The Press. — London, England, 1858-06-19 00:00:00

578 Christianity:—This done, the Church of England I rocks to its very base. As a voluntary society it may still continue to live and to work, but as a National Establishment its days are numbered. The Jewili question, small as is may seem, involves entousaw results. It is get § merely to admit to ParliaMent Ilsbrew ex change-broker—for whom personpfly they care nothing—that Romani, Jesuits, Quakers, and Independents was. IS is because they sea behind Baron IttYruscumn's admission a long train of results, which all the enemies of the Church, of all kinds, clesiderate ; it is because they know that if this measure pass her position becomes logically indefensible; it is because they all expect some share in the triumph and the spoil, that all these various and differing classes agree, for once, to force an entrance for the Jew ; and so to rid the State of the profession of Christianity. We have been led, perhaps, into greater length and greater warmth on this subject than we at first intended ; but we cannot regret it. We doubt if there ever was an apparently small mea sure which involved, and necessarily led to, such enormous results, as does the alteration of the Parliamentary Oaths. At a single stroke, the keystone of the arch is removed. With the loss of a profession of Christianity, there naturally comes, the loss of a National Church. Upon what ground could the Bishops retain their seats in an assembly no longer Christian? (If we are re minded that the Upper House may remain Chris tian, after the Lower has ceased to be so, we only wonder at the simplicity of the speaker.) But, in truth, every step in this direction only leads to the sure termination of a State gradually embracing the American system. A neutral or unbelieving Legislature cannot maintain a Chris tilt' Church. A State without a Church will not long adhere to the rest of the ancient system. Already the Jew-emancipators of the House of Commons are ready to vote the House of Peers an obstruction to good legislation. But, when "No Bishops" and "No Lords " has been heard, there remains but one more crv. What happened in England in CROMWELL'S days, and in France in the time of MrRABEAU, will happen again. Is it to that we are now tending? Some will exclaim, and sane will scoff; but when the vehicle is set in motion, on such an inclined plane as this, no HAMPDEN or MIRABRAI: can stop it at his pleasure. Let those who are in haste to begin the journey, tell us whether it is in a Republic or in a Despotism that they mean to land us ? " A SPIRITED FOREIGN POLICY." Warn it became revealed to the British public, through our disputes at Canton, that every British admiral and consul in every part of the world had had virtually intrusted to their dis- cretion the power of declaring war against any of the nations in whose territories or waters they might be stationed, every man who understood the true principles of international law was lost in amazement, that an English Government should have so recklessly intrusted such officials with powers so vast, so dangerous, and so illegal. It was in vain, however, that this breach of the law of nations was pointed out and de nounced by those who felt keenly for the honour of thei country, and knew also that that honour could only be preserved by a strict adherence to law and justice. The nation was in a state of excited delusion about the transcendant merits of Lord PALMERSTON—they readily believed the false statements and gross misrepresentations which he so unblushingly made in his speech at the Mansion-house and in his address to his Tiverton constituents. That the British flag was insulted, and that the British lion must avenge the insult, were the only ideas which at that time received favour in their sight ; and perhaps this great people never presented so humiliating an appearance to surrounding nations as when it allowed itself to be misled by such wretched declamation as was then too generally uttered on the hustings. To confess the truth, however, there is a sneaking fondness for lording it over others amongst too many of our people whose pursuits bring them in contact with foreign nations; and THE PRESS, JUNE 19, P5B. they fall into the great error of fancying that blustering and bullying are more powerful engines for obtaining their objects than a calm adherence to the strict dictates of inter national law. If peat experience did not tell us how slaw nations are to learn, and how quick to forget the lessons fiirnished tom by passing events , we nlight that the rAglish public would not speed4lrget the Imam which the transaction, of the late and present Administration with the King of NAPLES ought to teach. The swaggering Government of Lord PALMERSTON could do nothing for the two cives Romani who were incarcerated in the Neapolitan prisons. The King of NAPLES knew perfectly well that Lord PALMERSTON, whose whole administration of our Foreign Policy had been one undeviating course of violation of the recognized principles of inter national law, could not appeal to those principles without exposing himself to ridicule; and he also knew, equally well, that public opinion in England would never stand another Don Pacifico outrage ; so his Majesty knew that he could safely defy and insult the British Government, and the British Government knew that his Majesty knew it ; and the British Government moreover knew that they had provoked the King to insult them by their offensive treatment of him at the Peace Conferences at Paris, and had brought down this revenge upon themselves. So my Lord PALMERSTON thought it most con venient to " eat the leek ;" and hp did so with the aid of some Bethel! sauce. For 13ETHELL was called in ; and he gave an opinion that the dyes Romani were lawfully imprisoned, and that England could do nothing for their release. Lord PALMERSTON accordinsly pretended that he abstained from action in deference to the law of nations. He, who had never respected that law, but had unscrupulously laid down one law for one occasion and the direct reverse for the next, according as it suited the purpose of the moment— this blustering statesman suddenly appeared as the most docile and obedient of slaves to Sir RICHARD'S exposition of the law of nations—an exposition which, in all probability, himself had instructed Sir RICHARD to lay down ; for no sooner did we get honest opinions from the Law Officers of the Crown under the present Government, than Sir RICHARD'S law was scattered to the winds, and the King of NAPLES readily yielded to the temperate and dignified exposition of the law as enforced by the new agent of Lord DERBY'S Government. Lord MALMESBITRY has certainly done much by his Foreign Policy to improve our position in the world ; but let us not suppose that this genera tion of Englishmen can ever recover the same position for their country in which it stood when, in an evil hour, that clever but unprinci pled statesman (Lord PALMERSTON) first grasped the seals of the Foreign-office. Day by day we shall see its evil effects. We have now at this moment an example before us. We are told, that " the orders given to the " American officers sent down to the Gulf are " believed to be of so belligerent a nature as " virtually to place the power of declaring *or "in the hands of captains of gunboats. !If this be so, it is a violation of international law. No Sovereign State has a right to delegate such powers to its subordinates. But how can En 4 land remonstrate ? How, after the exam e which she set at Canton, can s h e com pl a i n , i it fp / be followed by other States ? But how have we got into these complications with the United States F We do not believe that the proceedings of our cruisers; if they are correctly describes result from any instructions of the present Government. If they be really acting under the instructions which they have re ceived, they must have been given by the late Government. Cui bono ? it may be asked. We confess we think we can discern the object. The late Government wanted an excuse for carrying out to completion their surrender by this country of the right of search—an exclusively belligerent right —so, if that right were exercised in an in- defensible way (as if this report be true it has been) against the vessels of the United States, it would afford the Government of Washington an opportunity (of which it appears it has availed itself) to demand the unqualified abandonment of the right, and the Palmerston Administration a plausible excuse for consenting to its etomplete surrender. ~ - - CHURCH RATES : THE QUESTION 01' EXPEDIENCY. WE argued the question of Ch urc h- rates, in our last itumbetr, on the high ground of principle. We died the triumphant reasonings of Dr. Dwuntr, it Republican imd a Presbyterian, show tilt " the Legislature is bound to estah lish and maintain the worship of Gon; simply " because it is bound to pursue every lawful and " expedient measure for the promotion of the " public welfare; to which great purpose religion " is not only useful, but indispensable." But upon this ground the moat powerful oppo nents of Church-rates are not very ready to meet us. A dozen articles on the question have ap peared irt the Times sine;,le.opeto;:iif the presene4fisiiiun;:eyggi 04,4,1144 ,hqi twig, not npopi Tpriouciplis o . bat upon etpedieney. Air e have been' Juouttbdti Shut the Church can do.very veirowell Willbott Clifirch-rates ; far better in fact;' gran with , tham. We have been told to look** splendid Cvlietr-PA erected in Belgravia, and At thg more numerous though plainer churches built at Islington; and to remember that all this was done by the Voluntary Principle. And we have been upbraided for doubting whe. ther the Church tetluld htild on her way without halting, if Churches-were wholly relinquished. We reply, that-,the few instances thus cited are not sufficient ,to bear the weight that is thrown upon them. They are special cases; and it would be a great mistake to found upon them a general Let important 1. That annual 2, few eight wet] re by Pl et 8: ' PaY sands. worshi, to - - we cen. IV Is _ resting rely upon place ? In another :- a proposal people suffer the the Podr the V love invasion. enormous Voluntary people, invasion actually occurring P How many persons in England, not actually insane, would vote for either of these proposals? Is it not the universal conviction, that for any national occasion or want, a national system ought to he by law established? So fully is this lelasiieed, that when voluntary efforts had been pot Ihrth for the education of the poor, and when the result was unsatisfactory, the Legislature began, about five-and-twenty years ago, to pro vide the necessary funds out of the hational treasury; and those yearly ut' now approaching .a total of one mi llio n pas Win. And it would be difficult to show that it wasright for the Legislature to take up education as a na tional affair, and yet to abandon public 79 rshije to private effbrt. In FninCe the two objti, lll Pie in trusted to the glad' Vnilp f ,,,l4, o l l }*;;OW.P B provided out of kid fu , , We say, theti,"th',iit no one, 'fbett: Pit in any erreat:nubliC ithrk„and,lia vision s'ecur foe *l4 - IftiritidW it, tin 14411 rats: "• la l• I I 1111 ni ibtot-iti ,• 1,4 ft .44..... „, general rule. . . Jil Illli 1 Let us reme.intint',lnrting, t',T9 .l ,nr three [portant facts iitpli*.. , ~ 3 I. That we . giel .'.'. .* '`Viiielda . an Limed teveniie d. r e il.s . ” I t ~FlOl i),11,,i1 i te 2.' Thaititife'We .4 1 • metropolis,; and a w . .kek ' broiekt . , , lee . have more than • -, 4 ,, , • • • tilt .. . . . i i .n 9, in which, if there s ' l id the pai*Kiiiid'lte neilt rit would hang ti4 - * home , th e , clergyhaili i ii "the sqnire ri ‘ , 3 1 :. , . 8. That, whilg th 6 te P a Ymt!. ll F " rt,.... t0 y Church-rates, are a few h., , ~ ii.d...fier rids in number,—the people, for w irship is provided, are many mil,l,ionk, r §i74t - , relieve a few of a burden which *never heavy, should deprive the inarT of th at Aich has for nturies been their birthright. . , . We come, then, to thtfirst or .... ..Ayestion,— it expeient to give up an .. . ttid livtnue, sting upon the lasill#f sOtne . 30,t3001 and to ly upon the yakoakey'TitinciOn 'to su p ply its ars. ? ' '' • ' ' . 1 ' ' ' answer td' Which questi4 . ive beg to propose her :---Itt what other departfßent would such oposal be entertained for a moment? The le of England are charitable, and 'l4Ol net r the poor to starxi. Shall we; den, frilical ii F Poor Laws, and' the indig , ent ...On Toluntary Systerny , peoplF or .! • find their efitintry, aid ' d not tdi. ri I the ght of invasion. In 'lBO3 and 1804 they I, itt a few months;'' 6,000 volunteers, to d our coasts in the event ol' the expected ion. Why not, then, save ourselves the nous cost of an army, and rely upon the ntary efforts of the people, in the event of an .•