The Press. — London, England, 1858-02-13 00:00:00

. t rt No. 250.—V0L. VI: LONDON ) SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 1 3,1858. STAMPED ....SIXPENCE. UNSTAMPED -FIVEPENCE rtss. his rival, and brought discredit on those sin cere lovers of liberty who followed his erro ue ous lead. LONDON,' SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 13, 1858. Tax art of politics is eminently a practical art. Events will not stand still while states men deliberate. If we would not remain pas sive spectators of the world's progress, we must snatch at opportunities of action as the wheel of time presents them. We can only take a rapid glance at the relation of succes sive events to each other, conjecture as best we can the results of our conduct, and so that we keep certain guiding principles in view, leave the means adopted for their pro motion to the judgment of posterity. The excellence of Constitutional Government is a favourite topic with Englishmen—and de servedly ; for to it they undoubtedly owe both their greatness and their happiness. But if thinking men are asked to what that excellence is mainly attributable, they will commonly reply, to the practical character of English politicians on the one hand, and the sagacious fortitude of the English people on the other. That is to say, we have never allowed ourselves to be deterred from legisla tion because we could not in a moment make it all we desired ; and have sometimes even submitted to remedies which for a long time seemed worse than the disease they were in ten Jed to cure, because we believed they were founded on a right principle. Our ancestors tolerated the corruption of NVALPOLE, ill spite of the protests of able and honest men, rather than endanger a Parliamentary dynasty. And a hundred years later the Reform Bill was passed, rather because it was absolutely ne• cessary to do something, than because that was the best thing to do. Now, we would put it to those conscientious gentlemen who on Tuesday last divided against the Government, by which system constitutional freedom is most likely to be advanced—by a cordial understanding with, or a haughty isolation from, the Emperor NA POLEON ? By the first, we may do much to insure the general tranquillity of Europe and a respite from regular wars, as well as to dimi nish the chance of internal revolutions By the second, we should not only lend encou ragement to internal conspirators, but pos sibly pave the way for continental complica tions which would result in general hostilities. We need not add that the great obstacle to Constitutional Government is the necessity of a large standing army, and that foreign war and domestic convulsions are alike conducive to the exaltation of the soldiery. A long period of tranquillity both at home and abroad, diverting military ardour into other channels, and gradually e x tinguishing all hopes of a violent subversion of Government, might not improbably permit of ultimate changes on which no Sovereign threatened by assassins and protected by Praetorians could possibly adventure. The form of Government which at present prevails in France cannot be commended in LATEST EDITION. the abstract. No more could the Govern ment of WALPOLE. But a revolution now, as then, would but throw the political drama one step further back—would only restore the very state of things from which the present regime sprang. If we subvert the Empire we fall back on the Republic. If we fall back on the Republic we necessitate the Empire. The one may be good and the other may be bad, but the one can hold its own and the other cannot; and the only medium through which France can regain constitutional freedom is a strong and durable Government. The avenue may be a long, a narrow, and a dark one, but it is the only one. And those who would in terrupt her progress through it are but retard ing her ultimate happiness. An occasion presented itself in which this country could contribute some slight aid to wards preventing such aggression. The cir cumstances were not all she could have wished, but was she therefore to hold back? We believe that both magnanimity and policy were on the side of action. England was not to be stayed in her promotion of constitutional liberty for fear the world should say she was bullied by the French. Her character, her courage, and her history make such insinua tions ridiculous; and it is to be wished, in deed, that Lord PALMERSTON had not shrunk from declaring as much in reply to Count WALEwsirrs despatch. But, if the ignorant de claimers of the French army suppose that the majority of last Tuesday was a tribute of respect to themselves, they are most egregiously mis taken. It is in no spirit of friendship to military despotism that England has thus marked her hatred and disdain of murderers. That system may be a necessity, but we trust not an eternal necessity. We support it now, that we may not be called on to resist it hereafter. And we support it with the greater readiness that we believe its present Ad ministrator to be a partaker in these views, and heartily willing that the severity of his rule should cease with the cessation of con spiracy and crime. For these reasons we rejoice that the Con servative party has supported the principle of Lord PALMERSTON S measure, as much as we regret that the details of that measure should be so inadequate to the end proposed. If the Whig Opposition had criticised these alone they would have deserved the thanks of the public. But it argues little wisdom of any sort in Lord Jona Russell, to have spoken and voted as he did on Tuesday last. If his vote was sincere, it was not sagacious ; if a party manoeuvre, it was not adroit. He and his followers would sacrifice the substance to the shadow, and the possibility of future free dom to the charm of present declamation. And though we should be unjust to Lord JOHN RUSSELL did we not admit that he has received great provocation from the present Govern ment, it must be admitted at the same time that he chose a bad opportunity for revenge. Had he reserved the vials of his wrath for any one of those important subjects in which Lord PALMERSTON has to figure as a great legislator, he would probably have suc ceeded better. But here the country as well as the House of Commons was against him. His long experience should have preserved him from so palpable an indiscretion. With out a chance of success, he has damaged his own reputation, strengthened the hands of THE INDIAN LOAN BILL. WREN we mentioned last summer what the expenses entailed by the Indian revolt would probably amount to, we were met by the advocates of the Government with a denial that any addition would be made by it to the Indian debt. It was said that, on the contrary, the Indian finances would be rather improved than deteriorated by the event. The stoppage of public works, on which two millions annually had been expended, was to put an end to a yearly deficit of that amount. The saving in the pay of disbanded native regiments. and in the pensions to native princes who had been compromised, was to make us gainers to an extent far greater than would cover any additional charges in the shape of European troops. As to the revenue of the country, it was merely a military mutiny, the people being loyal, and so there would be little or no falling off in our receipts. Pe cuniary aid, therefore, was precisely the kind of aid the Company would not need; the resources at its disposal being ample to meet every contingency that could possibly arise. An assertion in one of the daily papers that the Directors were already casting about them for a loan in London was answered by the statement that, so far from this being the case, they had more money on their hands than they could find present employment for, and would be willing to come into the market as lenders instead of borrowers if their position allowed. We appeal to all who read the public jour nals habitually, whether the above is not a fair summary of the articles given in the re cognised organs of the Government at the time. Yet, what does the announce ment of Mr. VERNON SMITFI to the House of Commons on Saturday last disclose? Why, that, so far from the Company being in a sound position financially, it has totally ex hausted its borrowing powers in this country, which extend to seven millions sterling, and that it has also spent the two millions sterling of railway deposits confided by the various Indian guaranteed railway companies to its hands ; that it has got rid of all the money it has obtained in the shape of subscriptions to its Indian loans during the period (the loan opened in the Punjaub having produced a million sterling, according to the statement of the Government organs), and that it now re quires powers to raise in this country ten millions more. This, with two millions and a half of fresh railway deposits in the present year, it is said will not only cover existing defi ciencies. but enable it to carry on till 1859. In the face, however, of the deceptions already prac tised on the public, - shall doubt the fact. Our have been pretty I on Indian matters double that sum term in question _ would, therefore, earnestl Legislature the adv President of the In it, ere it passes the statement of the bursements for the die, we shall take leave to ur own impression accurate in ou r 1a ideals ' thus far—is - --- will be wantect iz s il .T., • _ shall have e$ 1. earnestly impress • Ivisability of cotip 11 • • Al „„-- Indian Board - ' . le Bill, a clear Ned • 1 ( .. ..j . t• rz.,l Indian receipU .9141 I•>' - 3 past year, and his • '4