The Press. — London, England, 1854-07-01 00:00:00

as its evil genius. To his influence he attributed the fact that Lord Palmerston was not appointed War Minister, though best qualified for the duties of the post and almost called to it by the public voice. Other members of the Ministry were also men of acknowledged talent, who each headed sections of members in the Commons, and yet their united powers had been unable to save from defeat every measure of importance brought forward during the present session _ _ "How was it ( he asked) that Government was day after day defeated, and day after day had to withdraw measures which it could not carry for want of sufficient support? He attributed it fairly to the First Lord of the Treasury. Hear, hear,' awl a liugh.) He thought that It was be :Anse neither tie Houses of Parliament nor the country had confidence in him in the exigency and emergency in which they were at present placed. Hetlid not think, and it was his firm belief the country did not think, his counsels had been salutary either for averting war or for preparing to meet it. The noble earl said that he was actuated by a love of peace, and his endeavours had been directed to rreserve peace. But he said those endeavours had been maldirected for peace. He did not doubt the sincerity with which the noble earl n•as impelled to make those efforts, but the line he took in other times was a line calculated to bring on, as he (the Marquis of Clanriearde ) thought it did bring on, more than one great disorder, revolution, and trouble in Europe. He said the presence of the noble earl at the council•table was the cause that they were now engaged in war. ( Hear, hear.) He bad never altered the opinion which he expressed when these unhappy transactions were first discussed; and, if such was his opinion then, it had been greatly confirmed by subsequent events. Itappeared to him that if a clear and honest coarse had been taken by the Government twelve or fifteen months ago there never would have been a war Every day proved it. From day to day the noble earl had acknowledged in terms the power of Russia. He seemed to think it hopeless to struggle against it; and, as one had said, it would have been better to have left Turkey to its fate, and not gone to war at all. Having then the misfortune to attribute to the noble earl the present war, the backwardness in entering upon it, the enormous, inordinate, and perfectly useless expense en tailed on the country by the neglect of preparations— attributing these things to the noble earl, he for one did not think it was advantageous to the country thathe should continue to be its minister, either to prosecute the war or to superintend negotiations for peace.", Lord BEAUMONT, after some general observations of a eulogistic character upon the speech of Lord Aberdeen, made an inquiry touching the statement given in last week's PRESS that Prince Metternich had embodied certain propositions for peace at the request of his Sovereign in a state paper of which the English Premier was cognisant? Lord ABERDEEN replied that for eighteen months he had held no oommunication with Prince Metter nich : It so happens that, since I have been in office, inti- mate as I was formerly with Prince Metternich, I have, neither directly nor indirectly, had any communication with him for the last year and a half until a few days ago, when a friend of his, a lady, told me that she was writing to Prince Metternich, and I said, ' Pray, make my best re• membrances to him. (Cheers, and laughter.)" Lord BROUGHAM, who expressed much satisfaction at the more vigorous sentiments to which the Prime Minister had given utterance, declared that he nevertheless felt some apprehensions that, as Russia seemed about to evacuate the principalities, Austria would consent to make peace on that basis. He trusted that neither France nor England was in any way committed to the conclusions at which the Austrian and Prussian Cabinets might think proper to a rrive on the subject, The discussion, which from the beginning was known to be of a simply explanatory character, then terminated. A very crowded attendance of peers had gathered to hear the Ministerial exculpation, and the peeresses' gallery was also fully occupied. The house, however, thinned rapidly after the speech of Lord Clanricarde, and the remaining members, when Lord Brougham sat down, proceeded with their usual indifference to the despatch of the remaining " orders of the day." JULY 1, 1854. THE CABINET CHANGES. Lord DUDLEY STUART, on Thursday, referred to the recent changes in the Ministry, which affected six important members of the Government, and re specting which he thought the house should have received further explanations than had been yet afforded them. He dwelt upon the "scurvy treat ment" inflicted on Mr. Stnttt, and the unfitness of Sir G. Grey for the Colonial Secretary. Every ap • pearance bore out the truth of a remark that, in the present Administration, all the round men were put into square holes and all the square men into round holes. This was most strongly exampled in the case of the new Minister of War. " Why," as he asked amidst general cheering, " why was not Lord Palmerston made War Minister?" The whole conduct of the war was left in the hands of four Peelites—namely, the Minister of War, the Secretary at War, the First Lord of the Admiralty, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He declared that the country had hoped, and its enemies had feared, that the War Department would be given to Lord Palmers ton. The Duke of Newcastle could not feel hurt at having such a man preferred to himself : THE PRESS. " Was it not a shame that a man like that, with his ca pacity, with his reputation, with his political experience of half a century, should waste his time and his powers in dealing with common sewers, county rates, and armies, not of soldiers, but of policemen ? (Cheers and laughter.) It was difficult to believe that people were in earnest if they did not take the means best calculated to carry out the object which they professed a desire to attain. (Hear, hear.) He doubted whether the Government were in earnest about the war. He did not doubt that the noble lord was the best man to direct it. Let him be appointed, and then both friend and foe would see and feel that the Government were in earnest (Hear, hear.) Such an ap pointment would be far better than all the recantations, retractations, and explanations which had been made in another place. (Laughter.) It would be better than pro fessions of a desire to carry on the war with 'vigour, than the production of despatches, already refused in that house, for purposes of personal vindication, or than any observa tions about ' disastrous ' treaties, intended, if possible, to neutralise the effect of ' disastrous' speeches. (Cheers and laughter.) Something must be done if the Government intended to reacquire the confidence of the house and the country. That confidence, long declining, was now pretty well lost, as was shown by the proceedings of that house. What measure had the Government been able to carry— what measures had they not been obliged to postpone or withdraw? (Hear.) What universities had they been in? That showed that they were not in the position which they ought to be. It was true they had carried the taxes for the war, but what was the reason of that? Why, because the people, whatever the Government might be, were really in earnest, and because that house shared in their feelings, and therefore would not refuse the necessary means for prosecuting the war with vigour. lint neither the people nor the house would tolerate half measures, nor would they have a balf-and-half Ministry. (Cheers and laughter. )" The speech of Lord D. Stuart, which was on the motion for going into committee of supply, was received in perfect silence from the Treasury bench. MMElmoin...l.. OPERATIONS IN THE BALTIC. The motion for committee of supply on Thursday furnished Mr. MILNER GIBSON with an opportunity of commenting upon the proceedings of certain British cruisers in the Baltic. These he declared were of a maurading character, undefended towns and villages on the coast being invaded and the unresist ing inhabitants plundered. Among other defenceless places which had been attacked, a descent was made upon I; leaborg, where, in spite of the proclamation that private property should be respected, a quantity of deals and tar was burnt—all of which belonged to private persons, and most of it to Englishmen. Re marking as a contingent disadvantage that such acts often entailed upon the country a series of most per plexing claims for compensation, the right hon. member questioned the policy of a system which car ried on a great war by plundering and destroying the property of defenceless villagers. Sir J. GRAHAM remarked that despatches received only that morning, and which would appear in the next Gazette, would furnish the public with the means of forming a judgment on the transactions in ques tion. Meanwhile he justified, while deploring, the necessity of burning and destroying Russian property so long as we were at war with that country, and re marked that the articles alluded to, planks, cordage, tar, dec., were considered " contraband of war," and as such especially excepted in the treaties granted to neutrals, and liable to seizure or destruction even if not found upon the enemy's territory. Sir J. Graham read extracts from a despatch from Sir C. Napier, to show the nature and extent of the property taken or burnt, and the humanity which the British seamen had invariably exhibited when visiting the Russian ports. He added a warm eulogy of the gallantry and skill exercised by Admiral Plumridge and his squad ron in performing a most difficult duty, and expressed some regret that the first notice taken of their services in the 'louse of Commons should have borne a character of diparagement " Admiral Plumridge and his squadron have in the most gallant and exemplary manner encountered peculiar diffi culties. They entered a sea almost unknown and never traversed before by our ships-of-war. All the lights were extinguished—all the buoys taken up—they had no pilots and no charts. Up to the Ist of June the ice was not all broken up ; and yet in the short space of three weeks, with all these difficulties to contend with, and frequently running the ships aground, and yet extricating them again, with the best seamen-like qualities, from their danger, with com paratively a very small loss of life indeed, and without having killed a single civilian, or committed any acts of plunder, not having the slightest regard for prize-money— (Hear, hear)—and having still inflicted so much and such heavy injury upon the enemy,-1 say it will be hard, indeed, if, at the commencement of a war involving immense diffi culties and sacrifices, it shall be related to our gallant officers and seamen that the first notice taken of their conduct in the British House df Commons partook of the character of censure. ( Cheers from all parts rif the house.) I ask why is this particular indulgehee to be shown to this . enemy? ( Hear, hear.) What are we to understand to be the wish and the feeling of the people of this country ? We did commence this war by exercising peculiar forbear. ance, and Admiral Uundas, having it in hispower to destroy the city of Odessa, yet spared that city—he attacked only the batteries. There has been something like censure cast upon him for his forbearance, and I must say that I myself may now begin to partake of that feeling. A flag of truce was fired upon, and, a British ship-of-war having by acci- 605 dent run ashore in a fog, immediately an immense multi- tude of Russian soldiers with batteries and red•hot shot bore down and fired upon that stranded vessel ; so that I cannot say that any particular forbearance is now due to such an enemy. (Cheers.) We offer them battle in open sea and upon fair and equal terms, and they decline it ; they sink rocks in the channels, and approaches to their bar bum s, for fear of our reachicg them, and every way obstruct our access to them. Well, 1 say, if they will not meet us in the open sea, we must visit them in their own homes, and teach them that a war with England is not to be en gaged in with impunity. (Cheers.)" AUSTRIAN CONVENTION WITH THE PORTE. Government being asked on Thursday by Lord D. STUART for any information they might possess re garding the treaty concluded between Austria and Turkey for the occupation of the principalities, Lord JOHN Russ Era, replied : " Her Majesty's Government have received information that a convention has been signed between Austria and the Sublime Porte for the occupation of the Danubian princi palities by Austrian troops in any case, either whether the ltussian troops shall have quitted the principalities, or whether they shall seek to remain there—that is to say, if the Russians have voluntarily left the principalities, the Austrian troops will occupy them ; and if the Russians should refuse to quit the principalities, the Austrian troops will enter those principalities for the purpose of driving them out. (` Hear, hear,' and a laugh.) That is the effect of the treaty ; but we have not at present an official copy of the convention which has been signed." Sir H. WILLOUGHBY : I wish to ask if this country is any party to the convention which he states has been concluded between Austria and the Porte? Lord JOHN RUSSELL: It is a convention between Austria and the Porte, and this country is not a party to it. RUSSIAN PRISONERS. A vote of 20,0001. to purchase a prison and defray the anticipated charge of maintaining the Russian prisoners who might be taken during the war was brought up for consideration and sanction by the House of Commons on Monday. Sir J. GRAHAM, being interrogated by Mr. Milner Gibson, gave some details of the principle on which the Government purposes treating the prisoner question. He said that " it had appeared to the Government that whilst Parlia ment was still sitting preparations should be made for the reception of prisoners who might be captured during the war. In the last war there were three or four large buildings for this purpose in different parts of the country and one in Scotland. These had all, however, been sines pulled down or converted to other uses, and therefore other preparations were now necessary for the reception of prisoners of war. An opportunity had recently presented itself to the Government for purchasing a prison of con siderable size at Lewes, in the county of Sussex, for this purpose and as the price was very reasonable he bad struck a bargain with the owners, and Parliament was now asked to defray the cost. At Constantinople also, with the consent of the Sereskier and the admiral, preparations had been made fur the reception of prisoners of war—not so much of sailors as Russian soldiers—to the extent of several hundreds. It was true, with reference to &consider able proportion of the commercial sailors who had been captured, that their parole had been taken, and they were offi•red permission to enter the British merchant service upon the condition they should sail to the south and west, hut not return to the Baltic or the Black Sea. Some bad accepted this offer, and already a considerable number had been liberated. No expense would be incurred in regard to these prisoners of war that could be avoided, but the Government had felt it necessary to make some provisions for their reception, and to defray the cost of their mainte nance. The sum now asked for was only 20,0001. altogether, including 5,000/. purchase-money for the gaol ; whereas in the course of the last French war he believed the cost of prisoners amounted to a million annually." The vote was agreed to. OXFORD UNIVERSITY BILL. The last lingering stages of this measure were got through on Monday and Thursday last by the House of Commons. On the former day Mr. HEYWOOD brought forward once again his clause enabling dis senters to take degrees, which underwent some discussion. Presently it was discovered that the clause had been modified into a new shape since it Was put into the notice paper, and the debate was accordingly stopped by the Speaker on a point of form. By Thursday the formalities were complied with, the remodelled clause having been duly notified in the interim. It now removed the necessity of taking oaths, other than the oath of allegiance, upon taking the degrees of bachelor in tuts, law, medicine, and music. Mr. Heywood supported his proposition by contending for the expediency of throwing open the university privileges to all classes, so far as was pos sible, without allowing Nonconformists to share in its government. This, he said, his clause would do with a just mixture of liberality and caution. Mr. DENISON, who seconded the motet!, reviewed the course which the measure had run through the rocks and shoals 9f opposition, and tried to congra tulate himself upon the amount of reform which had been saved out of the wreck. Mr. HENLEY, referring to the clause before them, observed that it was avowedly introduced as a step