and obvious devotion to financial and parliamentary reform. The martyrdom, as my informant profanely said, to be, in fact, like those of the early Christians, based entirely on the hope of a joyful and, speedy resurrection. Subse quently met party of Manchester men, and heard entirely different version. According to them, Lord PALMERSTON was tripping up Lord JOHN, in token of past favours, and insisting on the postponement of the Reform Bill ; Lord JOHN repenting him of the idea of desertion, and ready to remain the " pilot to weather the storm," as he notices that a very old and sagacious, though rather tame, rat or two on board at present display no intention of quitting the vessel. Could be no doubt, according to Manchester men, that Whigs wanted a party, but distrusted the Liberals, hated the Peelitcs, and feared the Conserva tives; so might find it difficult to get one. Perhaps HUME might take office. Heard from a third quarter that there was great disgust in a por tion of the Ministry at the corrupt practices of the Peelites. They ga everything—and claim it. The lobbies crowded every evening with persons in Anglo-Catholic waistcoats from the University, insisting upon knowing when GLADSTONE means to carry out the suggestions of his election com mittee in reference to certain ecclesistical appointments recommended to their consideration. Believe he has done his best for several, and can't think him to blame if the present incumbents choose to live, not withstanding the obvious inconvenience, to the powers that be, of their doing so. Final, and apparently best founded, report that Lord Jona is to postpone the bill. Deplorable, from the public point of view, but providential, considering this split of the Radicals. Nothing to do now but to place confidence in Ministers, and maintain the honour of the country. Wonder whether the Ministers will ever place confidence in us. They don't seem properly to estimate the political status of a Radical. February 27.—More supply ; WILLIAMS drawing attention to every item most independently, but not dividing the committee. Govern ment getting stronger and stronger. J. G. PHILLIMORE this evening retracting some severe remarks, and offering them his almost uncon ditional support. They wanted a young man who could speak on every subject with equal ability, and who had on every subject, if not facts, at least views ; so, doubtless, will grab at PHILLIMORE. Can he resist them ? The only drawback to the general approbation was MURROUGH'S condemnation of PALMERSTON. Weighing the two mem bers against each other, Ministers will be satisfied, for PHILLIMQRE is of nearly as good standing in the House as MURROUGH ; and he speaks oftener, if not, perhaps, quite so well. February 28.—Nunneries Inspection Bill. Was again puzzled as to precise creed and position of Radical; some voting one way, some another. Lord JOHN gave a " hearty and decided negative to the motion," and FITZROY voted for it ! Would not mind being in the Ministry myself, if I might vote to please my constituents, and yet retain my place. KEOGH'S an injured man. Had he known there wculd be this arrangement, what need to have pledged himself never to join a Government? He might have entered it unshackled, and been harmlessly patriotic in every safe or important division. KEOGH certainly has a grievance. (Mem. : Never to emulate KEOGH, unless for a much better place.) Understand the Government say they weren't beaten, and pride themselves on having swelled the majority. Ono advantage of a Coalition is that it enables you to agree with every body. Wish we could get any one to coalesce with us. The newspaper stamp business—another defeat for Government, though they yielded, instead of being outnumbered in a division. Intended to vote with GIBSON and CRAUFURD, though agreeing with GLADSTONE that some newspapers are exceedingly private concerns. Thought of speaking, but had no opportunity, having humanely gone to the assistance of a Queen's Counsel in the Speaker's gallery who had fainted just at the time when GLADSTONE gave way to the wishes of the House. A medical M.P. was promptly in attendance, and, having his instru ments with him, immediately drew blood ; but was doubtful whether he could permanently improve the circulation. March I.—Thought of inquiring after the Q.C., but found no body who knew of him as connected with the law. Suppose he must be better, as his indisposition is not recorded in any of the papers fashionable intelligence. But perhaps he was too ill to send it ? March 3.—No Reform Bill; no split in the Cabinet; and nothing about what respectable Radicals are informed by the Liberal Coalition. The State physician has prescribed, and the nation has refused the pill. BRIGHT overshot the mark by cheapening the horse he wanted to buy—he has driven it out of the market. -••••••!. - , r