The Press. — London, England, 1854-06-24 00:00:00

Tinig 24, 1854. it was pleasing to - know thercve were not etinbarlted for any private object ; that there had been forced upon us a great question, which had been growing up for years; that the solution of that question, having been furred upon us, must be settled for once and fur ever, finally,couclusively, and effectually. (Hear, hear.) He was rejoiced more than be could express on hearing that declaration repeated by the noble earl, because sure lie was that the people of this country, greatly as they might he indisposed to enter upon a war at all, much as they might feel the pressure upon their interests, much as they might recoil from all the dangers and all the horrors that would be incurred, their disinclination would be infinitely greater to arrive at the conclusion of a shameful and dishonourable peace— (cheers) —and a dishononnible peace he was confident they would declare that t.. be v. filch uould not effectually check the growing saute:ion of Russia, and restrain her not merely within her existing limits, but rescue from her those portions of her conquests which rendered her so arrogant and overbearing, and take from her those territories which should afford a material guarantee against a renewal of those ambitious projects by which any further disturbance of the peace of E urope might be effectually and permanently prevented. (Cheers.) But this he would say, that the people of this country, having expended very large sums of money, having made incredible exertions, and being prepared to make still greater exertions and meet all the inconveniences of a war,he was convinced they would not be satisfied unless the Government resolved that from henceforth there should be security taken for the indepen- dence, not of Turkey alone, but of the neighbouring states of Russia against Russian aggression. But above all, as his noble and learned friendbad said, one great object with them ought to be—as well in point of honour as of policy— not to desert that gallant people—(cheers)—whose course we had advised, and who had so valiantly pursued that course—not to make our own terms, and then fi:ially leave them to the vengeance of Russia when she had no other enemy to deal with. (Hear, hear.) Were we to adopt such a course, we should be guilty of a base betrayal of our duty. (Cheers.) For the future it was impossible to permit that the Black Sea should be a Russian lake— (cheers) —or that the Danube should be a Russian ditch choked with mud and filth. (Chairs.) We must have a material guarantee for the peace of Europe, and he rejoiced in the language which had been held by his noble friend on the part of her Majesty's Governnieut. That language would give perfect satisfaction, and he trusted that the country would see it iollowed up by the whole of her Majesty's Government by acts as vigorous and decisive as the language of the noble lord." The Earl of ABERDEtN submitted that the speech of Lord Lyndhurst would have been more appro priate three months since, as neither the Govern ment nor the people of England now required any additional stimulus to warlike dispositions. 'Being now actually at war with Russia, he thought also that it was iUtimed to deliver, as the noble lord had done, a violent philippic against the Russian policy and Government. The war, he remarked, had from the beginning been defensive, and engagements entered into strictly with the view of preserving Turkey from encroachment might possibly read somewhat obscurely when the contingencies seemed to include the invasion of Russia. Austria being an independent power could not be compelled to pro. teed further in the contest than she had already undertaken to do ; but on the other band the Western powers were not bound to accede to any Austrian arrangements for peace. Respecting the arrange ments to which the powers might accede, Lord Aberdeen would give no positive information. Every thing, he said, must be contingent upon the develop ment of circumstances " As to the conditions with which we would be satisfied, on the conclusion of war, and the objects which we should have in view, it would be Loth premature and un wise to pretend now to decide. My noble and learned friend, to be sure, has given the Emperor of Russia due notice that he had better lose no time in fortifying Sebes. topol, for my noble and learned friend has already announced his desire to lay his hand on that stronghold, and 1 dare say his Majesty the Emperor will follow my noble and learned friend's advice. (Laughter.) But the conditions for the termination of hostilities are, I say, those which can only be described by the expression— a just and honourable peace.' (Hear, hear.) Now, that must depend in great measure on the progress of the war. If it should happen that you find the Russians at Con stantinople, it is perfectly clear that the conditions of peace may be very different from what they might be if the allies find themselves at St. Petersburg. Therefore, the whole course of negotiations must be based on the pro gress of events." Dwelling, however, with fond prolixity, upon the sub ject of peace, the Premier argued that the perils which Europe underwent from Russian ambition were not so great., nor theinjuries for which Russia had to atone so bitter, after all : "At all times I shall advocate an honourable peace, though bent on obtaining the great objects we have in view—the security, integrity, and independence of the Porte, and, as far as reasonable, what is called the security of Europe, which, however, I cannot say I feel to be so much in danger by the chance of Russian aggression. Let The remind my noble and learned friend that when the disastrous treaty of Adrianople. to which he refers, was concluded, at a time when the Russian troops were within fifty miles of Constantinople, still no acquisition of Turk hilt territory was made by Russia. (hstiviatioss of dissent.) Two or three small ports in Asia were taken possession of by Russia—( Hear, hear)—but not an inch of territory in Europe and the principalities was evacuated. (..in treks. MININimm. TIT PRE.I sift/fon •of ?Plc Danube?) The Dunnhe f No debt. . I ham I already expressed my opinion in this house with regard to the treaty of Adrianople ; and no one has ever descnbed the disastrous and onerous nature of its contlitiona wore strongly than myself. (Hear, hear.) But I say, consider ing the situation at that time of the Russian army, which was almost at the gates of Constantinople, that is a treaty which did not show any great exercise of territorial aggrandisement. That treaty was made twenty-live years ago ; and since that period has Itusaia got a single inch of Turkish territory ? The only interference of Russia has been to protect Constantinople against the Egyptians. That was no act of aggression ; it was only a signal service which was rendered; and I think if we can secure tranquillity for twenty-tive years to come we shall not do amiss. I think that ought to be the object which we shonld keep in view. Ido trust, so carrying on the war, and having these feelings, which ought to inspire all Christian nations, we way look for the attainment of that great object in a shorter time than many noble bode appear to think probable." Lord BEAUMONT spoke a few words, contending the necessity of fighting until we ha d secured a peace by which Russia should be crippled and Turkey strengthened, and asked for papers relative to the recent conventions between Austria and the Porte regarding the occupation of Montenegro and Albania. The subject then dropped. - MINISTERIAL EXPLANATION—MR. STRUTT. The late CHANCELLOR of the Ducal- of LANCASTER on Monday night volunteered an explanation re garding the personal circumstance: which attended his recent exclusion from office. Mr. Strutt then said : " I have waited for some time, expecting that some hon. member, by alluding to the late Ministerial changes,would have afforded me the opportunity of giving an explanation which I was desirous to make relative to such changes ; but no such allusion having been made, and having heard that certain representations have been circulated which are not only erroneous, but injurious to my character, I feel that it is due, not only to this house and to the large and important constituency I represent, but also to my own character, to make a short statement on the present occasion to the house relative to my resignation ; and will confine myself as concisely as possible to a brief and simple relation of the facts connected with it. (Hear.) I will first enter into a short explanation with respect to the circumstances in which I was placed when I held the office which I have lately resigned. At the time of the forma tion of the present Government the noble lord who now holds the office of Lord President did me the honour, act ing ou behalf of the noble earl at the heed of the Govern ment, to request my acceptance of the office of Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. That offer was totally unex pected on my part. I knew at that time but little either of the nature or the extent of the duties of the office which was offered to me. I knew this much, that it was an office of a certain station in the Government ; that it was an office which had been held on various OCCII.SiODS by mem• hers of the Cabinet and by persons possessing very much greater claims to office than I could pretend to ; and I also knew that, although the duties of the office could not be supposed to be very laborious, it had usnally been held in connection with other ditties, and by members of the Cabil net to whom were assigned other labours besides thee. which fell to them from the office itsolf. Under thenedit cumatances, in accepting it I stated to the noble lord that in so doing I should consider my whole time and any set , vices whioh I could render to be at the disposal of the tio• vernment. After I had held the office for a certain time I found that, although some of the duties were by no means unimportant, and although they uttered mean opportunity, of which I endeavoured to avail myself, of efiboting some improvements in the administration of the affairs of the duchy, those duties were not more laborious than I had reason to expect, and that they were not atteompanied by the discharge of any parliamentary duties in this Mine. It appeared to me that the office was not calculated to be satisfactory to any man who was anxious that his whole time and energies should be devoted to the office entrusted to him. I made no secret of this opinion of mine. I took opportunities of expressing it in official communications which I made with respect to the duties of the office. Under these circumstances, I could not look forward with apprehension to any events which might have the effect of relieving me of the office which I held, and I am !tonna to add that, having stated when I accepted office that I con sidered my whole time at the disposal of the Government., it certainly was not my intention to shrink from any duties which had been or might be assigned to me, so long as I continued to hold office. Having said thus much with regard to the circumstances under which I held office, 1 will now proceed to advert to the circumstances which led to my resignation of it. On my return to town, at the conclusion of the Whitsuntide holidays, I received a letter from the Lord President of the Counctl, written on behalf of the noble earl at the head of the Government, and the result of the communication which was made in that letter, and at a subsequent interview which I had with the noble lord at his own residence, was, that the Government found themselves placed in a position of coosiderable dith cuity with respect to certain arrangements which they con sidered to be most important for the• public service, and that the disposal of the office which I then held would en able them to relieve themselves from those difficulties. I further ascertained on inquiry that all the necessary arrangements had already been made. (Laughter, awl ironical cheers fries the Opposition.) 1 ascertained also that the acquiescence of all those parties who were con cerned in those arrangements had been already obtained, and that, in fact, the final conclusion of them was only waiting for the expression of my concurrence. (Renewed 581 terploes*- Under Shaw eiatissabeesess. i treat I need not say that I did not hesitate for one single moment as to the answer which 1 should give. (Hoar, hear.) It certainly did appear to me, when such a communication was made to Inc on the part of the responsible head of the Government, that it was impossible for me, with a due regard to the interest* of the public service, and. I may say still more emphatically, with a due regard to my own personal feelings, to take any other course than that of instantly and at once putting the office which I held un reservedly and unconditionally at the disposal of the Government. (Thar, hear.) 'his is a simple statement of facts 'which led to my resignation of the office which I held ; but before sitting down I should wish to advert to several reports 'which have been circulated on the subject, some of which Ere caluulated to be injurious to my charac ter, and to which I am anxious, therefore, to give a distinct contradiction. I understand that it has been said in some quarters that my sudden and unexpected resignation could only be accounted for on the supposition that 1 held office under some understanding, and - that in resigning it I was, in fact, only fulfilling some previous engagement. Another report was that I hail been previously consulted with regard to the proposed arrangements, that I had had the opportunity of giving an independent judgment upon them, arid that, in consequence of my strong approval of them, I had tendered my resignation, and had thereby made myself a party to those arrangements. Another report, which luta also been very generally circulated, was that I was supposed to have attached sonic condition to my resignation, for my own benefit. Now, to all these reports I give a most unqualified contradiction. They have not the slightest foundation in feet. 1 held office on pre cisely the same terms as any other member of the Govern ment, and I would not have accepted it on ally other. With respect to the second point, whatever view I may have entertained or expressed with regard to the arrange ments in question, yet I knew no more of them than any other member of this house until they were completed, with the single exception of my own resignation, and of that not until the time had arrived when I felt that it was impossible to refuse it. I can in no respect be considered a party to those arrangements. With respect to the last point—namely, that I have myself added some condition to my resignation—l trust it is scarcely necessary for me to give a contradiction to that statement. (Cheers.) I have already said that on the first moment this suggestion was made I at once unreservedly, without one instant's hesitation, and without the opportunity of consulting one single friend, placed my office at the disposal of the Government. Under the circumstances I have mentioned, certainly cannot claim the merit of any great personal sacrifice. So far as regards my possession of office, I per formed that which appeared to me a simple clear act of duty, and the only apprehension which I have since had has been that my conduct and my motives might have been misunderstood. Throughout the explanation which have just addressed to the house 1 have been most anxious not to say one single word or utter one single observation respecting the conduct of any other person in these transactions. (hear.) 1 felt that in the peculiar position in which I found myself placed I should be acting more consistently with good taste, and most agreeably to my own feelings, if I confined any obeerva tiotis Which I had to make to a simple statement of facts, and to a simple vindication of my own character, without making the slightest observation or remark on the conduct of any other person. (Hear, hear.) It is with some paiu and embarrassment that i have made this explanation, hot I most cordially thank the house ftir the attentiou and kindness with which they have re neived it." No remark either from a Minister or member of the house followed this explanation, but Mr. Strntt resumed his seat amid loud and very general cheering. CHURCH RATES. The bill for abolishing church rates, introduced by Sir W. Clay, came on for second reading at the day sitting of the Commons on Wednesday. Mr. MULL moved that the bill be read a second time, and ivas supported by Mr. A. l'eu,Arr, who urged that the time for settlement was come, and the time of compromise passed, with regard to the question. Mr. Muartoutsit also approved of the measure, because it extinguished utterly the church raw system. Mr. Gorr.nres saw in the measure the beginning of a total severance between Church and State. He pointed out the clinger which the poor rate, and even the general revenue of the country, might incur, if the house ogee admitted the principle that persons might be exonerated from paying taxes on the plea of " conscientious scruples." He moved, as an amendment, that the bill be read a second time that day six months. The amendment was seconded by Mr. LIDDELL ( Liverpool), who, nevertheless, admitted the neeessity of devising some measure to rectify the existing law relating to church rates. Mr. E. BALI. contended that the church-rate system should be abolished, as an act of justice to dissenters and of prudence with regard to the Church itself. The impost now furnished a cause for deplorable strife, which it was most desirable to annihilate. Dr. l'umaxone confessed that the church rate should not be levied upon dissenters, brit was not pre pared for a total abolition of the system. Mr. HoneitAri also recommended a middle course, and 'urged the Government to attempt to settle 00 question. If, however, this was impossible, and no measure goal& be contrived for the relief of dissenters, he pres4ll4.ta seeibe charcit rates abuliabed nether •htfulauf3 is-.I .4 1 , 1 Agtu.A, It i• • • _ .