The Press. — London, England, 1858-12-11 00:00:00

• ;ei ‘e/ Q , //4 9 t/li•-•_0,-) So. 293.—V0L. VI. LONDON, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 11, 1858. trstMii,....WEVESreE. Ot V rm. LONDON, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 11, 1958. THE BIRMINGHAM NOTIONS OF REFORM. Ira neither unnatural nor discreditable that the Liberals of Birmingham should wish to express their views of that which they deem requisite to the reform of our electoral system, in a tone le virulent, and in a temper less exclusive and less arbitrary, than that of Mr. BRIGHT. We are glad that not a few of this advanced party seem determined to escape, under the auspices of the brother of their late Member, from the very unfavourable position in the public opinion of their fellow-c&mtrymen to which their present representative has reduced_ them. No one can blame them for this dplle+t!► , lirttsme of &form is Sr more soodirrate, more reasonable, sad more consistent with common sense and with justice in its general tenor, than that which was sketched by the man of their choice. We are not adverse to a reasonable measure for the readjustment of our electoral system, and we shall see, as the time draws on, whether there is or is not to be a monopoly of the title Reformer, from which we are to be excluded. These Birmingham Reformers must excuse our viewing with some doubt, at all events, a pro gramme issued by those whose last authoritative exercise of judgment was manifested in the return of one who has exhibited himself so little to our liking as the present Member. No doubt such powers of speech as he possesses arc rare, and we believe that a genuine sympathy or one, whom many of them considered he victim of hard-hearted exclusion, prac tised by the inhabitants of a rival manu facturing metropolis, had no small share in seating Mr. BRIGHT for Birmingham ; Medio de fonte leporum surgit amuri aligxid.' We can scarcely believe that the middle term of the Birmingham - tripartite panacea will meet with the genuine consent of any dispassionate person who really prefers the Constitution of this country to that of the United States or of France. The Birmingham panacea stands thus : 1. A large extension of the suffrage ; 2. Vote by ballot ; 3. A more just apportionment of members to population. A reasonable extension of the suffrage is, in our opinion, desirable ; and we think that a more Just apportionment of members according to pro perty as well as population is requisite. But we utterly repudiate any attempt to esta blish the system of secret voting on the part of electors in this free country, and are confident that the attempt to establish this secrecy would fail, and that it would serve merely as a - disguise for corrupt practices. Were it successful, the establishment of this secrecy would be treason against the fair control of enlightened public opinion ; and unless universal suffrage were also adopted, this secret voting would be a fraud upon all whom the extension of the suffrage does not include as electors, and would reduce them to a Position of serfdom hitherto unknown in this free . . . . .. consider an amalgam of dangerous and, pro bably, ill-considered absurdities. It may be taken as a maxim, that there is no greater constitutional danger than that which would accrue from the creation of floating and undefined constituencies, within the precincts of this closely peopled country. Under universal suffrage, which is democracy, these dangers may pale before others, because the numbers entitled to vote are so large that they, in a great measure, defeat all calculation of their bias and many of those contrivances by which large numbers of voters may, under other circumstances, be misre presented—such as the temporary influx of those who are almost or quite strangers to the locality the representation of which is at issue, to say nothing of other appliances, well known where ever universal suffrage and the ballot have been for some time established. The preservation of the practical and easily demonstrable connection of electors with the localities to which representation is attached affords the only valid security for the exercise of the franchise by large constituencies in such a manner as will secure the representation of real public opinion ; for unless the electors are sub divided into such sections as admit of the free action of that independence and ind:%-iduality of opinion which it has been the pride d' English i freedom so largely and so lon g . to pr& veto her sons, the electors would constitute a )13 almost as incapable of discriminate judgmen r delibe-. rate action as those which misgoverned Paris in the worst days of her revolutions. Without local organization we do not see how the practical limits of our constituencies are to be preserved. The aggregation of too large num bers of even the most enlightened men, without such sectional organization as secures to the in dividuals the means of deliberate intercourse and mutual consultation, reduces them to that chaos of opinion which constitutes the intellectual help lessness of a mob ; and even a mob, after the first action of its preconcerted impulse is over, always either disperses, or, of necessity, extem porizes sections for itself under leaders often unknown to the majority, and thus becomes the country. Vote by ballot means either universal mere creature of the preconcerted organization of suffrage or it means a fraud ; for it would con- the design.ug fe w. vert the vote, hitherto conferred upon each else- . These dangers are more clearly apparent to us tor as a trust, to be exercised for the benefit of than they seem to have been to the Birmingham and under the cognizance of the unenfranchised Reformers; they lie close beneath the surface of classes as well as his own, into a mere piece of their proposal to abolish the existing legal seen private and personal property, or, as it is termed, rities for ascertaining the connection of the a right, which each elector would become entitled electors with the localities to which representa to use for his own private and personal advan- tion may be allotted. tage, without being held publicly and morally The traceability of the connection of each indi responsible for the use or abuse of the privilege vidual with some locality is the prime element of which he would &titis acquire. order in every civilized nation, under whatever There is,.indell a very mundane—a not very form of government. In free States, such as Eng merciful and a not very English—tribunal, fie- land, if there be any such, the traceability of each fore which too many an elector, 'were his vote elector, as connected with some locality, is the shrouded. from all the world' bside, would be primary condition for securing the due, free, and cited : we mean that of the -Cotaleional. We intelligent discharge of the duty with which the have no inclination to establish 'the uncon- community at large have through the Canstitu trolled power of that dark tribunal, to the exclu-, tion intrusted him, and upon the due discharge sion of .the at once great encouragement add of this duty, on the part of the electors generally, wholesome restraint which the enlighteOed depends the security of all that we, as English action of public opinion in this country affords. men, most value. e of the Birmingham - • We are not prepared, therefore, to part with these securities, and have expressed ourselves strongly, for we have seen these important points undervalued, and believe that if the Rebrmera of Birmingham intend to be considered as the exponents of more than merely ambitious discon tent, it will be prudent in them not to thrust the portions of their programme, to which we have especially referred, offensively upon the public. Some of our readers may, perhaps, be serprised that we do not repudiate the Birmingham Re formers and their programme, as summarily as we rejected Mr. BRIGHT'S proposal for further con centrating the practical monopoly of representa tive power which the cities and boroughs possess, in the enormous majority of their representatives, over those of the far larger population, and greater amount of real property, which are to be found beyond the precincts of the boroughs in the counties of England and Wales. But we see a more truly liberal spirit in his manifesto, objectionable as it undoubtedly is in many respects, than in Mr. thWleil able speech at Kidderminster ; he has furnished us with ample reasons for not discountenancing all dis cussion of the causes of that monopoly of admi nistration, if not of power, which he boasts that the Reform Act of 1 832 has for the last twenty five years conferred upon the party who framed and carried it. This monopoly ought, Mr. Lowe. has told us, in his opinion, to descend in immitigatea exclusiveness to the heirs and assigns of the framers of this famous Act ; and of this privileged class the lately Radical Member for Kidderminster considers himself one. He has made an able epeech, but we humbly think that it will require more than even Mr. Lowa's ability to perpetuate lands ; and we differ sire to perpetuate which have created it, that which he not equivalent to, if not The past of England, upon us not to violate, 1832. As we have through history, and resulting . from the ministrative and legislative periods, by different State, we should prefer justed, since, as Mr. without the interin popular passion which ..,,, .. „..... ..-- . . , ,* ~ ~,......., . ~ 1r t 1 :f. i i ir, No. 293.—V0L. VI. LONDON, SATURDAY, DECEMBER U 11, 1858. STAMPED STAMPED....FIVEPE NC,.SIXPENCE. E N. • g 4 t Vrt S S. country. Vote by ballot means either universal mere creature of the preconcerted organization of suffrage or it means a fraud ; for it would con- the design fe e. vert the vote, hitherto conferred upon each else- . These dangers are more clearly apparent to us _ tor as a trust, to be exercised for the benefit of than they seem to have been to the Birmingham and under the cognizance of the unenfranchised Reformers; they lie close beneath the surface of LONDON, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 11, 1958. classes as well as his own, into a mere piece of their proposal to abolish the existing legal semi- private and personal property, or, as it is termed, rities for ascertaining the connection of the a right, which each elector would become entitled electors with the localities to which representa- THE BIRMINGHAM NOTIONS to use for his own private and personal advan- tion may be allotted. OF REFORM. cage, without being held publicly and morally The traceability of the connection of each indi- responsible for the use or abuse of the privilege vidual with some locality is the prime element of Ira neither unnatural nor discreditable that the which he would &ti us acquire. order in every civilized nation, under whatever Liberals of Birmingham should wish to express There is,,inde l a very mundane—a not very form of government. In free States, such as Eng- their views of that which they deem requisite merciful and a n ot very English-tribunal, foe- land, if there be any such, the traceability of each to the reform of our electoral system, in a tone fore which too many an ilector, were his vote elector, as connected with some locality , is the shrouded. from all the world' beside, would be primary condition for securing the due, free, and leos virulent, and in a temper less exclusive and cited : we mean that of the -Conalsional. We intelligent discharge of the duty with which the less arbitrary, than that of Mr. Bnimer. We have no inclination to establis' h the uncon- community at large have through the Canstitu- are glad that not a few of this advanced party trolled power of that dark tribunal, to the exclu- % tion intrusted him, and upon the due discharge seem determined to escape, under the auspices of sion of .the at once g reat encoura g ement add of this duty, on the part of the electors generally, wholesome restraint which the enlighteoCd depends the security of all that we, as English- the brother of their late Member, from the very action of public opinion.in this country affords. men, most value. unfavourable position in the public opinion of The suggestions of the Birmingham pro- We are not prepared, therefore, to part with ii. their fellow-ditmtzymen to which their present e; for rendering the suffrage attainable these securities, and have expressed ourselves representative has reduced_ them. No one can irrespective of the tof rates or taxes, no strongly, for we have seen these important points leas wLn the p iv b lame them sx . this doom i thiir osgeommee ren d er i iig th e wa di_ undervallned, and believe that if the Reformers tuencies untraceable, and the electors hard to of Birhunghom intend to be considered of the of Reform is Sr more isoarrate, more reasonable, identify, by their exemption from quali fi cation by exponents of more than merely ambitious discon- sad more consistent with common sense and tent, it will be prudent in them not to thrust the residence, by property, or by registration, we with justice in its general tenor, than that which consider an amalgam of dangerous and, pro- portions of their programme, to which we have was sketched by the man of their choice. bably, ill-contsidered absurdities. especially referred, offensively upon the public. We are not adverse to a reasonable measure for It may be taken as a maxim, that there is no Some of our readers may, perhaps, be serprised the readjustment of our electoral system, and we greater constitutional danger than that which that we do not repudiate the Birmingham Re- shall see, as the time draws on, whether there is would accrue from the creation of floating and formers and their programme, as summarily as BRIG S proposal for further con- FIT' or is not to be a monopoly of the title Reformer, undefined constituencies, within the precincts of we rejected Mr. this closely peopled country. Under universal centrating the practical monopoly of represents- .. ; I The 'suggestions of the Birmingham pro- gramme; for rendering the suffrage attainable irrespective of the t of rates or taxes, no lese than the p f., rendering the consti- tuencies untraceable, and the electors hard to identify, by their exemption from qualification by residence, by property, or by registration, we the monopoly he so highly , r from him in his evident de- unaltered the arran. ...,.. • • it, until they are " . . .rn 1 . 1 • jo alip* z t untruly designs" 2 ,_. . i tr . ! t in fact, a Rev 01...... - 4 '-..%_, ::.! ;land, which Mr. • • . ~.: IL L ,y; te, does not date .3. --1 i , :-. us 011 re cast our . • , ..,i4 mr ~' .. IP and we recognise e 4,.,_, AL,., "C i Le undue pow. ~.• v&..-: 1110 2.• 41.-• t I l - .. ".4 egislative power, ..• . . s a te. w at elements of power * ; :t*: d. prefer seeing the r. Lows has shown, it is awry, rention of the scalding . heat of which he so piously !smokes. iii bie rt6;l4