The Press. — London, England, 1853-07-02 00:00:00

JULY 2, 1853. THE PHILOSOPHY OF TABLE-TURNING. THE chief facts of " table•turniog" " are now authenticated beyond the reach of sceptic ism. Respecting their causes, the conclusions arrived at show a wide and wonderful divergence. lf, however, the grounds on which different observers or experimenters have formed their conclusions are examined, the reasons for the contrarieties they exhibit will be sufficiently apparent. Some are frightened, others bewildered ; many are ignorant of the very first principles on which a scientific investigation should be pursued; many more pass at once from irrational denial to a degree of credulity equally irrational; and yet many more again lose all power of distinct observation in an overwhelming sense of the seemingly inexplicable and supernatural chre rider of the phenomena and the agencies at work to produce them. Few, or none, have hitherto appeared core scions of all the conditions that should be Milled to make the experiments trustworthy, or able to detect the symp toms by which the real causes and forces in operation are correctly indicated. Thence it has arisen that, among the many solutions that have been hazarded regarding the problem, so many are evidently fallacious, while even the best have appeared more ingenious than true, and have consequently failed in satisfying the public, or even the scientific, mind. As one reason why this unsatisfactory state of things should have continued so long, it must be added that at the first blush of the affair so much humbug and charlatanry was attached to the subject, so many of the alleged phenomena were manifestly mere legerdemain, and so large an infusion of imposture could be detected in the many performers who tried to work the idea profitably to themselves, that almost all our really-qualified men of science scouted the whole inquiry. They would not con cede to the subject even so much reality as to make it worth the trouble of serious examination. Sir Michael Faraday has now, however, stepped forward to rescue us from the bewilderment in which we have hitherto remained between the extremes of doubt and credulity—. between the necessity of disbelieving the evidences of our senses and the alternative of attributing the effects thus re vealed to the interference of agents from the spiritual world. Complying at first, it world appear, with the requests voluminously showered upon him at the Royal Society, Sir M. Faraday began a series of experiments on the sub ject, simply on the principle that anything, however utterly delusive or fraudulent iu character, which had attracted the interest and puzzled the judgment of many thousand persons, was worth investigation, if only on that account. Afterwards it would seem that the developed phenomena assumed a character which justified their elucidation, by an elaborate scientific process, for their own sakes. In an interesting paper he has now made public the results of his experiments. First he remarks upon the various explanations heretofore given : "The effect produced by table-turners has been referred to electricity, to magnetism, to attraction, to Nome unknown or hitherto unrecognised physical power able to affect inanimate bodies—to the revolution of the earth, and even to diabolical or supernatural agency. The natural philosopher can investigate all these supposed causes but the last ; that must, to biro, he too notch connected with credulity or superstition to require any attention on his part." In order to test the accuracy of these several solutions, Faraday then describes a variety of apparatus employed and experiments tried. The results led him to the con clusion that, among the many hypotheses suggested, the most feasible was that which assigned some involuntary, or quasi involuntary, muscular action as the sole source of the observed motions. Upon this point he multiplied and diversified his experiments considerably : "The rind point was to prevent the mind of the turner having an undue influence over the effects produced in relation to the nature of the substances employed. A bundle of plates, con- Fisting of sandpaper, millboard, glue, glass, plastic clay, tin foil, cardboard, gutta-percha, vulcanised caoutchoue, wood, and resinous cement, was therefore made up and tied together, and being placed on a table, under the hand of a turner, did not pre vent the transmission of the !bower; the table turned or moveil exactly us if the bundle had been away, to the full satisfact* of all present. The experiment was repeated, with various substances and persons, and at various times, with constant success." The ground being thus cleared, and the fact proved that there was nothing in the nature of the body acted on or interposed in the action, or in its magnetic, electric, etc., condition, which affected the result, the next point 'could be safely attacked, viz., whether in the general pheno mena of table-moving it was the imposed hands which moved the table or the table which moved the hands, after being itself set in motion by some distinct influence. To decide this question a simple arrangement of levers was contrived, by which, if the hands moved first, or even pressed in any direction laterally, an index would traverse from left to right; if, on the other hand, the motion ori ginated in the table itself, the index movement would be reversed. On applying this apparatus the singular result was manifested that, while the parties operating sato the index, it remained very steady; when it was hidden from them, or they looked away from it. it wavered about, though they believed that they always pressed directly downward; and when the table did nut move there was still a resultant of hand-force in the direction in which it was wished the table should move, which, however, was exercised quite unwittingly by the persons operating. The fact that all the motion observable is due to in voluntary muscular aetion,-.0 a pressure exerted when i • THE PRESS. the nerves become tense, in a direction consequent upon some preconceived idea, but without any individual con sciousness,—thus stands implicitly established! The appa ratus contrived by Sir M. Faraday, and which may he seen at Newman's philosophical instrument shop, in Regent street, not only tests the stealthy, involuntary action of the muscles, but also annihilates it : " The most valuable effect of this test apparatus is the col , restive power it possesses over the mind of Ms mble.turnse. As sots as the index is placed before the most earnest, and they perceive—mi in my presence they have always done—that it tells truly whether they are pressing dowusards only or obliquely, then all effeets of table-turning cease, even though the parties persevere, efirnemly desiring motion, till they become weary and wont out. No prompting or checking of the hands is po wer is pose; sod this istly because the parties are made conseiotni of what they are really doing tueelumieslly, and so are unable unwittingly to deceive them/mites." Sir Michael concludes his paper with some timely re marks on the melancholy lack of knowledge and judgment which the aftkir has shown to exist among a public calling itself educated and enlightened. The few who have either formed a right conclusion or used a certain reserve, ho remarks, are as nothing compared with the mass of those who, rather than acknowledge their incompetence to decide the question, have adopted the wildest theories or taken refuge in the belief of disbolietd agencies. " 1 think," he observes, " that the system of education which could Irate the mental conditi of the public body in the state in which this subject has found it must have been grossly deficient iu some very important principle." MR. MACAULAY. TH►: defects of Mr. Macaulay as a senator are becoming more visible in every session. Retaining all that brilliancy and grace of style which have 11111410 hint matchless amongst essayists, he has not grown in power as a politician, and he hag ceased to give hopes that he might ever become a man of action. lie is an ornament rather than a support of his pa►ty, and is more qualified to record its annals than to indicate its future policy. Ile is a lecturer on statesmanship, not a statesman himself ; and in political life graduates only as a neu► of words. We ne►ir hear hint speak on any subject without thinking of Burke's sarcasm upo n ► ►non who are wise only on past events—" Retrospective wisdom and historical sagacity are very convenient things, a►d rem admirably to reconcile the old quarrel between speculation and practice." Capa city for literature, and not for public affairs, is his master faculty. He can shine, but he cannot suggest; he can declaim, but he cannot create ; he can lecture, hut he can• not rule. Always to please, and often to instruct his hearers, is to him an easier task than to take pa►t in governing his age. These thoughts, or similar ones, are, we have rea►on to think, the conclusions at which Mr. Macaulay's political Mends have arrived. We know of ourselves that such a view ofhi s parliamentary character was taken amongst members of the House of Commons after his irrelevant and declaim. tory speech on the India Bill. The question was, how a hundred and fifty millions of men were to be best governed, and Mr. Macaulay, after years of Indian resi dence, and familiarity with the subject, could do nothing better than say !litho to such a legislator as Sir Charles Wood! It seemed to be a foregone conclusion that the Coalition Cabinet could produce nothing better than this trumpery India Bill; and lo! Mr. Macaulay assumes the office, not of ruler or stateliness), but of panegyrist to a scheme that proves the existence of evils which it does nothing to redress; while it creates mischiefs against which it devises no safeguards. India wants a system, and Mr. Macaulay gives it a speech ! The Ministry wants ideas and large views, and Mr. Macaulay gives it his words. The Indians crave for justice ;—how unreasonable is their demand, when Mr. Macaulay can talk for hours absent it, and leave their claims where he found them ! We make these remarks because the Coalition quotes Mr. Macaulay as an authority upon India. I 7pon any question coining within the range of his special aptitude as a critic we will read or hear Mr. Macaulay with great pleasure. But ups► actual things, as distinguished from mere boeloo, we do not bold his judgment as important. On the three great questions of past years, the Cern Laws, Natiunal Education, and the Government of Ireland, Mr. Macaulay, with great opportunities in his power, has note!; absolutely NoTsuiNo. When we recollect that large hiatus in his political life, and think over his hazy and literary speech of last Friday. we aro dispounsl to concur in the verdict passed on him by the late Sydney Smith, at the dinner-table of a late distinguished bibliop►le. When the question was diacussed why Mr. Macaulay had committed WI great a blunder as to date his electioneering address; from " Windsor Cantle." some attributed it to the foppishness of a Liberal just placed in office ; others put it down to the forgetfulness of social forms sometimes seen in his literary character; but Sydney Smith, who was present, on being appealed to for his opinions, uttered one of the best of his many happy not, " rbhaw air s Macaulay is a were Bova IN BM:01W THE DOCKYARD INQUIRY AND THE LATE BOARD OF ADMIRALTY. Mr. Editor,—Notice having been given by Mr. Keating of a motion to afford another opportunity for " the Whig faction" to display their venom, it is really requisite the public should know the real cause of this persevering attempt to bring discredit upon the late Board of Admiralty. When the ill-tempered caprice, or sham resignation, of Lord John Russell (for it is yet =certain which war the trite state of the case) occurred, the greatest hope►► were entertained that Lord Derby would either fail altogether to fora► a ministry, or that it would be composed of parties who would not carry much weight in public estima tion; but when it was found that his lordship had not only succeeded in procuring the assistance of a body of men of sterling character, but had also induced the Duke of Northinnberland to accept office " First Lori of the A dmiralty," the consternation and annoyance of " the faction" knew no bounds. I have no hesitation in stating my positive opinion, that the appointment of the Duke of Nortlitunberlimd gave nu►re general satisfaction to the nation at large, and especially to the navy (of course with the ~option of "the clique" ), than any public appointment for a long series of years. Knowing this to b►e the fact, the moment his grace set his foot in the Admiralty a regular system was organised to endeavour to find something to com plain of, and unfortunately the noble and unsus picious character of the duke induced him to retain in his service certain malignant " partisans," who constantly watched for an opportunity to sting the hand of their benefactor. It is perfectly clear fr►nt the evidence that the Whigs, who profess such horror of jobbery, had planted Sir Baldwin Walker, one of their partisans, in such a position that, even in the event of the Whigs being turned out, he woithi 're main to monopolise the patronage; and it has been amply proved that Whigs, and Whigs only, had a clime() of preferment.. Mr. Stafford very properly objected to such a one .sided arrangement, and consi dered that Conservatives might to have some share in naval promotions. Now mark the conduct of the " redonlited" Sir Baldwin Walker. He feels sore to think that he is not to rule with undivided sway, and also sees a chance of making himself appear a martyr ; but, high-spirited and magnanimous individual ! ho cannot afford to lose his place, not knowing how long it might be before his patrons returned to office ; ho therefore quietly consents to withdraw his resignation, and to remain perfectly silent s-s to these " terrible missloings" until the change took place in the Govern ment., when, like a slog who fears to bark as long as the whip can reach him, he Hies out of his kennel and yells and barks most courageously. Verily, Sir Baldwin Walker, you have favoured us with one in stance in which the Duke of Northumberland was certainly remiss in his duty, and that Was, that he did not " walk" you and your " fidus AchatA," Admiral Berkeley, and clique, out. of the portals df the Admi ralty at the earliest opportunity. It is notorious that the welfare of the navy, its ge neral efficiency and discipline, were never better (if so well) attended to as under the late Government ; and the tumble-down fmm the Puke of Northum berland to the turn-about politician, Sir James Graham, " the dirty hey " of Peek Ministry, is sad indeed. But the murder is out. The appointment of the Duke of Northumberland was one of the strongest points of Lord Derby's Government ; " the faction" therefore determined, if possible, to render his administration of the Admiralty unpopular; and therefore, to spite Lent Derby, they endeavour to injure the reputation of one of the best and kindest noblemen that ever existed, and whom unsullied cha racter will remain untarnished by their coarse malig nity. It is generally understood that the duke was much indisposed to accept any official situation, but, when informed by Lord Derby that his assistance was needed, " the blood of the Percy" required no further inducement to place him at the service of his Country. Notwithstanding their base attacks, Die faction" would find, if the nation were polled as to the most proper person to direct the naval service of England, that an immense majority would at once deride in favour of the Duke of Northumberland as a practical seaman and a nobleman of unblemished 4ntegnty. June 2D, 103. L. S. D•