The Press. — London, England, 1854-03-25 00:00:00

.166 the same time, most difilcult--was to be ex pressly limited to gueand,,and k pt to apply. to the immigrant hOrdes of Irish . labourers who in summer wander over all our northern . and midland counties in search 44 . work. .The, distinction thus drawn was one of. first-rate i importance. It gave, on the one band, a udt unplausible ground of complaint to Irish members ; while, on the other, it conciliated, or at least disarmed, the representatives of ' manufacturing ens 'and their constituente;; in whose minds the dread of IriSh 'pauperism • is paramount. For good or evil, it formed one ' of the leading provisions of the bill. At the too last moment, pn the point of entering into a , debate on the second reading—no time allowed bit, for consideration, no apology offered for.. this -11' unprecedented piece of inconsistency—quietly, and as a matter of course, LOrdi AIRS REMELT. announces an alteration in the measure, and . promises a second bill which goes practically to destroy the working of the first! Assume this promise to be sincere, and Parliament is called on gravely to discuss a project which is ' to rec eive legislative sanction only with a view , to its immediate remodelling—in other words, which is to be pulled to pieces before it has hardened into law. But we doubt the since rity of the offer. It comes in a suspicious shape. Notoriously extorted from a relutant Minister under threats of desertion and con sequent discomfiture, it may, and probably will, be retracted so soon as it has served the moment's purpose. Let our Irish friends be on their guard. The assistance required from them is immediate—the quid pro quo remote J 44 • and uncertain. If local patriotism is to pre vail over imperial interests, let them at least see that the lesser benefit is secured before they sacrifice to it the greater. To speak plainly, we anticipate that—the second reading of Mr. oil BAINBS'S bill once suffered to pass, and‘passed only by the aid, thus obtained, of Scotch and 5' Irish members—a convenient and 'not unfore ": I seen defeat upon the second bill will redeem the ei Ministerial pledge, while it removes the anti cipated danger. It is for the representatives of Ireland and Scotland to choose whether 11 they will consent so to be bought and sold. Apart from the provision iu question, the demerits of Mr. BAINES'S Meastire appear to us singularly' grave. They Is'bontething, ab-fi stractedly, to be urged in favour of the princi , ple of a national rate- Such , a system, though. ' a direct discouragement ` to 10 - cal 'economy— though involving the principle of centralisation ^" in its worst form—though it may raise the amount of poor's rate from 6,000,000/. to double that sum annually—has, at least, the merit of ao simplicity, unity, and fairness. It gives tp 4 , one part of the country no undue advantage over any other. Doing, away with local settle , ment, it does away also with local responsibi lity. If the parish guardian is deprived of the. power of removing paupers, he ceases at the. A , . same time to have any interest in so doing.. o The labourer is confined to no restricted area ; 4.,‘ the ratepayer is not liable to have his burden increased or diminished arbitrarily from causes over which he has no control. If he suffers, he suffers with the nation at large. If his 0! load is light, it has not been made so at ' the cost of his neighbours. He may em ploy as many men as he pleases, and dismiss them when he pleases, without fear of the consequences. They on their side have the. -11 F es , - to '" co) ...ey sip.. labour market of all England free their choice. All these,things may be said, and with truth, in favour of a national rating. lior is it to be forgotten that under such a system other forms. of realised property, at present unduly exempted, would participate in that taxation which now falls exclusively on the land. But the Government scheme has none of these advantages. By a singular inconsis tency, while allowing the labourer to move from union to union at pleasure, it throws the whole burden of his support on the particular locality where he becomes a pauper. This is sirs as though every householder at whose door a beggar was found were on that account made specially chargeable with his maintenance. By what means is tho ratepayer to guard against an influx of paupers? You take away his protection, yet leave his liability un touched. Under the parochial plan 'he may • Y, ~. I I P ftif S. remove the intruders—under tae national plan lie his hot in feed them. But Nr: * *BAINES lays upon him the responsibility of their sup port, yet 'fbrbids him tio move a finger in his own defence. Pike snail, dpiti.6*S this. ,'quiet agrionituxal union inaintaitie'TtniCt*ii plinpers, whb "arsifew; i ltid keep? * iterated 'IOW." ' 1414: I react' ft'si et r labour is . found in the neigh,' ' ourhd a . ' 'and 'consequently there •is ;no in ' ux of irangerS. Shddenly there 'sallies a feport of great Mineral Wealth to'be found in' the loCality. It thAtters ii tat for our purpose how absurd such repbit may . bo,- Its mere announcement draw's an eager . crowd, Some thousands strong, who come expecting work and wealth, find 'neither, beebnie destitute, 'and . ask relief: 'ln such a state of things . one of two alternatives is cleaily . regttired by equity. Either the ratepayers sbonld be '(;•-ived‘to . ostrid . tiof these'Thittigetti, l- Of they shotild not be Called 'Upon to initinti.iii tteM. Is it their fault that other men have acted. foolishly? But Mr. BAINEPI is inexorable. He throws the entire coat on the union, and that ' not for the moment only, but for as long as the newcomers choose to remain: And this is the law by which, for the first time, justice is to be done to ratepayers ! But these will not be the chief sufferers. It is not human nature that they 'should sub mit tamely to such manifest hardship. Un protected by law; they will protect themselves. This can only be done in one way. If the pauper is free to choose his place of relief, he will choose that where his treatment is best. To treat him well is to encourage others to come, without check or limit. Prevention will be ibund only in increased severity of regulations, in increased discomfort, artificially enhanced. The cure may be diSagreeable, but it is likely to be effectual. There will be, throughout the laud; 14 ookipetitiOn of cruelty, one union vying with anther in its poWers of driving elsewhere, by indirect coercion, those who apply to it fbe'relief. And this is the System under which, foi - the first time, the labourer is to, be set free from oppressive restrictions ! • '"' ".• ' ‘ l, '4. ' . 4 . ..:•,.-T'il -,'' '' „ . i.y,,Thi r r, r , t„ i .. t•,i t X 1 , il . f THE tILL FOR THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORt). THE case of the University of Oxford, is too serious a business to be trilled with, other wise we might find ample materials for di version in the promoters of the bill for chang ing its constitution. Lord JOHN RUSSELL, who bespoke consideration for his ignorance, might suggest, a Feejee chief attempting to mend a chronometer. "The Ethics of Atistotle," . otherwise " Aristotle's Ethics," or "this spe 2 cies, of leftming " (for which we suspect there Wad little demand in DuoaLp STEWART'S gym .nasiam), excites on his Lordship's part the contemptuous interest which the Feejee would take in a flywheel or a 'mail:toting. On the other harid . there is the lapse of the ingettuous Gt &nide* . That idolathr of Uxfcird lithe tie s vnord usage. vihd s 'flifinie . years itiseribed' his Solemn octavos to' hitt Alma Mater as to one " wOO , " had been ad and not found wanting," now., takes such thiAiposite view of her trials that,. disregarding her Struggles, he is strapping her del& to ensure a comp:llse* , cure if her de ficiencies. He, her most devout disciple and controversialist, is meditating a direct infringe! ment of her liberties. He prompts Lord Jona, who for the first time in his life has misgivings of his competence to do the, necessary mid. chief. In this predicament between faithless, friends and public enemies the University of Oxford is anticipating indifferent fortunes. Be the issue what it May, in soberest ear nest this conjunction of politicians is dan gerous to its interests. It has lulled the vigilance of two extreme parties, tither of whom was • a check upon the other,. Those who would Ronianise and those who would Secularise the Oxford system are alike expectant. Lord JOHN may turn round to dis tinguish Ma claim to the separate cheers of his dissenting grilies. • Mt. •Gtststrorre may prompt Mr. MUNDELL PALMER to do that which he could not decently do himself, remi t diate him colleagues' views as less logical than I). 11 §ATITVAYI 'r. mi. s ; •ut: ' •r 4' , ese in. ivi. ua reser 'vations there remains i basis of hope for the adherents of both of them. Either party may benefit by the present bill,' • and the statutes which are to follow lt, and the probability is that' thwill profit, by a moatfure the legisla tive' 'k of whiolVps as Lyet Only half appa 4tt4 - rent thei,public: - ' O F"".' I Pi. . ,1,4 .' i IT ';,t, I 1 i : AP "11l 1 N•if4 l 4 tilif trtie ,Menda, pf the 'University y.uow.tuny what was contonplated—were they mformed not, only of ,thp names of the Com missioners to be, appointed under the bill,' but ef the nature of the statutes they will be em- PWeXed to epact, especially could they learn k l, 1 i s w iltle 4 pro 44 vifsi f orroi lf : 94ir pro ti festrst e ips 9 -,- 1. th th e e e ection of professook—what will W.' considered " a reasonable share" of the colleges therein — whether any•or what share is to be vested in the Crown.whgther any or what test of creed, country, or 'condition is to be required of the I ' f ' ' there ' be .. • ' pro eftsors, would then an opportu• hitt of raising a fair diScussion and obtaining • adequate protection ; but our first complaint of:the bill, is, that its practical tendeatty is only half disclosed, and that, while the enemies oftlie University may have everything to hope, AS sincerest friends are uncertain what to fear. It may, indeed, be conceded that such an alteration as that proposed in the governing body oCthe Mnifversity, may render it more sensitive, ! !.o the ohanging requiremente of the age.. If further securities against undue persittenee in obsolete plans be absolutely necessary, this may ensure then; but we are yet in the dark as to the ultimate bearings . of the change proposed until we know clearly the status of the functionaries who are to play such an important part in the new order of things. Here again; the objection recurs that the bill is but a bridge to Ulterior arrangements, which one of its promoters can't and the other doesn't explain. "The concurrence of the University itself has not been obtained for the measure. Had this been sought for, discussion would have fol lowed, and discussion must have involved the disclosure of that which is now all so dark and unsatisfactory. If the change has been rendered compulsory in order to conceal its object, or, vice versa, if its object is kept back to ensure its conipulsory infliction on the University, there must be occasion, not only for suspicion, but resistance; at • all events, there must be reason for alarm on one side, if there is any valid reason for concealment on the other. On the face of the bill there is the further ground of objection, that it deals in a r .un navy fashion with property left from the purest motives, for public purposes . of a specific nature, and substantially confined to those purposes hitherto by consistent usage and solemn obligations. We are not profes sing to raise this question here. on account of the space its discussion would occupy. But even this question is .materially affected by the provisions as yet undisclosed, of which this bill may be prolific , . The. Times puts as " the extreme case supposable, that funds for " maintaining otiose fellows may be directed to support active professors." This is not the extreme case, nor an approximation to the extreme. Wistran WAYNFLETS declared that his object in founding Magdalene College was " the exaltation of the Christian faith, the ad " vancement of the Church, the increase of II divine worship, and the liberal arts, sciences, !'f.and faculties;" it was also his object that ", knowledge of the Holy Sciiptures, which " were the mother and mistress of all the " sciences, should be more widely spread." It would be a strange application of the revenues of his foundation if they were diverted to the maintenance of an infidel or Mahometan pro fessor. In this event a more extreme case than that suggested by the Timer would occur for the consideration of its accomplished editor, and it would entitle him to the joint assistance of the casuistry of Mr. PALMER and the indignant common sense of the shade of WiLi.fam itiTirsnErx ; and such a case may not only occur under this bill, but will in all probability occur if where it is silent we may interpolate the known proposals of the Uni versity Commissioners. I