The Press. — London, England, 1858-04-17 00:00:00

362, resign; Lord MELBOURNE'S was thrust out by a vote of " want of confidence." Sir ROBERT PEEL next suffered a defeat which was in tended to compel, and did compel, his retire ment. Lord JOHN Russzu, met with the same fate. So did Lord DERBY ; 'and then Lord ABERDEEN; and lastly, Lord PALMERS TON. It is not, then, that Ministries dis agree, or are modified by deaths or resigna tions. They are all compelled to resign, b 3 the sudden, and often unerpeeled , deasinps of the House of Commons. Ahd now, having discharged one Minister, who was sup posed to have a majority, his successor is treated by the Times as an intruder because it is assumed that he has not a majority. Yet there is the blindness of personal eagerness in these Times articles ; for who that wrote in a cool, reflecting mood could omit to observe, " Lord PALMERSTON, being nominally the head of the Liberal majority of the House, was defeated, and forced to resign, be cause many of these Liberals dis liked him as leader No attempt, therefore, should he made to eject the present Govern ment, in order to place a Liberal Ministry in its room, until it has been ascertained whether there is any one leader whom the Liberal majority will agree to follow." The present position of affairs, in fact, is one wholly new. It could not occur under the system which prevailed up to 1832. It is a legitimate fruit of the Reform Bill. The House of Commons is now divided, though in name only, into two sections :—a minority, having one political creed and one set of leaders ; and a supposed or alleged majority, which is divided, distracted, disorganized, and the leaders of which dislike and contemn each other. The present writer in the Times (for all men can discern the difference between the Times of this week and the Times of three weeks ago) argues as if all things were wrong and out of joint just now, but could be set right in a couple of days by simply turning Lord DERBY out, and bringing Lord PALMERSTON back again. Yet, who does not see that this simple process offers no kind of security against the recurrence of the defeat of Feb. 19th, followed by a fresh resignation ? The absurdity of such a course of action is quite obvious. It might lead to the loss of the whole Parliamentary year, which might be wasted in repeated resignations and re-elec tions. When Lord PALMERSTON and his col leagues adopted the deliberate and unanimous resolution of breaking up their Ministry, and handing the reins to Lord DERBY, we must assume that they were in earnest. We cannot imagine them to have contemplated such child's play as a resignation in February, to he followed by a return to office in May. The public business, the vast affairs of this great empire, are surely not to be handled with such lightness or indifference. The position, then, we repeat, is a new one, and yet it is one naturally flowing from the working of the Reform Bill. We have got s House of Commons in which there sit a large number of gentlemen called " Liberals "; but which gentlemen do not at all agree as to their ultimate aim and object. The conse quence of this real and deep-seated difference which exists among them, is, that they can only now and then act harmoniously; and that no Minister can depend upon their united support for a month together. Meanwhile, opposite to them are ranged a very largo body of Members who are agreed among themselves, and who do mean the same thing. These Members may be relied on by their leaders, and they outnumber any one section of the Liberals. Will it be the easiest and best course, then, to attempt to carry on the business of the country by means of the 260 men who are agreed, or by the 360 or 380 who are not agreed ? This question has never before been put, and up to this time it has, therefore, re ceived no answer. Yet such a question will naturally and very frequently occur to the spectator, who, without joining in party strife, takes a rational interest in his country's welfare. Such a one will say, " If what is supposed to be the majority-- the Liberal majority—cannot act together, they do practically cease to be the majority. THE PRESS, APRIL 17, 1858. It was because they would not so act together, that the late Premier was defeated and forced to resign. If they have, since that time, arrived at a better understanding, and if they are prepared to vote in unison, let them in some way mako this evident. So soon as Sir ROBERT PEEL felt, in 1841, that he was sure of 300 supporters, be at once proposed a vote of ' want of confidence.' If Lord PALMERSTON has the like belief and trust, let him take the same straightforward course ; or else, let him be peaceable himself; and let him inculcate peaceable conduct on his followers." The remarks of Mr. HORSMAN, a fortnight since, must commend themselves to every honourable mind. He observed, that " three " courses were open to the Opposition. They " might resolve to remove the present Govern. " ment, if they could, from office ; or they " might determine to give them a fair trial ; " or, thirdly, without taking the direct course " of open and earnest opposition, they might " harass the Government by repeated but in " direct attacks. This third course he earnestly " deprecated." It is, however, this third course which some of the Liberals, and some of the Liberal journals, seem now anxious to take. The Government has only been in existence about six weeks ; yet its very first measure was to have been attacked, with the declared object of defeating and overthrowing the Ministry. And certain Liberals, with the Times as their mouthpiece, are very wroth, because Lord JOHN RUSSELL has suggested a course which will obviate the necessity of any party vote on the India Bill These writers do not attempt to conceal their chagrin at this disappointment. They care little about either " India Bill No. 1" or " India Bill No 2," but they hoped for an opportunity of dealing a blow to the Ministry ! If this is to be the course taken by the friends of the late Cabinet, it will be necessary to ask the House, shortly, whether it approves or disapproves of such a line of conduct. And should the House show—which we by no means expect—a willingness to lend itself to such attempts, the question will indeed press for a practical solution, " How is the Queen's Government to be carried on? " If the House felt aggrieved at the formation of the present Ministry, it should have expressed that feeling at the outset. Not having done so, but having tacitly consented to that forma tion, it cannot now lend itself to any indirect attacks, without laying itself open to deserved censure. But we have no apprehension that the House will take any such course. The position is indeed a new one; but the minds of public men will thereby be more and more directed to discover, if possible, some prac tical answer to the Duke's question. And that answer, we think, will not be, that having had, already, eight changes of Ministry within five and-twenty years, it is expedient to quicken the pace, and to arrange for the construction of a new Cabinet, in future, at least once, if not twice, in each half-year ! FINANCIAL PROSPECTS AND THE BUDGET. Jr Mr. DISRAELI gets successfully through the ordeal of Monday next, and places before Par liament financial arrangements for the year 1858-9, well conceived and carefully digested, which shall press as little upon the springs of industry as can be expected in devices of which the object is to create exceptional revenue for the supply of a large deficiency, he will do much towards obtaining for the Government a strong hold upon the country. We wish him success sincerely, for sincerely and earnestly we know he has been labouring to deserve it. It is no easy task which he has before him, and the circumstances which surround it are untoward. The excite• ment of the great struggles in which year after year we have been engaged is passing away, and is beginning to give place to that weariness which follows intense exertion. There is little now in the aspect of affairs either at home or abroad to give that exalta tion to the spirit of the nation which makes it feel lightly and carry buoyantly burdens apparently too heavy to be borne ; and men who twelve months ago threw their means without thought of stint at the feet of the CHANCELLOR of the Ensuing, now pause upon each demand, and begin to look hardly and closely at every items of an estimate. Nor is this change of spirit under change of circum stances the only difficulty. There are other difficulties in the way of a Finance Minister short of revenue and hampered with expen diture ; but ho cannot avoid material and positive difficulties. The commercial com munity has not rallied from the effects of the crisis in the same degree as the monetary world. It has not exhibited a like elasticity, but still remains depressed and fearful of renewed movement. Money dealers have long since unlocked their coffers, and brought back into the market the capital which they had hoarded when touched by panic ; but it is to no purpose that they walk the Exchanges of our great mercantile cities with their gold in their hands, tendering its use at rates far below the average. The men who would have grasped convulsively at it at one time at twelve or twenty per cent., draw back from it now, though offered at two and a half. Enter prise is stagnant ; and we have manufacturers wanting orders, and artizans wanting work. Such is mentally and materially the state of the country at this moment, in which Mr. Disaszu has to provide for a deficiency of something very like 6,000,0001. This defi ciency is the result partly of redemptions of debt made obligatory upon the present year by the Acts which created it, and of anticipated diminution of revenue consequent upon a fall of twopence in the pound in the income tax, the scvenpenoe under the Act of last session being leviable for one year only, and the duty henceforth falling under the provisions of the previous Act to fivepence. The obligations for the redemption of debt consist of 2,000,0001. on account of Exchequer Bonds, and 1,000,000/. on account of sinking fund on war loans, charged on Consolidated Fund, amounting to a total of 3,500,0001. The loss on account of the fall in the income-tax, which will result to the income of 1858.9, may be taken at 1,000,0001. This makes an aggregate sum of four millions and a half for which the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER has no provision in hand ; and we may add to it, probably, without risk of overstepping the mark, something like a million for extraordinary expenditure. We should have said more, were it not for tho extreme pains which we observe the Govern ment are taking to be frugal wherever fru gality is not inconsistent with efficiency. - - Now, how is this state of things to be dealt with? What mode of treatment will suit best the present condition of the commercial and mone tary affairs of the country, and press with least severity upon its resources? The step that first naturally presents itself is the arrest of the duty on Income from its fall of twopence. That would wipe out a million of the antici pated deficiency, and, whatever may be our feeling or our ability with regard to new taxa tion, we certainly can bear without sensible inconvenience the continuation of the mode rate rate of aevenpence, which we have been paying, if not cheerfully, at least without diffi culty, throughout all the pressure created by war and monetary derangement. Next comes the 8,600,000/. of existing debt whiai the Acts of Parliament present for redemption. Would the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER do wisely to attempt to raise by means of new taxes additional revenue 1