The Press. — London, England, 1857-02-07 00:00:00

FEBRCAVY 7 , 1 857 . this country would be permitted to adapt themselves with increased energies to the openings which had been made for them. I want to kticrtv why it is that, instead of a Speech from the Throne graciously hold ing out such prospects as these to her Majesty's sub• jects, we have one which is a Speech of " wars and rumours of wars r (Cheers.) With very slight ex ceptions, the S:)eech consists entirely of references and allusions to foreign transactions, and all these are transactions attended with peril and calamity, or indicative of want of confidence and trust in us on the part of foreign Governments—At least of misun derstanding and want of good inte3tions. ( Hear, hear.) Nov, sir, is this what was expecta.l by Parliament and the country when they heard that on the 30th of March a treaty of peace had been signed at Paris ? If it be not, what has led to the existence of this state of affairs ? Why, it is a curious circumstance, and l must allude to it not merely because it is necessary to the result which I shall put before the house, but because the subject is most markedly brought under our consideration in her Majesty's Speech ; it is a very curious circumstance that almost on the very day on which the treaty of peace was signed at Paris by Lord Clarendon—almost before the ink of his signature was dry, there was sown by that very negotiation the seed of new troubles and difficulties in Europe. Almost before—or, at all 'events, immediately after—the Treaty of Paris was signed the negotiators are assembled, and we find the English Minister doing the very thing for which we bad denounced Russia three years before— (Hear, hear)—upon which we had gone to war, and to prevent the repetition of which we had just nego tiated a peace—interfering and counselling inter• ference, forcible interference, in the affairs of an independent State. Now, it is a very remarkable circumstance that this happens almost on the very day on which the treaty was signed. The treaty was signed on the 30th of March, and on the first days of the month of April we find the seed is sown for the commencement of' the difficulties in our foreign relations, of which we have had a plentiful crop ever since, and which have resulted in two instances in absolute warfare. All these circumstances are of such recent occur rence that it is quite unnecessary for me to enter into a wearisome narrative or exposition of the affairs referred to in her Majesty's Speech. Let me recal to the recollection of the house, as succinctly as pos sible, what happened in regard to the interference in the state of Italy, and I beg the attention of the house to dates in this matter. It is not neces sary for me to stop to inquire what were the repre sentations of her Majesty's Government, by which the adhesion of Sardinia was obtained to the great alliance. I don't stop to ask whether the Government engaged themselves morally, if not legally, to ter-mi. nate that position of affairs in the centre of Italy which Count Cavour, in a paper now on the table of the house, described as subversive of a necessary equilibrium, and fatal to the independence of Sardinia herself; but remember that in last February or March, when Lord Clarendon went to Paris, Count Cavour, the distinguished Minister of Sardinia, placed himself immediately in communication with the English Minister, and required to know what steps were to be taken in order that Sardinia might receive the fair reward she had earned for the part she took in the recent struggle, and what was the position in which Sardinia was in future to be placed. The treaty was signed on the 30th of March, end on the Bth of April, in consequence of a statement de livered in by the Sardinian Minister, and now lying on the table of the house, Lord Clarendon, having induced the French Minister formally to open the affair, made that remarkable statement which appears in the protocols, which is, in fact, a reproduction of the State paper of Count Cavour, which points to the abnormal state of Central Italy, occasioned by the occupation of foreign troops, especially by those of Austria ; ant not only to the abnormal but to the highly exceptionable state of the kingdom of Naples. Now, the house can recal with vividness all that has occurred since that moment with respect to the affairs of Italy, and it is of the utmost importance that they should remember it. The country was then expecting to reap the fruits consequent on a successful war and the treaty of peace ; and yet, in consequence of steps taken especially by the English Government . respect to Italy, no s ooner was t h e Turkish difficulty finished than that of Italy appeared, and instantly attracted and engrossed the attention of this country. How was it possible for men to recur to those domestic circumstances which demanded considera tion ? How was it possible to wean the public mind from the exciting considerations of war, when you were impressing on the public mind of Europe, and on the public opinion of England, that a great struggle wa9 about to take place in Italy, and that the time bad at length arrived when Italy would be rege nerated, and regenerated under the patronage of the great powers of Europe? Why, it became a ques tion whether we should not awake any morning and li it t.. _l'. Rh § .B.,______ hear that an English fleet WAS in the Bay of Naples. That was a fact credited by eVerf gentleman, what. ever may be his political opinions, tlti both sides of this house. So serious became the aspect of affairs and the temper of the public mind upon it, that one of the most distinguished members of this house—the noble lord the member for Landon—felt it his duty at the end of the last session to bring the state of Central Italy before the house, and in doing so the noble lord male the protocols of the Treaty of Paris the foundation of his motion. The very fact that oneof the most distinguished statesmen In the house, at the close of a session, felt it his duty to bring this subject under the consideration of the house, stamped it with additional gravity to that which the matter itself possessed. It became a subject of speculation what would be the consequence of her Majesty's Go vernment entering into those protocols. Some found fault with the noble lord only for an act of apparent rashness, while others sought to excuse him in con sideration of the highvirited remonstrances he had made with regard to the occupation of parts of Italy by foreign troops, and especially by those of Austria; and it became a question whether a war would not again be waged on the great battle-field of Europe, and whether that heroic French army which had already gained such lasting renown might not again be summoned to action. But what I want to impress on: the house is that the consequence of all this was that for six months the mind of England was distracted and diverted from the consideration of its domestic interests. No step was taken to reduce the large establishments which the war had called into existence; no meaeures of domestic or economical improvement could be entertained when to-morrow we might awake and find Austria and France in hostility and the whole of Europe in flames. We know how slow her Majesty's Ministers were in carrying their promises of inter ference in the state of Italy into action. We expected the King of Naples was to be coerced into acquies• cence, and were in daily anticipation that a French army occupied the centre of Italy. Willit be believed that, at the very time when Lord Clarendon was listening to the passionate representations of Count Cavour, in which he impeaches the very existence of Austrian rule in tbe second meMorandum on the table, a secret treaty was in existence guaranteeing t) Austria the whole of her Italian dominions? (Cheers.) Why, sir, I don't say this is any cause for cavil against Austrian skill; I admire the wonderful adroitness—l would say, the successful wisdom—with which Austria has managed throughout the whole of the late struggle the conduct of her affairs. We have seen her reaping tbe fruits of victory without having had to enter upon a campaign, and we have seen the war concluded by Austria obtaining that which, I believe, the most sanguine of her great statesmen could never have ventured to hope to gain. (Hear.) Lord PALMERsTuN : By what power ? Mr. DIsRAELI : "A guarantee from what power?" says the noble lord. Why, a guarantee from the only power that Austria feared upon such a subject—a gua rantee from France to Austria of her Italian posses sions—a guarantee given not merely with the sanc tion and approval of the noble lord, but given by the advice and at the special instance of his Government. Let the house observe this secret treaty is not denied, although it is now mentioned for the first time. (Hear, hear.) "By what power?" asks the noble lord. Why, we know that it is not England that can cross the Alps. The power that can cross the Alps and can threaten Austria is that power which, according to the representations of the noble lord and of his Minister, is actually a partner in this great scheme for the emancipation of Italy—( Hear, hear)—a plan which was to have accomplished those great objects for the attainment of which the noble lord possesses the confidence of the Liberal party in this country, but which has not led to those liberal results which had been so sincerely and ardently desired. (Hear, hear.) Now, I think this is a circumstance which throws some little light upon our relations with Italy. Read the protocol in which Lord Clarendon makes that memorable statement with respect to the measures which he thinks should be adopted towards Italy. Read that protocol now that I have given you the key-note of the mystery, and then you will understand the haughty contempt with which Count Buol lis tened to Lord Clarendon—yon can comprehend the scoffing derision with which the other Austrian negotiator, Baron Bruck, heard the representations of the English Government. They interfere to drive out the Austrians, or to induce Austria to withdraw from the occupation of the Roman provinces? Why, sir, the Austrian Minister, with a guarantee of all the Italian dominions of his sovereign in his pocket, what did he or his colleague care for these represen tations which were brought forward with such pomp in the House of Commons, which were made the basis and foundation for the confidence which the noble lord had claimed from the Liberal party in this country ? (Hear.) 149. When the noble lord the me nber for the city of London brought forward, with the authority which must always attend any motion which he makes, and with the consistency which becomes him, the subject of the state of Italy, and particularly of the occupa tion of Central Italy by Austria, he listened to the answer of the noble lord at the head of the Govern ment, and then declared himself satisfied with that answer. I ask now does the noble lord k Lord J. Russell) still consider that answer quite satisfactory? I ask any man was the Minister justified in holding out to Italy, to England, and to Europe that he was sincerely determined to change the aspect of social and political life in Italy, especially in Central and Southern Italy, when at the same time he knew that he had made the nation a party to an instrument whereby the supremacy of Austria in Italy was ren• dered complete and universal? (Hear, hear.) We know that fact now; it has not been denied by the noble lord, although until now, no doubt, he believed the secret was locked up in his own breast. Eet me remind the house what has happened in consequence of this ruinous imposture upon the credulity of the country. How much time have you lost—what have you done for the benefit and advantage of Italy? I renumber making some humble observations upon the motion of the noble lord (J. Russell) last session—not, indeed, against the improvement of the condition of Italy, which all of us must desire, but warning the house not to interfere in Italian politics unless prepared to inter fere actively and with effect. (Hear, hear.) We did not interfere—we did not make up our minds to interfere actively. We bad protocols, we had State papers, we had speeches in Parliament, we had a motion made by a distinguished Liberal lord, and we had expressions of sympathy from numerous Liberal members; and yet what has happened? Ruthle.ss assassinations, unsuccessful insurrections, death to many excellent and some brave and distinguished men, the aggravation of every evil of which you then complained, the exaggeration of all the misgovern ment which you then denounced. k Hear, hear., You threatened the King of Naples, and the King of Naples treated you with contempt. (Hear, hear.) The King of Naples, attacked or menaced by such a power as England, with whom be could not contend upon equal terms, of course consulted that power near him which was his friend—of course he con sulted Austria. The King of Naples, I have no doubt, said something to this effect, " I count upon the friendship of Austria, but I do not wish to bring Austria, my friend, into dangerous collision with the great Western powers. Those powers I see are determined to have a revolution in Italy, and are trying by all means to encourage the discontented classes, but to have again a French army crossing the Alps, and English gold employed where her troops cannot appear, and her fleets in every place where they can be used, is too great a sacrifice to impose upon a generous ally, but nevertheless such is my situation—my independence as a sovereign is threatened. What shall I do?" " What shall you do?" replied Austria. " Clear your mind from all embarrassments. No French army will cross the Alps, except to maintain our authority or to guarantee our possession of our dominions. Be perfectly easy; you have no French troops ; no English fleets to fear. They are my best friends, and have given me the title-deeds of my estate, and so you vindicate your honour as an independent sovereign." The King of Naples, of course, followed this advice, and how far the results of the policy of the noble lord have redounded to the credit of England, bow far it has advanced the interests of the Liberal party in I . aly, or obtained the amelioration of Italian society, I leave the house to consider upon another occasion when this subject will come before it. My object is now to show how much time has been wasted, bn d expense incurred, in consequence of this Italian difficulty, which followed so immediately upon the settlement of the Turkish difficulty. Here were months during which I maintain the people of this country did not enjoy the advantages of peace, during which the people of this country were bored into the belief that the state of Italy was such that if insurrection or revolution occurred in that country war between France and Austria must be the neces sary and fatal consequence, while all the time it was all a great hoax—(laughter)--which has had no other result, beyond the unfortunate consequence to Italians, and Sicilians in particular, than that of diverting the attention of the people of this country from their own affairs, to prevent criticism upon our great military establishments, to permit war taxes in a time of peace to remain unchallenged—(Hear, hear)—and to retard the progress of all measures of economical or administrative improvement. Now, it is very remarkable that there is always a difficulty in our foreign affairs. I have shown the house how the spring and the summer were wasted away, England always expecting to be called upon to embark upon a great war, while the condition of Europe was such that, unless there should be the worst mismanagement possible, never was there a 41 I