The Express. — London, England, 1850-06-25 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS —Mosrus, Joss 44. - , - Th;t1;;;; sat at S tialask. Lard 11,twattaas tat Swaim. it/ALL TEN EMEN TS_ RECOVERY (IRELAND) BILL. This bill passed through wmatalttos, sad was molted to the house. TILE FOST•OFFICE. Lord BROUGHAM again adverted to the meat change in the Pomona' machinery, stating, from tie owa gamiest's ea du. previous day, that the stoppage of the Sanday aerial was met inoonveainit, sad wisall lead to amotant The Marquis of LANSDOWNE agreed in believing this alteratiost bsshly prejadicial fa many respects, but observed that, oa the legal point wbieh hai beta raised, then was no doubt of the competeme of the frown to mike any champs in the praetioal detail's of • gammen. Aloe, especially tinder the Nanette. of an tattoos from piarlianiont. PUBLIC BOrSES (SCOTLAND) BILL. On the motion of Ltd KINNAIRD, this bill meat through committee. mid was reported to the home. WRECK' OF THE ORION. is reply to the Marquis of Losnostosaaw, the Earl et NINTO pr miffed to lay on the tattle certain envespomisMas salaam to tLe law untortunate wreck of the Orion stmater. AFFAIRS OF GREECE. Viscount CANkiiiii;etthelt;tro•t;fe the bout. for a few memento os a personal matter. Ile understood that some of the observations which he was supposed to have made had given pain to a gallant officer, occupying a high station in her ilajesty's salvia. and whose name was brought forward in the dutuseion which toi•k place last Maeday night on the affairs of Greece. He thought it ueeessary to make this ex planation. beesuse n letter had been addressed to him ►y that gallant Olive (Sir E. Lyons) in which he ciphered his pain and astonishnstet that he (Lord Canning) should have charged him in his advocacy of the claimed British subjects with having views mom at heart than the honour ot his coun try. He (Lard Canning) had saidanything of the kind. The seam and contest of his observations showed that no inch chards bad ever fallen iron his lips. Sir E. Lyons mast hart totally misapprequided the purport of his rs mak% for each a charge would have been most unwarrantable and cruelly unjust. (Hear, hear ) LANDLORD AND TENANT (IRELAND) BILL.) The bones west into tiontsittee is this bill, wizen, on the SWIM of the M arqui• of WINITYZATH, clauses 8 and 7 were omitted. The other claims were agreed to and the house resenied.__ - DRAINAGE AND IMPROVEMENT OF LANDS ADVANCES BILL Os tho m-Sios of the Marquis or LANSDOWNE. this bill was reed a woad lime. Attar a few remarks frost Lord Ssarstose, ruotr lordships &dimmed, at a quarter before 7 o'c:oek. HOUSE OF CONINIONS.—MONDAT, Jrya 24. The S took the ehair &wetly before foneteeleelt. EXPULSION OF THE PRUSSIAN MINISTER FROM THE GALLERY OF THE HOUSE OF LORDS. On the motion that the Prussian Minister's Residence Bill be considered a amended, _ _ . Sir R. INGLIS noticed, in term. of pointed severity, the " waston if not premeditated insult" to wh'et, he said, his distinguished friend the Chevalier Bunsen kad been sub jotted I. another plate. Mr. ROEBUCK, in vindiesti in of Lord Br)ughans, gave as explinetioa of the occurrence. sad Lord J. RrSSELL, without exPlawdna may allisfsalsra the sukjent, paid a tribute of rupees to the permaal as well as th•publie character of the Chevalier. OVERCROWDING OF PRISONS. Mr. P. SCROPE wished to knew from the right boa. baronet the Haas Secretary if any steps were beige taken to fainwas eke acationaudation of the prisons in 'Meted and Esalasid, is which, at meant, great privations were endured upT the minas» by reason of overcrowding. Sir 0. GREY stated is reply that it was a matter of much dilleulty, the merercierdiag bang caused by the number of convictions tiniest parties for petty ammo in Ireland, owing to the great poverty that prevailed in that country during the latter years. However, the molter would be as speedily provided for at powihle. (Hear. hem.) MONTHLY PUBLICATIONS. Mr. M. GIBSON said Re had a question to put to the right hon. gentleman the Chantelkr of the Exchequer, of which he had given him ureic.. Au opinion prevailed that asenthly Fahlications, although coniaitaiag matter of sews, were no:liable to stamp duty. New, he wished to know whether dine publica:ions ware bahli to stamp duty; and secondly , whether It was true that 91. e Steam Mace had Murdered with a mostaly r übl:ation called Vie Freeholder; sad it so, whether the right hoe. gentleman would explain ea what ground that paper had been singled out foe prom.- tioa by the Stamp , Sze k when so may other monthly publications were pertained to circulate ? The CHANCELLOR et the EXCHEQUER stated in reply t' at a monthly puhliatt ion was liable to stump dory, as well as a amrspaper. It was tepidly tree a letter had Lima written to the editor of the Freeholder tallieg his attention to the pahliestioa of the paper without a stamp. It was not erns the Freeholder had been singled out from other mire, Mame the same course was passoul to all other papers ender similar eireutostratets. Mr. M. GIBSON—There are hundreds that have not. The CdANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER begged to were ins how eentlemm that the same coarse had beta adopted in all similar eaves. THE EXHIBITION OF 1951. Cola SIBTHORP erialvd to ask the hot. and learned attorney Onsimil under what authority trees in the park were b ian cut down for the ourpoms of the Exhibition, and whether ary further demolition would take place. The ATTORNEY GENERAL aired the hon. and gal- Let .camber would give hint motile of Ids intentioa to put As gear:lea ea some other evening. GREECE. Oa the motion that thenrd;r4 of the d ty be now read. Lard J. RUSSELL nid that the govermseLt warn de manta of Miami the ream of th Louse upn Mr. Roebuck's motion, and he saggested the with4rewal of the amtadmeate of which &aim heti hem Meta. Mr. C. INSTEY withdrew his eatentatent. Mr. HUME &clued to do so. sod said that he should, te at present advised, more his anectineat when the proper time arrived. 11;.lioif31:CK then rose and said—Sir, my duty to wnie the house commands ex to explain to you why it is that I make this modals. Sir, in my opinion, a government like our own, when a large proportion of its administration has been condemned by one great branch of the legislature, is unable either at hems or abroad to maintain the interests of the country intact, to meal: the great interests of the people of Zealand, er to hold the reins of power with honour to themselves. Now, sir, I am quite pre pared to admit so far the proposition of the noble lord that no administration is called upon to resign upon a resolution of the House of Lords. (Cheers from the ministerial side ) I acknowledge that at inn; bet I must sae that in • eon siltation like our,, is which we thick it right to have a House of Lords, it is necessary that when the House of Lordstbave expressed their feelings and opinions, this house should step in and ray what the people of England think epos the matter. Therefore I think it is the duty of this house to express an opinion Ilea the same point as that on whico the house of Lords has decided; and because I believe this, and became, I believe also that the noble lord himself would be the first to solicit an opinion on this onasioa—(chten)-1 come forward and ask this how to expires an opinion as the subject. After disowning (in answer to Mr. Disraeli's re mark on Thursday) hiving acted as part of Lord J. Russell's "t machinery," Mr. Roebuck proceeded to say that, though be had often quarrelled with the acts of Lord Palmerston, he had always had confidence in his principles of policy. With regard (Mr. Roebuck went on to say) to the interests of this country us a whole, I believe the object of his policy to have been, in the first place, to maintain the peace of the word—(chean)—to maintain it not by truckling to despotism, but by teaching all foreign communities with whom we have any relations, that in so far as she is permitted to do co by the rules regulatiag te inrnational communication, England brings the great moral force of her name to maintain constitutional govern mast—(cheers)—not disorder, not to spread anarchy on the ore hand or despotism on the other, but to maintain peace by warning foreign governments to mate ready and proper and opportune cone-salons to the increasing enlightenment of the people; telling those people that so far as our physical power is concerned it is not to be employed in coercing their rulers, but that in so far as the moral Lenten of t:is merry and the opinions of its govern ment are concerned, the world shall know that we are friendly to all endeavours, whensoever we may filed them being made on the part of mire, to vindicate for themselves the right of eelf-goeernment. (Cheers It Is apes that principle , I believe, that the noble lord h as acted. Sir, I have a right to ask what Is the antagonist pr:nciple. ("Hoer, hear," and cheers.) Cart I not suppose that there might be a minister in this country who, using the forms of constitutional govern meat, should ever direct them to aid the despotisms of Europe? (Hear, hear.) Can I not suppose the thing? (Hear, hear) And can I sot also supp roe—call it not des potism, but legitimsey—(laughter)—that there might be a minister in this country who should so advacee legitimacy ea, under the softer expression, to bring in a mach harder thing, and to make tyranny safe in Europe (Cason ) Sir, I believe that this unionist principle is now within sight; I believe that the House of Commons is on the pressen accession not merely called upon to decide the mialeterial extensor* of hon. geothmen opp»ite—(th e hors. and learned member spoke from the opposition side of the hewn.]—ter as fur as I am concerned, that is a matter vi" little importance—(laughter)— I believe the ques tion tie te decided is whether England is openly, frankly, sad without hesitation, though amicably to say, ar e friendly to every test of men for se l f -government ; we do sot desire to moist any anarchical opposition to Resentment we do not seek by physical form to thrust anything as say goveromest, but we de seek by that morel influence which is everyday ruling Europe to hooter the efforts of men who are Awe op to govern themselves and andeasoering to quench the tyranny of these who would crush three efforts to *Anis what we ermaider antriaget the first birthrights which nature hes gives se." Let me compere the result of the policy width has been pursued by Ragland from the year 1810 down to the present time wilt the result of the pollee which was pursued by her hem MOM 1816. la 1789 broke out that grand result— ** such it ens—of the noosing tialightenanst of Ramps with respect to the despots of Europe—tbe first Preach ',whales. The whole result depended upon Leeriest Whet were called the legitimate governments of kompa heeded together; and eaketanately England sup terMom. The essiarquemee wee sees, and may be read tr.. d eseet tarritt:e wallet that the awls of mankind re seed—blood eked like water, wealth mattered with a wadi vilify of which neord of any other time presents a pa rallel. From 1799 to 1816 the at amity of nations was broken ep ; we were separated into *smiles ; egotists , . of every kind depeaded upon tun. Out be who WM mightiest I. the field wee slue eisailied. From 1816 there was • visitant protest on Ifiso put of the whole body of the people ; sad at lean*, in 1830, the odium burst, and the In/Pinata Boirbon family was again dime'- s/med. Sir, I feel it doe td ties groat min who Atm then at the head of the councils of Ragland' to give him the great glory of having begun the new principles which have distin guished our foreign policy from that time to the present. re. Doke of Wellington was at Me hood of the English councils when that mighty =allot of the people of France commenced A rot did not pass by before he—well read as no was ie the mighty senteet that war prontediat end fitted by his knowledge and 'po at lec of clad abeam his position, by hie mushy, and by all hie purism to say, " have during my whole life been reading &lesson of war sod peace, =so I assume to myself the responsibility of begin ning • new foreign policy"—searcely. I say, bad • poet passed by when the Duke of Wellington acknowledged the gonna:eat which the new revolution of Franos had established. From that time to the present the same polity has been pursued. As war to be impeded, that revolution created great excite mint in Europe. Belgium followed, and Poland also. The infinite of the English people were differently expressed. Let other nations say what they will, we are tar ahead of them all as regards oar notions of oustitutioaal government. Our battle wee fought in 1640; and as sines that period we have had gnat experience, it was bell tang that we should set before the world an example of a peaceful revolutioo. (Hear, hese.) The people of Ragland diepos mend the 110110. of Lords of the power of making the Hoses of Coolants. (Cheers.) The government of France was serried by barricades; the revolution at England was effected through the forms of this house: the one was expressed by a change of dynasty, the other by an act of parliament. (Cheers.) But that revolution changed not met ely the form of govern. mint in as far as thus peculiarities were concerned ; it changed the government itself. The noble lord then because Foreign Secretary, and the first question sahmitted to his consideration was the revolution which had just broken out is the Netherlands, and I maintain that there is no portion of the noble lord's political career that deserves higher com mendation than the admirable foresight he exhibited in this matter. (Hear, hear.) Had he followed the suggestions of many by whom he was surrounded—l do not speak of the great man, who is above all party considerations—l do not speak of him but of those who in this house, or in the ether, held principles &solipsistic to Vome of the noble lord en that su b ject—Mad he allowed their "deice he would have opposed the eeparetioa of Helloed and Belgium, and socce.• tulle opposed it. He might have done so because the people of I.:n(l'nd are carafes about foreign politic", and insulated in all their habits; hut their foreign minister is all the more responsPile, because they are so careless about foreign politics. I say, not looking at petty and insignificent charge a, although shall have to allude to them before I sit down, nut wasting the time of this house, or of any other, in the examination of mere technics' ilia ' but ju , :giog of the noble lord by the broad and recognised prieciples of his p.olley, I take the cue I I have mentioned as • type of that policy, an instance upon which the policy and p ewers of Uglaud were brought to I bear, and wbich,if they had not been so brought to bear,would have bola a fruitful source of mitten to the world. (Hear.) Oa a sudden this house I. surprised by • resolution of the other bout of parliament; and I would ask the house to contemplate along with me the peculiar poition of Europe at the time. There are three parties to these re.solutions— Russia, which represent, the despotism of Europe ; France, which tepees nts its levity—l had almost said—and the protectionist ratty is this country, who are opc Aid to the present pover-mtnt on Menai of their commercial arrangement.. Such is the alliance which has been formed to overwhelm' the noble lord. (Hear, hear.) I find in Greece a monarch coming from B everts, ► rnan educated at a small 0, nun man, end with all the feelings that such en education must create, and acting in everetbing Rader the instruction of Russia and Austria. I must confess that, wit-. tuck a council, and such diploma.y, I feel some what deersdesi when I hear of the name sa England being mixed up in any of these discussions. I want no repro e-ntation for this country in the shops of en ambassador at foreign courts to protect our interests. Let rather the i great name =England be our spiel I, and let our Min, nod not our unbassadon when nee, nary eindinto cur honour. (Cheers.) But Adieu has always been the tutus of hot and bogy intrigue. Russia is the greet inspiration. Austria being but her humble instrument and slave. (Loud cheers.) And woe sad shams to France, who, spite of all her glorious reo.iniscences, shrink, also into is form and character of &Tamil of Russia. (Hear, hear.) France,'whirh once went against this norther'. power, and almost overran her, and woad have done so had it not been f r the weather, Gas now soddenly forgotten the great euidicg principles of her toed net, and thrown herself head long lathe feet of Ramis. Why has she done this, aid when does she choose her time ? Why ? Because at this moment the par les who item the govemmeat of France wish. to break through the cocatitution that meand them, and, what is still sun painful for me to ruction, be who is the representative of an intlagfilla name, as well as of a mighty people, mak , . paramount the cowl loririon of his person . . monocles, and hopes by means of an insult to Rutland to secure • donation for himself (Loud cheers.) Yes the socialists and anarchius of Fr ince have lent their sad to the legiumiets of that country, ard both, taking advantage of the terrors of the middle doses, have tried to throw their great country at the feet of Russia. (Cheers ) Well, au, at this time won' occurs 1 The psalm, of England are suddenly in formed, through their foreign minister—having previously expect, d nothing and hoard nothing, if I except blue books heaped upon blue books, and newspaper corr. isondence unreadable and unread—la laugh)—they are sudd en ly in formed that the don of Admiral Perk , r has been ordered to the Pineue. At once Eng:ns .men erect their era and wish Ito know how it Mu occurred. People don't like the idea of it, they think there is something in it unusual, and satiated of. The inquiry in every one's mouth is—was ever this done before? And then the slumbering power, which is always ready, although apparently slumbering, in another plaoe—(a laugh)—that power which is &louse ready to oppose anything like l , beral government—which can give a mojority egoism freedom wit e ireumatucts may make it expedient, suddenly interfere.. There was one very curious thing which I heard just before these occur rumes took place, and I wattle ask this house seriously to bear it in mind. The people of Hungary had risen against the despotieen of Austria. ( Hear, hear.) In • cl se but un fortunate conflict they had succumbed to the united power of Austria and Runic (Hear, hear.) The patriots—and I will presume to call them sr—(loud etheers)—eseeped ; and to whim did they go for succour? Te Turkey. ("Hear," and Moen.) With that bloodhound pertinacity which dis tinguishes every despot and every despotic government they were steadily followed by their enemies, and having arrived in Turkey they were demanded with an insolence which had never before boos practised towards an independent nation. (Loud cheers.) It was demanded of Turkey that she should deliver up those who had thrown them• selves upon her protection to those despot. and tyrants who had flogged women, and tortured men in • manner which had been alm at forgotten since the dark ages. (Hear, hear.) But the noble lord—(the hon. and learned member pointed with his finger to Lord Palmerston)—well represented Raglan/ on that occasion, and said, '• It shall not be." (Loud cheers.) Our fleet— and glory be given also to France, for her fleet nos sted us— our fleet told these two despotic powers that such a violation of the rights of nations and of hospi tality should not take place. The mere appear ance of the fleet of England, as it approached the Dardanell•P, st.,pped these wretches, and England vindi cated the rights of nations simply by the appeararce of one of her fleets surging into the Hellespont. (Cheer*) It was shortly after that circumstance that Count Nesselrode, writing to H. Brunow, said ; . It is painful that this should have occurred just as Admiral Porker has been to the Dar danelles on has very disagreeable mission." (Laughter.) Soon after the people of England woks up one morning, and heard thee their fleet was in the celebrated bay of Salamis. Now what is the charge brought against the noble lord ? They say, first, that his demands are unreasonahle ; next, that the amount claimed is insignificant ; then, lst the amount was eseggerated, and that the means adopted were imperious, hasty, uncalled for; and lastly, it is averred that the time of donned is inopportune and improper. I shall be obliged if the house will remit me to examine these charges in some detail. In the first place, I ask, was there anything unusual is these claim, or contrary to the law and practice of nations? Let us try: I will first take France, and I will ask the house to make the distinction, if any, fur me. There is, first, the simple question as regards the demands made on the Grecian nation. There Is next the question of how the Enoch people have acted In such circumstances. These two are different questions, and let us keep them separate. The law of nations, I take to be, accurately speaking, no law. It is a system of general morality in which the rules are of necessity vague, and depend rather on the discretion of the country than to be settled by any Mahood, for there is no tribunal competent. I do not know whether the hon. member for the West Riding is hero, but u he is the friend of international arbitration he would soon see and acknowledge the difficulty I have named. We can only sae then at the principle, or rather the practice of this international law, by observing the usages of civilized nations as regards it, and I suppose that when I take the people of France, America, and England, I take the three tuitions who may be considered to be as far as civilisation le uncerned, at the heed of the civilis ' ed world. Now I will begin with France. We Sr. told that this sort of proceeding is altogether unknown, at was unknown until originated by the noble lord in the case of Grum. The eons in which the noble lord interfered were eye or six. There was the case of a man who was die- ' poesessed of his land, the nu of a man whom' house was palled down or tamed inside out by the mob, the cues of the navy of this country, iasolted by the local authorities of Grosse, and other Milanese of persons, subjects of this coun try, being etuelly tortured, dodged, and otherwise ill used. (Hear, hear.) Now I believe it Is very well known t , this cousin, or at least it ought to be known, that in 1931 a French Hut appeared is the Tags" to insist on reparation for injuries done to Fronk subjects during the reign of Dm Rind. (Hear low.) That may surprise some per . - sone, bet se 11l was. Th e poor unfortunate Portuguese said at use, " Oh, let as apply to England, let to ask her media , tine." Her mediation was asked, granted, and offered to Fran-., but refused by that power. ( Hear, hee theyhear what were the deism & of Prance, heee .But forms striking and valuable lemon to gentlemen who in tend speaking on this subject without having given it ' any preview consideration, and also to carton' gontlomes In the Chamber of Dematise, who without kno w i ng w h at their ewe country has scene fa similar cases, have sled lass r*" which were it not foe the immeasurable superiority— laush)—the =era penalty of the people of Eagland, might be deemed insulting. But we Sr. above suck petty feelings. &arias is our inapproachable greatness, we despise and dis regard such attack.. (Cheers sad laughter.) The demands I made by Frame and contented I. by poor Portugal INTO what ? They took Alpena threatened to bombard the tows. (Hear. hear.) Tilet their MIS eilessedlie, and this they ouspiaised that Ferns eaddeele W been lo te go t t o to emprionmest for slight agree% sad they demanded that t hey should at IMMO be liberated, that tho assesseee which had bees renounced egalast them should be aundlede end that tkojnage who bad prosouessel the teatimes should be drumhead. Bet agate, ft is urged that this aEair in Greene was • potty affair. I think I eri fled m petty. la 1842 it appears that the Youth govermeut felt that Inju ries had bees done to some French subjects at the small and Issigniflust port of Sea Salvador, amoantlag in the whole to 1,000 dollars. A Preach ship west is im mediately, and the captain said, " If elk do not pay I will at eau bombard the town." The people refused, the French wand retired, got cm board the French ship, aid raised the demand at ones to 2,000 dollen. (Hear, hear.) The town was immediately blockaded, aad the poor people were at last obliged to pay the money. (Hear, hear.) There was another instance in which France had sought to obtain by force redress for injuries inflicted en her citizens. Io Meek° she once complained that some of her people had been 'maltreated. It appeared that • mob had pulled down a factory—(hw, hear)—and so mad were the French for revenge, that they would not listen to any proposal of mediation. They 4-minded instant and full payment, and becalm it was not Immediately conceded, they proceeded to bombard the port of San Juan d'Ulloa. (Hear, hear.) I could go on with many similar instances, nut I will take one which meets the cost of one of the objectors to the noble lord's policy. It is said that we have degraded ourselves by attacking a weak nation. Here is a case of Freush mag nanimity u regards minor powers. In 1344 the governor of Senegal fancied that he had reserved an injury from certain African chiefs, and he immediately sent a ship, took possession of two villages, and ekastised the pecple into compliance with his demand. Now mark the curious mode of proceeding, and let us eon. eider that with great nations • blockade is a declaration of war, and must of necessity be co ; but in dealing with weak and comparatively powerless nations it is really a merciful and a useful mode of avoiding war to take the preliminary step of a blockw.fe—not reprisals, be it observed, as has bun too often but most erroneously stated. (Hear hear.) This, I say, in dealing with weak nations is for better than de elating war, and thereby risking the peace of the world. Now I will go os with my illustrations of the course taken by other maltose, for they are really instructive lesions —and I will first take tie United States of America. It appears that in 1814, when, as Is wall known, America was at war with Eagland, • privateer was fitted out in an American port, she was seen by an Eagliab brig of war, I thick the Cut:saws, neer the port of Feyal, this vessel chased the privateer, and took her under the walls of the fort of Fayal and set her on lire. Our brother over the water--our brusher Jonathan, as America is generally called —presented his bill—but to whom? To England ? No, she could not do that, for England was et war •kb her at the time—hut she presented her bill to the government of Por tugal But, rays Portugal, what have we to do with it ? The v. girl wan seized end burnt in spite of us. Exactly so, re replies America, " that is just what we mean, et was done in spite of you, therefore pay us our bill." (" Hear, hear." and • laugh.) . Up to thin hour that bill has not been raid, but at this moment vessels of war ere on their way from the other side of the Atlantic, and, for aught we know, are even cow at the mouth of the Tagus blockading that river on this account. (Hear, hear) Well, this is the example which great and enlightenel nations ant us. (Hear.) Take another ease. There was an American vessel celled the General Brock.). It appeared that certain persona who called themselves custom-house officers removed that vessel from one harbour to another, and the vessel was in conse quence wrecked. A bill was sent in to the Portugueee gee I vernment, and this is another of the claims for wLi h the American fleet is proceeding to blotkaie the Tants. There is still another cafe to which I will refer. Tee home' is aware that Murat was for some time King of Naples. True, he was called • usurper be the legitimists of Europe, but he wan de hid," eovereiern for • time. While & that, position he se.zed and applod to his own purposes certain Amer:esti pr. petty. He was shortly afterwards expelled and shot. Well, use inevitable consequence, as far as America was concerned, followed—a bill was sect in. (•' Hear, hear," and laughter ) But, said the Neapolean govern ment, Murat was • usurper, we have shot him. We can't help that, rejoins America, pay us cur bill—(cliters and langhter)—and eventually, under the threat of sending an American fleet to Naples, the mosey was paid. Hew comes it that the sensitive filings of English gentlemen never found out these cases ? France was allowed to go to Ileo rano and enforce her claims there without exciting the ex treme stnsitelity of hen. gentlemen, or rather Lob!e lords— aa.l why ? Because it did not suit them for party purposes to interfere. (Hear, hear.) I could go Lack to the history of our own country, and show similar examples. I could show that England has dons the same thing over sad over again, without complaint or objection. I have not stated half the cases I have before me of the United States or of France, bat I may venture one cr two as regards England. (Hear!) lu 1831, at the time of the peeing of the lisform Bill, with the Huse of Commons looking on, a British somdron was seat to P.irtugal to ob tain satisfaction for injuries inflicted on British subjects daring the time of Don Miguel, and on refusal hostilities were commenced, atter which a settlement was obtaiued. (Hear.) And what took plus ea Greece Simply this : For matey years—and herein lies the misfortune and the dad .ulty of this ease—fur many years vastest elates leers arising, and complaints were being made, as against the go veroment of Greece, by British subjects for injuries sustaitied by them ; and in dealing with those claims the wt....e woe and moncer of the government of Greece re quires to Ise known. Letters were written by our ambassador suing forth there claims and complaints, which letters remained ail months and scene of them tor tee, ' years unanswered and unnoticed. T..c c .mplaints were reiterated, claim aft r claim was made ; but co answer could he obtained. We forehore to take meaaur:e for a afore in; matisfacian, knowir g our own strength; but OMs us eer•ive demands remaining unanswered and unheeded, made as imp 'heat. In one ease 13 years posed over without any attempt on the part of the government of Greece to accord re tress, and that was the case of Mr. Fiolay. Now, io re gard to Mr. Fiulay's case, the first thing I ',sin these pavers es a letter from Lord Aberdeen, describing the claim as arising from a protocol entered into by Ruda and France, which enabled Turkish propreet ors to sell their lands in Greece, and under which protocol Mr. Finlay acquired the property. Now the law or Greece required that when private property was taken for public pear. p ,se a there should be an ordoneance describing the lend, and that the value should be assessed and paid before liking possession —two very proper conditions before taking forcible poessesion of land ter public purposes, and which we, the par liament, in *Bet seply in railway bills and all other cases when we empower perties to take forcible possession of land. But what took place in the ease of Mr. Finley ? His lard was taken possession of without any ordunnance. He ap plies to the Greek government to kuow how it was, and he in told that the land was not taken for pubOc purposes, and that he might take poseession of it Cimeelf if he chose. Ile proceeded to do so, but was told you have no business here, and was unceremoniously turned out. Then be wrote again, and said. " I find the property has been taken for public pur poses." And by whom had libelee taken ? It had been taken not tor great national interests, not for the purposes of an arse- sal, or • mole, a railway, or other great national work, or even fcr a poorhouse, unless you can call the palace of Slog COho • poorhouse—(a laugh)—it was taken for the purpose of forming a garden wherein his Majesty might disport him-' . self, at the expense of the aubjects of this country; and for! this they turned this British subject out of possession of his I land, refusing all payment or compensation whatsoever. (Hear, hear.) At length the man, having applied again and again in vain ' and tired of importuning, did what he hid a 'web et righ t to do, and, reading the duty of the noble lord as I read it, he applied to Lord Aberdeen to intercede with the government of Greece to obtain for him payment of his land. Now the first thing Lord Aberdeen did, on receiving this application, was to ackeowledge the justice of the claim; for he says, writing to Sy E. Lyons : It appears from Mr. Finlay's statement that you arc already aware of the merits of his cam, and that you have had some commune:a. tion with the Greek government thereupon. It Is only reamer), therefore, that I should instruct yon to follow up your represent*. Uses in favour of Kr. Finlay's claim in Ruth manner as you may deem best calculated to obtain that compensation to which Mr. Yuilay may appear to be eotitled. Now what is the answer to this? The people of Athens, it would appear, inherit at least one quality, for which their ancestors were distinguished. They are capital hands at a lawsuit. (Hear, and a laugh.) They know hew to get oat or • difficulty, or, at all events, to postpone pay ment, by availing themselves of the quirks and quibbles of the law. Ti.. reply was, "why don't you try our legal tribunals." Why, what was the use of that? Well, what did the poor man do ? He said, "It is quite clear that I have no coulee of redress but by dependence on my own government. I came here te assist the Greeks in their efforts to obtain independeace—l came to assist you simian the Turks, and to de all I could for you—l bought the land under the guarantee of an!English protocol, and now I demand my rights under English protection." Here the injury is dues to the English subject by the government of Greece. The party injured says : "I have no chance against you—the foreign government who have injured ma—you have ao tribunal to which I can appeal with any chance of receiviag justice, I will therefore appeal to the protection of my own goverment and to international law." (Hear, hear.) Now I will read some of the statements made by our ambasaador as to the manner in which his de mands have been met. I find in a letter, dated Athens, August 7th " I have not yet received any answer from the Greek government to nay note of the 2nd of July, respecting Mr. Fealty's claims and the claims of certain Lakin boat men." On August 20th he again writes : "j am still with out any reply to my letter, de" I now moue to the other claims, and hers I will only trouble the house with ose letter. Sir B. Lyons writing to H. Cola iskoai gives this clear and unambiguous stational. He says: With reprd is that pert d my mote of the Nth Clatober in sneak! had the born to bins yea OK I had boss lestuster h r element rehaardes le oh year affeellea to the other eeterboed ot her lge= 6 /11.1111111111110. and 10 mina mat they NNW be tame. m o ldy yea fey that lt toy of One amain lane norm orateered by year preftermore yea wish Mat i =iiny be pointed oat to re. In weft that yes may give rue attunes to them. to reply to year request freg km to observe that I have sot bad the boom le restive my spoor M the are L aidrewed sir ea the 7th Weber sett (a 4, nark this le written as the Oh of Ikasmkr)—(freer, bott)—by duke d Vbreset Phiereftia. re, =Zig:that to 11111111111 bed boa retenri te the Mom& of eseensiat, whit& were orb la ray aeliela yeesrme- Ammon the lab et llama sad lathe( April lot ea **lmportant inbreed the foleinentof t aste erirentrate u m , meek Man of Okelle,oll/ et beam NW Ng moo rit ure w t. 1 Ur eels whisk I siammal le U. Oita ea the NO Kay. Ise, re quiring. brew OM 1 1 111% ay dem old by**. a Ms jot" emseserea. thet Met damn shewlit, without any Nether delay, neer peel the bee aolebrd by Ur or len at six lonlan Maw who bah boa ybarlered at the euelso410•11 at nalcias in Dueler, 11141, Sr Is in, mow bow retunme to the twee I addressed to Ohselds, ea the Net Welber, 1147, by Jerre of Vresount maim" posilfas the atema aulaseark a which I had already sole es MOO et twe l Le oam wh o had been Illegally armed ewe IMP/ Moved by the yahoo authorblee THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY .EVENING, JUNE 25, 1850. at en the lath of Hay, 11147, and as behalf also of two lawn who bad lima arrested and Blued by the M Pabst% ea the Ma elf May, 1147, 111 Melte wi th re m thus dommok ss well se te Me vile hat set IMea 011111411111bgernieSestes ginerement =bat at the Osseb_ Immemseeiteeenld he bum delay t for the thatincorit want le he awsnamt It do see b een; or last ewe eggi ii gr ra eg _ ~ „oil., lase Iter%anasiwa —ills 4411.....Isddi rlt illeg mleawleseleed ="geliall the hollrennie "dide tms min —The"he tbsia. ' ben them en these mallow by her IleJistes_ pslemselete sod If It wen le bike km est rueteemsom that the unlit wss est 61111111111 Setellltel th e Meek r vermaitle tethers epiles ilb a i er si d jit e r ' s. tht.:r the t egoltie s t e Mos " .... ALL Olmahlem Ids Wise so no of the 7-ittsh thiridelneterMeggensesatitesd at Patna is as and 'lll mew of ber Majesty's dile gentenee. Him. I appeal to the Howe( Commons, whether, after yammer nauswered demands, there is in this letter scything amessesearily stringent, anything oncourteous in the prover sense of the term, or mate more Imperious than was called for to meet the exigeneles et all MN ? (Hear, hear I Al. lading to Mr. Pacifica's fides, Mr. Ruhnek said : read every letter on the feeblest, and I must say that, if I believe M. Pacifico wrote thou letter* those lette r prove him to be a man °lodination, one, I dtheld say, of honorable feeling. I do not krow him. I only judge of him by his letters ; if any man knows asything of him to the contrary, let him expects it. I judge by the letters. Bar I care not what be le. (" liar," end loud cheers.) If he were poor. and degraded as the punt jew that walks and bays sad sells old clothes in Logsdon, he was born a British subject. (Cheers.) He had • right to demand the protec tion of the English power. He was assailed in that which was to him as dear as to the richest amongst us. His family beaten—his children frightened—his married desalt , ter male absolutely ill by the terrible frightshe experienced, having only just lain in ! Awl what was the consequence of the tenor to that poor, unfortunate young woman ? And I am to be told that they are Jews! Why it is a degree' to this country. (Loud cheer) He asked reparation for teat injury, and no answer is returned. He goes on. It was well known among the Cheeks t'.st no answer was returned. A second attack was made, and he tells the representative of England that he has been attacked seethed time, and prays with almost piteous wailit go the power of England to protect him ; but he prays to ei•.d after ' the manner his fathers taught him, with as much honesty as you pray. (Heer.) Is there not something that ought to dignify even to ourselves the appeal of this man in his abject condition? Had he been the awful Baron Rothschild, don't you think that reparation would have been instantly demanded ? (Hear, hear.) Don't you think the despots would then say—' What ! injure Moos. Rothschild, and not seek reparation for the injury !" And you would have well turned periods in diplomatic paper', to tell the Greek govern ment that those injuries must not be permitted. But, bemuse he was a poor Jew, his house and family are to be treated with insult and all his demands Bet aside. (Hear, hoar.) Oh ! but he has salted too much ! Remember, the objection is not nude to the amount. The objection is weds to the principle; and do not let us run off upon the amount. The very day on which the outrage took place, a complaint was glade to the government. (Hear, hear.) Now, in those countries there is a public prosecutor. It was the business of the government to investigate that matter. They did investigate it, and they declared that it did take place in the broad day on the (Eater Sunday. People were known to be there by name ; the whole of Athens knew it; and yet they declared that they could not had the criminals. (Hear.) Now, was not that a denial of justice, and win not this man fully . justified in appealing to that which, though he be a Jew, is his saluted peke:tor— te the government of England ? (Cheer) I do hope, sir, that the government of England will be supported in this eventful view of the protection which Eneland ought to afford to her wandering sons abroad. (Loud cheers.) But I am told that there is a rule of international law which for ' bids such an appeal—that no one can expect to be ' better off in a foreign country than the subject. of that country. Now, I deny the whole principle. (Hear, heir.) I deny it altogether, stated as it was, and clumsily guarded by this strange conditioo, namely, a constitutional government. What is a 001111:itU tinsel government ? Blend upon it the Empercr of Russia would call hit the most constitutitinal government in Europe. (Hear, and a laugh.) L^t an Englishmen go to Russia. The Entheroe of Russia's rule of law is, that what pleases him shall be law. What pleases the prince • the law. He may take one of his subjects, (eve him no account, no ex phination, put him en a sledge, tie him neck sod heels, and send Lien at onme to Siberia. I appeal to the House of Commons—to both sides of the house—if an Englishman were treated thus, would you permit it ? (Hear, hear.) If not, whet- is your rule ? It is good for nothing. (Cheers) The truth is, that the whole of this law is not in the proper anus. • low. It intro duces itself in each particular case &wording to circum stances, and is governed by exigencies, and the discretion of the persons connected with it. You will ILA that rule 'domed by America as well as England, and no Am- rican ' citizen would be supposed to be • protected in 111u•oia if he were taken by the neck and heels and sent to Siberia upon the mere ipso di tot of the Emperor. What is t:.. rule , Why, according to that read the other day, ia to. at igno. rune of these fun, it is supposed that a penes must of necessity go through the courts. That is net necessary. If you hare reason to believe that whet you deem justice cannot he thus done, by all the rules of what is called international law, you have aright to make an appeal to the government at home. I have read to the house, both ' as regards France and the United states, cases in which such en appeal was made directly contrary to the rules of the country in which they took place. Therefore, the role laid down is another place is not the rule. (lieu, hear.) And I say also, as regards this unfor tunate moo, M. Pacifico, notice had been given on the very day of his di.-aster. Now, what is the next objection ? They say these are little isolated cues. Isolated cases! Are not all cases isolated in themselves, and i was there not an accumulation of them here, one after another, until at last. so strong were they, that, not content with injuring property, the parties insulted the English navy? (Hear, hear.) What was that case? A young gen , denten, the son of the consul, is on board an English vessel. ' A boy, 12 years old, is shut, and while the father is on his way to hit house, the whole boat's crew is seiz CI upon. Oh! but it is said, can you believe that an English crew could be taken by four G reeks? Why, 1 uppers.) that four could have rowed the boat. A young boy—for he was nothing more ; a midshipman was in cometand, and ens of the sailors was we unded, sad others were compelled to eo into custody. Now, what occurred ? First, a lie is told. They say it did not occur to the Fantome, het to the Spitfire, thereby broadly contradicting the honourable word of an honourable young man, and denying any right to make an explanation or apology. So soon as the real state of the case was diacovered, the men were f-und to be inno cent. What was the origin of that? The parties said that two English vessels entered the Grecian harbour with an intent to create an insurrection, and overturn the government ; and, therefore, precautions were taken by the authoritin to put the English into prison, saying that they had put on board persons who ran away from the island. The words of honour of the Enalish I were not accepted; but they were told that they had spoken , falsehoods. The English rent/emu, who then represented the 1 English nation, if he had not insisted on an immediate apo- logy, would have been wholly unfit to represent this country. Bet, I am told mediation was offered ; and now I suppose I shall be met by favourite phrases of the Puce Society. (A laugh.) But, if anybody hopes to preserve peace by mak ' ing all the world believe that nothing shall induce us to go to war, what mast be the result ? (" Hear," and loud cheers.) I shall never forget the lemon read me by the hon. member for the West Riding of Yorkshire on a very pecu liar ocessiou—namely, at a piece meeting, where his war like tendencies so broke out, that he begged pardon of the persons he was addressing, saying, " Though you have asked me to become a member of this society, do let me say a word is favour of • war for H y." (Loud laugh•er, and churl.) I well understood the generous impulses of the hon. gentleman—he, as I did, felt for the Hungarians, and he, had he been in that country, would have been amongst "the tobels," with • swotd in his hand. (Renewed 'enabler, and cheers.) I lappets* we are going to look at this Greek affair as men of the world, and going to ask what mediation meant. I have quoted an instance where France was offered our mediation in 1841. That mediation was refused. We, very properly I think, stood out, making our demand through our minister, and getting no redress did, at last, urged on by the necessity of the case, teke strong measures. The minister who did that acted under instruo• tions. He had no power in himself to do so, but the man who had the power was the noble lord. Mediation wss offered, and well did the uoble lord refuse it. bat the good offices of the French people he meepted. What did they man they would do? What did Baron Oros himself un &pretend by it when he diet went out ? He understood that he was to endeavour to make the Greek government yield to our demand, bat just or unjust, as regarded the principle, sou not part of the negotiatign. There were many things of which we complained as regarded Greece. The affair of I the Fantome was one, and the question of the islands of , Cent and Sapienza was another. It was most dlstiactly understood by the papers which passed between M. Dreamt ' de Lhuye and Baron Gros that these other com plaints were to be left out of the cue, and the noble lord himself (Palmerton) was particularly marked and careful ou that point. His instructions were complete and deficits to his minister. He said, " You must drop the consideration of the Fenton' and the islands," and it is clear from the instructions given to Mr. Wyse through out, that these circumstances were taken out of the lla m a. Ration. 8o far as regarded M. Drouyn de Lhuys, there was no misunderstanding ea this point. So far as regarded Heron Gros, there was ae misundentonding about it, but while he was than he changed the character in which he appeared; he clanged it, soutrary to the well understood principles of themes. The explanation given by him on his first meeting with Mr. Wyse, of the manner and principles with which he came eat, clearly demonstrates that he knew fall well what he was emu to do. Staying then. he ease from day to day to the tam, and at last pretended to be • mediator to see whether our demands were jut or not. But, here comes tke question with regard to Franca: While the negotiations WWI going on between Mr. Wyse and Baron Grp, M. Dmitri De Lbuys says to the noble lord, " D on 't you think wee= settle it ?" The noble lord assented. They set to work. They make an arnageinent. That arrange ment did not reset Onus before a more defined one was mad* by Mr. Wyse to the Grecian government, for Baron Gros gave up his mediation. " I withdraw from it," said he, " I can do no more—l withdraw from it tem vaulty." But now emu the point. After Baran Gros bad withdrawn from the, mediation, or good officer, he received a letter from M. Drouy n de Lams. The noble wrote lord wte to Mr. Wyse on A pril 19, tolerating him of the plan, but that did not nub r. Wyse so secs as • report got to Baron Oros of the conversation between the noble lord and K. Drools de Uhl's. Baron Gres wrote to Mr. Wyse that he had kimrd of tie convereation ; and I do not kaow that tlall rabic WWI has taloa Drake of it, bet I fartltor oa in the oorroopoadoaoo kg will ora that oa the 22nd of April lona (hot writ** Nun to Mr. Wyse : • deop=ilitt the dlli or Ws month , resolved by the last word for wed what follows. It appears frost the ari4 Wiwi noworotoe to M. Envoys de Gut" that " if les Wog WPM sole= to accept a me m oranda'. which you OWNIVIR/Mib, sod to which the Greek government had Maid alit be referred to London, and that until a del. owltive derides A 4kkop should remain in ottopors." S h Now, oa the 24th of April Baron Oro. whoa to Mr. Wyss so ham: flak jut nehel ea esker yid& given ale Important news. Lull hiswella mos Is my and drat at 0011•011. VOl4 hid& In very I Mt whirls Ms been In a skspinsr aim aIL limenened as fiords Wawa. Ist thin Is hdlise dna We los add to W. Drawn he Lbw*. "iUm w ampum* pregnand W IL Ores dew ant lint ths aonnernme et Mr. Wpw. She inggslaillna world mask =Mr. W esald W alt Ws papa* et Sr miustlakr to We sal would Walt kr iikkii. larnaren or Cler6ioll would le reennid without Walk oodles in nab in was M. Gros should *dare ad be ramosaws dr part et ihur." Kr. W lug two days before assumed that Mr. Grog had renoaaeed tho Nies of mediator. In the mean time came the arrengementof the noble lord. I must, therefore, say a word or two respecting the two plans of arrangement, and the sensibilities of the French people in regard to them. I believe that that of the nadir lord was the more favourable of the two to the Greek government, but they are so much alike tbst I can scarcely perceive any difference between them. The difference I believe simply to be, that the noble lord salted for a larger sum at once, and took no security, while Mr. Wyse silted for a smaller sum at once, and took security. That I believe to be the whole difference between them. The noble lord asked naturally, was it worth while to disturb, for so slight a difference, the first arrangement pro posed; and thereupon up starts the insulted French nation. But is it the French Defile ? (Hear, hear.) Wes there net a curious coincidence occurring at the time—a sort of diversion by the government of the public mind from the real state of the question for • political purpose ? Wu there no dread of an emulate at Paris, and a belief that by talking of • war with England they might prevent the chance of what they dreaded ? (Hear, hear.) Were they not going to infringe upon their own constitution ? And was there not a alight wish to in creels the dotation Ido not say it was the French people, but that body of eonspiretore who now hold in their hands the power of the French people, and who, ignorant of the name of constitutional government, confound the force of war with the putting down by the sword and bayonet, in the name of freedom. Freedom ! It does not exist in France. There is no free discussion permitted there. I hope the boa,' will not shrink from coming to a fair andproper vote upon the broad principle of the foreign policy of the govern ment. (Hear, hear.) I trust my hon. friend (Mr. Hume) wall not evade the difficulty by enabling hon. gentlemen to ride off on the general policy of the govern ment. If their foreign policy does not get at the kends of this house • clear and defined and unambiguous approval, they cannot remain where they are. (Cheers.) There must be no cavil about the question at issue—no half messure of approval. (Hear, hear.) Thera must be so broad, so clear, so strong, and so pentive an ap prove! that there will remain no douot that they have maintained, and shall oontinue t.) have the power to maintain, the dignity of this country in the face of the world. (Chun) The hon. and learned gentleman concluded by moving, " That tee principles on width the fore;da policy of her Majesty's government has been v laud hove been such u were calculated to maintain the ho nour and di.yni y of this cJuntry, and, in times of unexam pled difficulty, to preserve peace between England and the various nations of the world." Mr. HUME, after observiog that the bon. membor had not even tried to vindicate the whole foteiga policy of the administration, with which he chclared hiussetf not altoge ther sstisti,d, withdrew, for the sok! of unanimity, the amendment of which be had zivta notice. Sir F. THESIGE ft, referring to the precedents quoted by Lord J. Huron, stated that in those ii.s'ances the govern ment had shielded themselves from the censure of the Lords by askiog for an explicit vote of confident, from the Com mons. By subsituting a mare convenient form of resolu tion, the member for Sheffield had d d the sube;antive favours of the ministry, al:tough (u the honourable and learned gentleman showed from Hansard) he had a law years since animadverted very strongly upon the policy of Lord Palmeri oc, whom he had compared to a Inciter match. His I.nourab'o and learned friend Lad undoubtedly not pursud the course which be (Sir F. Thesiger) thoucrt waled hap been the convenient one. He had net by his reslution at. tempted to confine the attention of the house to the Greek question, ceiling ut. on the H eise of Common*, as he might have done, for a reversal of the sentence ot ecn demostioa in the II ease of L it :e ; but his hon. and learned friend had t,ken a more pru I. re: coarse, He had made his resolution so wide and ezteneive a, uccemsri4 to include the question of the policy of the goy:roam with regard to Greece, but, at the same time, be had given to every one who was desirous of having nn excu:e for vesting with' the government so amp e a urge teat he might be able to find some ground on which he could place the opinion which ho would express by his vote. Bat what was it teat hie hoe. and learned' friend asked the House of C fano sn, to adopt ? lie said that he wetted the house to reeeve that (be principles on which the foreign policy of her Majesty 's government had been regulated had been such as were calculated to mein- ', tarn the honour sad dignity of this country. Now' he (Sir F. Thesiger) confessed sae thought there was some ambiguity lurking under the general term " principle." He hardly understood what his hon. and le araed friend meant by that word. He knew they were all agreed with regard to the abstract principles regulating intercourse be tween nation. ; but he thought his ton. sal learned friend could not mean to confine the attention of the hone* to a question of abstract princip:es, and Matters he concluded it was the intention of hie non. and learned friend to call upon them to approve of the pr'neiples u earned out in practice by her Metesty's government. Again, there was an expres won in the resolution in which &leathery was some ambiguity. His hon. and learned friend said that the principles on which her Majesty's government had been regulated had been such as in times of unexampled d.dieolty had preserved peace between England and foreign nations. Now, what did his hon. and learned friend mean by the words, " in times of unexampled difficulty ?" Did his hon. and learned friend mean to apply that expression to this country, or to foreign nations i With regard to foreign swims he coacedeil to his hon, and learned friend that there had been difficulties which they had had to en counter ; but, with respect to our own country, he was not aware that they had been placed an any difficulty whatever by which any credit should be awarded to the noble lord, or to the government for having steered us safely through. They knew that a series of revolutions had been visiting other nations, prostrating throws, shaking states to their foundetione ; and that this country had been happily •creserverl, and had been in a state of the most perfect peace and seen rity. And the only oessib:e in'erpretation which he could apply to this express. ,n. as applica ble to the noble lord was this, that from the strong desire which the noble heel invariably manifested to interfere upon every occasion with other nations that it had been a time of great trial and unexampled difficulty to the noble lord to keep his hands off, and to prevent himself from interfering with those nations in the troubled state in which unhappily they had been placed. (Hear, hear.) Bat hie hon. and learned friend had been pleased to explain what was the exact meaning of his term " principles" as embodied in the resolution which he had propped to the house. And there was no doubt that his hon. and learned friend bad distinctly called upon them by this resolution to chose deli berately and advisedly between two courses of policy the p dicy which he (Sir F. Thence') shout i call the policy of order, against the policy of change ; and what his hon. and learned friend had particularly attribute 1 as a ground of con. tidenee in the conduct of the noble lord at the head of foreign affairs war, that wh nations had been disposed to adopt • course of what he called self-government, they had never been without the eminence of the nobl., lord who had ever been ready to interfere and to forward the result at which they aimed. And it was impossible to have heard the speech of his hon. and learned friend without coming to the conclusion that there had been the most striking contrast exhibited by his hon. and I d friend between the policy pursued by the noble lord who now presided over (undo &Hein, and that of the noble lord who preceded him. Now, in considering this question of Greece, let them re member the state of that kingdom. It had bees very recently created and guaranteed by the powers of England, of France, and of Russia. It was in comparison of the state of this great nation, soaring in its illimitable grandeur, as his hon. and learned friend gravely described it, it was unquestionably • very humble, powerless state. With regard to that kingdom, there were undoubtedly subjects of this country who had demands in a degree founded on justice, but many - 'of them moot exiravagautly and exorbitantly exaggerate, who had unquestl:ashly had to complain of delays on the part of the Greek government—(cheers from the ministerial side of the house)—who, having invited, or challenged, if they pleased, the iatervention of our govern anent, the noble lord thought proper to insist upon the eat's faction of those demands in • tone and manner most ungenerous and most unbecoming, and to enforce those demands by an overwhelming fleet; and when at lest he had agreed to submit to the ' good offices of the French government the adjustment of , ' these claims, the conduct of the nobl e lord l e d t o so muc h suspicion of his good faith, that is th e resu lt th e no bl e lord being compe lled to submit to the terms which he had originally refused, he had left an impression on the minds of the people of France which he believed would not speedily be effaced, and he hal done everything in his power to alienate from us one of our closest and most intimate allies. Now, in order that be might make good that assertion, he west,' confine himself upon the present occasion to the oases of Mr. Finlay, of M. Panne" and of the Wean of the six lonian beam of the Greek brigands. And wits respect to the ease of M. Finlay it really appeared to him that his hen. and learned friend had I not prepared himself upon the facts of the case with his se cutomed accuracy. The case of Mr. Finlay was this: he was undoubtedly a British subject, and Is the year 1830 lie purchased of some Turks • small piece of land, amounting he believed to three quarters of an acre for the sum of 300 drachmae, or 101., the Turk+ being compelled to part with the property, the territory having been given up to the newly *rested legislature. Now he had no doubt that from the circumstance of the farmer proprietors being compelled to quit their occupations that Mr. Finlay realised a very good bargain. In the year 1836 a portion of that three quarters of an acre was, unjustly he admitted, seined upon and inclosed within the intended grounds of the royal palace. At that time the Greek government was virtually despotic, but it was not correct to m that even under those unfavourable circumstances they lid not offer an indemnity. The real queetioa that arose between them was as to the amount that he ought to receive. Th e King of Greece appoi o t e d omigi ----.......... inim0th, the royal archive., and th e y cane to VIA deteroli the laud of Mr. Finlay, and, he b e li eve d , 100 othero,- which bad been taken for the same pap... o Z, t r i tiore, be valued at more than half a drachma a itialr ' s 100 other proprietors agreed to the terms, and ladesantty. Mr. Finlay refuel, as he had an ead h , r i ght to do, aid when they coasidered that for tine be had paid 101., a portion of which oa4 w as t tad and that his claim amounted to 1503/.. the dill'arenet. ers's-;* fleiently large to be worth a contest. In 1943 • eanrittr,.':;a gOverniment lan appointed in Gr. act snd Mr. Fillart„,,..;: was then very materially changed ; becaus e , up to that time the l aw an d t h e tribunals of the were not amanitas to him, y e t they found that, tres'etu-' year 1843, h e a d m i tte d over and over again thee it, rhts which would be fou nd edis by the trman or country; tee and it would he the ultimately, a , having been appointed, that council recoiumended th ' al ep a - claim of Mr. Finlay should be raterred to arbitration. .g; Finlay himself admitted in one of his letters, that a very fair and just mode of settling his clain,,penai.,it was • quitably carried one (" - sr, bear,' 1 14 , s ir ' it *buck.) If his hon. and le arne d f r i end would 1,4„...4i on', be would find that that cheer w.. 1 not required '4, question did not arise as to who should he the eriutrat-e t as to who should be the umpire, it being pr0p,. , ". 4 fairly and justly on the part of Mr. Fialay sn it - 2 umpire should be some indifferent person, to be cho,,, the arbitrators, while the Greek gnvernment on th.. • hand, made a moat unreasonable repetition, the umpire should be selected by the President. 1 . 4 ehi r o 4: fore under the influence of the government. And .; way the matter stood, negotiations conticukg, going on when the first blue book was rattail to ti. in the month of February, 1830; because Ina. o would find, on reference to that portion of it whir', te:r.1..., the claim of Mr. Fielay, and which he thought was i a latter from Mr. Wye. of the 29th August, cloned that portion of the blue honk which ref. ere i tt • Finlay's claim. Now, he wou ld pause there (g ;tl, •.1 ez,„„„, ; to consider that which was the important questia a t , a ther the claim of Mr. Finlay was cue whet government in interfering litho way in wt. cn t. it .;! hostile aggressions, in order to compel a satr'stt • Finlay's claim. And notwithstanding the Re a e his hon. and learned friend upon internstione, venture to say that this was not a cane for h... _ that the government might ix:ee(..re and with its mediation; but it hat no riel'. was nothing more thin was evidenced in ti.. with regard to Mr. Finlay's claim, to a, .1 et force and to exact from the Greek governmet• it tier of these claims. Thu hence had a to complain cf the cants, pursued by ti.e mint as to the ripen they had t ougl.t „ ley on the table of the house w..h retoir, t. Greek question. By the blue-hook of F, 'retro the house would be led to believe that Mr. claims remained in the same unsettled, et:. isbefor in which they were left by Mr. Wye's tivcv.c.l 4 of August, 1849. What would the boo.. th oh to: , learnt that, at the very time th's bir.k table, there was in the roster int of fte letter, rezeived from Mr. Wyse, as lone ss it of 0 ;ober, 1419, dated 18th Octob_r, iclogu.ne tt, re. tact M-. Finlay's clam ha I been ref. reed • o a, red& woe perfectly satisfactory to hot' , yo.t• end th,, was Cprepared to abide by the decitt.n Ite utn?.r- - • lieu, eara) That latter was as follna. - f have the honour to tr %nand to nyii the further letters respecting Mr. Fin: for sone land of his inelo•ed, • . • • King Otho's pa:ace. Your Icrchhip w - ; , a •. • • eo'enrnent and Mr. lin'ay hare ae-ed:o r - • , tion, and that arbiters have been ap;,..1.1,1 • . uaderstanding that if awe arbiters • o y - an umpire, and that whatever d ec i s i on thy; -a... heal. ;.! T. !rev U. would ask had the house lora it not the duty of the noble lord t have !id t' fore them, and not to have led the henst t tot Finlay's e'siot was still under .:111C , t , •i911 an: r. and that no arrangement whatever ec mi final settlement ? Was It fair to lea... tte hou.e imperfect means of judging whi-h is had teem thou, veniant they should b' left with, in or:. r that Sir claim might go to swell the cats! zos toothiest •:.. te vernment, and for the purpose of jur • if)itu the arm krone* which siterwarda took place ? Whatever :a the international law as to interfer.neo tto,:er other eircumstsnces, hero was a case in sulk interference was excluded by the agrees the parties themselves ; and the government hai to. whatever to allege Mr. Entity's claim as one of Oa for interference. (Hear, hear.) He wou'd pew case of M. Pecifico; ant he trusted it would Lot he peed for a motteat that he was one of those aruded haying low and unreasonable prejudices with regard t religion of any person, and espect fly o person of the "ions peruse ion of M. Pacific., , or that he should woo infer !root his religion that he wculd he likely •o ea: an exorbitant cistm. He judged of the claim fr m es. its eireunietattes alone, and with/ at refcrecte to so he was a Jew or a Christian. From the circuits:in before the house he ventured to say that • no .re e. more uafou• ded in many reopectit, and a moo. . a ease in all, could not be imagined. Pc ' outrage of a very serious description w Aocordina to his statement M. Pacifico a-pa o/d a house very superiorly furnished. His friend slid that persona of his persoatinn o 7^ hiding their weilth: it was a Tres'. tetra -, rd -.- wealth to display it in sumptuous turt.iturt Hot he also had in his house a Great •illt/ circumstance not unworthy of stteett hod lodged 30/. worth of plate with ttte obtain an advance, at slow rate of iet/rt to order that he might lay out thi' iottrest. Had be really poss.sse i t:te dro!tetts oho represented to have been plat& re 1 from 1:m en don, i: would have been a WIC:. 111 , , elllTt I i r.. exerting on his business to have reAe. tool h.' •t, he might have done with about otte t h at t ore nto appeared to have been in his potates:/n t'ir have saved the it:crest which he was &lessee. Looking a: the probalf.tiiies it was not very likely that lie we- of all that money a: the time Fie robbed. Amongst other matters, M. PacOito s a claim on the Portuguese government fur to 21,00/i. ; and fortunately when th• plunaortr house, they did not take away with them a list in the blue book) containing the heads of his c:s Portuguese novernment. A mistake seem,: : eurred, this list having been reoreaeutea elaset ease: inventory of the furniture and other thin.- prices affixed, of which he had been robhe 1. E he tad the good fortune to recover a protest severed parties on the Portuguese governrocct. had been damaged by the roblom in thetr he. cifico claimed, for damage to his ;crop rty an , strutted., upwards of 4,0001. His roam on geese government, oriainelly 21. i ,1.1; we wards swelled by a demand for tutor at to odd. The question was, whet any revs o oh: would, under these circumstances, doe: of a of aeacription—a claim for furniture eroi toot rev t/ onus excess, and a claim on the Portu:l``.: only Towhee. for which wee a protest. so .sr:r.; Portuguese government utterly repo 'iot.st i-o and denied his right to recover. t dear. heir standing the want of foundation for the greet: p o extravagant demand, as must have been evident to 4 1 ? son of judgment and esperience. the whole of it wo , as s just and ressonoble demand ty our minister at A— it was represented so to the n , li!e lord in the cordepo dense; the noble hard a lopted it on the footing on when: :: was presented to him, and ordered our minister at .t' I It to enforce it on the Greek government—slli.::. tr,ol his own arbitrary discretion en the subject. se ad to tional tine of WO:. to be paid (A the n r0,..t. juries of M. Fulda* and his family. i Hoer. ." eat The question in the first place was whetter this .use for reprisals, for hosed* aggressions, for 1/ nuns m •Ir "'t haughty and imperious manner in Is h.:11 the ro .;<- ...- variably addressed weak governments and too ministers to address teem. (lieu twin' WSI ~., - in which the government was jaltii - A in pursutn,o rte course they had pursued, as they alleged in ac. with the law of nations ? (Hear, hear 1 This a of the country ; and M Pacifica Lox , ha.! right of the tribunals of the country to ace. appealed to the legal authorities ; loon , rl w"" the ProcureurtGenend; a council was aaiemibeo was received for the purpose of imp:teeing t charged ; and the council expressed en pitoon . was no case for sending them to the owes. an they were discharged. This was not an applestioi t , r taNam den or indemnity for losses. but an appeal to the . plat! justice of the country, for the punishment of the tt sons. The tribunals were open to 31. Pasitico to racni•r any comperestion or indemnity which the law wcu:.l sal ,d ton; he ought first to have resorted to thoee tribune:'. 1 , 4 in tics been denied him there, that might hare or e.. fur the subsequent interference of the notte lord. s' S nos might have been assured the noble lord would ,• 1 ?" ready at any moment to grant. (Hoar. hear.' that, in 1; 41, the riotous mob had broken into the tow • a foreigner. a Rumen cathode, sad hail plundered it. , pony—nosey instances of the kind, he beliesed, I. curred—would it be said that that was a case for the tote' rereads of the government of that foretener.o- Ira, claim ought to be enforced by 11,0214 twareston would venture to say that interference had never I , mended in such a ease. Pacifico. case was not one terference at all; the claim itself demanded most ye vettigetion and inquiry before so hod a step was fai.ei. aad every reasonable man would have seen the sttospot 0,111 4 for believing that the claim was most grossly and +bomb) , *gaga 00000 d. hear.) But it was not until the Tio vention of the French government that it ever oce az.. to the noble lord that there might possibiy be some around tor suspicion that some p ,rtion of the claim might b. , dispute. Ile would pass to the sei,ore of the lonian v e t by the brigands who had possessed themselves of the eenc_ house of &dank and afterwards seitA and plunde red the boats. Sir Edmund Lyon had lest no time in m..eiati immediate demand on the Greek severutneut for 4...Atalanta ' lion. Hs eat-I, — Arens. 3.01. 9. 1547.—The undersigned, her Britannic Minister Plenipote . nnary to the . Court of Greece, be thr ,r liel..7_ ,, ,r Inform M. Cakitty Itellento Majcatra Mi wisrer Attain, that be has been Instructed by iscount I•Amin'. _ Brit innie Majesty's Prinetpal Secretory ,if niate for Comign tn ., . 7. to mate that her I.4,lests '5 inivernment expert and demand asl tireck government will mute NI compensation to the mi.: . emirs of the sin lonian bolts plundered at S'h•tna, tows, for the limes awl sufferings indicted upon them br robber.. and pintas who were anemia upon that .era -psi .e..sion of the custoni.houre at Salvias; and to add that tier Mtn. Land High Conunimiotter in the 'silken Id Inds will meertain the amount to be claimed en Isittalf of the crews of the am lonian busts, sail to send to the a113 ,,, 1P amount thermf. icurate M. Csletti. in his answer, took a much moo . view of the rights of nations on Ws subject, for ha. • n. tr m tl CC/ .r her ! th U:2. IT id ~r.eci To le ea mot the :Ay the A OW put.. cu; te