The Press. — London, England, 1857-03-21 00:00:00

266 difficult to renew our exertions in behalf of his oppressed subjects. We have irritated the King without curbing his tyranny, and unsettled the people without promoting their freedom. While England has reaped all the odium of interference without a single ad vantage either to herself or others. But the character of Lord PALMERSTON him self is an almost inexhaustible theme. The Premier has had recouree to almost every device for improving his political complexion. Bathed in extract of democracy like Poppma in the milk of asses, rouged with meretricious patriotism which his dupes mistake for the glow of honest zeal, perfumed with affected piety—the Viscount is himself still. Omni' Tram fecit, Thaida Thais olet. Yet it is this " Comic Old Gentleman," as Mr. DICKENS called him, this thing of shreds and patches, which John Bull has for the present made a pet of, whom he permits to sneer with impunity at the two great parties into which the country is divided, and to profit by the popularity of both, while performing the functions of neither. Of the Conservative party Lord DERBY spoke with dignity and moderation. Ile pro mised the Government his support while they adhered to Conservative principles. This, however. can only be cold comfort to the Pre mier. He must by this be beginning to see the force of the paradox that the half is better than the whole—that is, that it is better to have the support of one party than of two. It is easy to Fay that while he maintains an anti- Liberal attitude he will have the support of the Tories ; and that, should he become unpo pular with th-?se, he can easily fall back upon the Liberals. This does not exactly follow. Connections once interrupted, are not always renewable. Nor will parties for ever consent to be made mere conveniences. The Liberals will not be kept waiting at the door while PAL MERSTON is dallying with the Tories, nor are the Tories so lost to self-respect as to share his caresses with the Whigs. It is impossible he can maintain his present position. " How " happy could I be with either " is well enough for a little while, but the Viscount mut t declare his intentions at last, or renounce his claims to an alliance. Lord GRANVILLE attempted to draw a com parison between Lord PALMERSTON and Lord DERBY, and contrasted their relative position twenty years ago and at the present time. We do not think the allusion was felicitous. A consistent placeman can indeed always say that he is working foe his country's good. But we all know the meaning of that. When therefore the Noble Earl points to PALM ERsToN's position as head of the Government, and Lord DEaufs at the head of the Opposition, and would thence infer that the former has dis tanced the latter in the estimation of the country, we must inquire a little more closely into the meaning of words. If the attainment of office—si possis recte, si non, quocanque mode— be the solo criterion of political virtue, then we must admit the force of Lord GRANVILLE'S contrast. But, if we believe that in politics, as in everythirg else, the man encumbered with fewest. scruples rises most readily to the surface (as an army which abandons its baggage can outinarch an army that pre serves it), we shall see no such great cause either for praise or wonder in the relative position of the two Noble Lords. A politician who uses his principles in order to get power, instead of using his power in order to promote principles, is sure to be frequently in request, because all parties can employ him easily. He weathers the worst of storms ; just as a man who always gives his purse to the robber, never gets shot through the head. Yet the fact that he has come safe through a dozen such adventures is surely no proof of his courage. Lord GRANVILLE yet in some sense is right. The OontraSt is, indeed, striking. But it were well for the honour of the British aristocracy that it were not too frequently dwelt upon. The Noble Viscount has made politics a trade. When Liberal principles were cheap, he laid in a large stock, and has been selling them ever since in the dearest market he could find. And an uncommonly dear market it has proved for this country. We may talk of the differ encejbetween Lords DERBY and PALMERSTON THE PRESS. twenty years ago and now ; but that proves nothing, if we do nut also compare the posi- tion of this country at that period and the pre sent. If, when Lord llsaay was the most popular man in the House of Commons, Eng land was also at the head of European affairs, and if, when the Noble Viscount is the leader of that assembly, she has sunk to a third-rate position, we leave the world to judge in whose favour the contrast tells. SYMPTOMS OF THE STRUGGLE. IT was hoped by some persons that the pre sent general election would tend to the clear ing up of political parties. That result, judg ing by the intelligence from the country, is not likely to be attained. Indeed, for our selves, we never supposed that a dissolution taken so suddenly on a mere personal ques tion could elucidate thoroughly the feelings of the people. On scanning the various addresses made by the candidates throughout the country to bodies of their supporters and opponents, we arc struck by the narrowness of range shown in their tone and topics. The chief difference between several of the speakers seems to be the degree, more or less, of adroitness with which they go through their hackneyed exercises. They re mind us of the performers in an equestrian circus, where the steeds arc put to a tremen dous pace, amidst loud cracking of whips. After all the pulling, and cantering, and great display of skill, the performers have neither advanced nor retired. They remain in their old places still. The practical result to be expected from the present appeal to the country is not likely to satisfy persons fond of definite result. One object, that of " wast ing a year," is only too likely to be gained Let us see how the accounts from various parts of the empire testify to this description. We shall begin with the speech of Mr. LAYARD at Aylesbury :—" Those gentlemen " who act with myself have always given the " Palmerston Government a firm, but consis " tent support." Yet his colleague, Sir RICHARD BETHEL'. (the Attorney-General), in following him, " commenced a severe attack on the acci " dental coincidence which brought into the " same lobby men whose votes could but have " one effect—that of bringing the Tcries into " power ;" and the Attorney-General then went off into a Hong Kong speech, and treated his hearers to nothing but Chinese topics. A family expecting to be asked Jilt to dinner, but being invited only to that beverage which we owe to the Chinese, could scarcely feel more disappointment than constituencies hoping that their candidates will treat them to some solid topics elaborately discussed, but putting them off with a copious infusion of Chinese politics. Yet we can scarcely blame the candidates for the meagreness of political fare offered by them to their constituents. At Finsbury, Major' REED said " that lie " believed Lord PALMERSTON was the man of " the day ;" and the gallant officer declared himself in favour of Mr. LOCKE limes motion, the Ballot, and no income tax beyond 1860. Such is the creed of a supporter of " the man " the day." In Southwark, Sir CHARLES NAI'IER discharged quite in character several harmless broadsides against invisible adver saries ; and in place of " Rule Britannia," the the gallant Admiral would substitute a " Rule " Palmerston" tune He declared himself in favour of triennial Parliaments ; and urged the elec'ors not " to allow a single man to go " into Parliament without being pledged to " the Ballot"—a measure which Lord PALMERS TON called " nonsense." At Liverpool Mr. J. C. EWART declared him self a Palmerstonian as to confidence in the Cabinet, and he did so after a resolution had been put and carried— That the nest meeting of Parliament must witness the introduction of anew Reform Bill, and that Liberal electors shcnld return members whose opinions and independence would not fail them in the hour of need. At East Norfolk General WINDHAM declared himself "a supporter of Lord PALMERSTON," and said that he was in favour of " reform in " the Law, reform in the Church, reform in the " Civil Adminietration, and reform in Parlia- SATURDAY, " ment. In the next column of the journal which records the gallant candidate's speech, we have Sir JAMES GRAHAM'S citation of the admission of the Times of December 18th, 1853, that Lord PALMERSTON had withdrawn from Lord ABERDEEN'S Cabinet, rather than sanction a moderate measure of Reform! We could multiply similar instances of in congruities and political incoherency without end. In fact, the brilliant photograph of Lord PALMERSTON by Lord DERBY in the House of Peers is symbolical of the confusion of the electioneers, who act in concurrence with, if not in obedience, the rather too indefatigable HAYTER. Popular opinion seems to be one thing in Lambeth, where the opposition vote of Mr. WILLIAMS was approved; and another in Southwark, where it is condemned. At Portsmouth, the thorough-going Palmers tonian Lord MoNex is condemned; and at Brighton all the candidates profess the creed unpopular at Portsmouth. In Westminster, as at Aylesbury, there seems a miring off of one vote against the other, and there seems to be a similar pairing in the West Riding, where it is proposed to return Lord GODERICH with Mr. DENISON. The confusion at the present general elec• tion is entirely unexampled, and such must be the case where only a personal issue is raised. The Duke of WELLINGTON urged Sir ROBERT PEEL in June, 1846, to dissolve on the question of " PEEL," but Sir ROBERT answered : Union seems impossible. What is to be our candiJate ? Even if we get a majority, it would be one supporting us, not from concurrence in general political principles, but from a short•lived sympathy. A Government ought to have a natural support ; aid from the compassion of its ene.oies, or even from the personally friendly feelings of those who ought on public principle to oppose a Government, is a hollow, not a creditable support. But from the chaos principles of policy must ultimately emerge ; and it is both our belief and hope that England will yet be governed on the principles enlarged upon in the concluding passages of Lord DERBY'S speech on Monday. We shall return to the questions raised by the extraordinary confusion of the present hour. We are now in the transition state, where a cloud of personal pretensions have covered us in " the dust and powder of individualism." COALITIONS - PRINCIPLED AND UNPRINCIPLED. THE great Mr. Lofty has this week treated us to a dissertation on the meaning of the word " coalition." He has consulted his Dicticuary, and he has benignantly enlightened the public with the results of his research. He is exact in the; quotation of all JOHNSON'S authorities. To coalesce is " to unite in masses ;" and as various sections of the Commons did unite on Mr. COBDENS motion, they must have formed a Coalition. Erudite instructor of the public ! We bow to your authority, and pass from your jargon to the realms of common sense. Like many other words, Coalition admits of a good, of an indifferent, and of a bad signifi cation. When applied to political affairs, it is commonly restricted to a combination of men of opposite princinles formed for factious or selfish purposes. Was the majority on the China vote a coalition in this sense of the term ? He must be a bold man who will dare assert the affirmative. A coalition, in its political sense, means an arranged and determinate compact; and such instances of combination are not wanting in our political annals. When Lord NORTH and Mr. Fox formed a coalition it was with a per fect understanding that their forces were to join so as to seize the Government, and to constitute a. permanent majority. When the Coalition was formed which overthrew Lord DERBY'S Government in 1851, the chiefs met, they discussed terms, they arranged the dis• trihution of offices,• and settled the whole course of their policy. In these two cases the fact of coalition was undoubted. The union may be excused or may be justified, but no one will attempt to deny that in both in atanees the combination was concerted, not accidental; that all its consequences were calculated ; and that the parties gained the great stake for which they played.