The Express. — London, England, 1850-02-09 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 9, 1850. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.-FILIDAT, FEB. 8. The Loan Csaricau.os took his seat at b o'clock. REGIS:EAR'S-OFFICE BANKRUPTCY BILL. On the ssi , tios of tko WILD Crt•wcau.oz, this bill was rod a third Www, and passed. THE DOLLY'S-BRAE PROCESSION. Lard STANLEY gave notice that on Monday seonight, W Mb but , M would call dial: lordship.' attstatioa to Jac tufoltuwq Cifellllo.llllCll col:lowed with the affray at Doll, 'o-Bras, in colaeownie• of which his right hon. hided wear him had Won discuss. d from the corawiraioa of the peace. Tie HUI of RODEN said that, es he understood the object of has noble friend woad lee to go into an investiga• den of the event which took place last summer, in which he was materially concerned, he begged to say that he should be fei gip. ca that occasion, and be prepared to answer any q ‘ hseireuesstanees would be referred to, which amid be kewn only to his noble friend thia L9rd Lieutenant and himself, o he hoped the noble earl would be able to sue pretest. runcHAszas OF GRAIN IN SCOTLAND. Lent BEJDOHAM laid on the table a bill to protect the ;of grubs in Saddam! from the claims if the land - Cr:rrtli respect to rent du?. Tae bill was read a Int time. BANERUFTCT AMENDMENT BILL. Lied in aloe' ag tbe arcend reading of this bill, ui3 be now had the third time laid toi, bill on weir lordMige %Ale. It had hem mate icily improve', and he hood when it passed through their lordships' committee it would be eirm.iderel with statics, sad with tavoar else where. must alma uy toot he it ped no naneeeseary alttm:tions wad be mad. Li it, brews, the most fetal re sults had arisen from inch a cows, on a former occasion. ECCLESIASTICAL COMMISSION. The nAle lord mid he had given notice of a question which he intended to rot to Um noble marquis (Lansdowne) if be bad been present with reference to tte imertion of a Calllit in tete 3& 4 T.et., e. 113, conferinet aliCe of ureaeaur and secretary for life oat an isdividual, but he fatted as inquiry that it was not done surreptitiously, but openly, and la the light of day, aid that As other bonne ef portio ning had b.tur notice of 12 than tbi:r lordsli4e. He shan't not, theref.m, Lase though: it ntcesary to put the viatica if hie noble friend bad bora present. POOR LAWS. The Eul of ELLIINBOROUI add certain important questioaa bad been addressed to all the elsaimica and vice ember= of boards of guardians la Bogl old, with a viaw to elicit is detail the real coadition of the prom dames. He wished to erqui.-e whether answtts had bees received to thee gsestima l / 2 and Um, wh..thcr they would be laid on the Sabi*? The Earl of CARLISLE would enquire, and Lamm the 'ibis earl. Their lordships aljoursed at telf.prot 6 o'clock. HOUSE OF 0011/10N8.—FaiDet, Fn. 8. the fler.mons took the auk at four o'clock. PETITION PRESENTED . COthataL Osuavaacce.—By Sr' W. MOLESWORTH, free New Zeabad, complaining of the injustice of the Co ia cot givirg fru had:titian to that e^:cir.y ; from Orshara's Towc, to the c of the Cape of Gooi Hope, outoplainitur of the gars inolatiou of a pledge kite° Zeta, cor. , rnor o! that ellony ; esti trout New South Wl!es, by 6,000 penoas, complaicing of the prop gal f3r the revival of tramp inatiou u the broach of a solemn pledge even by her Majesty's Ministers, vul stating that the rope. titlon of such redact was calculated to weaken the bond of anion betweea the colonies and the mother country. REPRESENTATION OF LONDON. lit. IXSRINOTON withdrew lie notion ea this inAect as he hid bees informed there was s petition before the house against the return of Bum Rothschild. MR. HORSMAN'S CHARGES AGAINST THE GOVERN MEN T. HORSMAN said that eousiterin; what had pissed on the privious evening, he heel felt it to be his duty to glee notice of bit lineation on Monday mot to more for the appointment of a elect if* of (Ire, to inquire into the truth of the charges against the government, contained in a letter addressed by !timid' to the electors of Cocker mouth. Shortly afterwards the hon. gentleman again row, and asked the noble lord fLoril J. Russell) whether he would have any objection to the eommittee being appointed in the course of the evening, so he was afraid that he would not be able to attend is his pliee on Monday. Lord J. RUSSELL replied that be should have no ob jection. COLONIAL POLICY. On the mottos of Lord J. Rvarm., the house revived itself into a committee of tte whole home to take into con sideration the sallied of the Australian agonies, and to a rida a statement of the c...lc.isi policy of the government. The house having gone into committee, Lord J. RUSSELL the'o proceeded with his statement se follows Sir, I believe there are very few members of this home who will not c insider i: desirable, at this early period of the session, that some statement should be made on the part of the goverrmsnt of the general policy which they man to pursue with regard to our eolenial pomades'. So many etatemmts have been made oa this eabiat, tech a variety of views and opinions have been senneisted, and so many lota have been put in qutstina, that it seems desirable that the government should declut what are the views which they tike of the great interests which are for the time committed to their charge, and what they consider should be the ptunseent character of the policy to be pained by this country with regard to its colonial poesosions. I think it is desirable that the house should consider what our colonial empire is, in order that whatever coarse their public spirit may lead them to adopt, or whatever their wisdom may mined them to pre serve or to disturb—a judgment whiehll should deem • most unhappy one,—tbey dated know what it is they propose to put away, and what it is they propose to abandon. In endeavouring to do this, I shall ant state generally how our present colonies were acquired; and as the faits in detail must be familiar to most members, I shall wive but the merest outline. Putting altogether aside the foandation Oche Atorriaso provinces, which afterwards sew voted from us, I should state that our first modernist in the West Indies dated from the end of the reign of James I. and the beginning of Charles IL • in feat, it took plies about the sommenasiest of the civi l war. Islands which had bass discovered by the Spaniards, bat afterwards were visited by Britiih navigators, and wt . = O produce the richest fruits of the ear* b u t to be almost deprived of all popeladea, sob bed been exterminated by the Spann* the bcrianity and bounty of Provides., and the d et b elt l y i l man. Daring the protectorate of Cromwell he had to ern sit r pretensions enforced, with Mat IteerOby fist pow country Spain, that not only so parties of ise rile cover continent of America, or any one of Osage shoal be disturbed by other powers, bat that they set carry on any trade with any other pert of ihs unineene. It was not to be expected that Cracow.. 11, with his IMO miles of British power, should submit to soh preleaniews. As ecediagly as expedition was fitted out, and thank that est pedit'on did not attain its innsidiate object, the 00.. quest of the island of Jamaica was the result. kfterw ads, is reign of Charles the Second, other eland' la the West Indies was occupied and coaquered. Seek was the commencement of our first colo nial mettienente, which have now grown to such an extent la the beginning of the met watery, during the war, Gib raltar fell late war possession. After the gloriosa war of 1766 a m e ai l additional islands were added to ear dominion, mid, • we obtained the cession of Canada, an squid ** w the Marquis Nontealm, who wee a statesman es well as a soldier, &eland that, although it was a lees to Prance, it would come the separation of Ho Amnion pro vinces from Great Britain, and so compensate the loss which Prunes was expected to sustain. In the unfortunate wet with the provinces of America our lame were greater than der solos; bat in the great re7olutloaary war which began is 1793 we made farther acquisitions by mesas of oar soil and military forms, which were 0011fir111141, to us by the treaties of 1814 and 1816. 1 will now read merely a list of the Wades width we obtained betercea the al:Weigh and eirrentetattt essturies, and those which we obtained from 1700 to 1793, and between 1793 sad 1815. In the Ant part of the list, vie., the islands we acquired between the sizteesth and seventeenth materks, I glad Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Jamaica, Newfoundland, Honduras, Bahamas, Bubadose, kedges, Mule, Moat ▪ era', Priam Edward's IsloA Christopher, Gambia, St. Helms, sad the Virgin Islands- In the mond port, betwesa 1700 end 1713, we acqnbed Gibraltar, St. Vincent, Beanies, Oresada, Tobago, Aisne Leone, and No ottlements on to Gold Coat; in 1787 the lost settlemout was beaded in New South Wales; in the last pan of this list foes 1783 to 1816 we ormalred the bilewing atomise, coserned to us ; l i r peso at 1816-Bt. Leek, British Guiana, see Dem me, Derbies, and Boor iil», Trinidad, N ta, the Cape of Geed Ilepe, the Mauritius, Ceylon, and Van Die mea's land. I act now specify the Weals* whisk we haw slam hemded, though I may have omits to memo memo ell them in the coarse of what I have to nom*. I shall sow sate the general peinsiplee an whit the., 48111103 were governed. la the first plea it ~sus MI lave bola the object to send settlers out from this geostry, and to enable them to colones those distant islands and esontries; bat la the neat plans it was evidently the of this agastry, vs it Ins of all the other enables of avepe, to menesia a strict commercial menopely with re. geed to these Wesley By various ate, to which I need not Wade, several of them I.aelag been very recently u m, t h e nretem of tae home, we took ears that the whole trade of those colonies should mane la this country, and that no forelgnen should being their colonies le this emery, eery, introduce ery, or introdu fate the colonies any of their own productions. It ens maraived, and until • very late period, that we had • vary great ad 2...atelt: in the monopoly ; and Mr. Duda., is 1796, is l g tithe colonies, said " If we agree to permit these, -- would dad a market for their productions;" eke* inferring that that would he a great loss to this eenntry. Eat, sir, there is another remarkable character alluding these pessimism which is, wherever English eettistatiale were feuded we wherever Englishmen chose to settle, Ibuy carried with thee the freedom and the laseatsticse of do ensues eountry. (Hear, hear.) I will take the MIME of reading same Wrests from • patent gives to the MK of Carlisle, who was t• be governor and I thiak,_pert ter, of the blend of Bar does. The palest ie dated C e re g ri, is the reign ef Cheeks I. •. Feriberkeve ye use we, he ua, our heirs rod sammisees, have ompwolloofioNiopodsOwl Ins mid JUNG. of sad Ids view , adelllF ;vaunts/ jell, awl winkles we awaisloo •-• Pa .0 8 rh/4".1.81.11; er ter lab' pantos% a the stems utility of "Mg Isla. ti Enke, Oreill. mit set balk,_ mid maw lei or mich law as he thsedd lad of Catkin er li ti t h Erttle theism nuillitt.t/smaa=6;fiwirnethial n i fr treessielo to le Ma lt la ma w iter as we ie wi ef lz tose4 sintmr % ids eir,17,..iid...0., st...tia... 10.. ... ......... Maw. am•am.. ghis Me sill gesidsne be of our Ind • 11 ,.... daa i1nl ffisf7..... tag69::ensi=le due ' Thaw IMO M o ra or ilteWledig lee Ws, mama sal or sue lato,md answewe smi is es me Osrheas woo ht ; sod so Yr Wm tow Whin rest of leisbnion star at beetsiew is meek, vesease obta limp. ant preem semi me sea Ws, them se his woo smt.tra .. ± ._ ll= p =oth Om at their gib meet owl ales to has out pews, dl their aorta, Ill' " -- a'abfet OM hboiseh sod Ow a we ma fliii9 a page Of`rasa, whether las or mbs lees. Wheat mistotime, vexation, injury, a trestle d tag as beim, rime smosisew ha Seek was Ws bomb WWII skis', whew high sews of kb prerogative adlearnals eshoshood the civil war, thought At to gnarantie Weir inserdes 10 these of the English peo_ple who cease to milk ia the ahoy of Barbadoen The omentmest of I weigh, Waal by Cromwell, wa, at first. a purely military arreseemest; bat y n the reign of Chula II , it was sedated that tam assombly should be caliad, sad, with the assent of the posple of Jamaica, laws should be ordained. Oa the ameesioa of James 11., there wa a goes. lion with regard to this very colony of Barbaloa, s and one 'Seeing the whole of the British croloaes. And Mr Fox, in rolatiag the circumstance, which he has copied from a despatch of the Marquis of Halifax, ads: Among the various oblations to that nobleman's (Marquis of Halifax) political principles, we Sad the charge most relied upon for the parries ahijuring him is Use mind of the King was founded on the *Wm he had delivered ha counta, in favour of modelling the &Mend the British colonies in North Amend t upon the principles of the rights and privileges of Englishmen. Tate was no roan to donee the was accused of saying) that the game laws under which we live in England should be established h a country composed of Enflame. lte even dilated upon this, and omitted none of the remiss by which It can be proved, that aboolute government is mother go happy sot Po s..fe as that which is tempered by laws, and which limas the authority of the prince. lte esaarriated, it was mid, to shell& of • sovereign power. and declared plainly that he meld unmake up his mind to l eased,er • king who Mould have tt la his pester to take, when he pl the many he might have in Wretta. aside this a very remarkable circumstance, because of those who lad enabled Charles 11. to dispense with parlia ments, there was none who was so able and s, useful to the sovereign as the marquis himself ; bit what woos implanted la his mind was the principle that Etta Inhofe ought to have an entirely free government ; that when it came to be debated whether people in the oolouies ihould live under the arbi , rary will of one or have freedom of institution., he declaved is favour of freedom of iesiitutionv. That that °pities was is conformity with the general oesstitstion of there admire; that it was in conformity with the general principle of the Kalish law, is, I think, shown by the ellinitle Of Sir Philip Yorke, who was quoted by Lord Maosfield is a well-kaown ease of the proclamation of the King with respect to the island of Jimmie,. The Amembly of Jamaica being refaactory, it wee rekrred to Sir Philip Take and Sir Clement Wearier, to knaw "what could be done if the Ably should obstinately conloue to withhold all the Well supplies." Tory reported that if !amines was still floundered es • annuersd MAW, the King had a right to levy taxes upon the lobs. tits" bat if it was to to considered in the *Anse light as the other co.I lonies, Do tax could be imposed on the inhabitants but by an amembly of the island, or by an set awl:meat. I think that opiate is quite sufficient in regard to the general law upon this subject. In the case to which I have referred, the island of Grenada having been tided by the peace of Paris, in 1716, the king issued a pro• clamatiort, in which he said that the council in the inland could make such laws as they might think proper. It became • question afterwards whether there was to be a fed certain amount to be paid by the island. Whatever right he had at the time of the conquest, having by procla mation granted an assembly and the privileges of the English constitution, it was afterwards out of the power of the crown to revoke tot. In 1786 Mr. Pitt seems to have had, for • time, the belief that the relations between our West ladian colonies end the North American states, now the United Water, should be carried on much a they had been wheo both were under our dominion. That opinion did not afterwards prevail, and we °heaved the strictest monopoly with rereW to New Brunswick and Nova Scotia and the West Indian colonies; but after a long consideration on this Subject, and various discussions with the United States, measures of far more liberal character were intr.ohteed and carried by Mr. Huskisson, with regard to ornamental facilities. Lately we have goats much further in this direction, and by tke repeal of the navigation laws of last year, I conceive we have entirely put an end to the whole system of tom ' menial monopoly as regards our colonies, We have plainly declared that, on the one band, if we require productions similar to thew which our colonies produce, we shall be reedy to take them from other parts of the world; end, on the other hand, we have left them free to provide themselves with the productions cf other countries and to impose equal duties upon the manufactures of Britain and of foreign coon. Wes. Of course it is not my purpose at present to enter into the question whether that has been right polity or not. It is, however. evident that while en the oce hood it has produced much surprise, and, in some cases, • good deal of discontent,in some of our colonial possessions, on the other hand it has led to the quisiion in this country whether that which seemed to our ancestors one of the main purposes of colonial possessions was advisable to be maintained, vie., our colonial empire. I state this broadly, although there are many modifications which have been _proposed by different writers and speakers On this subject. Now, sir, before we discuss the question at all, I thick it is advisable to see what has been the increase with regard to *sacral of these colonies, both of population and of wealth, while under our rale—and I will take, in the first lastance, the increase of population within a very short period sines the peace of 1815 in British North America. In 1816 the population of British America was 462,250. In 1835 It was 1,099,940, and is 1847 it was 1,868.891. That com prises Upper sad Lower Canals. Nova Boris. sad New Brunswick; and the population of this country cannot be reckoned now at less than two millions of persons, having, at the data of the peace no more then 462,250. There is another way In which the extent of this increase may be in some degree measured viz., by comparing it with she increase which is often referred to as singular in the aspect of the world—viz., the great increase of population in the United States of America. Now I find that the population of Lower Canada was 433,630 ; ' is 1831, it was 511,922, being in six years an increase of 17 per cent. Ia 1844, it was 1,907,820, being as increase in 13 years of 35 per cent. In 1845, it was 2,770.000, being in 4 years an increased 12 per cent I will not read the account of Upper Canada, but taking the account of Upper and Lower Canada together, the increase from 1835 to 1841, in six yeah, was 29 per cent. Ia 1843, the Osman was 55 per cwt. ,• and in 1848, the increase was 28 per cwt. The proportion being so great, I will take the proportion of the ten von in whisk time they had regularly increased. In 1800 it was 35 per cent., io 1810, 36 per seat., is 1820 it was 33 par scut., in 1830, 33 per coat , sad in 1840 it was 32 pa Pot. Than this increase of Upper aid Lower Canada was very such greater than that In the United States. The populates of the United States, in 1 - 90, was 3,929.827; in 1800, 5,395,925. decennial in ereabe, 36.01; is 1810, 7,239,114. increase, 3945 ; in 1820, 9,654,596, increase, 33 36 ; in 1830. 12.866,060. 3d 28; and in 1840, 17,069,453, hareem, 32 67. With regard to the imports in the let few years the incomes has not loam lass remark able. In 1835 they Intro 2,730,0001 1 in 18363.952,0001. The exports were, in 1838, 1,929,0002. ;in 1846, 3,291,0001. The shipping inwards ha isereased from 1,077,000 to 1,461,000.; shipping outwards hem 1,025,000 to 1,494,000. This is • most !workable Menesse, both in population and in wealth; waif we ere le emsdase test of the wealth of than countries, vb. the adder emend to local taxation is Upper C we get a result ho lea remarkable. The property assessed to the bed taxation, in 1828, was 2,256,0002 ; in 1830, 2,9D,0002. ;in 1833, 3,880,00 01 . ;in 1840 , 6 , 6 0 7 0001. ; in 1846, 7,778,0001. • in 1847, 8,667,0002 With re togard another portion of our colonies, in which there has been an increase of persons of British dissent, the facts are hardly less remarkable. I allude mom especially to the Australian colonies, and, in the first plain, to New South Wales. In New South Wales la 1828, the people were not above 55,000, of whom at that time, *oily half were convicts, and the exports were 180,0002 In 1848 the population had increased to I 300,000, of whisk about 6,000 were free population, and the opals were In value upwards of two millions. This may ems tEI msreeesesekable, when I state that at the time of the supeediso ei the North American provinces from the serersighty of this country, the whole of thdr experts were not above ohs million in value. ?Mimeses with retard to sows other colonies more lately immisil in Now Holland is not km shoveler. Melbourne, which la VMS owady watered, to years afterwe rata ow- Wahl 2,000 home, aseassd at 50,000 f. sad the tows itself did set coated* lass than 2,000, the wh ole settlement of Part Phillip being 30,000. South Australia, which at first— WOW JO OS ant with regard to the mode in which it could be simeeimedest Into great dificulty in regard to its ilmlitna, his made moat extraordinary MIMI, and, in the maw of ten yaw, has not or ly a very considerable popula tion, but, I think, exports to the value of about 300,0001. I mention these fats because I think = show, with regret to the large class of cur colonies the dominion of this country, a most extraordinary Inatome, both Ia population and he wealth ; they show the nine of those pesetedous on whisk there is muscle discos eke as whisk some persons think with but superficial know ledge. Bat I will now take ea bateau of catch's* which ham underseas two very severe trials—which, owing to the state of their society in the first plan, and owing to their Warne the Eat advents(' of those laws of commercial mo awely which I have neatened was toe system of this wintry, bamboos ages* by *changes which have taken place to what might be isenslid as • certainty of ruin to these coked" I spelt, ideteargt, et the West I Alia Wanda. 'rah* gr ach i s t at esdal tio ebtsttea bl ela t v:y u r sine,to esof is. ho , wet and ; 9?' 11 Ifts•Pli tle '77, might well be apposed to be likely to aweigh a etematien of all industry in all those eadades. but OWNlig a nation of a very irksome sal 'elbows, diseselpeles aposi ef tr. The change, again, which tech plata in the course of Mee year', first admitting foreign him labour sugar, sad then Waukee foreign slave labour auger, expeasd tam eolonls to another far maw trial, sad yet, 11 the boss* will attend to the West Indian Womit li oall then generally of British , possessiam I think there be wok to show that they have andergene these trials with far success that might have beim oz. "cilia te be emasidend• When Trde that if ou th r ß m ti on tiab opo P r eem y had em been oi malu umi tained, iiii soo the W peti st e ladiz i t h ro s uld m h au ay ri e tiu h s ad an to :• : th, to e n frEa d e !aiset uastadi t t e . Toklag an average of three 1818, before soy el these changes had taken piece s he gonad that the Wed Indies furnished for the anewmp tjos o g do g agginay, 2,047,824 cwt. of sugar. In the wimp of three yank 1830,1831, and 1832, before the amandpieloa, they famished 3,896,820 owls. la the average of the throe yeses, ISA 1166. ad 1846, bettor the great changes In 4111. NSW stride 4 ohs salmi were 2,646,211 ewt.; and Is the ITram4:ll/8 Paw 1847 r 1848, and 1849, 2,007,667 ggs, that milk the number I fleet mentiosed be Ltar,..s lie Out there has been mud leis have Man onthatad ; has if we take the 4 5 et the Bridal turewdeat the g e ars to ia the fi rst three ars, 2,26208 ;is the three years lIIMI, 4,914,606 ;In the throe years from 1843. 227 sad in the sump Otte hat three years, 1847, 1849 so lies Ikea 6,038,755, brag as increase of mere tee tallies seta epee the quantity *ensured his Bellith in MS. So that considering the severe deb titt esignies, sad set eleieg this as an Instance of each in ernes as might have been expected if these °heaps bad mit taken place, I awed not say it is a matte aordiegey erienat of the state of British peesessithe, as s the pt , . deed= of a most valuable artists is mum& Having now stated, what I costaider to ban bees the great instance in two branches of these thissise sine IE4 and, having shown the great productieseithidi seise No another part of the avionics I come now to the pesetbra which has been much agitated, and of which As.. are err tainly advocates of very Gonad. Table ability, viz , the we should no longer think it worth our while to maintain our eelonial empire. Sir, I say, in the first plata, with regard to this proposal, that I consider that it is our bounden duty to maintain the colonies which have been placed under oat charge. I think we cannot get rid of an obligation and a resronsibility to govern thew colonies for their welfare, and, as trust, bs a means of improving and civilising those parts of the world to which they belong. In the next plate I say there are many reasons why we should consiter that these colonies form part of the strength of this empire. 1 cannot conceive, whether in peace or war, that it should not be onnlidered of the utmost importance whether we sustained these supports of the imperial authority of this country, or whether we should be deprived of them. In the next plan, there SITO, in some of thee colonies, naked races, which we have been able to a certain degree to civilise, and which at lust we have brought into order and subjection to autho rity. There is now in one of our recant colonies a meet re- I mutable race of men—the people of New Zealand—(bear) — who, sot many years ago, were gives up to practices the most abhorrent, but who, in communication with the British people, appear to be Mr more Capable of civilizitiou than almost any of the wage races with which we are acqusinted. There is another race with whom we have lately COWS into [ untie at Natal, in Africa, which have shown every sign of ' ability and Miter for learning the arts of civilization. There ate Wien who, if we were* to abandon them, would slip into lesmdetely savage habits; they would begin, probably, a war of races with the few Englishmen left in com mand of them, and would thus give up those parts of the world which have been recitalist(' from barbarity to a state of the most desolating warfare. But there are other matters relating to our impteal authority and our security which cannot be lost in considering the value of these colonies. Every cue admits the value of the commerce, which penetrates to every part of the world, tut many of those colonies give harbour end security t , toe trade, most useful in time of peace, bat absolutely necerry in time of war—(hear, he .r)—and then let us consider that. after all, versus, without much investigating the subject about giving up our Isotonic, and parting with them, do not consider what would be the probable result with respect to a great number of these colonin. It is easily said that because the United States have formed a prospe rous, civilised, and fro community, and beetwe they are not only great consumers of our goods, but likewise receive our emigrants, therefore it would follow that other colonies would take the same course; but as to many of these colt,- nies, they would be uth sly unable, having but small means of defence, and even a savage race about them, to .preserve anything like independence and secuedy. What would they do They would justly, if abandoned by this country, apply to other countries, the Cspe of Good Hope to Hol land, Mauritius to France, others to other countries., and they would say "We have been abandoned by those to whom we owseallegiance; protection has bees taken from us, and so we ask you to protect us and receive our alle giance." No doubt the other countries would accept the de arer, and they would become strong by that which would then be your weakness. (Hear, hear.) Either of this., things is not consistent either with our honour or with their safety. There are other things which seem but little differ ent, and which are proposed on this occioion. One is that we should altogether abandon any care of the government of these colonies, and that we should refuse teem any assistance towards their defence. I think this would very soon come to the same result as that which I have just stated. These colonies would say, if we are not to be defended, if we are to receive no alma: from Great Britain, let us look for other defenders ; let us ask other countries if they will waist us with their arms and protect us from invasion which may injure our secur. Anotner tells us that a certain description of laws wo uld require the as cot of the imperial authority, but that with riser: generally to our laws no such went is required, and that a line used to be drawn between throe lows which re quire the anent of the crown and thole which should he in force without any went. Ido not believe it is potable to draw any such hue. I think we had a strong instance of that, in the debates of last year, with respect to a measure passed by the House of Assembly, the legislative council, and the government of Canada. It we 'sorted in this house, that that was a measure which ought not to receive the assent of the crown, and that tier Majesty ought to reject the measure, although this measure was framed by all the Canadian authorities. Government, on the other hand, maintained it was a matter of local government, and that all the acts of the colony ought to be affirmed. I f it be, as I believe it is, our policy and cur duty to main tain this great and valuable colonial empire—(cheers)—let us us that the principles we adopt are sound, and calculated to sarry out our purpose. Let us IN that they are mach as will do credit to the mother country, and be likely to con tribute to the happiness of the colony. (Hear, hear.) With regard to commercial policy, I have already said that the whole system of monopoly has been swept away. What we have in future to guard is but little; it is merely that in future there should be no monopoly duties in f of one nation as against another, and that then should be no duties of such a nature as to be prohibitory against the product or manu factures of this country. (Hear, hear.) I think we are entitled to ask so much in return for the defence end pro tection which the mother country affords. We have a right to sat it in my opinion ; it is, 1 think for the benefit of the colony that we should do so, and they canace. I think, complain, when so simple are the boons demanded. (Hear.) Next as to the future mole of government. It appears to M that, as • general rule, we cannot do better than refer ' S. those mania of policy which g d our ancestors ea this subject. (Hoar, hear.) It appears to me that is saying that wherever Englishmen went, there they should enjoy English freedom and English institution, our mou ton acted at thee justly and wisely. (Cheers.) They acted, I believe, wisely kw the mainlines,. of harmony berms the soother snotty sad its colony, and they seed likewise fa a maaaer calculated to enable those who went est to those distant pomusions to sow the seeds of communi ties of which Eagland must always be proud. (Hear, berth) Let us now see how we are sustained on this sub ilitl bare here the declaration of a number of gentlemen, init theme twelve or fourteen members of this house, and gime Muse er four peers—members of the other home of parliament—a declaration with roped to our colonial policy. I think that the question of thew noblemen and gentlemen forming themselves into an association, and corresponding with the colonies, is a question of very dubiou policy indeed. (Hess, hear.) Ido not mean to deny, how ever, that in their character of members of the Hones of Lords or Commons they might fairly declare what are their views and opinions, and that they might summon govern ment either to agree to their views or to show good and sufficient reasons for expressing direst. If they had done that I should have made no complaint of their proceedings, not do I indeed now mean to eater further into the 'abject. But I have observed with regard to general principles, that after they have stated their sentiments they turn out to be not very different from those I have stated myself. (Hear.) They say, "Tie council are of opinion that it is right and expedient to delegate to all the British within whale population has been mainly formed, or is still being by emigration, full authority to ad r their own affairs, and that the colonies at present entitled to the privilege of self-government are the North American colonies, South Africa, Australia, Van Diemen's Lead, and Now Zealand. To those colonies the association is determined to limit its operations in the first Instance. The noble lord proceeded to relate what had been done or it was designed to do with regard to Conde, Nova Basis, the Caps Australia, Van 'Health's Land, aad New Zealand. In Cinada he argued that self-government was already sanctioned to the point of safety ; and while making the startling statement that a proposal for its an nexation to the United States had absolutely been made to the government, declared that the Integrity of the empire would be preserved at all hazards Neva Bootie woe equally independent, and latterly had both eumfortably pacific With regard to the Cape, his Issinhip west on to say there has of late years been a gni deg of dietaries with respect to the iatroductith of regneentstive gnus meth Lord Stanley had the spestien under esesiderts ties, and without at all 71: A. latredeetion of representative government, he need oat many 4j5. Ihnillien that had to be dereu before a could be come to. Those diflicultiss, and, indeed, every topic connected with the subject have been dimmed at the Cape by the governor and his advisers. the Colonial Seers tary and the Chief Justice, parties well capable of giving se , both frees their general knowledge of the opinion Of goventment end their local acquaintance witrtit affairs of the colony. The result hoe been that her blejsetfe germinal have come to the decision that repro. mutative government should be introduced at the Cape. (Hear, hear.) With respect to the mutative aessibly, they_ have adopted a trenTi: into the particalan of whit* I shall not now enter ' be the papers will soon be la the hands of members, cad enable them to Jades of the proposal, hut merely state that the representative sieembly will be chosen by persons having e consist amnia ol property, and being other miss cruhfted in • maser to be specified. But a question arose as is the feematies of what Is called the legisla• by. etheall In ether soleales, sad upon the whole her thojestfepeneemment Lave come to the opinion that instead ef imbuing the sonstination of Jamaica or that of Canada it would be @thimble to Introduee into the Cape of Good Hip a assay width should be an elected nun% and *Med by persons having a considerably higher qualification thes Men who abuse the representatives. (Bear, hear.) IS b le be esieseth aloe from persons of station is the colony, as/ *we who had held municipal dies, or = llll a g e all o s ida be minted to fill olio's of trust in this =lt is pespened that the representative assembly l ima d s niks of five years, and that the aslant soma oberald have a duration of tea years, but to p slat Sea be re-elected every - five _pus. theeething like a leanstithibm of Me kW, With. &thrift in svery 1 gummiksii• BardsalsoOn saw_ the dell be lOW% Inimil et illi sea Iwin esessO, illistilern en amides ems fee the mooed dumber, which has, I Milisk, • derelicts Cl eight yews, but half the numbest, ge out at the expiration of the fourth, Of Mures this esperinteut is new, and it would be presansp ' tens tom that it must certainly succeed ; but the order in Maned has beau paned for the purpose of its general intro drassion, sad that order and the proper instrestioes will be seat to the Cape, where it may be considered, with any (Malls that may be added here, before say final settlement is made. The neat colonies to which these intatlemen adverted are the Australian colonies and New Zealand. With respec• to Australia, hie lordship stated that the proposed constitution consisted only of a single chamber, two-thirds of the members being elected by the people, and the remainder nominated by she colonial government. This constitution hod some yeah since been suggested, and appeared acceptable to the colonists. But there was to be no restriction to their power of altering it, if, upon trial, it should be found unsuitable. The regulation of their tariff wm to be left to the colonial legislature. Port Philip was to be represented from New South Wales, and the popular element introduced in the assembly of Van Diemen's Land. Questions involving the interests of ell three ago nies, vis e Australia, Ne w South Wales, and Van Diemen's Land, were to be settled according to the decision of any two of them, and to such a decision the impostane ques tion of the waste lands was now to be left. In New Zeeland some unsuesemfel experiments in sonssitntiun making had already occurred. A suspension was the consequence; but acting up in the latest advice, from the governor of that colonr, progress was making towards its rointroduction, which was ordered to take place immediately if matters remained unchanged when the despatches strived In the settlement. Briefly recapitulate ug some nue% events in Jamaica and Cuban,, Lord John Renal stated that the commercial depression and political agi tation in those dependencies appeared happily diminishing. Lord John went on to say,—With respect to Tri nidad Lord Harris writes that there has been no attempt to procure lewd represents/ion, and yet he thinks, and I meet add, thinks justly, that if it was determined that because people were unfit ter popular institutions, we must not attempt ti introduce them, th et neuld be a continual bar against eny prover towards civilisation, and therefore he proposes that there should be • municipal cooped at the seat of government, and that it should be elleced, his lordship eddies/ that he thought considerable benefit would result from such an institution. He gir's these reasons why we should nut go further at precent in attempting to introduce r .presentative institutions into that colony. And with regard to the Mauritius, Biz J. Anderson has ill- re introduced an ordinance fur establish. ing municipalities, which he thinks will be effective. As rogues Malta, the governor of that island has dune what I am aware many thick is not advisable, but what be believes to be expedient. (H or, beer) He erg introduced some elec. tire members into the composition of the council. As to the other reunite, I need nut oa the present occasion enter upon the question of the eropriety of extendiog tree institu tion to them, for I do not think hi pied thine I have mentioned that there is one of tl ma which can be named as being a' present fitted 'n receive such ineti. unions. (Hear, hear.) I creme, here fore, sir, now to the consideration of another question—a question of very considerable importance as .. Reels the celouies, but which is not in its. If -Lolly or striate • colonial question— I mean the question oil transp.rtetien. (Hear, hear.) It was decided ray this country, in the year 1780, that we should found s penal colony in New South Weise, and 19.111111,411 were taken for that purp or, and a certain number of con. nets were rent out; but they were tart ma. without any free settlers, sod with manly a sufficient number of persons to afford them religious instruction. Tan question s f trans portation must be considered as one teat concerns the par liament et this c sentry, so far es le gi eation is concerned, and the HOMO er %say ,so tar as tee executive is con cerned, Per more teen the Colonial Se eretery ; f r, so far as he is concerned in tee matter, officially, he would, I appro. lend, be perfectly satisfied it he were t that La more con. vista were to be 1411 t out, and that transportation to Our colo nial was to be altogethet abolished by le erhament. (hear.) But inasmuch as parlisratut has decided, ..rid decided more than once, that the previous punishment of transportation ie to be centime's, it is for him to endeavour that it shall be carried out ins masener that shall he lent lel urine to the colony to which the e' evicts may he sett. Teat it is the wish of path mem, and also that it is the wish of the country that thesysiem should omtinue, Lain entitled, I think, to as sume, because when I, having myself no great leaning to trans portetion, and not very much approving of the, puuisn meat, attempted, about the year 18441, to diminish the aumber of convicts sent abroad, a resolution was pasted by this house, affirming that it was net right that so large a aumber ot convicts should he kept in this country, as there was at that time. I say then, that the leaning of parlia ment is in favour of continuing this mode of punish seat, because, when the two Secret iris' of State ccncurrei in the desirability of carrying out a diminution of the punishment of tessepertatis n, • committee was appoireed in the other hew" of parliament, before which several et the judges were heard, and they gave it as their opinion that trenspertation was uneecesi eery for the effective maintenance it the criminal law of this country. (Hear, hear.) Well, sir, if that be the ease—wee the view is altered, the colonial secretary must endeavour to carry the punishment ie e tfect, in ach a way as shall enable the colony, in some cues we hope, to derive ideal:wogs from the system, but in all, in ouch a way as shall inflict the least possible injury. (Hear, !Ma.) When I held the rush of the colonial department, being very much impressed with the mischief which transportation had occuioni d in New South Wales, I advised her Majesty and obtained an order in council fur the purpose of putting • stop to the practice of inenspertine convicts to New South Wales; and, sir, I will say that there is no act I d-d during the time I held those scats, to which I now look back with greater satisfaction, than the obtaining of that order in council. (Cheers.) Whatever may be the case hereafter, Iht it-vs the change of character which resulted to New Sou'h Wein Item that act, by altering it from the condition of a eoleny in which a part of the population were convicts, and no inconsiderable part were emancipts, a• they were called—penews who bad un dergone their sentence of teen portatiou -altering it from that cindirion to a lime of free people was of erect advantage to the colony. The present govittnment, when they came into power, proposed many alterations as to the system of trans portation generally, and that in cases who re eoiouies were willing to accept a small number of convicts, they should be sent to them, it being aware undi creed, however, that convicts were not to be forced upon them. Now it happened amongst the many evils which arose out of the famine in 'reline there arose a great pressure from the great numbers of persons who were sentenced to transportation, which re 'melted in the overcrowditig of the gaols and a very meat mortality in all of them. - rho Secretary for the Cokmies, this state of things being represented to him, thought himself justifi.d in sendinz out a number sot exemdiog 300 of them persons who had been sentenced to transportation for thefts and other crimes committed under the pr. ,surd of the famine, to tee Cape of Good Hope. The feeling which I commend in iteeli, 'hat by receiving those convict, the colony might become and remain a penal colony, toek possession of the population of the Cape of Good Hope, and Deduced in them exaggerated apprehensions as to the effect of the jeweils@ ties of those 300 convicts, and there has arisen in maw queues a most unfortunate state of things. (.• Hear, hear" and laughter.) The intention of the government has there fore bees abandoned, and the order in council permitting the transportation of tho e convicts to the Cape of GAM! Hope has been revoked, and the ship which took them out has been ordered on to Van Diemen's land. Of course very much inconvenience resulted from the controversy between the colonists and the governor on this subject, but into the merits of that controvetsy I will not enter. (Hear, hear.) Sir, there is another question of very great cones queue, and which some p, none have thought to be the main question to be considered in regard to colonial affairs. I mean the question of emigration. (Hear, hear.) Now there are, as it appears to me, two modes by whet emigration can he carried on, and corned on beneficially. The one is when labourer., whose labour is in cerain states and colonies valuable, go out In (great numbers to those states or colonies, to fill up, as it were, the itetenices in society there, and whose labour is immediately or very soon in demand, and who find their position changed from what it was here, vii , a position bordering an destitution— without employment, and almost without food—to a position in which they are obtaining high wages and ample sub sistence in some other country. (Hear.) Of this kind of emigration there has been a great mass directed to the United States and the British North American Colonies. The other kind of emigration is that when the emigrants are formed of different classes in society, who go out for the purpose ot founding new colonies in countries where, at pre sent, society does not exist. This kind of emigration also has Cred to a considerable extent of late years. regard to the first. I have some accounts which have been furnished to me by Mr Mur doch, the gentleman who is now at the head of the emigration board, and from those accounts it appears that the total number of emigrants of this class who have dazing the last three years proceeded out from this c iuntry has been 796,3.54, or an average of 266,460 per annum. (Hear, hear.) Now, I beg the hones to consider for a mo ment how large is the extent of this emigration. (Hear.) It Mounts to within 40,000 er 60,000 of what has been ecn reed to be the whole annual increase of the population of this country. And 'house the natural amount has no doubt been auentented during one or two of those years by the pressure of the famine in Ireland, yet I do consider that as to this first description of emigratioo, which enselste of labourers and their families going out to the United States of America and the British North American colonies to seek employment there, I con eider it a description of emigration which is likely to con tinue for many years to come. (Hear ) I 'believe that the means which the labouring classes have found for themselves to enable their friends and connexions here to join them in their new and more prosperous home—the transmitting here sums of money which they have earned and saved from their wages in the maple, to which they have transferred their labour, to psy for the passage and bring others over to them, is likely to go on and to furnish the means of defray keg the expenditure of a very extensive system of emigration. (Hear.) Considering the means, used the gnat extent of country belong gto the Teethed States and our own province of Upper Ceaada,l cannot but bring myself to believe that there will speedily Coin a time when there will he a great demand for labour there. (Hear, bear.) The difficulty hitherto has been to find the means of transport to enable persons who are almost in • state of destitution here, and who can find no demand in this country for their labour, to go to another geenuy, where the demand for labour far exceeds the sup pl. (Hear, hear.) And I do not believe any government scheme could have beet devised either so extensive as to effect that purpose, or, if to effect it, to carry it out in the same satisfactory way, and to the same utast, as this voluntary system. In the fleet place, if we had laid out 100.0001, 200,0001., or even 3000001., it would have been felt as every large addition to the public expediters, but I believe the sum lei eat in the emigration, end ia the model speak of (and which is wholly voluntary) has not been less in the year than li indium (Hear, hese.) If we had expended thatamount, we should hen bees subject to every species of abase ; and we ehould find that we were carrying oat from this coun t ry &emigrants persona wholly unfit to emigrate who would obtain the passage by means of false characters, and who should be Coned such a cures to the country they went to, "bother the United States or our own provinces, that the system would soon be put a stop to by the remon offences of those Gelatins. They would say, and say with justice, do not send out to us the halt, the cripple, the idle, and the dissolute—if minuted us only the refuse of your own population, those who cannot or will not labour, but must remain a burden on us, we must put a stop to the system I altogether, ss far as we are concerned. (Hear, hear.) Arel such must have been the obaracter of any government scheme of emigration. Ido not, however, mean to say, that under all circumstances some assistance from the government fer carrying out emigration may net be advisable; but seeing that the people have found out for themselves that by trans mitting a portion of their earnings to this isountry they may bring out their wives, their children, their brothers, and nth' r relations to join them in the country where their labour will be valuable—to attempt to effect the same object by means of • tax imposed upon this cautery would be • posi tive evil, and diminish the value of emigraeun. Then as to the other sped. a of emigration ; tbet which pro- Iceeds chiefly to our Australian colonies is of that other ecirription, and which goes out with the object of founding new settlements, or increasing those which are already formed there. 01 this kind of emigrants it appear that in therein 1448 and 1849 the Emigration Commissioners sent out nearly 37,000, or are average of more than 18,000 a year. In New Zealand also, there has been a project to form • new settlement In the Canterbury settlement, which I am told promises to be successful. Already. I believe, there are more than 12,000 Europeans in New Zealand, and no doubt in a few years a very large emigration will be directed to that enemy, and that it will become one of the most flou• rishing colonies we possess. (Hear, hear.) I think, there. fore, with regard to emigration generelly, making due re servation fur :he application of special measures to special ewe, We may look with satisfaction on the present state of V, question, aid may consider that one of the great wants of this country—that of finding a vent for the surplus of a population which is increasing e, rapidly—that that want has been satisfied without basing recourse to a system of which I was always apprehensive, of rending out largo bo dies of people to distant colonies where labour was not In demand, and where their condi tion would/have bean far worse than in the country thi y lest. (Hear, hear) I have now stated the principal pant — nearly the whole indeed of what I wished to put the house in possession of with regard to colonial government. I have not attempted to do more than to lay before it some of the leailing facie—as to many important qaestions arisint out of this subject, each set which might furnish matter fee • night's debate, I have not touched upon them ; but I have thought it right test the house should have belure it a sketch of the general state of our colonies and the propositions which her blejesiy'a government were either &Men to carry, or the no mane which they have carried into effect. The whole result of what I have to ray is, in the first place, that whatever discontent exists, and in Cools cams, without doubt, you will find dis content, which it must be admitted has arisen from a transi tion puofnl to them from • system of monopoly with regard to their colonies to one of free trade, that we ought not to attempt to go beck in any respect from those decisions to which parliament has come, but that we should treat our col tees on the principle that we are at liberty to obtain the predurions of other countries which they can furnish better and cheaper than our colonies, and that the colonics en the other hand should be at full liberty to trade with ell parts of the world, and in that manner which to them may be most advantageous. (Hear, hear.) 1 hie in future must he a cardinal point in our policy. (Loud cheers.) If so, and if we are in future to proceed in conteresity with the principles of our ancestor., and the plans we have adopted of late years ourselves, in the British North Ameri can colonies, we should, es far as possible, goon the principle of introducing and maintaining political freedom in these coloni.s. I maintain that wherev.r you say that pelitical freedom cannot safely be introduced, you are bound to show the reason leer the exception—you are bound to show that the people are a race to whom free institutions are inapplicable, and that the colony in question is not formed of British people ; that it has not such an admixture of British people as to make it safe to intr Alen tree institutions. (Loud cheers.) The rule should be to send to the different par's of the world you would a, lonise,!and maintain in those parts of the world where yeti have colonies, men who are capable of govern ing themselves—men who shall know they have full liberty Vi govern themselves, and that while you are their represen tatives on ail foreign matters, in their domestic concerns you want to interfere no further t: an is clearly and decidedly mummy to prevent a conflict in the societies which you wish to preserve. I do, of e'en., anticipate with others that acme of them colonies, with which we are now dealing, may so aro* in population and in wealth that they may say to us, "our strength is now sufficient to tie an nide pewlent country ; the link of the connexion with you has new become onerous to us ; the time has arrived when we thick we can our mien, in amity and in alliance with England, maintain cur independence." (Hear, hear.) That day, however, has not yet, I believe, approached; but, I say, make them in the mesa time as fee as possible fit to govern themselves—give them, as tar as you can, the capacity to manage their own affairs—let them increase in wealth and in population, and whatever may happen to this great em pire we shell have at h alt the consolation of saying we have eoloributed to tee happiness of the world. (Loud cheers.) The formal resolution having been put, Sir W. MOLES WORTH established the right of Autra lia to distrust every premise of the Colonial-office, by refer• ries to the successive occasions when assurances of its politi• al emancipation had been given, and as repeatedly violated. Toe Miele!c a complained that they were abandoned to the bureaucracy, and had asked in vain the inter meition of the British legislature between themselves and the omnipotent Snretary of State. The Cape was dis contented; P vet Philip had rejected our convicts; Canada laid heavy charges against her governor—from every side complaints arriving that the system was vicious, and re quired • radical reform. The colonies selected by the R. form Amociaion complained of the want of free insti tutions, the iteterference of the Celenial-office, end the transmission of British convicts. With none of these evils would the changes now introduced by the Revetment really interfere. (Hear.) The noble tort bad said it was necessary for hon. members to state whether they wished to retain our colonial government, and, if they were of opinion they ought to retain it, then to describe the policy they thought should be adopted. Now he would reply shortly to the challenge of the noble lord, not by expressing in abstract terms his opi nions of coionial policy, hut by considering some of the measures the noble lord proposed for the government of some of our colonies. In the government of • colony there were two distinct things to be considered—first, as to the form of government or the constitution, and secondly as to 'he power that ought to be delegated to the colonial au borities. With regard to the form of government, he could not distinctly understand the form of government the noble lord intended to give to the colony of the Cape of Good Hop e It appeared that some form, taken from Belgium, was to be sent to the Cape of Good Hope, to be there considered by he (Sir W. Molesworth) did not know whom, and then it was to be brought back to this country and after war's agreed to. With regard to the Australian colonies, as the noble lord stated! that the bill was to be substantially the PllOl/1 as that of last year, he (Sir W. Molesworth) could understand it; but the noble lord had surprised him when he called it a copy of the British constitution. He believed the noble lord intended to give to the Australian colonies the I present constitution of New South Wales. Now, what was that constitution ? Suppose that in that house there were 110 members who had seats in virtue of their holding office under the government ; and for as long only as they held office, and that, in addition to the 110 official members, there were 110 others who were appointed members by the government at the commence ment of every parliament, making in all 220 votes at the disposal of government. Suppose, likewise, that the House of Lords were abolished, and that, instead of her Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria, we bad a governor of the ordinary description, then we should enjoy the benefits of the British constitution after the fashion of New South Wales. How would such a constitution week with us ? We should be divided into two permanent parties, actuated by the fiercest hatred of each other, one party would pride itself upon being the repres-ntative of the people, and would look with acorn aid contempt upon the other party u the bane and subservient tools of the government. No question would be considered to be settled which was decided against the opi nion of the elective members, and the official and nominated members would be held up to public odium and hatred if they ever presumed to defeat the wishes of the elective members. It was evident that such a consti tution was absurd in theory, and that in practice it could hot fail to work ill. (Hear.) But the noble lord had stated, that the people of New South Welles, were very well eerrentee with their present form of government. He (Sir W. Molesworth) did not know whether the noble lord had received any late accounts from the colony ; but the deliberations in the legislative council on the subject, would certainly seem to show that they only preferred the present constitution to that worse one which it had been proposed to give them. (Hear, hear.) But the noble lord would sat that the Australian colonies were to have power to alter or amend their constirutims, to the extent of making the second chamber elective. Now he (Sir W. Molesworth) acknowledged that if this power were fully conceded to them, his obje ctions to this portion of the Intl of the noble lord would be cuusiderat'ly diminished. (Hear.) But be must say that in his opinion sufficient power to amend their constitutions would not have been given to the colonies by the bill of last year. He presumed from the statement of the noble lord that he did not prop me in the bill of this year to give thew colonies *enter amount of power; therefore when the proper time arrived he would certainly propose an alteration in this part of the noble lord's bill. The second question, ea to the powers which the noble lord proposed to give to the colonial authorities, is the most int weave one. It appeared from the statement of the noble lord that he intended to tetain to the Colonial-office its pre sent arbitrary power of disallowing all acts of the colonel legislatures, and than of interfering in the internal affairs of the colonies. Now this arbitrary power had been, and as Lug as it existed would continue to be, a perpetual cause of colonial disco .tent and of -ending discord between the colonies and the imperial government. All the utopia com plained of the arbitrary power of the Coloitial.office, Thom complaints were frequently but too well founded. flow was it potable that they could be otherwise than well founded Let the hoses consider who were the persons who were entrusted with this arbitrary power. The heads of the Colonial-ofeee changed with every of government. They were absentee rulers. Lining at distance of man thousands of miles from their subjee% they never had hid ocular experience of the condition of ' the colonies. They had no personal interest en th e we ll being of the colonists. They wen 'braes obliged to t rust to seemed hand and partial information we regard to the winks. They were therefore generally ignorant, and, worse than ignorant, they were generally misinformed about colonial question.. They were uid to be revolvable to par. filmed. That responsibility was a farce, for the ho use ciuld not spare time to attend to colonial affairs. Hon. mem bers could not obtain accurate and imputi.l information about the colonies. They were nece.sarily ignorant. Auden pystem of colonial government might w i h accuracy he de. scribed u a gos velment by the misinform. d with respont ibility to the ignorant. (Hear, hear.) This kind of government war suet bitterly distasteful to men of our race and hehita. It was impossible for men on one side of the globe to manage the affairs of Englishmen on the other side of the globe without producing intense dissatienntioe. On the other hand, if the colonists were to obtain the uncon trolled management of their local affair', and if in any re. spent they were to mismanage those affairs, for so doing they would have themselves to blame, and nobody else. There fore he inferred we ought to delegate to the celeniee all local powers, and 'nth:e them to pan any law if cling their lout concerns. Consequent:y he interr, d that we oust to &Tree s the Colonial Office of its present arbitrary power to disallow all acts of the colonial legislatures, end to limit the emceed the Colonial-ofilts to questions affecting imp eri,l powers. For this purpose it woule be necessary carntully to enume rate and to accurately define the powers which ought to be held to be imperial powers. He proposed lam session that a royal commission should be appo'nted fa this purpo e, and to prepare a measure of colonial reform. He regretted mu c h that the house did not went to that proposal, fir by this time the bowie would have pomessed a more accurate fisllllll. ration of imperial powers thanf.that which it could exp. t ea him. He war, however, prepared to make that enurneraian whenever it taught be coeveneent to the house to list. n to it, and if it w.O the pleasuro of the committee he would nolo the enumeration at once. (Hear.) At present the c donial legislatures did not know what hewn they might end wnat Inas they might not make. In fact they might at present make any laws whetever, affecting imperial interests in any r meaner whatever, provided the Colonist-effice did hot disallow th• m within a certain eeriod of time. Oa the other hand, the colonial legisiatu• • s cool I not make nay law which the Colonial.' ffice might r.ut prr,po4d, r therefore, in the manner in which he had t vAsin.-d, to enable the e lonial legielators to know preisely what r lawn they might make, and what lbws they must e:ite.in • from making ; and he proposed to settle all &putts up,A, r this subject by means art the decisions of one of :ha • highest and most esteemed judicial tribunals in this e country. He should, therefore, wh,n the time anis .1, e attempt to amend the noble lord's bill in the manner which he had described. (Hear, hear.) Mr. ANSTEY obj,eteri to the plan of government 'or Van Teemsn't Lend, it being, in his opinion, undesiraole to kayo one third of the council nominees u: the crown. Mr. BAILLIE remarked upon the sort of constitutien which the government had ace rded to Btilth Guiana. The noble lord had stated that the nun:o.er of electors had increased as well as the population. \•,w, be limes the house to judge bow far this could be the cars when he stated that there were but two own in tat province of Essequibo—the gaoler and the clerk of the curt. The atlornry-general nes the candidate—he was . yrop.sed b 7 the gaoler and seconded by the clerk, and cf course warned, for there wee no !Aber voter in the province. Mr. LABOUCHERE coegrstulated the house en the ce'm spirit in which thin di'eussion hot been eclat . ' an ; a spirit in which he trusted all colonise relieve would he dis cussed is the c mrse of the present • anion, wh ch was of the utmost importance, when they considered that the d•cl r t liana made in that house found their way to the most eialnt parte cf the world. He held in hit hand • e 1.7 of the leading newspaper of New South Wales, the Sidney Herald, which had not only the greatest circu lation inthe colony, but was dirk gui-ta d es representie.; the popular opinions. The date of the paper was Se pt.e.her 19, 1849. and this was the language of the Itaa ing article: "Those of our readers who have attentively p ?Twee the long and elaborate report of the Boar! ot Trade published in this journal in May last, on tee subject ot the forthcoming act for the government of the Australian colo nies, will no doubt agree with us in thinking it one of the ablest and most conciliatory documents ot the kind ever 'aid iwtore the colony. To what extant other British eelonies may have experienced kind treatment at the hauls of the home government it is not for us to •ay, but c,r tainly we can testify that never before did the colony of New South Wales receive so large • share cf ministerial consideration end kin tr., as in the present instance. Her Majesty in comma has been graciously pleased to concede to us nearly every thing that we have asked." Perhaps he must make some allowtmca for the first outburst of gratitude, and he was not to igno rant of human nature as not to be prepared for mime qualifi cation of this praise. At the same time be had a right to pay that they had been altogether successful in conciliating the public cpinion of the inhabitants of New South Wel,s in favour of the proposition, which, after mature deliberation, they had ventured to recommend to the cr:sen and to parliament. lie happened to have • newspaper which had reacted him by the same mad from Port Phillip. He was ignorant of the character of this newspaper, and could not speak so confidently of it as be could of the Sidney Il•• raid. It was the V,ctoria Colonist of the 14th Septeitber, and it stated "It must be gratileieg to Earl Grey and the rest of her Majesty's ministers to hod that the been sr ice they have granted to the Australian coloniea in the no w constitution has diffused general satistaceion throughout the province of Victoria, that all the newspapers are unanimous in the expression of their approval, and that there is not even one solitary instance of dissent." He thought there fore he might venture to say that there was, at present, at least, every reason to believe that the inhabitants of Aar. tralia would readily accept a measure which he could fairly say win framed and devised with a sincere desire to promate their ben , tit, to conciliate their wisher, and to place th'm on that footing which they had a right to be on as free au. jests of the British empire. They had reason to believe that their efforts in that respect would be attended with success, and that they would attain the object they lad in Mew. So much for the question of the Austria en which was now before the house. But the worthy baronet the member for S eithwark made some obatreat ions also i.tt the proposed cot sfitution which was to he given to the Cape of Good Hope, to which he felt it cockney to advert. The report of the Committee of l'r.vy Council bad been on the table of the house but a short time. so that the boa. baronet could not have read it with great attention. Sir W. MOLESWORTH—I have not read it at all. Mr. LABOUCHERE said—Then he was the lees sur prised at the statement ne made, that the constitution of ths. Cape of Good Hope was to be left to Sir Harry Smith. —(Sir W. Molesworth was here nude rstood to ewer his dissent from this observati nil —Nothing could be more at variance with the feet, the truth being that in the main principle of that cocatitution, the distinction hi& down which would place the government in two councils, nothing could be said to beat all left to Sir Harty h The coloties,:as far as possible, ought to have local Ilialatior, gad the unlimited management of those concerns that were be longing to them; but he thought it was amenity, for the interests of the British empire, to reserve to the government and the parliament of this country supreme centring. He believed that these things were reooncileable, not, perhaps, with the theory of a speculative philosophy, but quite sut ficiently with practice, to satisfy the colonists of th is coun try. Gear, hear.) Mr. ROEBUCK said he understood the noble lord to explain two things to-night, he explained the general policy ot the government in respect to her colonial possess ions, and at the same time explained to the house his own specific act of I gislation which he proposed. The two things were separate, the one being the general grounds laid down, and the other a particular illustration of the general pelicy the noble lord was about to pursue. In support of the general policy the noble lord stated the fouadation of the broad history of this country, in res pect to her colonial legislation, but he struck out the moist important part of our colonial history. The noble lord had laid down most general propositions of great liberality. He had stated the iutentien of the imm inent to make the government of the colonists entirely their own concern. He was delighted to hear that statemect. (Hear, hear.) It the members of the Colonial Association had needed a justification for their conduct, or any eatisfac tion for themselves and the country to whom they addressed themselves, the noble lord's conduct that night (be hoped he would take no offence at hi* saying so) would have been that justification. (Hear, hear.) He was very much inclined to believe that the circumstance of • set of gentlemen being brought together from all sections of politicians and all ports of the country, expressing (,deep interest in our colonial go- vernment had convinced -he noble lord that the country telt the importance of the subject ; and he had very properly n.reed his attention to it also. With regard to South Attics, he had nothing more to ask of the noble lord,--nothieg at all. His mind had been brought to the conclusion that • double chamber was requisite, and that bothchambers should be elective. (Hear.) That was most important, and he was delighted that the noble lord had brought his mind to that view. (Hear, hear.l But, baying arrived at that conclusion with regret to South Africa, he could not em otive or understand by what process he should have come to the very opposite conclusion wish evils ct to New South Wales. If such • thing were requisite in South Arne.. was it not also requisite in South Australia? (Hear.) He was told the government were acting out of some notion of symmetry, and because there was already one constitution of onl one chamber, that of New South Wales, that Sydney, l ore Phillip, and every other colony in that part ot the worla, were to follow that most unhappy experiment. Ile Was entirely opposed to the project of soaking a certain portion of the council the nominees of the crown, as it was called, but in reality they would be the nominees of the goeernor. andst of a clique who would be always nominally persons egain whom the popular mind was sure to be directed. (Heir, heat) He had lived in a colonial government, and knew teLconstantly bow bitter factions were in these small, narrow communities , where everybody knew what everybody ate and dreuk— (lshgh to in immunity of that kind. Ho would oak the no ble lord, where object he really believed was to govern the co:onies iedt, ) dhewn i a n ld he n t o w t ater to advise liveany one a who c did net why did he thus halt in his march? His b . tter wird bad acted when oonsidering the case of South Atrica ; with reference to Australia some evil genius had presided. T he noble lord had himself acknowledged t hat this did not agree with his sense of what wee right. There was end y o ne in wt stance of a constit u tion with • single chamber , and yet the government was about to make 11•11 new eollBlilUllollll in Australia, all on that model, end against their own ba judgment, for ne other reason than that of symmetry w ith the one existing constitution. Let hoe. memben address themselves to this question as men having • knowledge of this kind, de that which must be perpetual source of haulm nature. and not, whoa making matant. ) a great experiment of 1, .4 as a very large eddltlol2 Lathe panne ezposoitnre, en . t octave rmilliFtssMse:Mtrarieise i Tiaeli nitirreas7 Ve l a r th l u r ous. cus ral i a= 6. lBA:ta ir .ra ta la tas "sr". re . Vi - asiTab — i; Par — titedin i In sow - the Pidatlis BA& distance of raany _thousands; of muse rrom sneer seems., --•- • I" ld reowN limber a "itg ediMic= Nog fusioliod 4666,860 ono. la the inn s. th o * re ; mime, I:dog of MTN( as basally/ *Mono *on 6Ow 1.41 ellt is Sh e esidia/loas sad is th• Issas' 6 1 41/4 the,' ROM had hod ocular 'spittoon of the condition of 'content. (How, hot ) • . • . . RT