The Express. — London, England, 1855-02-24 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMEA T. HOUSE OF LORDS.-FRIDAY, FEB. 23. took his seat oe ths woolsack at The LOILD Ave o•slock. Replying to L+rds LTNDHVIST Sla VIVIAN, Lord PANNURE stated that comater clothing was being provided for the troops is the Crimea. and that comma for a large quantity of mister elothieg had beam osseisded is Vicuna, and completed is November last. Their lordships adjosrmd at 26 Waster to 6. HOUSE OF COMMONS--FazDAT, Fu. 2s. The Srmamen took the chair at 4 *Won. THE ECCLESIASTICAL COURTS. Mr. R. PHILLIMORE gave notice that upon as early day he should men fee lean to bring in a bill to abolish the jariedielies of the Issiselestical Courts in cease of slender. PROMOTIONS IN THE ARMY. Major REID gave swine that, sinless prevented by ano ther ministerial crisie—(" hear, bear," and laughter)—les shoal apes the Bth Marsh move fora select eenusittes to istsbe into the system of promotion in the army, voltb a view tosessetais whether that system could not be put op. el better What promotions might in fatale be ills taibete4 to merit and length of service. SHIPS IN THE CHANNEL. Sir J. DUKE asked the Senior Lord of the Admiralty whether say steps had boss taken to relieve the tearing ships now in the lingllkk Channel ? Admiral BERKIILW said that oursfps bad bees sent to the month of the liostlin Channel, and ene to the Irish Chanel for that purpose. INDIAN OFFICERS IN THE CRIMEA. Sir E. PERRY asked the President of the Board of Control, whether it was the intention of the Zest India Cosa patsy to recommend for promotion WOO mow se Heir army who acre engaged noon the staff or is setsal 11/11116110 in the field in the Crimea ? Sir C. WOOD said that the question %Was ON which ho was hardly competent to answer. ("Sear," and The East India Company had nothing Me de willt h r s i ) vices of lives of their °Scars who would be saga id he des army of the East, end could not therefore feel Judie* la reeonsasendiag them to promotive, as ia the Mee Whoa the °Jeers were engaged in the company's own affairs. NEWSPAPER CORRESPONDENTS AT THE SEAT OF WAR. Sir F. BARING said it had bees stated that Lord Raglan had sent home a implant with regard to the injury dose through the comassakation of intelligence by the °afternoon deists of the London newspapers, that thereupon the Deka of Newcastle had sent a circular letter to the editors of the London joarnah upon the subject, and that since thous further oomplaist had been received from Lord Raglan. He wished to know whether the government would have any objection to place these documents oaths table. Mr. F. PEEL said that the letters from Lord Raglan to the Duke of Newcastle were letters in the nature of prints onamuciestione, and that he had not the autheritpef the Duke of Newcastle to went to their production. 'The let ters to the Editors of the Loudon newspapers were also pc!. este communications, but if the right boa. baronet thought any good would be done to the public sepia by their pro. rind**, he would have no objection to praises Wm. Sir F. BARING asked if the productioaof theme does. mists would be to the disadvantage if the publis service ' se then he should Mt for them. Otherwise he could sot yield to the of the hon. swam. Mr. PEEL the production of the letters to Eli editors of newsmen ',obi not be incompatible with the public monies. Mr. LAYARD osissital IBM fairness the answers el the odium ought is hi Man. Mr. PEEL lee had ostmes say answers from We& ' tees, sod Woolen midi sot elde whether they would Is prodssed or set. MINISTERIAL EXPLANATIONS. Is the course of the proseedings above reported, and at ilfer•st times, Sir J. Graham, Mr. Gladstone, and Mr. S. Herbert, entered the honk The right hoc. patient= took their seats upon the second bench below the gangway, upon the ministerial side of the house, is the same lbw with the placate cosupied by Mr. Cobdea sad Mr. Bright. Mr. Cardwell, who wee petal sees after four °Wok, was seated immediately behind the creamy bash. Mach ez alMssest appeared to prevail swept hos. member., and it we somewhat isinmeed by the son-appearases of Lord Palsiontes, who did sot take his seat until a few minutes helm lye esiesk; the ordinary mane being for the leaders of the bow, both ministerial and opposition, to make their appearases sees efts, halt pest four o'clock. Almost imme diately after kis eatrasee which was greeted with aim of " hear, bear." sad laughter. Lord PALMERSTON moved that the committee upon the army before Sebastopol be takes into consideration before the seders of the day. Sir J. GRAHAM then nee and maid—Mr. Speaker, ac esieding M estabikhed siege, and in onformity with a salu tary practise, having seamed to be use of the ersideatial servants of the news, and sow only holding aloe saW my escceeeor is appointed, I feel it a ditty incumbent as me, with the permission of the house, to state the rearms which bare indueed sae to take the step to which I have already alluded. And, sir, I have thought it best to avail myself of an opportunity to tender this espleoation when a motion is your hands, bemuse I am afraid it will be necessary for ate to trespass for some short time upon the indulgenes of the hens ; and, moreover, in stating the reasons which have actuated me, I may be driven to make tome statements, or to nee some arguments, which may require reply. On the whole it appeared that this was the beet wane for me to take. And I am the more disposed to take that owes bemuse in essetquenee of severe illness I was unable to be is parlia ment on a late occasion when the hon. sad learned 'outla ws below me made his motion for a committee of Inquiry, sad which committee I believe he is sow about to nominate. I did sot take any part in the debate that presided the divi sion ea that emotion, end I wee usable to record my vote on that °cession. (Hear, hear.) I shall therefore crave the Wedges°s of the boon while I ester into some of the rea ms width led so to think that the farther prosseution of istrary by a select eesmittee of this home is, is the present eirmunstanees of the omustry; inexpedient and dasgerous— Ent premising my understanding that the government has ado; ted the notice of the hon. and learned number for Shef field. Amadei to a practise well known in this hoses, the original names proposed by the hoo.and learned amber ha,- ing been withdraws,we are now about to *resider an amended list of eleven sasses, which, for the purpose of removing all ambiguity, I may consider is a list width has been fairly decamped between the mover and the Cabinet, with a view of providing a fairly-belasoed select committee. Now, I must make one observation in the way of prehmle of what I have to state to the house with reference to the eempoeition of this committee. If the mutative govennest hes made up its miad that a enuaithe of ma vast inporlesse is our peesest 'keenness.. should be oppeisted, I regret a:- Mutely not to fed new the soma sew proposed that of my amber ef the govermsest Whiled. (Bear, hear.) I have anise spines that if this *shy is to be milested is alsounstasese me damn with a due regard to the in terline the matey, than would have Ms gresenteestege fa banal' a Mann of the crows preset mithatemenittn, mad who, if aullesteef inquiry were opened whin', hem his lesewledge ef our tongs Maness, apposed to Ma to Wash es &sprees gemesd, might give warm* to the aninitessi le that ems foebeermse sight be eureka fa the hanky. Bat, air, it is sot "sly on mamma of the dame of a mem ber of the goverment from the somalttoe that I Mee from my late eelleagues—l °bleat to the appeistmest a a select casein*. altogether. I thine that, is ear meson eiressastaaces, revelations might be made before that ow nines, mid peculiar deems ieenned at the peeseat isemest with reference to the war. You, sir, will bear me est, Mt it 1. quite open to a majority of the monsinee sow proposed of eleven memben—it is quite ems to ties 'majority of that musittee to decide whether it shall be 'met se eyes to the public. If an oat of the dues should be opines that strangers out to be excluded, lbw it will he a secret eamaittae ; but if, ea the other bead, their donnas should be of as opposite gander, Ilea it will be ea epos ementne. lA4 see regard Ws sweeties is its double aspect. If it should be damned to be a Mint onsmittn, all aims of public opiates owning ea it will be withdraws, the melodies" will mot be /MOW, Ind the penes. isalpated lay the endows will sot hen the eppertusity obdefesdiss themeless, of preparing for hams, of creee-ezanisieg the inners., or of ',battles fah. acessatioss ; cad mail the termisaties of the twain Me whole of the examinations will remain secret asd saksows. If it be as opes 'committee, them from day to day the evidence will be published, the nod admen Ism mats of • party Moneta will be mile. to that Otlielin so published, sad the most mesons *wad= IPS MI Heated, hearing hard is shiest istakllbalm as le powers of maadaatiss or defame. RINI slidt the diarester GM paints et penes. Ong high Mein mg le preened, alisestase then will he so Medal es the preeeeinse of We semmittee from the hoer of Ms is. holies to the peeled at whisk it makes ite meet. NM I man mg that e mildmisi the gravity of the saltion, lb homme. bamboos and bards. os Wends els magsllsle diegollea of sash pewees te • mt. - - ERE massMOU.. OMEEMIRMONO OM ORE! I attlee el dews anabeekelthle base appears to ae le be mut dawn= le seem Mar. I en at sweep ft* I Owe say presedest le eve ibbeills• mei Ile ef l lel la s e ei I *weld - ns • aig i t= l imes kaew lb* Ws* meba la * die Ue. iPsee tq Umha i e l =legovei se& ea lave**. Um Tees le• penis§ 4r pm* Is Ow proven K - a • THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 24, 1855. the public, precast checked by the intelligens sad knew ledge of many members of this boar with refuters to the subject matter. There would be every publidty but 0 lidty wader _check, and through the tendomed tele ; sad, on the whole, as etereen a commit tee and at inquiry a thr bar, c l 7 for, should not hesitate to pre,* the • fit at the bar. A oder reamittee unprecedented, w ile for at inquiry at the bar than are precedents to be foundjalthough air applkolate to the ease now in baud. I believe that at AB any , la the time of William, there was an in quiry ler rhesus to a anal expedition, and, at a later paned, the Welsher= inquiry took plan at the bar. But is both direness the military eventing of the war were not ; the war had terminated, and the generale sad wine ammeters had been attacked were present te defend tkaaselne. In the Welchers case, Lord Chat ham appeared at the hair, and had the opportunity of satin/ his case, and of being heard in his own defence; but as matter now stand, we have the immense question of the ceadltion of oar army in the Crimea as a subject of inquiry, and no instructions have been given as a guide to the select committee. I understand that there was an in struction which appeared in the name of the meter of the committee, but I believe it was prepared without his autho rity, and that he is not prepared to move it. There is also an instruction prepared by the honourable member for I en, which removes any shade of doubt Si to the conduct of our generals and army being the subject of Inquiry. Bat, air, far be it from me to contest the power of this hour in its largest sense. I know not of say object so minute as to be below the notice of this hour, or so suited or so remote as to be beyond its range and power. I am not the person to cat down' the authority and power:of this house; my whole public life been'spent within these walls, and the greatest efforts of my youth and of my more mature years—it is not as a matter of regret I mention it—have been dented to blaming the democratic power of this brambly. (Cheers.) Within its proper sphere, no man rejoices more in its power, its control over ffi the officers of state, and the ministers of the orown—its powers co-ordinate with the Crows and the House of Peers, and greater than those of the House of Peers with reference to taxation, supply, and ways and mesas. And even NI the grand Inquett of the patios, I admit At the lateeilest sous its constitutional Ewer, and I knew leg limit In that power, exempt when Nat i - enemies ea W-advised mereat it shall treads on legitimate and emetitutimel tenetions of the executive (Beer.) Os the lest night's debate, when his wee moved, we heard from almost every one, at beat m the opposite side of the house, the admission made thst the motion for this inquiry win only in tended ea a vote edemas» on the then existing government. (lieu.) I remember well the speech of the noble lord the President of the Council, who, on the whole, did not think be was able to satisfy his own conscience in defending the whole conduct of his colleagues against a vote of maws by implication, but in the broadest manner he said it was impoesible to support this committee of inquiry, because it we incompatible, in his opinion, with the functions of the executive. (Bear, hear.) This was also stated by an hon. gentlemen below me. the member for Aylesbury, who said he supported the motion bemuse there being grave grounds of accusation against the executive, it was the lbst.ndiamentary opportunity afforded him of, by vote, ream ii his opinion. But he ale, if I mistake not—and Isbeidd be sorry to misinterpret his meaning— did not antlepte any advantage from inquiry, and only used the motes u expressing his want of confidence in the government Now, I was not able to be present in the house until Talky evening, but I heard a speech which I could have ebbed.* ben *tiered myself,—for it was much better argued dos I meld Ism signed—l heard a speech from my right hes. friend, the liosermy for the Home Department, in whisk he put the selletien Is a manner which to me ap peared to be siamewerebie. He appealed to the how, and said, " Lot ws semi in sin minaftadiag_ia this matter. I cannot believe IMO yes mem s. poem Ws es a substantive =en eely mesait to be a vote of " and that elm stio hon. friend was rce uslsd b by loud mseetig deem fees. the opposite side el the Woe. It wee In abort usdnotood as a vote of ONNEIS and se re 'Ovid by those 'be opposed, and thou who supported It. (" Haar, km," sad some dissent.) I am sure the house will Anti me le Mate what was my impretien the time, and see easy to say that looking . hack at Ale has occurred lime W nee altered it—my unpnenius wee that it was Imbed wpm as a vote of censure. NA is thee owe mem& Laid Aberdeen's cabinet tweeted it es IMO sf esernes eyed NNW ea this impresaion teak be ow sibMinal mem ea the fallowing morning of esietime theftwerignetbois. nee allow me to ask, if censure was blind ta that sidle fir inquiry, how can the dum dum have bees altered by anything that has occurred die If it was a win of censure then surely the of the emunittee is a vote of omen 1 111 1 1 1= 18 :ight see 110 unbolt to that vote in January, how INS abe sight tine* to salmi' to the nomination of the soaaaMlM In F.brnary ? It appears to me that the grounds Mae limns, the intentions are the same, and the objections NO the UMW My cab regret is the novelty of the course Alb be INNS OM ~IL Hitherto, generally, when veto NI am" has. bee peed on government, there Sr. settee putkresetary courses open which are well known. A mike Si • committee of the whole house en the state of the =dm is a neepleed notice to quit the cabinet, end a vote of censure in direct terms is so us ambisoianks as never to be mistaken. But the =Winton* here that a dune has bun adopted which is amb4uose and Waits of two constraetnes, though, u I con tad. liege ii 'sly ow legitimate construction, the first cps Willi the gmeramest acted—samely, that of taking Ilea iele Stamman. Them, it may be said, has sac illie qe.4llese to dim Ile amen of affain ? Much hes gi r = to I" wha te b re e ee m end the i v vote la te e m a, abs. The Doke of Newcastle, feeling the no longer takes his place at the council 2 .01 beard. friend the member for Tiverton sup OW the et Lord Aberdeen; but, although he now supplies pm he acted with us, in strict conformity u our united eglelms sad treated the vote appointing a com mittee as a tele el censure, yielded tout, and retired. Then, with the demolition of Lord Femurs and Lord Can sing, all the Mahon of the cabinet filling the most impor tant Akre of the Mate are the identical persons who were members of Lard Aberdeen's government. (Cheers and laughter.) And die, as, in passing, to observe that on Friday last, wham the noble lord at the head of the govern ment opened the polio of the cabinet, he appeared distinctly to recognise the existeue of this committee, if persisted in, as a difficulty which was not to be lightly regarded, if it could be resisted, beau, he tendered to the house and volunteered the nudism et the executive, in lieu a the prosecution of this inquiry . (Hear.) Bat it will said to me, „ How came you to keep *files under the noble Mount the member for Tiverton, if those were your impressions with respect to this com mittee ?" (Hear, hear.) My wish is to state the cause of my remising with perfect frankness. (Hear, hear.) I had the greatest difficulty when the noble lord paid me the distinguished complimeat—an undeserved oae —of wishing me to be a member of his administration. The house will pardon me for saying that, being confined to my bed, I was not in a condition to carry on a protracted correspond ence, or to make many inquiries ; but there was one dial salty which was conditional, and upon which I required explanation. I wished to know from my noble friend whether there was to be any cheap in the foreign policy to which when is the Aberdeen cabinet we gave oar suited consent, and whether, with reference to the segodatiene pending at Vienna, there were any &Ren dus in the terms which in our opinion were consistent with the attainment of a safe and honourable peace. I thought it my duty to satisfy myself on that single point ia an= Roble friend, in the frankest manner, gave me exp which were entirely eatisfactery. I, glad to be satisfied es that point, which I. considered to, be the man oar wile ao further difficulty, nor made any more inquiries. ' I mid frankly, "I will do my very best, if you think my swim useful is the maivitesesee of your germs meet." (Hear. hear.) Now, wham greater mattes mien hem bami wombat by me empeatiag this bat I was et minim, end ustil laegy I Cresdaued lim eatt Mat males, that two iehdelme, my dared Meads, who W has Inked long by the mown, sad whom I believed M be as biomass and trustworthy as any who aver served bat Measity, Lead Aback= and the Duke of Neweesde, leeks sugswily Warred public obloquy, and been unifies' le the Mese et the ewatry and the pleasure of this haus .—elset undies having Wu made, and the national opinion Mies sweagly in favour of the noble viscount's beta; de meal to the post of First Minister, and Lord Future, m mineesaut with the again of the army, baring hem male War ithimer I did believe that changes bed hem made whisk would be satisfactory to the hew sad the watey. I Wight this the more toperdelly, became aessoseemests wee coincidently made et great admiaistestive refuses. I will not dwell ups. the depart ment which I see *beat to leave. , the novelty sad diillealty of the operatics. we we e r was s eV is, it impeesible that errors should met be comma la the naval eery' s*. I believe that mistakes did moor, sad Nei She weekbg et that swim was not nth . (Lead aim et 14 We, hear.") Bat I, swing ta lle rVormy, ea my wa supeseibility applied a rewly which I believe wal be esiliest. I have Nide the le wee whisk Illeleged establish a beard eepeelelly rt i rp i tellamesee et list duty. Is the admielleeties et rd=, .. lON et Ileseetriy at Wes bee bees ad great ' sgs bass Ws amie, sr am is pepsin, la the militap sk` dageelsewle The geared sear wain the engines has 3ss reeelled, ea& swam editor webbed to waist the operations of the *go The aumtureerrisevesseers and adjutant general's depart ments ham bees pissed wise the erwel of the ebbe of the Medi seilemmaires ham lees amine* tens when Mem se Wahl gems basalt will be illevived. I Wiwi esti very lettly thet them &mos weld kw eatheed rea ad I wee Esti eserdeed to bad fist gulls - iesd wassery le Mead with tide in quiry. I arsalsly may he r = milk Wit at I rainy WNW le reset is t bat at the ism ill i ll A I art della the eight o bellies my VIM elites WO sweet to this isguiry Is the Int plass, Nay I Wiwi it to be em it I as weds that the eassullive ea veramest, p W uswelag the malliemee et ibis hew, rimes ~Wit,While them geatimes• WSW weg tr a Mii balm ledge wee poking, their ways beet they IWO% MOM the ailllesse el a Dermot of the mews, the weld le ieddiag o si while they wail C 1 11 .M 4 gie way to the emeativa, the tail the of the grew ad WNW trelisse this how, would do rapidly,p, eat Ms was to be awe. I ham metered to ill 111111*101011 ' the matimplattil Yawns Is the awl Oll4 5j A ;(GI i; ;; b t s l i ssi t weas titurre tio n ee su A i F.77 4 ..alfs i vede estil 4 =22:ft °pore:leas. m id one der this eommittee unaoceseuy ; but be* • few • r objectielts. I coodder it naps; and the k kessegillbeer with se, I will give my reasons ter leg that epplatoe. The eseseave government of theme's'', armed with the authority of the crown, appoints all the admirals, all the generals, and all the Abu in the may and navy , to the most zr:and on bulge smite. The servants of the ROWS he selection, the power of coated, the pegged end the power of removal. They Mee also the pm., of their punishment ace/makes to the daekias et the tribunals resegaised by the legislate,* of this rentstry ; and I must say that I think the diem we chosen sad so controlled, so subject to the authority of the servants of the crown, have a correlative claim on the latter to be defended hem any other inquiry which is to take place behind their hegira Meer, hear.) I have said that I think this inquiry unjust, end I have said that I think it dangerous. I will show rat now why I eseelder it parte:slaty dugout* Will the house permit me, with retinue le mg us department, to revert to the allegations made egeinet mil been the place where I now stand on Friday last, nasal& _that I had been highly cul pable with regard to the Maeda In the Black ilea. I met that accusation in my plus, mad ea the spot. I told the house what were the circuitous which led to the delay, for three months, of the Nag of t e expedition fromVana to the Crimea, and explained blew during the conduct of the expedition the whole naval forte of England and Freese wes employed, and how impound*, therefore, it was is execute the blockade until the end of October ; ant then, going to the verge of what was consistent with I my duty, I shadowed forth the danger of prosecuting say farther inquiries respecting the blockade. The house, with its usual prudence and intelligence, refrained from punier me fustier, and the statement I made will, I hope, lead is ee eau/queues. But the committee calls an 'Amt. al it; perhaps makes that very inquiry, and does not dhow the forbearance which war shown by the house, asking the Main' to go into details which I shadowed forth, and whisk the house did not ask me to explain. Under the of the eidaet eeetaittee he is forced to disdain all Incident, thst lead to that delay; and it depends ea the ceedeace of six out of the eleven gentlemen whether the is act so prosecuted. If, unhappily, produce Amid uwireiirMi kW it I state it con fi dently, that the it up directly to our coasedea :rise put awl powerful ally—(hear, hear)—when it 1. d Ilbe _ Imarimace that no misunderstanding whatever] (rear, hear.) And I warn the house that this Ihimptim MOM any check or control, resting only on the ariarroalki e rsdance or imprudence of six out of .eleven MD. my fay ve this country in the meet fatal conse quent'. (Hear, hear.) I said that this committee was un• neeting ; let us carry the argument a little farther. I Owls saw W the position of Lord Raglan ; and that bears d r ea the state of the army in the Crimea. I imagine that the difficulties la which the most splendid human talon"; cm be triad, lb. smemsfal onammi - of m army in the presume ofssaperior force of the enemy is the most severe trial. (Hear, hear.) The chance of success in that com nand rests mainly in the possession of undivided authority. It has been tersely said by one of the greatest military au thorities of antiquity, " Id est 'VW, et Dueis, non dime Fortuna; rrcebenti se, et oblato case fleeter' ad Consilium." Now that wee the opinion of a great general; but if pea eummander is in command beside another army *sr are be constantly situations involving compli ers& gemeiderations, there must be compromises in deshiss, sad pastimes about the distribution of relative hewn Respecting all this there must be in. spiry. I will not p farther. I have shadowed forth the danger of inquiry respecting the army in front of Sebastopol ; and without farther observation from me, there is not a single gentleman present in this the most intelligent assem bly in the world who dose not feel the nature of the dangers to which I have alluded. (Loud cries of "Hear, hear.") But it is said that, whatever danger there may be is this in quiry, it is irresistible. Now I demur to that doctrine, which is, in itself, a most dangerous one. It is irresistible only because those whose duty it is tb confront it have not the firmness to resist, but yielding to the danger which, if re sisted, would be certainly overcome, are hurried into conse quences, against their conscientious convictions, which are sure to be of the moat painful nature. I know that I have exposed myself to the most painful of all taunts. It may be said to me, "Yon are about to leave your col leagues in a season of imamate difficulty, and it is in moments of immense difficulty that the hoods of political anion ought to be most carefully observed." But I must be permitted to say, without offence to my friends on the treasury bench, that I deny that I am the deserter on this occasion. I took my position in common with them, in re solving to resist this inquiry. It was resisted ; the position was takes 'sparsely. I still stand to my guns in that position ; theynbandon it, spike the guns, and run away. (Laughter.) Allow me still farther to observe, that I caneot believe it is right in a minister of the crown, if be believe that any given wares is &Lateran', to decline resistance, because resist ors may be unpopular, and thus refuse the house the oppastsaity of reconsidering its decision. I know no duty in a public man than that of acting up to what fs entiously believes to be right, and it is in the pane list embargo of that duty that I have this evening sip =before you ; and, it would be unfair, even if my permitted it, to detain you longer. I know nethieg more honourable than the service of the crown, when imbed with selleepses in whose principles and whose measures yes essesr—(teeer, hear)—and when you iniley Sc medideses of the people and the Sovereign. Bus, s the Mhee hand, I know nothing more dishonour- We, se mire painful, than assenting to measures adopted by 1116 1111sisaity of your colleagues which you consider dan gerous, sad which your conscience and your judgment tell yea are improper; and, I must add, when you have the pain fed conviction that the rudders of this house is nor espeed in the gobbet of which you area member. It may be said, what eight have Ito make the last mention ; the navy estimates and the army estimates have Ise bees sited. But, sir, I have been long a mamba K thb hews, end there are indications which are sot to be mistaken. I should conceal the truth if I did not Mate that, having sat on that beach only three or four even ings after groat changes had been made in order to conci liate this house, I oasis to the painful conclusion that the administration of which, until to-day, I was a member, did sot possess a greater degree of the confidence of the hone* than that from which we had all retired together. (Loud asses.) I have said that I would speak without reserve: and, with your kind indulgence, I have executed my sa y • —imperfectly, but honestly. Honied words at with colleagues are almost nauseous, anddeceitful, and like lovers' vows, under similar eiseemsleseee, always unavailing and laughed to scone. I Asa set, therefore, make any professions, but it shell be sq esisthear to mark by my conduct my sense of the re- I have incurred by the step I have just taken. ith the colleagues whom I have left I have worked for two years ; they are my friends, and I esteem them. I value them, bat I weld not be led by them to take a step which my Advised and conseience disapproved of. My feeling towards them le strong and friendly, but if it were unfortu nately more shores than it is, I should still feel it my duty to give them is every possible way my humble scpport. From anything which may interfere with the administration of the public balsas kaliall religiously abstain, and my votes will be in amordnese generally with the government. I shall, sir, make se Oaths: professions, bat instead of pro faits* endeavour M pose by my seaduct that with me the Whey of the state, is a memest of great emergency. is pa eamesat to every other seerideration. (Cheers.) I have sow only to thank the hones for the kind patients with which they have beard se ewer *shwa shared peobably but by few of their somber. (The TLS's. baronet re sumed his seat la the =Nig of word .3 Mr. BRIGHT, silwesdos es the gravity the pending skis. ogled ea the Mess le Shoed passel eraiderations, est all to rescuing the 41011■07 Irma the Myer and Mimi- Ili= it underweat during the eastissesse el the winkle res la merge eelyale. His egos lasi Mussels su Oa Ws. member declared Is se keg ss he evinessi a Osseo desire le holm sal egossiiisle s pesos. Mr. S. HERBERT ths v o il Esioi te solsis his own motives for resignation, Is peat nessore eon with those et the late Time at Sc Admiralty. Per sonally, he oisraseed that his essesies hestelles eat from his late belle s • was mat paged pronging, edopted rualannall so el duty. The MostieiM was issilsed by Kr. Dromessi, tdr. Gotha, the Hes. F. Scott, Kr. Lain, sod Kr. Wei , who Mei the seeeasity of ea inquiry, ask by Lord Wg. Lowe, General Peel, and Mr. O. Versos, Wirt 111111 ms grounds, objected to the appoistsant of • eemimiles• Sir J. !ARINGTON said the state of the public affairs wee le critical, and the position of the genes:neat wee so peculiar and so discreditable, that be felt very dab ass of offering • few observations to the hones, espeelally as he had been selected as one of those whom it was pro posed to nominate as members of the committee. What, then, was the math ground of the desire which existed is the public Wad for inquiry ? The fluent army that Rag land bad ever lest forth had been victorious, and it had perished. (Cheers.) It had perished horribly by disease, famine, eold, fatigue, and protracted suffering; and we. not that • case for inquiry ? (Hear, hear.) He (the right hes. baronet) feared, before smother swath had passed, that as the lied regiment had already gone, and as the noble brassie of the guards had almost gone, so would the whole dads Ise army be also pee. (Hear, hear.) had what WIN our mass of mitering our strength is the Crimea ? Ii wee only yesterday that he had bees told by • diet's phial afar who had seen the lest draft of 9.000 as seat or km Peetemeath, that those men wore red /man and Meted vaashots, but that they were sot soldiers; kir there was sot one amosgstthem who had bees embodied I maths oil many of them net two. Wee it fair to our beau troop in SS Crimea, or to oar allies. or to England, to mad oat raw =ta like these ? (Chews.) And what wee tee states of at hems ? At home there wsre divided and die taasted enssile ; sad the ties whisk ought tetbave b ee . bolsi to the sat emerge* ammo sees mamma is NMI lotrasses of isilighleal ambition sad the ougglo et essesodko parties. (Load sheen.) The Rate it, Sc pea lean lad bad alluded to by the hem, won Abe Manobestar In terra. el great moderation sad of peat truth. Thera amid be no doubt that that feeling wee one of great Indignation. The people demanded to know the eases of those great misfortunes which had bets/len ear army, and they would not be satisfied without an inquiry. They expected to be stabled to ascertain—sad it was the duty of the government to mid them—who was to blame. For his own part, he did not hesitate to express his opinion that the blame was to be auxibsted. to the miseendust of the government of Lord Aberdeen. (Cheers ) He did not deny that great mistakes might have bees made by the army Malt. There might have huh Mei 4 the conduct of the army which might have led to a part of the sufferings which it had had to en d** ; bat it was his (Sir J. Pakiugton's) deliberate opinion that it was the bad policy of the late government, and its had management of public affairs, that had contributed most to the disasters which had befallen the army in the East. His belief was that in the course of this unhappy war— unhappy in the negotiations which bad led to it, and in the steps which had been taken when it at last broke out—his belief was that whatever their intentions might have been, the conduct of her Majesty's ministers had been one WTI.s of blunders and mistakes. (Hear, hear.) He (Sir J. Pakington) must certainly disclaim any intention of attack ing any individual member of the late government, or of shifting to any one person the responsibility which rested upon the whole cabinet. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Sidney Herbert) had accepted this principle of holding the entire government responsible for its acts ; and he (Sir J. Pakington) alluded to the subject the rather because it had been stated by one of the right hon. gentlemen who had re tired, that Lord Aberdeen and the Duke of Newcastle had been sacrificed to the public feeling which had been created by the disasters of the Crimea. Now if he (Sir J. Pakington) were called upon to make any distinction and to name that one member of the late government to whom the greatest amout of blame was due, be should certainly not name the Duke of Newcastle. (Cheers.) The mode of the noble duke's retirement had at all events been more honourable to him than the mode in which others had contrived to re tain possession of °Moe. (Cheers.) If he (Sir J. Pakingtoa) was called upon to specify those members of Lord Aber deen's government to whom he should be disposed to attach the largess share of blame, he should same the noble lord the member for the City of London, and the noble viscount the present Prime Minister. (Hear.) Ho was enabled thus to speak of the former noble lord (Lord J. Russell) from the language used by the noble duke in the remarkable defence which be made of his conduct in another place ; because , when the Secretaryship of State for War and the Colonies I was divided the noble duke strongly remonstrated upon the incompleteness of the proposed arrangements. It might be in the recollection of the house that when the noble lord Russell) came down to tb. house lest session and expleiaed the arrangements that were to be made, he (the right hen. baronet) had taken precisely the same objection. And now it appeared that the very objections which had been made in this house by himself (Sir J. Pakington), and in the House of Lords by Lord Grey, had also been made in the cabinet by the Duke of Newcastle, and had been overruled by the noble lord (Lord J. Hweell) on the ground that parliament wished for the change, and that therefore, to please the Hosea of Commons, the change must be made. He (Sir J. Pakington) did not think that any minister, however great his ability or his application, could have con ducted the war department satisfactorily so long es it existed in so divided and conflicting a state. (Hear, hear.) The Prime Minister he considered also to blame for his conduct in regard to the militia. (Hear, hear.) In May last the noble viscount stated that it was not the intention of the government to call out the Irish militia, nor did he even this call out the English or Scotch militia, although they had been told that a descent upon the Crimea bad been the policy of the government from the eery first, and although order were given for the expedition in the next month. Yet notwithstanding that the government thus intended to invade the enem's territory and to attack his strongest fortress, the noble lord did not think it nem. eery to provide the legitimate and constitutional reserve out of which our troops might have been recruited. (Hear, hear.) They were told to look to the noble lord as the man who was to rescue the country from its present dilemma. For the sake of the country, he (dir J. Pakington) devoutly trusted that the noble lord might be able to do so ; but when he found him displaying such a complete want of sagacity and foresight, be felt no little misgiving, and be certainly thought that the noble viscount was chargeable with a large share of the disasters which bad occurred (Hear, hear.) He (Sir J. Pakington) did not regard Mr. Roebuck's motion as a censure upon any one member of the govern. ment ; but he did regard it as a direct vote of censure upon the government itself, and it had been carried by a majority that was perfectly unparalleled. The right boa. baronet (Sir J. Graham), who had expressed a great dislike to the proposed inquiry, had argued that those hon. members who voted for it bad had no inteu tion of pressing the committee, but had regarded the motion simply as a vote of censure upon the government. But those who had thus accepted it as a vote of censure had certainly anticipated that the effect of their vote would be the return to office of the very same men as they had condemned. (Hear, hear.) The common sense and the right feeling of the country had never been more outraged than when, after such a vote, the government of Lord Aber deen returned to office virtually unchanged. (Loud cheers.) A strong government was desired ; but how had Lord Aberdeen's government been strengthened ? Why, by the retirement of two of .the most experienced , statesmen of the day—Lord Aberdeen, and the noble lord the member for the City of London. (Hear, hear.) Several other members of the government had sines retired, and he (Sir J. Pakington) thought that they bad done so upon ample sufficient grounds. (Cheers.) He thought that they had retired In a manner highly honourable to them, sad that, after the line they had hollowed with regard to the motion of Mr. Roebuck, they had taken an honourable and consistent part. (Hear, hear.) Entertaining this opinion, however, be (Sir J. Pakington) thought the position of the Prime Minister was at least a moat extraordinary one. He wished to know whether, after the opinions the noble vis count had expressed last Friday night, the course the noble lied bad taken that night was a proper or a constitutional one ? (Hear.) He could perfectly understand how, if the noble lord wished to form the strong government which he had been invited to do, be might have to assent to things te which he might entertain some objectfons ; but he could not understood how the noble lord could take the course he had now done after what he had said last week, when he expressed his disap probation of the enquiry, and stated that it was not in ac cordance with the constitution of the country. (Hear, hear.) Did the noble lord mean what he had said ? If he did, ought a Prime Minister to set the example of taking a course which was not in accordance with the constitution? (Hear, hear.) He (Su J. Pakington) was quite unable to agree with the two right hon. gentlemen (Sir J. Graham aid Mr. S. Herbert) in the strong objections they felt to the MMwd committee. He understood one of them (Mr. S. to object only to the inquiry into the condition of the army in the Crimea ; but to admit that an Inquiry into the con duct of the government would be quite constitu tions!. The right ken. gentleman only objected to the tribunal. He objected to a committee of the Hones of Com mas, but he did not object to a commission. Why, tha, had there not been a commission ? (Hear, hear ) The country had been told that the house could not and must not resist inquiry. (Hear, hear.) Why, then, had they not had the commission recommended by Mr. Herbert ? He admitted that it would be an inquiry into the condition of the army; and if it did net take place soon, he doubted whether there would be any arm y to inquire into. (Hear, been and " Oh, oh," from the ministerial side.) He spoke of bele, and fait bound to allude to them. It had been said by gib James Graham that the inquiry was unprecedented ; se wen the deennistances wider which it took plane. (Hear, beer.) His name had been proposed on the committee ; ea In wished therefore to state frankly the spirit in which be should enter We the inquiry. His name bad been CVthe list by a friend, not in opposition to his wish ; e on tend moot to serve on two distinct can atiene—iluitthe 'hold bz=te and searching ; penile lease aid this; and that with sigma le tin mad of the departsessts, they should Imola at tin begleeng. (Hear, bum) Lord J. Russell bed asegiallmitle evaded ty by writing a letter in lirsemlee; but the me batty of the government bad outman' is Jane or J y ; and if the house went into the inquiry, they must take it from the beginning. The house WW stepped sue of its way ; and the committee must not ekes their eyes le the magnitude of the responsibility which would rest apes them. Were they to inquire into the cir eneistanees aim which our army was mat to the Crimea Men the wileme, without adequate means, ignorant of the ensemeala KIM gamy ? (Hear, hear.) Ha said nothing aow Ispedllies being undertaken at all: that might be- OM ea inquiry at a future day. He knew that the govern ment bad been warned, by high military authorities, of the great risk they incurred in this expedition, and that if they attempted to winter there the army would be destroyed. (Hear, hear.) Wen they to inquire into this and into the reason why no reserve was provided ? (Hear, hear.) Why no militia fora yet existed whence the army might be rocraited,why the siege train was not in readiness, sad why the huts, so essential for a winter , were not even ordered until the third week in Iti=r ? (Hear, hear.) Theo were subjects wholly frivolities of the condition of the army and the conduct of the pooh, but deeply implicating the conduct of the go. valiant. If they dad not lapin into these things, the what weal be a delusion and a mockery. (Hear, hear.) ilea wee his views of the inquiry. It the bon disap point lbw let them not pleas him en the committee ; if illhoteke, be would endeavour to set up to the views he hM opeinnt (Hear, hear.) Let there be no adeunder elemang. He could only memo to serve on condition =be inquiry should be full and complete, that there be no evades, and no attar.pt to screen any one in pun, either at home or abroad. (Haas, hut.) GLADSTONE said—nu, house, sir, has before it Ihls gneiss throe Oran mhos 'having recently held, nadir dielaitswas of difficulty, te.s position of soopoos ibb ad vitfore of the crown, and hf.ying found themselves eem plied by an abcelate Nan of duty to separate from col leagues wham they estesawed, and with whom they agreed, an deacons of making e. statement of their motives. lam On& sir, I can hardly ask for the piano of the bean, ea it bee 'Clete ben so Wearily taxed with a series of personal eigioreklen Poe ;my own part, I egos innately Ice whet ha fella from my two right hos. friend', sad I would rest Whiled with the statements they han made erne it cost that the question which has led te ea Milani= is ea of the deepest !parliamentary end enneliblainal imitation Oar fate, as individuals, 1111111110 11 0111 i i bet it Val and lip with • matter of the greatest lows.; to the nation. As fir uI am ooncorised, perhaps I =ay be pornittad to lack a little without Weapons- big too mush on the honw. It has boon said that we are in a state of something like a ohronieministazial crisb, and it is difficult to separate the events of the last few days from those which preceded them. I would wish, therefore, to refer, in one or two sentences, to the commencement of the crisis, sad the position in which my name applaud Were the public in connexion with the early stages of it. When Lard Derby received a commission to form an administration an offer was made by him to my right hon. friend the member for Wiltshire and myself to take office under him. That offer baa been explained as having been made in very different terms. We have received one from my noble friend who is now Prime Minister. His account was somewhat different from the statement afterwards made by the noble earl him• self in another place. Another statement has sines been made in this home by the bon. member for Buckingham shire, totally at variance with the other. It may not be a point of much historical interest, but I venture to assure the house that to this moment I am in ignorance of what wee the offer made to me by Lord Derby. But, sir, however that may be, I am anxious the house should be aware of the part I took in that matter, mid u my communication remains in writing and Ina been alluded to here and in another place, I may, parbsps, be allowed to read the short letter I ad dressed to Lord Derby in answer to the message I received from him. In that letter I ventured to express my opinion that the best thing that could have happened for the country would have been that Lord Derby could have succeeded in forming a government out of his own political friends and adherents. I entertained that, both as te- girded the wishes of the country and as regarded the great question of peace and war ; and if, in an independent on in this house, I could have given a support to Lord Derby when the occasion demanded, I think it would have been more constitutional, and more satisfactory to parliament and the people. My letter runs thus: " Downing-street, Jan. 31.—My dear Lord Derby.—Lord Palmerston has informed me that you were good enough to express a wish that Sidney Herbert end I should become members of your administration ; he also informed me that he did not think he could render you useful service as a mem ber of your government, and Intended so to inform you." It was not at that moment, but at a subsequent period, that my noble friend intimated to me his own intentions. "It only remains for me to reply in similar terms. I think it will be for the public advantage that you should form a government from your own adherents. I trust you will form one to obtain adequate parliamentary support." That is the close as well as the htqinning of my communi cation with Lord Derby. lam so far agreed with my right hon. friend the member for Midhurst in dislike to coalitions, that I believe the best that could have happened for the country is the situation at which parliament had arrived would have been, first that a government should have been formed by Lord Derby from his own adherents, or if not, l exeusively from those on this side of the house who have all their life been accustomed to act together. lam bound to say that events, as far as they have since gone, have tended strongly to confirm that impression. With regard, sir, to the intermediate proceedings in the formation of the government of the noble lord, my right hon. friend, the member for Carlisle, has adverted to what was the sole question of discussion, on which alone there was any stipu lation or understanding, that is to say, u to the parlia mentary prospects of the government. There was no ground of public difference between the noble lord and myself. I bad learned to respect and regard him from my connexion with him, and I had been acting in hearty co operation with him for two eventful years. I felt I should have been wanting in my duty to my country if I refused the offer he was so good as to make me. There was a matter' of a painful character to me involved in the whole transla tion ; no act of my public life has been to me the source of more deep pain, or more suffering, than to be severed from my noble friend Lord Aberdeen. Sir, I lis tened with patience to the attacks made from various quarters on his name and conduct while I was in office; then I was, perhaps, bound to do so. Now that my noble friend hen been dismissed, by the blows tints rudely made from official life, and that I myself have followed, I hope I may be permitted testate my feelings with respect to Lord Aberdeen. Sir, Lord Aberdeen is a man who has been much misunderstood. Twenty years have elapsed since I heard him described in this house, by a noble lord one of the most honest statesmen of the age, as a person holding principles that made him the enemy of mankind. That noble lord has since learned to honour Lord Aberdeen, to act with, and deeply to regret the attack he had made on him. After that, Lord Aberdeen lived to become the trusted colleague, the admired colleague, the eulogised colleague, of Sir Robert Peel—his faithful ally and colleague in giving effect to all his measures for the benefit of the people. As the calumnies of twenty years ago have been dispelled, so the errors and prejudices of to day will be dissipated hereafter; and Lord Aberdeen will leave a name, I venture to predict, enshrined in the grate ful recollections of his country. (Cheers, and some marks of dissent.) B.r, the hon. member for Aylesbury is incre dulous. I thought he would have been content with the latitude of vituperation which this house allows him. I believe he belongs to a liberal party. While Chancellor of the Exchequer, I bore with him. Surely, now that he has purged the government from the evil elements can tamed in my own person, it may be permitted me to express an opinion I conscientiously enter Min. (Cheers.) I know it is shared by every man who has been the :riend or colleague of Lord Aberdeen. Sir, it wu with regret and indignation that I have to-night heard the attack on Lord Aberdeen—his retire ment was not sufficient to mitigate the wrath of some gen tlemen, because he retired with a mark of his Sovereign's regard, that he had earned by half a century of service. (Cheers.) I thank the how for having permitted this allusion—l now pass to the question before us, and the circumstances under which I quitted her Majesty's govern ment, because that government, placed in circumstances of great difficulty, and having two alternatives before them, made, what I consider, a fatal choice. The hon. member for Devonshire said he heard to-night for the first time in this debate, that those who retained office were deserters, while those who quitted it were faithful. The hon. gentle man entertains a different opinion ; he thinks those who retain office and change their intentions are faithful, bat thou who retain their intentions and quit office are deserters. I confess I was surprised to find the hon. gentleman of that opinion. I recollect a cue in point, which I recommend to his meditation. In the end of 1819 this country was placed in circumstances of great difficulty. famine wu impending. Sir R. Peel adhered to office, and changed his intentions ; Lord Derby adhered to his inten tions, and quitted office. lam afraid that, under these circumstances, it was Sir R. Peel who was faithful, and Lord Derby a deserter; but I certainly never ventured to apply that term to Lord Derby. Undoubtedly I do not lonian to pronounce censure of any kind on the course taken by m right hon. friends who have remained is office. I y know and feel from experience the didlesity of arriving at a decision to guide my own con duct in weighty passages of public affairs and I would net mouse to find fault with thee, who have conscientiously followed a different course. I have not changed my inten tions. lam doing nothing but repeating on the 23rd of February the expression I used on the 29th of January. It would be impossible for me to denounce to-night the pro. I priety of proceeding with the nomination of a select commit tee to inquire into thejreat military operations that are still going on in more violent language than I used when it wee first proposed. Next to eating a man's own words, I know not anything eo disagreeable as reading our own words— (laughter)--ond at times like these especially, when a man is so apt to forget his feelings of yesterday. I have looked back to the expresaion I then used with respect to the ap pointment of this committee. On the 29th of 1•=,.. 1 said: "For my own part, I believe that mode of to be worse than useless, as for u regards tr .. e army m the Crimea Your inquiry will never take place as a real inquiry. If it did, it would load to nothing but con fusion, paralysis, increased disaster, shame at home, week noes abroad. It would carry no consolation to those whom you seek to aid—it would carry malignant joy to the hearts of the enemies of England. And, for my part, I shall ever rejoice, if this measure is carried, that my lust words as a member of the government of Lord Aberdeen were words of solemn and earnest protest against a proceeding which has no foundation either in the constitution or in the pcnotice and proceedings of parliament ; which is useless and mischievous for the purpose that it appears to con template, and which is, in my judgment, full of danger to the C i :::the dignity, and the usefulness of the Commons et land." A man, sir, who used those words no the of January, need them perhaps in error and darkness, but that they came from the motion requires but Utsie ability to prove in the face of the Commons of ad ' when he resigns °Sea rather than be a party to tie ke so denounced. Ido not make light of my el caret; it was painful to me to part from the =g a g clime at this moment ; it was painful to me to part been my colleagues; and it was painful to me to part from the public servants with whom I had boon amodated in the Treasury and Be departments. The line of conduct I have followed may have bees erro aeon', but ay convictions were !deliberately entertained, and expressed with all the faros of language I could caw mend. Now, sir, I wish to call the attention of the house strictly and distinctly to the matter at issue. The sniped is one of such importance that I am deeply anxious that there should be no misunderstandings. With respect to what fell from the hon. member for Droitwich, I listened with very greet pleasure. I thank him for his generous appreciation of our motives, but I listened with more satis faction, on public grounds, to his views on the subject of the committee. He stated that this in the main was an inquiry into the conduct of the government; he intimated that if the alternative was put to him he would prefer the inquiry should be carried on by a commission nominated by the crown in lieu of a parliamentary committee, and would have gladly accepted such a proposition. I repeat hie sennal, not to criticise, but to show my agreement. Let ft be elsuly understood what the•poiats of inquiry are—emisareue are made to draw them from the wear= of the hew; tit are two-fold, Ant, with rested to the state eats may la as to the eon dam of the aseminarisi As to the latter, I befEedisttit:Rl:trigitiabit;il:ll.l"l:B=mit Uit iliblis hipeadhimp shite lli that 'el coats to ar;biottrilitCPar th swoaluiLibtedd. and I think the slate of the many fe set a fit eabjeot for thi s y',,) inquiry. Such an inquiry would paralyse the actin - 17 1s t th e departments of the government. For myself, I believe my. self and my friends will render the noble lord's government better service out of office than in office. He can easily dal men to supply our place amongst the.. near whom I now sit, and with whom I hope to cultivate amicable relations of friendly neighbourhood, and who will join him now that they have rid the ministry of such incongruous material. But I must confess that I appreciate the desire for an quiry as a fact, even apart from the reasons for it. I grant that you have a state of feeling in the country which re. quires that you should deal with the subject with adequat e 'ration and circumspection. I grant you that the vote of ' • • this house, where any effect can be given Wit vithom serious detriment to the public intermits, has a solemn claim to the obedience of every public matt. I must confeu that under these circumstances, although I believe som e •- ' " • • venience would have been the result, I should hare bee n prepared to submit, even to a committee of the house, an inquiry into the conduct of government department,. Bat the question which was trought forward,—t'se questi on which has begun by disturbing the councils of the coun tr y, bet which has not yet run its course or reached its end; the larger question is whether a select committee shall be sp. pointed to inquire into the state of the army in the East. Now what is the principle on which we ought to proceed? lean conceive nothing more simple in my own view am to draw a general sketch of the duty of the house. The house, I admit, cannot but view with pain and horror the suffer ings to which our forces have been exposed, but I hope that it will not adopt that strain of exaggeration in reference to those sufferings which I am sorry to see creep ing, unconsciously perhaps to them, into the speeches of bon. members. (No.) I can assure that hon. gentleman that if he had sat through this debate, instead of disenti on from he would have been compelled to adopt the view which I have expressed. (Laughter.) I have heard bon. members speaking of the army as destroyed, annihilated, pose, pirishod. I have heard this from gentlemen, many althea are of high abilities and diepas.ionate judgments. I hope that the house generally will not fall into these exaggera tions, they are both dangerous and mischievous. (Hear.) Still, sir, I admit that oar opinion of the sufferings of the army dims and subdues the joy with which we contemplated its brilliant exploits. I admit as fully as my right bon. friend whom I follow, that there are no limitsto be pat to the obli gallons of this house to ascertain the cause of those suffer ings. But bow ? And when ? If you are to examine into these sufferings with a view to call to account the ministry, as we are no longer in it you may deal with us at once. But if you are to examine into them with a view of calling to account those in command in the Crimea, I protest against it with all the power lam able. (Cheers.) If, on the other band, your object is not at present to call to account any of these persons, but you reserve your right to call them to account at a proper time, you ought now to consider, not whether this one or that one ought to be blamed, but simply and solely in what mode remedies may be applied in the most effectual and most expeditions way. But this cannot be the principle on which many hon. mem bers are inclined to act, because, if it is, I think it would not be difficult to slow that those who adopt it ought to count with us in oar protestation and resistance to this measure. But I came down to the house with the strongest deter mination in my own mind upon this question, but with an impression also that I should hear a great deal said in the course of the evening with which I could not agree, arid said with energy and force, in favour of the appointment of the committee. I have teen on interested listener ever since five o'clock to the course of the debate, and I must say that if it were possible for me to entertain sentiments of malevolence towards any abstract proposition like that of the appointment of • parliamentary committee, that bad feeling would have been gratified to the utmost by the mode is which hon. members have supported the appointment in the course of to-night. (Hear. hear.) I have seen with delight that predominancy of English good sense in this house, which, notwithstanding ell we have heard about the determination of the people to have an inquiry, as moved for by the hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. Roebuck), has gone clearly and directly to the point, at issue. I thick, sir, you have called in the course of the evening upon about twenty speakers, and I may ask who are those among them who have supported this inquiry ? (lipar, hear.) My right hon. friend (Mr. Walpole) defended on the around of several precedents, but he defended it upon not one single principle. To the many able speeches which were made against the proposed committee, no arguments were urged except argu ments in favour of an inquiry. I am not going to vote against inquiry. I say, give us the best and most searching inquiry, but do not give us that which will prove I fear both mischievous and abortive. I will not go through the names of those hon. members who poke with the intention of supporting the committee. I will but refer to my hun. friend below me, the member for West Surrey (Mr. Drummond), who made a speech, en tertaining and forcible as his speeches always are, and who imagined, I doubt not, that he made a speech in favour of a committee. (" Hear," and laughter.) All minds are sub ject to error—sometimes even the greatest are led astray. (Laughter.) What said my hon. friend He said that there was great danger in the committee, and that he could not go into it with a clear conscience unless it were limited to one course of examination. It is nut for me to construe the speech of my hen. friend ; but I cannot understand what else he means than that a code of questions should be drawn up for the committee, out of which they ilea not traverse. Then there was the noble lord the member for Tana (Lord Seymour), whom the house had looked upon as the chairman of the proposed committee ; he spoke still more strongly and deliberately upon the matter. My memory is too weak to follow the points of the noble lord's speech ; but I think there was no objection which had been urged which the noble lord did not endorse, and to them he added a number of goodly objections of hii own. We may form, too, some idea of the general feeling of the house upon a committee from the difficulty whieh is found in getting the requisite hands for it. So long as it is a mere general proposi tion many will, to some extent without thought, vote for it. But when the names are selected, the responsibility comes home to hon members, and they are obliged to weigh more considerately the reasons affecting the question. There is • statement of Mr. Burke, founded, as most of his observa tions were, upon actual experience, that you ought not to commit the management of an engine to the hands of those who were unfavourable to its formation. Let us try the proposed committee by that rule. It consists of eleven members—of the opinions of four of whom no possible doubt can be entertained, since they voted in the first instance against its appointment. The next name is that of my hon. friend Sir G. Lewis. He may be said to stand in the position of a neutral, but I think I should not be far wrong if I were to hazard a conjecture sa to his opinion, and to say that that opinioa was unfavourable to the proposed course. We have next the name of my hon. friend the member for West Surrey (Mr. Drummond), to whose statement that a course of inquiry ought to be marked out I have already adverted. Then there is the hon. member for Aylesbury (Mr. Layard),who in the mod manly meaner has never concealed the opinions which he enter adasd about this committee, and who objected to it in strong terms upon the first night of the debate. I cannot seywhether he Hen, his opposition in the second debate or not. HON. then, was • majority in the committee, even leaving out of view the hon. member for West Surrey, who were opposed * to to very existence. Of three other members I cannot but venter. to express a doubt, although it may be impertinent in me to do so, whether they, is their unbiused judgment, approve of the committee in which it is proposed they should sit. In fins. sir, although I, for one, certainly object to the ballot, yet I cannot help thinkiog that if the house sheer to vote upon the subject of this committes by ballot—(cteers)— I have not the least disposition is conceal the vote which I should give myself—that the negats.es would at least form a most respectable minority if they did no t fi n d themselves a majority. (Hear, hear.) Ws have been told by an hon. member to-night that we must nave this com mittee, that the people had derided that it should be so, and that all our debating and arguing was useless I think better of the people than that hon. gentleman—l ha,e more faith in them. (Cheers.) I believe that the very debate of to-night, that the argument& which have been brouiht forward, and that the signal absence of reply which has been so noticeable a feature in this evening's proceedings, will have their effect out of doors, and convince the public of the wisdom of foregoing the proposed committee. There is • topic connected with this subject to which I cannot help alluding, although it is rather a personal one, end cannot effect the house at large. For me, I frankly own, it would have been most difficult to convince myself that I was acting in a manner conformable to the laws et personal honour, if, being one of those who appointed Lord Rae" to his dangerous task—one of those who stood by while all the appointments in the Crimea were made—and while he was still engaged in that task, and we had not thought fit to recall him—l had declined to act as his de fender, but had handed over his character to the good or ill conduct of a parliamentary committee. (Hear, hear.) I hold that no person being a defender of the Crown, has a right to pursue such a course. They appoint men to get , the ends of the earth, to fulfil the most difficult tasks which can fell to the lot of any one—these men go forward to that perilous task, they know quite well that, , 5 In all matters in which the heart of the pima Is engaged, many sharp and painful things, many lusty, sad precipitate, aid coarse things will be said; they know that the mouths of members of this house cannot es stopped, that many things will even here be said of which theme who have said them will afterwards bitterly repent. Surely these are hard circumstances for our generals and others commanding in the Crimea. Have they no one defender whose duty it is either to support or renal them ? Blr I say there is one body of men upon whom they have a right to rely, so long as they continue to manifest confidence is them by continuing them In the exercise of those dudes which nought but confidence can justify. ( Cheep ) l admit that this is not a reason binding the house ; but I think it ealy my duty to state • reason,which weighs deeply with me. The house has, of course, a right to judge unfettered h 1 feelings such as these. But does the house intend this to be a crommittee of punishment, surely no one can support It this ground. No one has attempted, and no en s mes er I believe, attempt to take that line of argument. Bat eaminittee of remedy will it fulfil its object. It should , to de es, be speedy In its action, end in its result . Malvin litbe so ? eecolleot myself once milting on a mar mittee which had to inquire into facts which happened et a distance. It was the committee which sat to inquire into the rebellion at Cen. I remember—end the house will bear me out in the hot—that that committee sat through two sessions of parliament; and I remember, moreover, how abortive and objectless the report of that committee taw maid turned out to be. I admit that for many ptirreta a ttee of this house is most useful,—that it is el• tzentely well adapted for inquiry into minute details. Bat it Is also fitted for loading the inquiry with unimportaaa, matter. Your committee, whatever it ma y y be, can remeg nothing, the more especially as its power is limited to " 1