The Press. — London, England, 1858-08-28 00:00:00

828 THE WEEK. We are willing to believe that the remarkable speech delivered by the Count DE PERSIGNY on Monday last, which has occupied so prominent a position in our daily contemporaries, is as honest as it is unquestionably eloquent and ingenious. To affect a doubt of the sincerity which ac tuated him in his observations upon the English alliance would be as un gracious as impolitic. It is most true that England has little or nothing to gain by a war with France, or indeed with any Continental Power. She aspires to no European conquests. She sighs for no change of government for which hostilities might afford the opportunity. ller colonial dependencies are as extensive as she can conveniently govern. And she would probably never seek to regain those ancient maritime rights of which the " Clarendon capitulation " deprived her. All these reflections are so extremely obvious, that, however grateful we may feel towards M. DF, PERSIGNY for the courteous and friendly tone in which he has expressed them, we cannot disguise from ourselves that they convey no intelligence to the people of this country which it did not possess before. That the commerce of either nation would be seriously damaged by a collision is a consideration not wholly unfamiliar to us. Nor do we require to be reminded by implication that the nearer the two countries are brought together by the discoveries of modern science, the more would hostilities between them partake of an unnatural character. No man could be insincere in using such arguments as these. They arc patent to the most ordinary intelligence, and have long formed the stock of English public opinion on the subject. There is, however, a very material point, to which M. DE PERSIGNY did not—perhaps could not—have been expected to allude. We mean the equally patent fact that it is not by considerations of this nature that peace and war are determined. If all history did not warn us of this, the experience of the last twelve months would be sufficient to do so; and accordingly, without for a moment underrating the good inten tions of the French statesman, we must frankly declare that we think lie has laid undue stress upon the circumstances in question. Ilk account, however, of the misunderstanding between France and England nine months ago is such as every Englishman must rejoice to see afforded by a Frenchman, and it is upon this particular portion of his speech that we have dwelt with the most unqualified satisfaction. The part which will perhaps commend itself least to the general sense of the English public is fortunately that which also concerns them least. We allude to his remarks on the Imperial dynasty. Now, there are plenty of arguments in favour of the expediency of maintaining that dynasty with out having recourse to the somewhat strained ones which M. nn PERSIGNY pressed into its service. "Men accuse it," says he, "of a tendency to dis " inherit the country of its legitimate influence in the conduct of public " affairs by founding, as at Rome, a sort of Caesarian dictatorship, aided by " the prestige of the name of Napoleon. Allow me to repudiate this " analogy. Between C/ESAR and NAPOLEON there is nothing in common, " except the glory which founded the prestige of the two names. But the " situations are totally different. At Rome the problem was to transfer a " society corrupted and disorganized by civil war from a republic to a " dictatorship by the destruction of its ancient liberties—while in France, " on the contrary, the task of the Napoleons is no other than to continue " our old monarchical state by a fourth dynasty—not to destroy ancient " liberties, but to consolidate new ones." We think if these be the aspi rations of the Napoleon dynasty that they will hereafter be best described in the well known Virgilian couplet— Andiit, et voti Plicebui succedere pattern Mute dedit; partem volucres dispersit in auras. That it may consolidate new liberties is very possible, but that it will ever be regarded either by its contemporaries or posterity as " a fourth dynasty," succeeding to the House of Bourbon as the house of Bourbon succeeded to that of Valois, is the mere dream of an enthusiastic partizan. We most earnestly believe, moreover, that any attempt on the part of the present Emperor to link himself with the old Legitimist traditions will not be conducive to the growth of his power or popularity. Let his family be accepted for what they are. The inaugurators of a totally new order of things—of a system in which the people are everything and the aristo cracy nothing, as opposed to one in which the people were nothing and the aristocracy everything—of a reign of equality opposed to a reign of privilege. Let his House, we say, frankly accept this position, and far be it from us to limit the future that is in store for it. France may still have her Antonines; but we trust the present Emperor will avoid the snare which was fatal to his uncle, and not hanker after aristocratic sympathies which can never be sincerely given to him. The European troops at the disposal of the Calcutta Government having been required in the Upper Provinces to suppress the revolt of the native army, it became necessary to employ detachments of sailors as a land force in maintaining order and tranquillity in districts near the sea board. A portion of this Naval Brigade was stationed in Assam, and by their presence effectually checked any tendency to mutiny on the part of the local battalion. In the absence of more stirring . occupations these amphibious worthies devoted th e i r l e i sure h o urs to private theatricals, and to galloping furious) , about the neighbourhood on the small ponies that abound in that pro,ince. The dusky daughters of the land likewise found favour in their eyzs, and time thus pleasantly ambled along with them until the moment arrived for their return to their "native element," or the acceptance of their discharge front her Majesty's service. They prefer, it is said, the latter alternative, but coupled with the condition that they shall receive certain allotments of land in their adopted country. It is probably unnecessary to remind our readers that the tea-plant grows in wild profusion throughout the upland districts of Assam, producing a leaf fully equal to the best varieties obtained from China. The cultivation of the plant itself is sufficiently simple, but the picking and manipulation of the leaf require some j udgment and great delicacy o f touch. Of course certain amount o copit4l Is also indispensable, as no returns can THE PRESS, AUGUST 28, 1858 be looked for within three years of the original outlay. 04Y though entertaining profound respect for the British sailor, whether in the cockpit or on the high and giddy mast, we do j no t feel quit e con fid ent of his Hi success in the character of a tea-planter. His judgment is not usua ll y un impeachable, nor is he generally remarkable for the deli cacy o f hi s man ipu lation. The amount of his capital , and his appreciation of the value of money, are tolerably well known in . every quarter of th e g l o b e; but his pursuits are more frequently of a jovial than of a commercial or agricul tural character. The assignment of waste lands to a genuine sailor appe ars, therefore, about as judicious a measure as the bestowal of a troop of horse on a Quaker, or intrusting a steam-engine to the m anagement of an Ojibbeway Indian. Their application, we are told, has been tak en by the Indian Government into mature consideration—a circumstance that curls the lip of a well-known daily contemporary. And yet there is good ground for deliberation. On the one hand, a colony of industrious Englishmen, occupied in the cultivation of tea, might undoubtedly be pro ductive of manifold advantages. But, on the other hand, a settlement of reckless, improvident sailors, constant to nothing but liquor, might have the effect of lowering the European character in the eyes of the natives, and prove seriously prejudicial to our moral influence. Hitherto, Euro• pears have never been seen by the natives of India in abject poverty and destitution, and it is very desirable that such a spectacle should never he afforded them. It becomes, therefore, a matter of grave importance that grants of land be not conferred on every casual applicant. Due care must be taken that the grantee have means and abilities to make a proper use of the " talent " confided to him ; and on these points the Indian Gov ernment must be allowed the exercise of the most ample discretion. Constant in- terference on the part of the home authorities in matters of detail cannot be otherwise than highly prejudicial to the efficiency of their representa tives in the East, where the only possible systemis that of a paternal despotism. A ship, according to the Johnsonian definition, is a prison with the chance of being drowned. This is the status of the crew. Passengers sometimes find it an hotel, in which, it' they escape drowning, they run the risk of being put into irons. Such, at any rate, was the unpleasant hazard encountered by the gentlemen who OA passage in the Undauntei, Captain FRANKLIN, which sailed from Melbourne to London in April last. The vessel left Australia with a valuable cargo and several passengers. At Calcutta more passenger 3 were taken in, comprising many Indian officers coming ho:ne on sick leave, several ladies, of whom one at least had gone through the seine of Luckno'v, and about two hundred invalid soldiers. Touching afterwards at the Cape, another posse of pas sengers was shipped, among the number a Mr. Kuno whose subsequent treatment by Captain FRANKLIN formed the subject of an action tried this week at Bristol assizes, and from which we gather sonic edifying particulars touching the condition of the social circle on board the vessel during her voyage. Passengers in a merchant ship suffer terribly from ennui , and are apt to relieve the monotony of their confinement by various de!assemens, some of which in shore-going society might very possibly be considered odd, or even improper. In the case of the Undaunted, among other amusements they had cultivated a quarrel with the captain. Before reaching the Cape, Captain FRANKLIN was regularly " sent to Coventry" by the occupants of his cabin, under circumstances of provocation which induced him sometimes to allude significantly to " twelve paces on shore," and sometimes to employ his authority as commander of the vessel in a way which interfered at many points with the personal enjoyments of the passengers. It must be acknowledged in his oehalf.that his position was in many respects one of peculiar difficulty. his crew consisted chiefly of Lanus, Those discipline was not so perfect as that of British sailors; while the presence oftwo hundred soldiers on board deprived him of that practical superiority of strength which might perhaps have rendered him less sensitive to the disparaging inuendoes against either his social station or his professional dictatorship. On one occasion it seems that something like a definite challenge was interchanged on the subject of an appeal to three; and when Captain FRANKLIN threatened to " pipe up" his crew, one of the officers on board plumply told him that he would find himself overmatched in any struggle by the red jackets, who would, of' course, side with their own profession. Matters came to a climax during the run home from the Cape. The passengers prosecuted with redoubled zest the amusements in which the captain was not allowed to share. They went to high ,jinks on the quarter-deck ; they played cards in the cabin to a late hour; and cracked tumblers in playing "Car dinal Puff" at times when Captain FRANKLIN was trying to repose in an adjacent berth after the fatigues of the day. On his side, the com mander showed a disposition to use his authority despotically. lie o rdered the cabin-lamps to be shifted, so as to incommode the curd-party , and even threatened to have the lights extinguished at eight e c lock, instead of the regulati o n h our o f e l even . In the consequent dispu tes Mr. FROG seems to have taken a pr om i nen t part, although the particul ar incidents do not appear on th e f ace o f th e p rocee dings. We cannot oth er. _ wise understand how he came t o b e s el ec ted for a special visitation of arbitrary power by the comman d er . His sole ostensible offence consisted, in having stated, as a sort o f le g al o pi n i on , that Captain FRANKLIN , if omni potent towards his cre w , exercise d towards' the passengers no other func tions than those of an hotel-keeper. The Captain, after this outrage, is said to have got up a scene probably unexampled in the chronicles of maritime adventure. lie buckled on a revolver, told his mate to take a rms also, summoned his crew about him, and declared that the passengers were about to mutiny and sei ze the vesse l. Th e come dy ended by his ordain; poor Mr. Klux; into irons. A chain of seven feet long was accord ingly fixed round the l eg o f th e un l uc ky p asse nger, the other end being fastened to his cabin floor ; an d i n thi s uncomfortable state 11r. kitou passed ten whole days while the Undaunted was running I , e 1 1 through tropical latitudes. The pretenc e o f mutiny, ridiculous from the beginning, was speedily abandoned by Capt a in FRANKL I iN, since he sen t daily message to the prisoner olrermg munedito rope 40°0 ti