The Press. — London, England, 1853-07-23 00:00:00

TO A CERTAIN ANONYMOUS CORRE. SPONDENT. Sir,—You have thorght At to send me a trumpery menses to the fed that yew will make another " personally re sponsible " fo► that which I claim to be the fair licence of an Editor commenting upon the character and conduct of public man //, as you say, my attacks are continued, you intimate an intention " to form I quarrel " upon some gentleman whom you de net en to name. I tell you, in reply, that your me nace will not in the least greet my intention to conduct this journal according to my own notions of propriety ; and, secondly, I will observe that the gentleman, whoever he may be, upon whom yew threaten " to force a quarrel" appears to have little to apprehend from your venturous eagerness—when you withhold your name from me, who em responsible, in the slimiest sense—and I will add, exclusively rveponsibie--for the contents of the Pates newspaper.—l am, sir, you► obedient servant, THE EDITOR OF THE Pam. 110, Stroud, July 23rd, 1853. TO CORBESPORDINTO. We are obliged by the suggestion of " A Cotisr.aviertvz Fart:- NAN," and are prevented from adopting it solely by consi deration of the space it would occupy lu our columns. The Rgistration of Assurances Bill stands now referred to a select committee of the Peers. It is very improbable that the measure will be passed this session. :rJii t -1 ;) rso g+ LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY 23, 1863. POSTSCRIPT. HOUSE OF LORDS.—FnIDAY. The Earl of ABERDEFN moved the second reading of the Succession Duty Bill. The Earl of DERBY, in opposing the bill, observed that the financial measures of the Chancellor of the Exchequer consisted of two portions—the one, the attempt at the conversion of the Three per Cents.—an attempt at first heralded as a triumph, but at last admitted to be a signal and melancholy failure ; the other, this succession duty, without which the finan cial scheme would fall to the ground. The noble earl proceeded at some length, and with great minuteness, to criticise the bill, which he pronounced to he unjust, inasmuch as it altered the whole character of pro perty in this country, and retmspectively imposed a heavy burden on former settlements---evils for which no pecuniary advantages could compensate. The Duke of Anoirm. supported th.e bill. The Earl of MALWEBBURY strongly opposed the measure, which he characterised as unworthy of an age which boasted so much of progress and en lightenment. After some discussion as to the interpretation of certain clauses, The Earl of DERBY announced his intention of moving clauses for making the bill prospective, and for limiting its operation to five year*. The bill was then read a second time, and their lordships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.---FRIDAV. The house met at twelve o'clock, and the early sitting WIN occupied with the consideration of the Tenants' Compensation (Ireland) Bill, and the committee on the Pilotage Bill. The house again met at six o'clock . Lord J. RussEt.t., in moving the adjournment of the house until Monday next, intimated that in the present state of public business he 'would not move the second reading of the Education. Bill during the present session. On Monday week lie would proceed with the committee of supply, and on Monday next he should move that orders of the day have prece dence of notices of motion for the rt.mainder of the session. The noble lord added that there were several bills fixed for Wednesdays, an d, as there was not much chance of their passing, !be trusted hon. members would also give precedence 1.0 the Govern ment on those days. AND Trslaw. Mr. LAYAND then proceeded to interrogate the Government with respect to the M ate of the negctiations between Russia and Turk ey, and the production of papers on the subject .. IL 3 doubted if Europe had previously witnessed acts so u Riustiflab le and so dangerous as those which had been com mitted by Russia during the last thre months. Not only had that power occupied the territories of Turkey, but the cemmuniceth addrese ed to the THE PRESS. latter and to this country were most offensive. If this country had prote - sted against these proceedings on the part of Russia, he thought such protests ought to be placed before the public, in order that they might judge of the course pursued. This country ought to protest against a course antagonistic to its interests and true dignity, and dangerous not only to Turkey, but to all the other countries of Europe. Every day's delay increased the opportu nities of Russia. He trusted, therefore, that some papers would be furnished on which to ground an opinion, and that the Government would appoint some convenient period at which this most momen tous question could be discussed. (Hear, hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL, after having referred to points in his former reply to questions on this subject, ob served that the negotiations would exhibit how much her Maje,ty's Government had at heart the independence and integrity of the Turkish empire. Of all the preparations for war, the best was to exhaust every means to obtain peace —(Hear, hear)—and he thought the house would agree with him that, until every means of negotiation had been tried and found wanting, no Ministers would be justified in placing at hazard a peace which had existed so many years, and on which the wealth, commerce, and liberties of Europe so largely de pended. (Hear, hear.) While negotiations were pending, however, he thought the house would agree with him that it would not be wise to produce papers which might be debated in a popular assembly, and exposed to popular comment. He trusted, then, on the forbearance of the house and of the hon. mem bers, as he had confidence in their patriotism, not to press any motion for the production of papers. The motion for the adjournment of the house was then agreed to. The house subsequently went into committee on the India Bill. Clauses up to 43 exclusive were agreed to. Clause 40 was struck out. Clause 41, the last in the bill, was then agreed to, and the chairman reported progress. The committee will take the additional clauses on Monday. The remaining business on the paper occupied the rest of the night. CIRCULATION OF THE PARLIAMENTARY PAPERS. THE select committee on parliamentary papers has reported strongly in favour of their distribution to literary and educational societies in the provincial towns and rural districts. They support their opinion by citations from the evidence of numerous witnesses, among whom are Sir A. Alison and Dr. Lyon Play fair. It would appear that great interest is felt in parliamentary proceedings, but that the facts accu mulated in blue-books and committee reports remain quite unknown to the mass of readers. The public " knows what is said in Parliament, but not what is done in Parliament." On these accounts an extensive distribution is recommended ; but " great care must be bestowed on the selection," lest the value of the gift should be lessened by its bulk, and the furniture of the library degenerate into stuffing for the waste paper basket. Neither will the same selections suit all localities equally. Manufacturing reports are useless in agricultural districts, and vice vend. The consideration of expense is wholly disregarded : 1,0001. a year will probably supply all reasonable de mands. The committee conclude with the following aaaaaaaa • 1. That a 'select committee of five members be appointed at the conuuencement of each session, of which two shall form a quorum; and that to this committee all applications for par- Inunentary papers from free libraries, mechinites' institutions, or other public institutions established for literary purposes be re• fi:red: 2. That. on the receipt of any such application, the committee *hall direct an inquiry into the charrcter of the institution, the number of its members, the accommodation it can afford for piuhiunentary documents. and enabling the public to consult them; and generally into any circumstances which, in the judg ment of the committee. may afford a guarantee that the books presented shall be carefully preserved, and rendered as accesible as possible to the 'public. 3. That, with this intOrmation belire them, the committee re port what institutions ale lest entitled to receive the parlia mentary papers, and select such papers as they consider beat adapted for distribution, regard being had to the particular Mu rests of each locality, and that no more than one institution in the same town or district, unless under particular c:remnstances, be entitled to the privilege: that, on such report being agreed to by the house, the printing committee make arrangements as to the additional number of copies which may be required. 4. That the committee be empowered to forward the reports and papers selected for distribution. free of postage, to the seve ral institutions, and to impose such conditions as in each par ticular case they may think tit for their due preservation, and for facility of public access to them. ri. 'that each volume so distributed bear a stamp, stating that is to he preserved in the institution. ti. That an annual report of the pmceedings of the committee be laid below the house. A FATAL A CCIDFNT took place on Thursday afternoon at the Northside Colliery, Bedminster, near Bristol, by which three poor fellows lost their lives, and seve ral others, it is reported, were severely injured. It appears that the men were ascending the pit in the usual way, the rope broke, and they were precipitated to the bottom of the shaft, when three of them were killed. SATIIRDAY, COST OF SLAVE LABOUR. TO THE EDITOR OF "THE PRESS." Sir,—Your paper of the 2nd July contains your sae. respondent " Civis's" reply to a letter of mine rela tive to the increased production in the United States of slave-grown cotton, rice, sugar, and tobacco, sines l 840. From his letter I perceive the increase of cot ton to be nearly 50 per cent., rice more than 250 per cent., sugar nearly 100 per cent., and a decrease is tobacco of nearly ten per cent. for the crop of 1852. The principal item in the cost of producing these articles is labour, and the advantage to be derived by the United States and slave count ies, in using that of slaves over other countries using that of free men, may be anticipated, ere long, from the certainty that the rapidly-increasing amount of the precious metals now taking place will cause money to fall in value, and free labour to rise. Thus, for instance, a slave that in 1848 might have been valued at 1001. will, in all probability, in 1855, be worth 1501. ; and money that in such slave country was worth in 1846, say twelve per cent., will probably in 1855 bring not more than nine per cent., if so much ; thus, 1001. in 1848 at twelve per cent.=l2/.; and 1501. in 1855 at nine per cent.=l3/. 10s., a difference of 11. 10s. against the slaveowner. On the other hand, a rise in the value of free black labour from one shilling, which is but the average cost in the West Indies for the six or eight hours of leisurely labour that is given as a day's work there, and the only cost of a slave to his owner, may be put at about the same sum, including interest on his value, and also on his wear and tear or mortality, say ten years ; but he is compelled to work con tinuously all the year through, from sunrise to sun set, and half the night also, in crop time, or the manufacturing season, with a powerful stimulant, the lash, behind him, and, on a moderate calculation, can be made to do three times as much work in the year for his Is. per day cost to his owner, than the free black can be persuaded to do in the same period for is. a day wages. The latter always declines work on wet days, and does not work on the average five days in the week—four would be nearer the mark. Therefore a rise from is. to is. 3d. per day, for, say, 250 days, would amount to 31. 2s. 6d., from which deduct the It. 10s. against the slaveowner, and there remains 1/. 12s. 6d., the advantage that would accrue under such circumstances to slavery, and thus showing that slave labour will be but little altered in cost ; in fact, should money in slave countries fall from 12 to 0 or 7 per cent., it will be come cheaper. I have recently seen it stated that the value of the cotton crop of the United States for 1852-53 is estimated at 200,000,000 dollars, or 40,000,000/., and that of tobacco at 65,000,000 dollars, or 13,000,0001., and if the value of the rice be put at only 1,000,0001., and the sugar at 2,500,000/., we get a total of 150,500,000/.; and should such articles a year or two hence rise in value 25 per cent., or should similar articles, the produce of free labour, be enhanced in value 25 per cent. by the rise in value of such labour, then, in either case, the slavegrower would se have an additional advantage to those he already possesses of 25 per cent., and on 50,500,0001. it would amount to 14,125,0001., and free-labour competition against such a change would be hopeless. The increased number of slaves required in 1853 for the increased production over 1840, allowing two tons of each of the above articles as the annual pro duction of an adult slave, is considerably upwards of 100,0(10:* and if we consider the great mortality among them from hard work, coarse food—and Mrs. Stowe tells us that in some cases they can afford to use them up in seven years—and the runaways, of whom 10,000 are reported to be in Canada, the source from whence the increasing supply is derived must be a very prolific one, be it from breeding, from Yucatan, or from Cuba ; so that to Lord John Russell, who has the character of being a religious and hu mane man, the thought must be anything but conso latory to reflect that his unasked for act of 1846 con signs thousands upon thousands of human beings to hopeless slavery, gross immorality, and premature death ti• to the aggrandisement of England's most powerful commercial rival, and the certain ruin, ere long, of the West India colonies ; and, believing that * Mr. Ingersoll, the American Minister, at the agricultural meeting at Gloucester on the 14th July. stated "that the quan tity otcotton lox grown yearly in the United States is 3,000,000 hates, and that in 18.110 another 1,000,000 bales would be added." Now, of thin article about. at two tons per man per annum, and at one ton per acre, it would require an additional 100,000 slaves and 200,000 acres of land in 1860; and if such cotton sells for only 6d. per lb., it would give 112/. per slave, and 56/. per acre ; and supposing a slave to oust them 200/., and that he lives ten years, and that motley be worth 6 per cent. and that his food and clothing cost 6 per cent. on his value, such slave would earn annually for his owner, net, 681., or 34/. per acre. On lord George Bentinek's sugar and coffee committee, at questions 2465 anti 2166, the cost of a slave's food, clothing, ttc., is stated to be 3/. lls. per annum: t h is would make the earning 761. 3s. " But, if the statistics of the slave trade are to be depended upon, there can be no mistake in concluding that, for every ton of slave sugar t onsumed in England from 1846 to Imo inclusive d , an African negro has been c o n si g ned to perpetual slavery, an two Africans have been killed."--Vide Coloosiai and Asiatic ltc' view, September, 1652.