The Press. — London, England, 1853-08-20 00:00:00

in arlinunt. THE TURKISH QUESTION-MINISTEHIAL EXPLANATIONS. Lard JOAN 11118RELT, on Tuesday, gave his long promised narration of the Russo-Turkish controversy, and of the acts and negotiations in connection there with, in which the British Government had more or less participated. The noblo lord commenced with acknowledging the past forbearance shown by the house ; citing afterwards a number of precedents to show that in previous instances when "eircumstances were exceedingly critical," and negotiations still un completed, the Ministry had abstained from laying papers before the Legislature, or entering into any premature explanations of their own conduct and the situation of afikirs. Premising further that even now he could not, for official reasons, tell the whole story, and in fail could do little else than "refer to transactions" which he believed must have Already become known to the house and tha.eountry, Lord J. Russell embarked upon his history of the occur renczuVing them from a Mimsterial point of sight, and sup 01) narrative from the first day when, in Vehrtiary . leat, he resumed the responsibilities of office :-- " When the present tiovernment entered upon Mike my attention was immediately called to the question of the Holy Places at Jerusalem by the Russian Minister at this 4 'ourt ; and I was told that that question was one of a very important nature, and would probably give rise to some anxiety. im me:diately turned my attention to that sub ject ; and I think on the very day on which l took the seals of the Foreign-othee I wrote a private letter to Lord Cowley, her Majesty's Ambassador in Paris, requesting, as my predecessor had done, his earnest attention to that eutjOd.. At a later period I was informed by the Russian Minister that it was the determination of the Emperor of Thiamin to despatch a special embassy to Constantinople. with a view to put an end tothe differences and complaints that had existed upon this subject. The Emperor of Rue sin complained that ordain privileges which had been en joyed by these professing the /Creek religion at Jerusalem had been withheld, mid that certain concessions which had been made by the Sultan had been withdrawn. It was, therefore, a legitimate object on his part to seek to obtain a settlement of those questions. Of course I could not object to the special enabawiy from Russia to contemn mph+ on the subject; but I stated my hope that the mis sin would be of a conciliatory nature. Prince Menschi koff, who was entrnated with that mission, arrived at Con stantinople, and had an audience with the Sultan on the ;and of March. An incident then occurred which created a good deal of alarm. Fuld Effendi, the then Turkish Minister fur Foreign Affairs, was pointedly slighted by the Russian Amhaseador, and immediately gave in his resigna tion. Other circumstances tended le excite alarm, and Colonel Rose, at the request of the Grand Vizier, wrote to say that it might be desirable that the British admiral, who was then contemplating a cruise, should hasten his departure from Malta, and approach nearer to the waters of Breese. However, about a week afterwards these apprehensions were a good deal allayed—some of the reports which had been prevalent were fibula' to be erroitemu‘ ; and Colonel Rose wrote a second time to say that the Grand Vizier no longer persisted in his wish, and therefore he would withdraw the request he had made to Admiral Ihnlae. At a later period—hi the beginning of April—Lord Stratfiwd, who was then at Constantinople, was intbrmed by the Turkish Minister that certain propositions had peen made to the Turkish Oovennnent to which they were unwilling to secede. Lord Stratford understood that it had let mn notch desired by the Russian Ambassador that the demands which were now made on the part of Russia should be withheld from the knowledge of the repreeentatives of the other powers of Europe. I believe that these demands were as new to the nevem ments of France and Austria as they were to the tiovern meta of England. After a considerable time these ',repo- Nihon* changed their obvert.; and the theme has heard. and will renolieet reading in the papers, that there was first a eteivention proposed in one form, and afterwards a conven tion proposed in another limn, and that finally Prince Menschikoff preeented a note to the Turkish Govene ment, stating that, nimbus that note was signed by the Turkish Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Prince and his mission would lw obliged to leave Constantinople, and that Russia would not be responsible for tine very grave evils which might mane. The Turkish tiovernment did not consider the acceptance of such a proposition emit patible with the independence and dignity of the Sultan. and declined to atlix the signature of their Minister for Foreign Afthira to the note proposed. At the same time the Turkish Minister, instead of a direct and simple negative, wrote a note on Ida part, which he said that he was quite ready to transmit to the Russian Ambassador, if it would 1w taken us satisfactory, and thus close all ilis mite* between the two thwernments. I should mention here that. the question with regard to the Holy I'laces, and all the particulars and various details which related to the Greek and Latin Churches, had been previously arranged in a manner that was satisfactory to Prince Menschikoff mid the Russian Government. Prince Menschikoff, hew• ever, instead of accepting this note, or considering it as a Weds for intim. negotiation. immediately withdrew his mlulen from Constantinople, and retired to the Russian ilmlttier. I regard this circumstance as one that was slily greatly to be lamented. It hoe always appeared to me eat on the one side and en the other there were shin- IMMO which could be admitted, while there were others wide might have been the subject of compromise and areangement. The %MIMI Minister maintained that THE PRESS. Russia had by certain treaties, especially those of Kainardji and Adrianople, the right to expect that the Christians iu the Turkish territory would be protected, and be declared at the same time that Russia did not wish in any manner to injure the independence or the integrity of the Turkish empire. The Sultan's Ministers,on their part, maintained that it was their duty above all things to maintain the independence of the Sultan—that nothing should be acceded to which would be injurious to his dignity or would derogate from his rights, but at the same time they declared that it was the intention of the Sultan to protect his Christian subjects, and to maintain them in the rights and privileges which they enjoyed by concessions and edicts that had been issued by himself and his predecessors. Such being the statements on the two sides, I own it appears to me that the withdrawal of the Russian miesiou from Constantinople, aided at the same time as it was by the preparation, as a means of eompulsion of a large Rua- sian force, both military and naval, on the. frontier of Turkey, was a most unfortnnate step, ind has been one which has given, naterully, very great alarm to Europe, while it lean imposed great sacrifices both upon Turkey ,and the Tarkish provinces adjoining Russia. list Ma jesty's Government, when these appearances became SO serious, thought it necessary to give directions that her Majesty's fleet should leave Malta and approach the neighbourhood of the Dardanelles. The French fleet had a short time before been sent to the Bay of Salamis; but there was a perfect concert between the two Governments upon this subject. The two Governments upon this Occa sion and throughout the negotiations have acted eutitely in concert, and have endeavoured in a similar spirit, by daily and constant communication, to obtain a solution of this question which would I,R compatible with the inde pendence and the dignity of the Porte, and which, at the same time, might not lead to any disturbance of the peace of Europe. The next step that was taken by the Russian Government was a direction to the army of Russia to occupy the principalities, with a declaration at the same time that it was not to be considered HS a hostile invasion, or as an act of war, but simply a guarantee for peace, and as a means of pressure upon the Turkish Government. It was considered by the English and French Governments, as well as by the Turkish Government, that, in default of any communication/4 either with Great Britain or France, it was desirable, seeing what great interests were at stake, to forego the clear and undoubted right of Turkey to con eider this proceeding as a ease of war, and to enter into further negotiations. by whith the ends sought for might be attained. No 'anal hostilities, therefore, further than the occupation of those provinces by the Russian forces, have hitherto taken place. It was the opinion of her Majesty's Government that, whilst they placed the fleet of Great. Britain, in conjunction with the fleet of France, at the disposal of the ambassadors of the two powers iu Con stantinople, to be called up to Constantinople in case of emergency, it was at the same time desirable to gather up the broken threads of the negotiations, and to attempt to arrive at some amuigement by which the question might be settled. The different powers considered of various means for its settlement ; but more espeendly the Minister for Foreign Affairs of France--a person whose talents, moderation, and judgment it is impossible not to estimate highly—drew up a note, which we considered omitted the objectionable part of the demands of Prince Mens ehikoff, and those parts of the Turkish note which the Russian Government might think inadmissible, and to which the two parties might agree. Previously to this time the Austrian Government, as I have stated on a former ocett, • to the house, declined the propoeid of her Majesty's Government to enter into any conference on these circumstances. But, when the Russien Government had occupied the principalities, Austria changed her view of the subject, and she declared that it was absolutely necessary for the representatives of the va rious powers to meet in conference, and to endeavour to obtain some amicable solution of differences which might otherwise imperil the peace of Europe. The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Austria took the proposition of the French Government as the groundwork of the proposition which he made to the conference. I have already stated that it was an Austrian proposition, hut it. came originally from France. That proposition was submitted for consi deration about the 2,4 th of July, and no doubt information was immediately conveyed to St. Petersburg of the inten tions of the Austrian Government. Her Majesty's Go vernment requested to see the note as it was proposed, with such modifications as the Austrian Government might think it neeessary to introduce. That, of course, led to explanations and further communications ; and it was not till the ;11/4t—that is, a week after the first conference — that the final eonfetenee was held, in which the born of the note was completely arranged, and settled to the satis faction of the representatives of the four powers, and of the Government of Turkey. The house him already heard, and the intelligence has been emifirmed by subsequent in formation. that the Emperor of Russia has the note of the four powers. There has not been hitherto any communi cation from Constantinople with respect to the reception of that note ; but this I can state, that upon the *.iflrd of last month the Turkish Ministers were prepared to send to St. Petersburg a communication bayed upon the former note in its mode of meeting the demands of Russia, and having • agreed to that note 1 think they wonkl bind themselves to agree to the note which has met the assent of the four powere. Supposing, what. however, is quite unsettled— suppoeing that note to be finally agreed upon as the cent municetion which shall be made by Turkey, and which will be satisfactory to Russia. there will still remnin the eva cuation of the principalities. (Hear, hear.) It is quite evident that no settlement can be satisfactory which does not include, or immediately lead to, the evacuation of those principalitiee. (Cheers.) According to the decla rations which have been made by Prince Gortschakoff, that evacuation ought immediately to follow upon satis faction bein given to the Emperor of Russia. 1 will only say that it Is an object which her Majesty's Government SATURDAY, consider essential; but with respect to the mode in which that object is to be attained I must ask permission of Par liament to say nothing further upon that head, but to leave the means of attan►ing the end in the hands of the executive Government. With respect to the question which has been rai►ed regarding the fleets of England and France, that, of course, cannot be made any condition, because we ought to have it in our power at all times, supposing Turkey to be in any danger, to send our fleet to the neigh bourhood of the Dardanelles, in order to be ready to assist Turkey in ease she should be attacked. Therefore we cannot consent to any arrangement hy which it may be stipulated that the advance of the fleets to the neighbourhood of the Dardanelles shall Le considered equivalent to th►e actual invasion of the Turkish provinces. With respect to anything further, if these questions shall have been settled, if peace is secure►l, Besika Bay is not a station which would be of any advantage to the Government either of England or France. I can only add that, whilst I regret not to lie able to state that the whole of these transactions are terminated, yet I do think that there is now a fair prospect that, without involving Europe in hiss. tilities, the independence and integrity of Turkey, which from the beginning of the session I have always stated to be the main object of the policy of her Majesty's Govern ment in reference to the affairs of the East, will be secured, and that in no very long period. 1 am sure this house will feel-1 know that this country feels—that, if that object can be secured by negotiation, without involving Europe in the calamities of war, it will be a result which the witole world will value, and upon which we shall have reason to congratulate ourselves. lam quite sure that my noble friend at the head of the Government may well con sole himself for any attacks that may be made upon him in contemplating such a result, and that we have cause to appreciate highly the mixture of firmness and judgment by which he has been enabled to attain the end that is before us. I will only say that this question of the main tenance of Turkey is one that must always require the attention—the vigilant attention—of any person entnisted with► the conduct of the foreign affairs of this country ; and further, that. I think it can only be secured by a constant union subsisting between England and France, and by a thorough concert and cordial communication between those two powers." In the course of a brief debate which this tiltnni occasioned, Mr. LAYAItI► regretted that no opportu nity had been afforded for obtaining a parliamentary opinion on the question, and feared that too little firmness had been shown in supporting Turkey against the demands and aggressions of Russia. Sir J. PAimarros remarked upon the unsatisfactory nature of the explanations given by the minister, lie rejoiced, indeed, to hear that Government continued to consider the evacuation of the Danubian principa-. lities a sine qiul two in any solution of the question, but thought that statement made only to the British Parliament far less dignified than it' made, as it ought to have been, to Russia herself, and included in the note transmitted to St. Petersburg. England wished for peace, but would not sacrifice an iota of honour or principle in order to obtain it. Lord DUDLEY STUART found the Government cul pable towards all parties. Towards Parliament, by withholding information and barring discussion; and towards Turkey, by first inciting her to resistance, then by treating the invasion of her territory as no cases bells, and finally by forcing her to accept de facto all the demands of Russia in their most humi liating form. France, he believed, was inclined to adopt more energetic steps, and bad only been in duced by Lord Aberdeen to follow the pusillanimous course of his suggektion. Mr. Moslem*: MILNES defended the Government; believing that they could have made out a much bet: ter sto:y for themselves if consideration for the inte rests of England and of peace had not induced them to practise a self-denying reticence. He dwelt upon the delicacies and difficulties of a question involving, among other things, the religious faith of a vast po pulation, and contended that Ministers ought not to be blamed if, under such circumstances, they evinced a somewhat decided partiality to a temporising pw• Rey. Lord J. RUSRET,T, interposed some explanations, de signed to show why he had not given a fuller narra tive; why he had not given it earlier; and why he had refused to allow a debate on the subjeet. Al hiding to some censures upon Ministerial conduct offered by Mr. Layard, he declined to refute them, assigning as his reason that to do so he must refer to papers to which the house hail no access. Mr. M► NTX was convinced that the people of Eng land would be deeply disappointed at learning all that the Ministers had done and failed to do in the matter. Mr. timelier' remarked upon the future dangers in which the temporising course of the Government had involved Europe. There were a number of small and weak States placed as objects for the cupi dity of more powerful neighbours, and protected only by the common feeling that in any case of aggres sion the aggressor would be treated as a common enemy. By now showing that an act of audacious aggression could he passed over in the - instance of the Russian occupation of the principalities, the Ministry had weakened this guarantee for peace, and established a tempting precedent for future ma lefactors who might attempt to disturb the repose of the world. 384 rotabinp