The Press. — London, England, 1858-07-10 00:00:00

650 say that, when the Established Church is " re " duced to its proper level," and the House of Commons has been made "truly to represent " the millions," the other branch of the Legis lature will be expected to comport itself with due humility—if indeed its continued oxistenee can be tolerated at all. Liberalism means the systematic dissolution of the Constitution of this country. It would govern Engla'd as America is governed, or as the Australian colonies are governed ; and with this state of things an Estab lished Church, an aristocracy, and a monarchy, can hardly be made to agree. We dispute not Mr. BRIGHT'S honesty, or his right to his own opinions. But what we do q terra with is, the assertion of Lord ABERDEEN 1,1 1852, and of the Standard now, that between Liberalism and Conservatism there is no real difference ; but that a Government called Con szrvative may unite the views of Lord DERBY with those of Mr. BRIGHT. Such a fancy seems to us to lead to nothing but confusion. To use Lord DERBY'S own words, " A Liberal-Conser " vative or Conservative-Liberal policy, is a " phrase which conveys to our mind nothing distinct." What follows from such a system ? That which Mr. DISRAELI denounced with so much truth and force in 1846, when he charged Sir ROBERT PEEL with reducing his followers to the position of mere janissaries. Public men who are shy of enunciating a creed, and prefer to f Blow a leader, soon sink into a mere clique or f fiction. But no mere clique can hope to carry the country with them at an election. This was veil in 1847. There went to the general election, the Whigs, the Protectionists, and the followers o!' Sir ROBERT PEEL. The Whigs gained largely, Vie Protectionists stood their ground, but the Peelites lost two-thirds of their number. In fact, an indefinite, unintelligible policy, like "Conservative-Liberalism," would be the worst possible platform for a general elec tim. A system of neutrality or mixed principles will never enlist the judg mint or the sympathies of the people of England. It is the greatest possible mistake to imagine that " a wide support " can be obtained fur a system which no one can understand. The great party which was reared up in 1840-41, was gathered around certain distinct and well u iderstood doctrines,—Protestantism, the Church of England, and National Independence, secured by Protection to Native Industry. What we earnestly desire, therefore, to im press upon all Conservatives, is, that this notion of an indefinite creed, something which conveys to the mind " nothing dis fact," is a GRAND MISTAKE. It will not answer. You cannot lay hold of the affections o" the people, by presenting to them an unintel ligible medley. In every town, in every county, there arc the Blues and the Yellows ; there are the Conservatives and the Liberals. To either of these you may appeal with some hope ; but if you appeal to both, you will gain neither. Unite tie two colours in one cockade—the electors will stare, but they would not, if by law allowed, f tsten the novelty in their hats. And, to go higher, the rational and sensible electors will put some puzzling questions. Will you maintain Church-rates, or will you give them up? Are you for an Established Church, or for Volun taryism? Would you keep the Bishops in the House of Lords, or turn them out ? Are you for the Ballot ? Will you give us Man hood or Household Suffrage ? These and fifty other questions will be proposed, and the cand►date will gain no votes till he takes the one side or the other. If he attempts to answer, with the showman, when asked, " Which is WELLINGTON and which is BUONAPARTE ?" " Which you please; you pays your money and you takes your choice"—the querist will be ready to answer, " Are you merely the showman ? Do you care little which side wins? If your maxim is, ' Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die,' then play your own game—fight your own battle. What is it to us whether Lord A, or Mr. B. manages the Treasury ?" No mighty diff. rence cm we see 'Twixt Tweedledum and Tweedledee. In one word:—The Conservative party rose, advanced, and triumphed, by a bold and manly - and uncunceding appeal to known and valued principles. That taEsman touched all hearts, and rallied around the leaders of 1899-40 a THE PRE S S, JULY 10, 1858. victorious phalanx. The declension of the party in 1845-6, is recorded, and was explained, in the speeches of Mr. DORM= while the party was in the agonies of dieeoludee in 1846. With these facts before us, how is it passible to mistake our way ? If Conservatives would triumph, they must take the course wbieh Sir ROBERT PEEL took in 11189-1840, If Conservatives would be discomitai, theyilnit tike the course which the same leedertook in 1844 end 1846. THE AMERICAN EAGLE ON THE WING. IT cannot be asserted of the young American Eagle, as it has been reported of the gilded bird erected under the bowsprit of the Niagara, that it has lately lost its wing. We know upon the best information that the real bird has not had a single pectoral feather ruffled by the recent hur ricane—that its pinions are in superb muscular condition, and ready at any moment to fan the air and absorb the sun in their onward flight of annexation and conquest. As far as we are aware, there is no description of sublunary bird which is able to approach within range of the American Eagle. On its own promontory and within its own republican circle it is in corn parable, omnipotent, without dispute the highest ornithological development—in fact, its own beau 'deal of a bird. All that has been fabled of the size of the roc or the vitality of the phcenix, or that is known of the sleepless wing of the albatross, or that is gene rally understood respecting the habits of the jay or the peacock, if multiplied by all the figures of speech and increased by an infinite series of cyphers, could never represent to the understand ing that quantity of p eculiar power which the American Eagle, for the weal or woe of the world, is able to secrete in its larynx. There is no extant bird at all like it. Of course, it is a rap torial and hot-blooded bird; but, unlike birds of that order, remarkably restless and demonstrative. It is endowed with wonderful organs of vi sion, has a wonderful instinct after every kind of prey, and a structure exquisitely adapted for any kind of motion. Upon a rough surmise, it would be unsafe to predict the actual area of sky and earth which this victorious bird in its fullest expansion is likely to cover, or from what height in the em pyrean it can descry and swoop down upon any casual quarry ; but if wishes are always fathers of thoughts, and words are invariably to be con sidered signs of ideas, it may be asserted that, compared with the eagle of the United States, Roman and Russian eagles were undoubted! y birds of feeble wing, fowls of most puny an d ridiculous grasp. Perhaps to the wondering world beneath, the American Eagle, when it rises from its ledge, throws back its neck on the wind, and utters its wild independent note over every sea and land, may appear to be " nothing but fuss and feathers" ; but the initiated and the wise know better. They know it is an astonish ing fact, whose centre is itself, and its circum ference nowhere. Every country at present, it would appear, is appealing to the American Eagle, as the apples and loaves in the German fairy tale are reported to have done, crying out, " Come and take and Americanize me." Following its benevolent instincts, the American Eagle cannot rest as long as " men eat, and drink, and toil, and know " nothing of its indep end ence. As invoiced at the London Tavern, the American Eagle is wanted everywhere. E very deep moans for it, as the Poet Laureate says, with many voices. Africa longs to hear the declara tion of independence—Cuba wants ,I,mericanizing lexico, Australia, and Central America, are rival candidates for an American Protectorate. There is a large demand for Americanism in Canada, in China, in the Mediterranean, in the Persian Gig and In g great many desolate islands, and generally thre4gl3out the Indian Ocean. "The conquering principles" of the great Republic are Wanted immediately in Eng land. It is impossible to have a strong Govern ment or u popular policy without them. British admin*ration, enr represesistive system, modes of election, the whole civil service, the courts of law, public schools and universities want thoroughly Americanizing. "The conquering principles" of independence ought to be carried out more generally in our dress and taste, in our speech and manners. We ought to have clipper Governments, clipper railways, clipper banks, clipper schools, clipper children, and clipper churches Once for all, we ought to divest our selves of any old-fashioned monarchical or eccl e siastical attachment : we ought to put away the idols specas,—to become enlightened in our opinions,—to talk sensibly a bout fillibusterism and slavery, and, in short, nobly to tread the quick march of progress, our feet beating time, and our hearts swelling high, to the music of Bunkum and Yankee Doodle. Behind the bar of the London Tavern, where the American Eagle was imprisoned for a whole evening, as far as we are able to make out from the rather confused report, he fluttered and soared and relieved his soul a good deal to the above-mentioned effect. The occasion was in spiring, for it was the 4th of July, and he rose from the earth after an excellent dinner. On that day Young America is always in apogee, and "takes up fixins " in regions of oratorical nebulae and among groups of undiscovered stars. The day is everywhere sacred to transcendental liberty and hyperbole. The wise make no sign, leaving it to the unwise to do the proper amount of clatter. On the eighty-second anniversary of this day, which was celebrated by one hundred and twenty American gentlemen and a few proselytes of the gate who had erected the standard of indepen dence on British soil, the American Minister who presided on that occasion in a very neat manner alluded to the remarkable circumstances of the meeting. Formerly, he said, Americans were often considered intrusive and discourteous, their language peculiar, their manners unusual, and their demonstrations not attended to. It was no longer so. They felt themselves at their ease everywhere. They had planted their free and independent flag over every marketable situation throughout the world. Irregular though they were, they had "cornered" all regular diplo macy. Their revolutionary "principles would go "on conquering and to conquer." On behalf of the Great American People, as a great commu nity, he had vindicated the honour of their flag. " The right of visit and search was frankly and finally ended." This announcement intoxicated the meeting with delight, the tidings being unex pected, and, as the Chairman said, so creditable to British "candour and fair dealing." The morality of the United States being pro verbial, the Chairman said nothing upon the subject. Why should he hang the national morality on his sleeve for Britishers to peck at ? The flag of the United States would henceforth protect any chevalier of the seas in his free and independent trade. When the Minister had concluded his speech, a young American gentleman rose and put a commercial girdle round the earth in a very few seconds, showing clearly that America must for her own interest occupy a good deal of territory which she does not at present occupy, and proving also, though not so satisfactorily as we could have wished, that England flourished chiefly by means of American capital. After applauding these important political and arith metical statements, the assembly dispersed to consider them calmly in detail, and the p ubl i c will doubtless do so, and estimate them at their proper market value.