The Press. — London, England, 1853-05-07 00:00:00

MAY 7, 1833. to reccollect the various aspects which the income tax has assumed since it first was brought under our notice by Sir Robert Peel. It was first of all proposed for the purpose of supplying a deficiency, in order that it might create a surplus with which to deal with the indirect taxation of the country. Then it was continued again for the sole pew pose of creating a surplus which should allow you still till.- ther to deal with the iudirt•et taxation of the country. Now, what is the form that it assumes at the present day ? It was no longer proposed again in order that it might create a surplus with which we should deal with the ietlireet tax ation of the country ; but we have so tier advanced that you must grant the income tax to support your revenue as at present established, and as it is necessary at present to meet your expenditure : and yon are absolutely. while you are asked to extend the income tax, asked to lay on other taxes to the amount of nearly three millions, also to deal with the indirect taxation of the country. ( Hear.) Ceder these circumstances, when we see such rapid progress made in ten or twelve years, a man must be shutting his eyes to all that passes around him—he must be absolutely eluobser- Yant of all the signs of the times, of the temper of metes winds, and of the thoughts and habits of the people among whom he lives, if he could slimiest. that the income tax, having already served its first office of creating a surplus for dealing with an indirect taxation, will not virtually take a perpetual part in our revenue. Nay, your having recourse to fresh taxation in addition to dealing with in direct taxation is a tact fr o m which he MOM be the must incredulous of men who supposes we should suddenly re• trograde, or that while we are incensing and enduring increased taxation in order to deal with • indirect taxa tion, we should in the interim give up the income tax which was first proposed for that 'impose. ( Hear. hear.) Why should we suppose that the tupunents which at present prevail with regard to taxation should so suddenly cease to have effect? What argument in favour of removing the tea duties that does not apply to the wine duties? (Hear. hear.) What argument in favour of removing the excise upon soap that does not equally apply to the abolition of the excise on paper? Cheap sugar is one of the bless ings of the age. Why should you Hot have cheaper sugar ? (hear, hear) We have already lied tobacco brought under our notice ; and I am reminded that the English smuggler may always make a fortune so long as our immense impost upon that article remains. (Hear, hear.) 1 have also a second reason why 1 think this tax will not terminate at the end of seven years ; and that second reason I thud in the whole scope of the financial policy of the right honour able gentleman, in all his antecedents, and in the whole of his conduct and career. If the arguments of the right honourable gentleman, not. only upon this but upon former occasions, mean anything, they mean we should tcrrui nate, if possible, perhaps at a dentine but at a certain day, the whole of the revenue raised by customs. That is the natural and inevitable inference from the pmcetelimee of the right honourable gentleman. lam perfectly wiling to concede this, that when the right honourable gentleman held out the prospect, as he did the other night, of our getting rid of the income tax at the end of seven years. he spoke with sincerity, acted with perfect conecientionsness. I have not the slightest &nee that the right honourable gentleman, at this moment, sanguine in his projects, and anxious to lix their success, believes that there is a very fair prospect of attaining that end. I have not the slight est doubt, if the right honourable gentleman were Chan cellor of the Exchequer in 1800, although it might be Funerary to his financial convictions, although it might 114! in total defiance to his commercial policy, he is so temscien tious that It is quite likely he would resign °thee sooner than propose the continuance of this tax. lint then vvlent should we see? We should see him doing as he 011ee did on the Maynooth question—he would resign office, and would thus act as a man of the highest conscientiontmess. He would resign his exalted station in the Cabinet, and then probably from beneath the gangway he would himself re eommeud the renewal of the ineome tax. (Hear, hear, hear. ) That be might do with perfect honour—sactifiee himself and save his country. (Cheers and laughter.) That is the future prospect before us." This dilemma then stood before us. If the tax, as he believed it would be, was a permanent one, were we authorized to continue and extend it, with all the unfairness and other odious qualities it possessed? If, as the ministers assumed, it was only temporary, was it wise or politic to introduce the impost to new countries and new classes? Under that dilemma, be contended that the tax should be adopted for the shortest possible time, and in the most mitigated form. Either we should adjust anti equalise the tax, or; if *hat were impracticable, we should henceforth devote every farthing of our accruing surplus towards its gradual entinetion. Addressing himself to the Irish side of the question, Mr. Disraeli then com mented upon and strongly denounced the compro mise offered by cancelling a Is:•ge debt as a counter poise to the imposition of a new tax, and then briefly explained the reasons which had induced him, when constructing his own scheme, to abstain from inflicting the income tax upon the lend of Ireland. The right hon. member then extended his purview over the whole range of the Ministerial budgetary project. One objectionable feature seemed to him to prevail throughout the entire scheme :--- " It appears to me that the whole of the financial policy of the right hon. gentleman is conceived in u spirit of in. justice to the land. (Cheers. ) Now, this is a subject on which I have no wish to indulge in deelamution, as the son. member for the 'Wes , Eiding phrases it. lam wady to establish what I consider the truth of inyepinion by reasoning and by facts ; and as I plead for an interest not sumunded by any artificial legislation—as I give yial..and sincerely give yon, credit for wishing that all classes of the community should. so far as is possible, receive from your legislation, especially upon fiscal subjects, justice-1 trust THE PRESS. you will listen to the ft.w obseiNatiolis 1 have to wake with temper and tolerance—(Hear, hearl—that you will not Permit Luivient prejudices. or the recolleetions of former tends, to divert your minds from the grave consideration of thee filets which lam about tee hey before you. Hear.) Now, 1 would ask the committee to view fora moment the• state of our mecum. in its amount. if you look to the last return, you will find that the ordinary sources of our rete line. deducting that income tax• which was originally pro posed as a tempontry tax, and which as a temporary tax is the basis of the financial scheme of the minister, tetneolun tee about 16,000,114NQ sterling per annum. 'this great comitry. with the most extensive commerce of modent times. the most admirable. iminsfactures—generneel, as we' are told, by the great towns—this country eel progress raises an impimdleled revenue to the amount of ..Itt,lloo,olllV. per annum from its ordinary sources. And (Ibsen e this, that one-fourth of that revenue is raised by a ditty IMOD a single crop of the British farmer. (t 11%erage of the united duties which you levy directly or indirectly upon barley is upwards of $11) per cent. Now let me. show the committee how this system operates, curd how it must continue to operate, under the iinamial policy recommended by her Majesty's 4. len enintent. I . oa are called upon I thi s kie.lellte to dour with the tea duties. You are going to reduce the duty on tea by mar' than 100 per cent. You are going tee bring that article into increased competition with those beventges which are produced l o om the ieroductions of the British framer. 'rya will pre,bably become a substitute to a great extent for spirits anti for beer, which are produced from barley. There are. perhaps, many hon. gentlemen opposite who will say that they have no objection 111 ten or tee wine becoming a Nuitsti• tuts for spirits, whisky, gill, or beer. it' that is the natural course of human ettlitint—if that change resulted front a concomitant change in the habits, feelings, and tastes of the people, lie would lee a very unwise Inn who would set his face against such a change ; but it' that change is pro. diced by the foreign produetion entering into competition with the British product, with the immense advantage of being taxed by one-half less. then their substitution for the pnoduction of the British farmer is in fact not the eons' , quenee of u change of taste in the pis but of your fiscal injustice. A sum of eleven or twelve millions a year can never be raised without being paid by the. ruusuuer, RIO, if such a sum be paid by the consumer, it must inevitably tend to restrain industry and commerce, and to cramp the energies of the producer. (lieu,, hear, hear.) Now, it is of great importance that we should deal with the excessive indirect taxation which attaches to many foreign articles. It is of great importattee that we should extend our commerce with 11061 Mid I hina, and endeavour tee 'dare it Nam a sounder and a broader basis, and unit is undoubtedly one reason why we should yie.lel the duty on tea. It is also of great importance to increase our trade and commerce. with France and the mottle of Europe and that, too, is a mighty reason why we should deal with the wines and brandies of France. But, irrespeethe eel politi cal justice, you have to eonsider the. fiscal 4`1111S1.11111.11el•S which 11111/4t, acerue. if you persist in lessening your inelinct taxation upon Chinese tea and French wine, and at the saute time leave the enormous impost still existing on the malt and spirits which are raised in this country. ( !tear, bear.) IN'hat must be the consequences of articles of foreign products, like tea and wine., coming in at it rellueed, and, if the systent of the. Chancellor of the Exchequer Is. ever consummated, perhaps ut it nominal duty, and sup. planting beverages which am maimed from the barley of the British cultivator of soil? will 1114'11 liceolue Of your revenue of eleven or twelve. millions" ply every considenition of sound finance, irrespeetive of political justice—which is a question of cull higher consideration than sound limns'—yem ought tee take can. that, alien you are Winging in articles whirl' cutter into etanpetition with articles produced ley the British vultivutor of the soil, you st at least take care that the competition which he' enters into is. as you say, one. of ' unrestricted elanetition; (Hear. hear, hear.) But. what is the vicuna. recommended by her Majesty's NI inixteise? While they are proposing to reduce, ley more. than BM per cent., the tit\ on tea, and are waiting oily opportlitlity tea 111'111 111 tile. MOM' manner with wine, they are allowing these. foreign !alleles to enter into competition with articles of British gr o wth which are subject to a ditty of '234) per vent—( bear, hear I—the. only propositiem which they make with respell to this immense amount of tlomo .st ie. and indirect faxen ion is to add halt' a million to the RTIIIIIIIIt %chid' is uhrudy felt to be• so oppressive. (Hear, bear.) So far us the justice eef the policy of her Majesty's Government as to land, with respect to dealing with indirect taxation, is voncenied—and lam asking no favour for the baud—l should lee very glad to know if tiny honourable gentleman JJ 11l g the• most extreme views of unrestricted 1.11,111101111111 11111 v indicate such a peaky ? ( Ilear, hear, hear.) I f the finativial policy of the Chancellor of the Exelicquer deals in so unjust it measure with tole indirect tax tot regards land, whet is lr doing at the same time with our direct !axe.? lle.re is it farmer who produces a crop of barley—and the. duty nls an barley affects the soil eel' the whole kingdom—and lee finds that. his product, with en immense impost upon it, is placed in eine‘peeted conipetition with his foreign rivals who h o ne te pay u much redtteed rate, and lee fondle in addition 111 11111.1 that the indirect tax upon his harky is increased. But \\hat more has he ? When he leaves tin' domain of indirect taxation, he Innis the Clutnesdlor of the Exchequer, who says, You will meet this inereasesl competition by an increased direct impost, and in addition to all this, and in order to sustain pat in the contest, we ane going to put upon you an income tax.' (Cheers and laughter.) That is the position of the cultivator of the. soil ( Hear, hear.) Whitt Is the condition of the toroprictor of the moil, who has been told to devote his capital to the improvement eef his estate? ( Hear, hear, hear.) You are going, tee propose a tax, which I'oll call extending the legacy duty to land. which will act as /I direct tax of a considureilde aineault upon ull re-al property, and of course. if upon all real property, in a very great degree, if not mainly, upon land." After recapitulating some of the historical itt►ei. dents etainected with the legacy duties, correcting the misstatement that l'itt hail ever proposed to include land within the range of that tax, or that • landlord Parliament had thrown out the hill, Mr. Disraeli postponed until dais:peel& resolution came before the house a full disseetion of the proposed tax upon sue • cessions. Submitting, then, that he had established his allegation of injustice to the land" against the present scheme, he went Oa to 01161 and scrutinise its general results:— "We hare lived to see eery strange timea. I remember when Sir Robert Peel proposes' his first income tax. I res. member the noble lord the leader of the llow to of Coup mons rising in his 'dace. and welt the traditionsiry spirit of Mr. Fox denouncing Otto intpest as Mr. Fox denounced the legacy duty, because the noble lord, as well as Mr. Fox, hail soma feeling bir the 'a n d which his forefathers Do long tillornesi. I naitember the noble lord's sultutinitiou 10 Sir 1641..0 Peel The noble lord could not deny theru was al for hr dual just kit office, and knew perfectly well the state tie his trensitiy—ut lat 4 11 I—but the nuld• lora said them Ml' ether Divan% to supply the deficiently. Anything but this odious, this unjust, this intsputitlile, this inquisitorial income tics—(ruti.lted laughter I—are the epithets whirls the noble hint used. Ile would not hear of the intssiiir tax. Anything, said the noble lord, but this. You have got a tleticitatev, why do not on supply it by applying a legacy duty to hand" Well, the uuble lord has applied a IlsgAry .1111% to land, but he has given in the iuranie tai‘ Thal' is the fete of England; and now what is the fate cif Intend ' Sir Holbert Peel did not propose stn i11t . 01114. tax for In limit, lint he propelled one foil' England. Sir %deal l'eel thought there wens coustitutiiiiial awl legal n mis which pe . vetittsl hint, even it he had w 'shill it. from appljing the Meow tat to Ireland. Sir Peel said, ' I must have in equity some substitute. I will propose a substitute, and that substitute shall be it they upon spirits.' So Ireland gut a spirit they neut.:id of the iitisime tax, mud England got the inc • ttix instead of the legacj obey proisssed by the noble lord. Hui: do ureters stand now ? Why, Etighuel hits got both the income tun owl the legacy duty, and Ire. bold has got a spirit duty and the ineonie tax tom (t'lleera and laughter.) Strange ride, that Will countries, from a inistry of ' all the talents,' shi ned receive such sweeper lanai blessings, Renewed Insighter.) ' l ' here is 'neither point in the budget to which I ant otaliin4l to refer for a moment. The tight lismourulde xwaithasinte the I lintwellor of the I.:satellites. has project tor • liasilasi'S I dare say many of his siititsirtias lutve hears' something Onset. There has been a gloat I.lllllllltltt and went llllN`Ont4int iu tits. esintery 'tibial this subjeet. awl, unless I misunderstood the right limn ga •111 lonian the other night, MS opinion upon it is itireailv shaken. 1 !lour. hear.) I should him, supposed that a .11 Mister of Finning. would nut have taken allt.ll li stop am proposing lieeitsing for trades without welt weighing its cliiinteter and eslnhequences, Snell a plan la not to he taken tip without careful considennion, nor is it Its he lightly relinquishes'. It is a very great auliject ; it touches the trade sit' the i•otititr, the retail node, the most tritslo.r slut' el iiiiii tunny. the tenet irritable mid the most lively n o el sensitive to anythinglike an attack upon their lintinees. ( I icor, hear.) The system of lie cruces Illrhldr., too, saline sit' Illy most important Vtlill4ie %jilt direct texation. Some have pro• poised it 110.11 lilt It tiflrtilll •111614litItte for the (airtime tax ; ban it 11111N.:IIN lion ill 11l is, as in other avows. you ace (ii Intro licellaril HMI illa'ailllo tax VIM ( A laugh.) Such, at all events, wits the uljteinnl lobos of the (Unwell's,* of the Exchequer ; lout 11141'.. Isaac great 11111 l loons ittol throat• tent in lila. rounder. anal alist alai we now Ni'.'? Ws. tWe the Silliar I ' hnnerllor eot'i he Exi•liequer rising up in his place and isslutitting the absoilets. twee•sity of the seal' . 'wing altered. I hilt l• uo 111111111 the 1111111 will ultimately Ile given up. Now mirk the ilitierencr lei wren the treatment of the population of the towns and ilia' of 'how. entaweetiNi with the Lund, (Hear, hear.) There is nit the slightest doubt that the Climicellor of the Exchequer winds! never liana iiitapalawal lirolli.es 10'110'01 lila:III hi hi" a „lila , and proper he., stud n o t stilly just lett piditis . . Well, but he changes his opinion in four.atultwenty hours, when the Intik , . his, , and tell him they will mit clithin• the flys• tent, Nut the fanner must bear his income tax : the pro• prietor ill * the ...Ilil bl.lll* his increased burden* and his direct titxtition : and the cultivator sit the moil t find that his lewdest of indirect twottion is eitiillessusly row v teed, and that he has. ire .1i rivals in the field fur the articles he prsittees. Ile Inlll rIIIIM ; he is to get Ills relief ; the orders are given : the delegates wait, and the Minister trembles.(''hire's,)" This result he traced to the opts at ion of a principle ot• recent introducti , si, but wlti•le Was 41116111 y a source Of injury to the es attar.% of indignity t o th e Mi nisters of the t* lw it. I.:lectoral privileges in the hands of certain cheeses were now, he feared, appro_ ',rioted to the solo end ot• securing their own exemp tion front - " Than 11r. " I coat conceive two f e m me i ii (a ir •rata ii tdttiou noon . fearful, more to be deprecated, fuel acme to Is• c....4%ted, It'hea•rr.) Why, what loss been tu n • I' .II; • of the disturbance of count/ilia.— of th e f a lling of elsiue• •'.' It has Is•en the existence of a clam; exempted liaon hixittion. ( !fear.) I see no differ ence between the noble and the privileged Wbac• violist. !mull l.n::rhtrr and checrs. l Nly sense of jtuitice in tuutt•r, of tomtit,e i. estil3ll oittrage.l whether it is the Lawless seiinc sir that voila•. to the t lutneellor of the Ex. chequer will 11111 io hooch him with 1111 imp o st that sill oiti4lit to • ill• wliethel• it is the tnulestuan who has a In!. %ot•. 'I eireitiostativea are equally full of disorder and di-ease. and I vented doubt that the result in the one cuss and in the other moat he equally fatal. 1 feel that those privileged elitist% must be the classes that will I •