The Press. — London, England, 1854-04-22 00:00:00

4: Ali, ■ i I - T3 X 4 0 1:44-.1 . • 111 No. 51.—VOL. 11. LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 22, 1854. 401 '-1.-Js NEWSPAPER STAMPS. THE Return issued of Stamps supplied to Newspapers in 1853 exhibits the following comparative results : Stamps Issued. Average Weekly 1,470 2,020 1,826 2,321 3 514 2,817 .-- --- NEWSPAPERS. .:~ '0 Atlas 13ritannia Examiner John Bull Leader PRESS . [From May 7th to Deostaber 31st—Eight Months.] Spectator , 76,500 105,508 241,525 95,000 120,700 123,000 146,5001 gtit Vrtss. 4,604 LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 22, 181. NOTWITHSTANDING recent disclosures, the coun try can very imperfectly understand the price it is paying for Lord AI3t:HDEEN'S services, or its indignation would long since have found a voice which even he would have been com- pelled to respect. His presence at the head of our Government cheers the Court of St. Petersburg with a hope that we shall never proceed to extremities with it. He is still the friend of the Czar at heart, and probably even now is looking fondly towards the German Courts, and dreaming of peace through their intervention. We do Rot attempt to judge the conduct of our commanders in the Euxinc, as we do not know what orders they may have received ; but thus far it is evident that Itus• sian interests have been tenderly dealt with (if not cared for), and that there has been a significant want of energy in urging on mea sures for the rigorous prosecution of the war. In fact, had Lord ABERDEEN been the sworn servant, as he has long been the humble adu lator, of the Emperor NICHOLAS, he could not more effectually have anticipated bis wishes or contributed to his designs than he has done. To his management it is owing that the Rus sian commanders have been enabled to concen trate an immense army on the theatre of war, before a battalion of the allied forces arrived to oppose them—that the Turkish army has so long been exposed to an unequal contest with its gigantic antagonist, and is now, in the opinion of experienced and competent autho rities, in a position of great peril—that time has been allowed for every possible precaution to be taken for the safety of the Russian fleets and fortified places—and that the insurrection of the Greek population in Turkey has as sumed such formidable proportions. While Russian arms and Russian emissaries were equally active in conspiring against the life of the " sick man," Lord ABERDEEN was preaching to him submission. The massacre at Sinope is justly chargeable to his account. We know that one, at least, of the ablest and highest servants of the Porte warned his Government of the danger of the fleet at Sinope, and urged that it should be reinforced with ships of the line. His advice would have been promptly acted on but for the fatal influence of English counsels. The Turkish Government was as sured that the danger was imaginary, and that no Russian attack was to be apprehended. It foolishly trusted in this assurance, and was only roused from its vain confidence by the most cruel and treacherous action that stains modern history. Yet could Lord ABERDEEN treat this terrible catastrophe, directly due to his folly or his art, as a mere mischance for which no one was to blame, and, when Te Deum was chanted by the Russian Court in grateful recognition of the completeness of the slaughter, could still profess trust in the pacific intentions of his Imperial idol. We speak of notorious facts. The massacre of Sinope occurred on the 30th of November, and was known here the second week in De cember ; and six weeks later Lord ABERDEEN, on the first day of the session, was " ready to " repeat all the declarations he had ever made " against this country engaging in a war with " any State, and certainly against Russia," and thought it " his duty to use every possible " effort, and every endeavour, to check the " popular feeling against what appeared to be " injustice and aggression." That the shameful inaction of our Cabinet ' while Russia was making colossal preparations ' for war was alone due to Lord ABERDEEN, and those few partisans of Russia who side with him in his Cabinet, is evident from the fact that while Lord CLARENDON, on the 4th of February last, most distinctly stated that he " held out no expectation that fresh " negotiations might be entered into, and that " peace might still be preserved," Lord ABERDEEN, four days later, made his memora ble declaration—" A state of warfare exists " between Russia and the Porte ; but I have " yet to learn that this country is at war with " any power As long as peace remains " I will not abandon the hope of maintaining " it, and please God no effort shall be spared on " my part to maintain it. " This was after the recal of the Russian Am bassador, when all diplomatic intercourse be tween the two countries had ceased. What impression could we expect to make on the Russian Cabinet by a show of hostility in the face of pusillanimous declarations like these ? Can we wonder that the Emperor NICHOLAS spoke contemptuously of our "Bourgeois Par liament" with such a trusted Premier, or ' that the representative of France at St. Petersburg should have been treated with deference and respect while our Minister was dismissed with every mark of ignominy and contempt? apt We would not be minim, not blame Lord ABERDEEN for his predilec tions. At his age he cannot be expected to change his nature—scarcely to alter his opinions. His reverence for the Czar had become a confirmed sentiment of his mind, and he was totally incapable of forming those new views and adopting those new principles of policy which that total change in the rela tions of Europe caused by Russian aggression imperatively required. We are willing to be lieve that he saw no hope for the safety of European society but in Russian ascendancy; and that, understanding neither the true genius nor the real interest of the country he was fortuitously called on to govern, he was We do PRICE SIXPENCE. willing to make any sacrifice required to secure for us the continued alliance or protection of the potentate he adored. We will even admit that be was not quite singular in his grovellingapprehensions ; that 1 there were and are persons in the country so wedded to the Russian alliance as to deem it indispensable to our safety. It is not our purpose to argue the point with them. We only say that an obstinate adherence i to Russia, under any and every possible combination of circumstances, would have been a definite, and, in regard to the peculiar senti ments of such persons, an intelligible, cel of policy. It was the policy which Lord A s DEER, through his favourite organ, endeavo ur to impose on this country last autumn, and ' r. we are willing to allow that it. was the system which his understanding dictated, and which his conscience, of which he so frequently speaks, approved. . . . But, when he found that events rendered it impossible for him to maintain that policy, how was it that he still retained office ? Why does this worthy head of a Russian party consent to wage war with Russia? Is it that his love of office is stronger than his convic tions, or is it that he knows he can best serve his friend by pretending to act against him ? With his recorded opinions before us, bow is it possible to suppose that he is the proper man to rouse, array, and combine the energies of the country in opposition to her foe, and, direct against his power those terrible blows by which alone his pride can be humiliated and hip strength taught its limits? What warrant s have we, from the feeble and hesitating man ner in which Lord ABERDEEN has drawn the i sword, that he will henceforth wield it vigo- , rously and cast away the scabbard ? While peace was possible a pacific Minister might be tolerated ; but, now that hostilities have begun. Lord ABERDEEN and his philo-Russian col leagues can remain in power only to retard and hamper those active operations which are essentially necessary to the successful pro secution of the war. Can they be ignorant that, in consenting, or professing, to carry out a policy to which they are conscientiously averse, they are exposing themselves to more odious suspicions than any which would be justified by mere love of office or vacillation of mind? FREE SHIPS, FREE GOODS. THE principles to be observed respecting neutral navigation in the present war, as announced in the royal declaration of the 28th March last, and still further extended by the orders in Council of the 15th April, have naturally given rise to much discussion. The unprecedented concessions made to the interests of commerce, while they have more than realised the expectations of our merchants, are likely to prove a fertile source of contro versy to our lawyers and politicians. A complete revolution of the British laws affect ing maritime warfare will be accomplished, should the present rules be adhered to. The doctrine of allowing a neutral flag to protect an enemy's cargo has never before been recog nised by England. Exceptions have, indeed, been made in favour of particular nations by special treaty ; but the undoubted belligerent _,.~