The Express. — London, England, 1850-08-28 00:00:00

V Vile erpreofs. OUTGOING MAIM The wile for British North America, Bermuda. sad the Gaited :Oates will be meads up cm the 'seals( of August 30. The Wert ladle Mails, ezahidlas Noadures. Nasals, S a swab aad lamed (St. Gormless), end 'winding Yeas sell, New Orsuads, sad Grey Tows (8: lam de Nicaragua) will be made up ea the semis( of September 2. The made kr Maxim will be made up on September 2. The made for Maderia, the Semliki. sad Buenos Arm, will be made up es the emalag of Sept. S. The malls mid Mensillee, to the Mediterranean, Egypt, Ceylon, fella, Hearlioas, We., will be made up ea the amiss of B.s. 7. The suds for Savannah. Bandana, Nassau, Jeemel, Chill, sad Pent,will be nude up oatbentoraimg ol p t.Set. 17. The mails for Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, the looms a bpt, Coyle'', India, and China. Boatkaaptes, will e ard' up oa the morslag of Sept. 20. Tb• nails for Lisboa, dipsia, sad Gibraltar will be made tap ea September 7. OWN WATI I II A? LONDON =WO& Ty e Day -11niftt.i .. )0... &M.... 51. fee. -- 11. Mn. Altimmais. IL Se. LONDON,IVEDNESDAT, AUGUST 28. Ir assemblies of men were to be ridiculed and scouted because they merely debated and expressed opinions, without comingto any practical end, we fear that parliaments, and senates and synods would have but rare chances of meeting with respect. After all, the most practical thing that even venerable parliaments do, is to advance sad enlighten opinion. For this must be awakened and matured even in our own country, before parliament can ven ture to pees a fined decision or vote. Such has been the progress of mast questions with us : years of talk —mere talk—put forth like annual leaves, the fruit not appearing nil after the lapse of perhaps a quarter of a century. To test the truth of this we have but to examine the progress of all great questions amongst us—electoral reform, abolition of slavery, catholic emancipation, or free trade. Who, then, will say that a three days' talk in St. Paul's Church of Frankfort on the question of how war may best be obviated and prevented, is lies useful or practical than the month's discussion in the same hall on the constitution for Germany, or than a week's debate at St. Stephen's on the merits of Signor Peciereo ? For our part we cannot see why the extinction of war should be so very Utopian. All the wars of Europe hitherto have been occasioned by that thirst for aggrandisement and influence which was natural to sovereigns and to nations, at a time when frontiers were unfixed and national development had not reached its limits. European states hitherto may be regarded se a Pet of young powers, sowing their wi.d oats, and indulgirg in every freak of ambition, or in indulgencies of a hot temperament. But the natural frontier of each state and empire might now be traced by nay impartial hand, and as soon as each race and people have the voice which they ought to have, and must have, in the fixing of their own destiny and limits, national frontiers will coincide with pol.tical ones. It is impossible not to foresee and be assured of this great consummation. In 1848 ea:h people of Europe who did not enjoy their national demarcations made a great dash at thrm. The effatt, the rude rush of physical force and military violence, failed before the ola military and despotic governments re-organieed. But the cause and the rights of etch people will now be taken up and fought by opinion and discussion, by free thoughts, and by a more or less free press, until the force of ideas carry what the popular and ill-armed hordes failed to do. It is a great matter that these ideas should not germinate in the minds of the people alone, or ferment in the breasts of one or two isolated countries. What is most to be desires' is, that grave, reflecting, em.nent, benevolent, and pacific men should show themselves as entertaining these views, as devoting themselves to these ideas, so that the great work of progress and reform should be not left to local dema toga's or class malcontents, but that the people should feel, there was a mass of superior and philosophic minds caring and providing ice them. The language, to be sure, of the philanthropists collected at Fugal'. fort, was confined to Lord FsuceaNes exclamation of Peace, pesos! But the eminent orators of the Frankfort St. Paul's Kirk knew and felt, as much as Lord FALKLAND did, how pesos can only be secured in conjunction with national rights and popu lar liberties. It was not possible or permitted indeed to preach such a truism as this at Frankfort. But the mere, general, and load pretest against military influence, habits, govern bent, and expenditure must be powerful in awak ening civic and industrious taxpayers to more eco nomic modes of conducting government as well as of influencing Its policy. Mr. Coartax, in the speech which he delivered in the first day's sitting of the Peace Congress, confined himself to the proposal for terminating all interna tional differences by arbitration. It is • pity that the delicacy of the question and the limited freedom of the country where the Congress was held, prevented him from illustrating his theory by one of the most apt and striking examples that history could afford. This is the present dispute between Denmark and the German duchies of Szhleswig and Holstein. If ever there was a cause, to decide which definitively and satisfactorily war and violent means are power less, it is this. The German and the Scandinavian races can never hope, whether aided or un aided, to subdue each other. The differences which have set them at variance have been created, not by the people themslves, but by the feudal laws of Europe, which have been so confused in their ordering of the succession to the throne, and in the divided and complex allegiance which they enjoin, that the moat pacific and loyal people in Europe have been and are literally driven into resistance and civil war, first by the absurdity of their law makers, and then by the violence with which it is sought to change and amend their laws. If ever the arbitration of impartial and quiet men was imperative, it was here. hatted of which there has been a mediation, which has changed and wavered during its progress, not from conviction in respect of justice, but merely as one side grew stronger and the other weaker, a media'ion conducted on the sole prin ciple of expediency, which thus widened the dif ference and created a deep distrust in the justice and fairness of England. Had the cue been re ferred to any personage or power disinterested in the quarrel, a solution might have been attained, as well as a permanent reconciliation of two races, now doomed to the continuance of mutual aversion, inveteracy, and war. But how indeed can Danish, or German, or Medi terranean differences and questions be more than patched up temporarily, u long as Russia is per mitted to fling on all occasions her sword into the scale? As long as one power is permitted to do this, there is little use in others declaring that they will abstain. And there is little profit in establishing that great and truly c3neervative and wise doctrine of non-intervention, as long as there is a despotic., a wilful and formidable power in Europe, whore stile principle and practice is to interfere and intervene in every question, and in every country, whether that qu es t ion b e o f domestic or of foreign policy. To establish non-intervention at the present epoch, it would be necessary not merely to practise and to preach it, but to form a league to enforce it ; a league of commou safety and general freedom, which would deter any po wer , even th e mightiest, from in termeddling, officiously or ambitiously, in other people's concerns. Tux reputation enjoyed by a public man in foreign eenotries is not always the beet test of his fitness for high office in his own. The present President of the United States is a remarkable example of this. The names of many American political leaders are familiar aa househol d words in the mouths of the men of Europe. But to not a few English politi cians and political writers of considerable pretensions MILLARD nutmeg was scarcely known even by same when elected Vic... President of the Union. lime when, on the death of General TAYLOR, the Presidential *Alice devolved upon Mr. Finutonn, the English public was favoured with numerous edify ing remarks upon the phenomenon of an obscure and unknown man (such he was assumed to be) attaining to the highest place in tlie republic. The CLAYS, CLAY IONS, and WEIZTEILS were known beyond the limits of their own country by their participation, durieg long public lives, in stirring events alb e 9 tog the interests of other cluntrles, besides their own. The CASSEk Forma, and others of their clam had acquired notoriety if not fame, by their activity is agitation. The commentators to whom we are rehiring confounded mere notoriety with high piddle shouter i they forgot (or were THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 28, 1850. tre r financial contingencies than l ' legislative wisdom. The Stamp Deism Bill was after infinite cobbling and debates, of which most interesting is that the system of hampering with enormous duties the smaller transfers of land received so much damage that it mast be surrendered whenever the exchequer can afford the sae/rifles. Introduced upon February 26, diacussed at several intervals, and formally negatived upon Jane 6, Mr. Fox's Education Bill has yet made a notable advance during the year. The prejudices which wore once arrayed against any proposal for having the people taught save by orthodox teachers, ars now satinet. Even the cry of " godless" and "infidel" issues from the lips of Mr. PLUMPTRI with no responsive echo from the benches around him. That education is safe, desirable, and should be universal, is now conceded on all ha nds. The measure is now contested almost solely 'upon the ground that it is supererogatory. Schools established under the National Society, the parochial unions, the church, and the dissenters—to all which we may observe that the bills perseveringly introduced in successive sessions by Mr. Fox have contributed a wholesome stimulus—are now said to have rendered any further interference of the legis lature unnecessary. Thus far has the great educa tional question . programed. After throw ing out one bill for ensoting extra mural interments, parliament has pastod another whose application is limited to the metropolis. More time was wanted to consider local hverests, and discover local capabilities before making the measure general. But the principle is freely and finally re cognised that in crowded communities the dead shall not poison the living. This concession has beam won in the face of the prejudices and the interests of the church authorities; and in London has been dearly paid for. Other cities may not have so ligh a price to give for leave to "bury their dead out of their sight'. The Merchant Shipping and Seamen's Fond Bills were considered and settled so far as came within the competence of the House of Commons. Tt ey failed, through the clumsiness of their executors, for the pre sent year. Of the Landlord and Tenant Bill, either in Eng land or Ireland, we cannot say that the principle was ever fairly debated. Party heats and class interest, stopped the way even of discussion, and the question remains one of the most important and most map proachabla of social problems—at least until the houses of parliament shall cease to be exclusively a landlords' legislature. Mr. Sofneame's Friendly Societies Bill was post poned by • tacit understanding that the subject was too important to be sett:ed by an incidental measure, and government would prepare a bill of wider scope against next session. As referring to associations numbering more than three million members, and possessing nearly twelve millions of funds by the labouring classes as provision against various casual ties, the bill bordered upon another measure which stands among the ministerial remands of the year. The Savings Banks Bill, after receiving some very unskilful handling, was early dropped out of debate, though not definitively abandoned until nearly the last day of the session. In the house and country, however, the question has assumed a shape which will constrain the government to undertake a real, as well as nominal and delusive, responsibility for the nosings of industry. Mr. SLANBT's committee upon the " investments for the savings of the working classes," protracted its labours until too late a period for the production of bills this year. The report it has finally presented however, suggests many additions to our social code. To alter the law of partnership, so as to limit liability without encouraging fraud, and [Move from the purchase of land the exorbitant charges which now place the acquisition of real property beyond the reach of the small capitalist., are among its most imperative suggestions. The happy consequences cf all kinds that w il l flow from such stimulus to our in. dostrials, when their economised gains can secure, without gambling hazards, an equal per centsge of profit with the hundreds of their richer fellow citizens, will ensure • careful elaboration of the report into substantive measures by the forthcoming ebruary. titular swam el the seed sesdaamite which animate the eft, at Yet■, awl el Its dwell= Os the maisteaeoes d order. It 'way °oust spa my paisewelog Owes to neon the raga al die law. - - - The Ptusideat Maned the following answer to the Agricultural Society of Metz. Tell the populations ;rideh yos represent, that all ay solleitude is at their service. I seml not recall to NUMB braises that I owe to their vol. the homier of being placed at the head of the sonata, in order to be maniocs about their nature lot. Is it cos enough to reflect upon the part which agriculture play, in the destinies of our country, of which she is at ones the aerie and the guard ? Those robust ems which open the furrow are the mzie which handle the musket. I have bat one regret when agriculture is in (motion. and that fa. that my means of aiding it an sofar below the desires of my heart. In particular I have felt this inability all the more deeply this year in the presence of the smoky et meal prodac'ione. Let us hope, however, that the sewn. in preparation by the govern ment will prevent • mangoes daub calamities. The President replied to the address of the chair man of tho Mutual Aid Society at Mots, ono of the best organised in France, in the following manner: You know with how mach ardour I here promoted every where the edablialuneat of mutual-aid sedition, of which yours °Hen so perfect a model. I trust that our Glow-al times Iney emu Imitate your thane.; in relieving all Ms treee and sjmpathieing with all esllertr. Mahal aid 10. aides will banish envy Wm the heart those who are af flicted by poverty sad disease; and will give those who live in easy oircuntetentess the mean' of doing good with discern ment. F.r both thole reasons each institutions will always bs the object of my nest lively solicitude. The equanimity of the President was considerably disturbed at Mots, by an incident which will probably be omitted in the elncial reports :—ln the evening a numerous deputation of officers of tho national guard came to the hotel where he was lodged, and asked to see the President of the Republic. As soon as Louis- Napoleon appeared, after a short address ,by their spokesman, the whole party set up a shout of " Vive It Republique !" The President replied : " Messieurs, if this is a manifestation which yon come to make here, it is an improper (inconvenante) one. If in these cries lam to see counsels, I seize this occasion to tell you that I accept none from any person." After which he retired into the interior of his apart ments, while the deputation was shown down stairs with es little ceremony as they deeorved. The President was greeted as usual by a numerous body of soldisre of the old imperial army. These as sembled to the number of 2,000 in the gardens of the prefecture, and drawn up in two lines, which he visited in the same manner as at Strasbourg. The municipal council of Rheims has unanimously voted 7,000 fr. for the reception of the President of the Republic. General C.stellane paid yesterday a visit to Ma dame d' Hautpoul, wife of the Minister of War, during which he confirmed the report that he bad been obliged to draw his sword at the ball of Besancon for the protection of the President. He added that the attempt had not been made with the premeditated intention cf doing any bodily injury to Louis Napoleon, bat was designed to carry him off by a coup-dc-main, and secure his person as a hostage for count saions to the democratic-soeislist canoe. Mdme. d'Hautpoul commu nicated to General Castellano a letter from the Mi nister of War, from which it appeared that the Presi dent would not reach Paris until late to-morrow night, as he c ould be obliged to attead a bill given by the town of Chalons-sur-Marne the same evening. The Nepaulese princes were conducted to-day, in carriages of the Elyste, under the attendance of M. Baciocchi, an aide-de-camp of the I'resident, to the chateau and park of St. Cloud. Three members of the Committee of Permanence applied yesterday to the Min'ster of Justice to order the liberation of M. Chavoix, in whose imprisonment parliamentary privilege was violated. M. Itoulier re plied that he could not accede to this application, as the case of M. Climax came under the head of surprise in flagrant., date°. Tne minister has sent instructions to the Court of Appeal at Bordeaux, to demand with out delay from the president of the national assem bly authorisation to prosecute M. Chavoix. Mrs. Heald (Lola Montez), notwithstanding her sudden disappearance from the sumptuous apartments she furnished in the Beaujon quarter, seems to be still lingering in the neighbourhood of Paris. Her pre sence in the suburbs is said to hive been detected by the police, from the frequent visits of her maid to the Monte-de-Piste, with lace and jewels to pledge. I: is reported that some laterateur, whose pen is skilled in the handling of gallant chronicles, is prc pariog a volume of L la's memoirs for the press. The French booksellers will probably find the speculation of publishing such a work more profitable than the Enelisli one'. At the Bourse to-day a slight fall took place in the rentes. Tne death of Louis Philippe, announced by the English papers, was the subject of much specula tion. The President's unfavourable reception by the national guard of Mtt z was also spoken of. Hopes are at present entertained that M. Thibon and his nephew will recover from their wounds. From information given to the magistrates it appears cer tain that M. Thibon, who is dead, was mad. Several witnesses have deposed that for sonic days before the late dreadful event, he was quite wild in Lis de meanour, complaining of damage done to his furniture by invisible enemies, and allirmilg that, notwithstand ing all his precautions, hundreds of francs were every day secretly placed in his secreUtire. The Assenahhe Nationale publishes the following letter, addressed by the Baron L Taibon, giving a correct account of the melancholy event which lately took place at his house : I owe it to the memory of my unfortunate brother to rectify the statements, more or less inexact, on the cruel events which have jut thrown our family into mourning; allow me to appeal to your kindness and on your impar tiality to insert in the columns of your journal, the relation of fact* such as they ociurred, and the truth of which I solemnly attest. Yon can well understand that the inis tenons I have already experienced in losing a beloved brother, who was to me the most faithful and the most de voted friend, is sufficiently severe, without my having also to deplore perfilious insinuations and malevolent intrepre tations. On Friday, my brother cute to dine with me at No. 4, Rue de Bose; his son, accompanied by his young wife, having preceded him. Scarcely had he ar rived than he evinced a degree of violent mental ex citement, of which he had shown symptoms for some days previous. A prey to some strange hallucination, he com plained of imaginary dangers with which he fancied himself threatened, and suddenly opening a poignard-knife, he at tacked his son, and inflicted a violent wound in his abdomen; he then fell on me and plunged the knife, reeking with his sou's blood, late my shoulder, but happily my wife mixing him round tke body weakened the force of the blow. I tied with the knife sticking in the wound and bleeding profusely, Hy poor brother was then seised with horror at the sight, and ruhieg to the window, threw himself from it Into the court. These horrible events were only the work of • minute. The wound of my nephew is more serious than mine, but without presenting any dangerous symptoms. As to the author of them dreadful scenes, he was picked up in • dreadful state; on coming to his reason he understood all that had pseud, and became a prey to the most indescribable remorse. He was carried to the :militia at Butejon, where he expired about I I o'clock the came night, calling his death the just expiation for his involuntary acts of fury. It is gratifying to reflect that the last act of the late Louts Philippe which has been heard of here was a munificent one—the gift of the Standish collection of Octave to the nation. The Marseilles paper. make no mention of the re appearance of cholera in that city. A letter from Jersey announces the proximate ga thering of • French democratic congress. Already some deputies were arrived from France. Ledra Rollin and oompeers were daily expected from Lon don. A letter from Masaini appears in the Republique, defending himaell against the charges brought in a journal of Turin and repeated in the Univers, relative to his administration. US" Avo. 27. Pc, ref• o- J ae So 91 25 • 81*;" ICI Lowest. j . Closing 3 per Oents. 6 par Casts. O7 10 97 23 97 6 97 11 I do. Sow Lam.. ~ ... 4 4 ii IS SO pot Ossita. --- . o o • pa OanOs Vnaltange Co Lamina: at , ..6 80; 90 90 gerCis ge. " (Wei% 6, 1940 Do. 6, 1942 Do. 46 Du. 3 Piedmont 5 per Cents SS . Bask Shores 2327 60 Some—ft Dermas, 413; Vermilion (right bank), 157 60; ditto =bank), 143 75 ; Paris rad Orissa; 780 ; Paris and lovas, 591 U; and llama, SO LS; Usneilies and Avignon, 176 73 Strasbourg and Bala, 111 76; Orleans and Tenon, 831 ; Orisons sad Bordemm, e 99; North, 497 60; Pods MI Moseaurg, MO 23; Ikon sad Rant% 348 76. IMPORTANT FOR STEAM NAVIGATION.—The Cham ber of Commerce of Santa Crua of Tenerife km notified, and., date of July 12, In the inter es t o f steam nav i gat i ng, that the monks of the mole have reached a state of advisee meat which permits the embarkation of seal at all hours, without being obliged to wait on the tide ; that there are 1,000 tons disposable on the spot; and that it Is always my . to ea 80 tow at haat a day. Durant) that Ismer a nee so eminently practical as our transatlantic kinsmen there is a class of public wee whose services are more felt and appreciated than talked about. Mr. FILLMORE belongs to this class. While others of his standing were, by flash speeohes or weep trie movements, making themselves the themes of political gcesip, Mr. FILLMORE was, by judicious, effective action, silently establishing a high character for judgment and efficiency in the transaction of pub lic hominess. lie was little heard of in Europe, be cause in his comparatively brief career he bad seldom been engaged in any of those ephemeral discus sion' to which the mere newsmonger attributes such a disproportionateimportance. But our Yankee Meads know how to reward public services appro priately. To dashing political partisans they award the notoriety they hunt after ; upon honourable and capable men of action they confer offices of high trust. Thus it comes that Mr. FILLMORE was elected Vies-President, and has eventually become Pre sident, although till the latter honour devolved upon him the Tina was ignorant of his existence. Mr. FILLMORE has already proved that the suf frages of his fellow-citisens were judiciously be stowed when they were conferred upon him. His message to the senate on the Texas difficulty shows that in him judgment is combined with courage and command of temper. These are indispeesable requi sites in the head of the executive in a republic where the executive's efficiency depends so mach on the personal character of those who wield its delegated powers. The PRESIDENT'S message is not long, yet in it he manages to indicate clearly what is the public law of the republic bearing on the disputed question, to assert uncompromisingly the authority of the chef magistrate, and to do all this with the most admir able temper. And the letter of the Secretary of State to Governor BELL, which accomp anies the message, and other steps known to have been taken by the President, snow that he can act as well as write. It is of good augury for the future fortunes of the Union that it should have, at the present crisis of its destiny, such a chief magistrate as this first act of Mr. Fitt-moat warrants our believing him to be. The difficulties arising out of the• acquisition of new territory, oomplicated as the discussions thence arising are with the exciting question of slavery are, it is true, clearing up. As usual the malcontents who spoke big about dissolving the Union in the event of their wishes not being complied with are beginning to abate in the violence of their threats in proportion Si they see clearly that the contingency which they declared would compel them to fulfil them is near and inevi table. Fur this we were prepared from the beginning. Experience has long convinced us that the violence of American publicists in debate is only equalled by their cool self-control in action. Loyalty to the Union is with an American what loyalty to the crown is to an Englishman ; both are apt to speak lightly of the idol of their allegiance in the heat of discussion, but both shriek when the time comes from laying rash hands upon it. The legislature even, without the aid of the PRESIDENT, are obviously arriving at the only safe practical solution of the knotty questions raised with regard to the newly-acquired dominions of the republic. They have not, however, yet reached the goal ; and till they do, the interference of a self-possessed, brave, and good tempered man at the head of strain, may at any moment be required. We may add that the knowledge that inch a man is there, will of itszlf go far to render Lis interference unnecessary. The turn that affairs have taken with reference to the territorial questions arising out of the recent acquisitions from Mexico, must, one should think, be highly agreeable to every judicious and patriotic American. These outlying portions of the republic's domains are, from their remoteness, and also from the indomitable, self-willed character of their popula tion, the most difficult to manage. The Texans are pre-eminently so. They cannot forget that they, single-handed, wrested their country from the grasp of Mexico, and were received as a full grown independent state into the confederacy of the Union. They feel that they stand in a somewhat different relation to their confederate states from those of them which have passed through the stages of pioneering adventure and territorial go vernment on lands recognised as the property of the republic. The pretensions of Texas, the reluctance of the slave states to receive California ea its own terms, were most diequ'eting indications. The posing of the Californian States Bill, the Texas Boundary Bill, and the territorial bile for New Mexico and Utah will go far to remove these apprehensions. Vie may also be allowed to remark, without any disposition to assume the invidious chsrecter of judges or entice on a location purely American, that the terms on which those arrangements have seen made are, on the whole, calculated to give satisfaction to the friends of liberty and humanity everywhere. They do not go far to settle the vexed question of slavery, but they concede no inch of ground to the slave holder ; on the contrary, they narrow his domains. In a country where democratic institutions confer so much power on the will and feelings of individuals, and where a federal constitution concedes so much authority to the individual states, this is gaits as much, as in the present sate of public opinion in America, could have been expected. We have commented upon the large and prominent acts of the past legislative session, but have not dwelt upon the mass of minor measures, w bleb after all formed the tree and more important business of parliament ; of these it is remarkable how many were furthered or completed in morning sittings. Indeed one of the characteristics of the session ku been the unprece dented degree of industry exhibited by the House of Commons during its Wednesday sittings. Scaroely twice throughout the seven months' session did the popular representatives fail to sit until the latest moment allowed them by the standing orders. The attendance of members was generally nume roue, and the debating even mere lively and business-like than in those evening sittings when the legislative minutes were not counted. As a natural result, not only were many of the most useful bills of the session carried through successive stages upon these off days, is they were heretofore considered; but many questions that have not sue coeded in taking root in the statute book have ripened 'under discussion to a maturity which promises well for their ultimate vigour. Mr. EWART'II excellent Libraries and Museums Act may be placed among the Ent; while the extra-mural interments, education, and the repeal of the burdens on literature, may rank among the important topics which have made only an advance, though a satisfactory one, towards future settlement. This increased respect for the Wednesday business ' is, however, an omen of better things to come in another session. By common consent the discussions of that middleday in each week have been appropriated to what we may call the amendments in our social code of legislation. Government generally monopo lised the nights. Or if a private member succeeded on some lucky Tuesday in getting a motion favourably placed upon the notice paper, the debate was pretty sure to turn on some party question, involving prin ciples, very probably, of vast abstract importance, but bearing little or no practical application. In the de bate which thus kept the house attent until the small hours of the mornings, Mr. HENRY DRUMMOND might sermonise upon the wrongs of the labourer, and Lord J. Rosana. was eloquent concerning the beauties of the British constitution, and upon the division that closed the proceedings the existence of the cabinet might be staked. But after all there was nothing mid or done for which one sensible man in the country really cared. One good Drainage Bill, or Savings' Banks Bill, or Partnership Bill would have been worth more than all the laborious wielding of flails above the heaps of chaff strewn for the occasion upon the parliamen tary threshing-floor. The legislature; it appears gradually becomes alive to this truth. But every thing must have a beginning. We may hops that in another session more than one day in five will be de voted to the subjects on which the health, wealth, pesos, and godliness of the people may depend. In the celebrated "return of the titles of bills," pre sented to parliament just before the moan upon the motion of Sir B. Hata.. we find the RUM of several acts that have received the royal assent, designed to remedy social and slam evils, whether arising from the overgrowth of a densely packed population or the incompetence of oar governmental machinery. Be sides the Libraries and Museums Bill already men tioned, there are the General Board of Health Bill, and the Metropolitan Interments Bill, the Peer Relief Bill, the Mercantile Marine Bill, the Drainage and Improvement of Land Advances Bill, and the Ohara. able Trusts Bill. The Brick and Stamp Duties Bills will produce also sacrmouu social consequences, though they %loot toe elms which is regulated rather by FRANCE. PARIS, TVISDAT EVVIING. The President returns to-morrow from his journey in the east. Next Monday or Tuesday ho will start for Havre, where a steamer waits to convey him and hie suite to Cherbourg. The project of the Lanquet and ball which tLe Societe du Dix Decemhre intended to give the Pre-' ' sident at the Jardin d'Hiver has been abandoned, in consequence of the representations made from quar ters of authority as to the impredence of such a Bonapartist demonstration. M. Gerber has been arrested at Strasbourg, on the charge of conspiring against the life of the President. Toe question of the moment is the political 'Marion of the councils-general, which assembled yesterday. An infinite diversity of opinion seems to prevail as to the part which these departmental bodies are called upon to play at the present crisis. Many of those who were not long ago most forward in urging the councils to express political wishes, now, findicg inaction their cue, question the right of these pro- vincial assemblies to meddle with politics at all. The ultra-legitimists would stop the mouth of the coun cils, because all revision of the constitution before the appointed time would strengthen the hands of the present executive too much for their purposes. If an upper parliamentary house were formed, the divisions that would ensue between it and the lower chamber would evidently sap the supreme power, which now lies in the legislature, to the advantage of the President. I If the powers of Louis Napoleon were prolonged, the monarchical sap of the country would be diverted from its legitimate channels, for the confirmation of his own hereditary title; and the difficulty of unseat-' ing him would be greatly increased. The legitimists must lose by every serious alteration of the status gap, unless it be such as to bring in their man at once. Meanwhile they wish to decentralise France, by con ferring upon the couccilsleneral the new extraor dinary powers proposedlz as the bill of M. de Seze. They wish to render municipalities independent of the government as poasib Fe. They wish to extend the term of the sessions of the councils-general, and to allow them to appoint permanent committee,. Another very large and influential body of conser vatives, represented in the press by the Assentbke Nationale, who are for the principles of monarchy In the abstract, without putting forward any special dynastic pretension, wish, on the other hand, to stir up the councils-general to invite the Assem bly to proceed at once to the decision of the question of monarchy or republic. Thus the electoral law of May 31 has been attended with these singular re sults : it has destroyed the desire of Larochejacquelin and his friends for an appel au people, which the legitimist. have discovered would be fatal to them with the present restricted suffrage, and transferred the plan to that party who were most violently op posed to it under the unlimited suffrage from fear of the socialists. The question of " monarchy or re public?" is however easier to put than solve. The man who would put it now would refer to the new constituency for its isolation. But the danger of throw ing down such a topic of agitation upon a fresh wound, still fraught with incalculable issues, is obvious. Thedistranchised would never behold quietly such a question settled without consulting them, and an immediate occasion would be given to the demo cratic party for repairing its passive defeat. The following telegraphic despatch has been ceived today from Mets : Avourr 26, 6 P.M.—TIn President re-entered the hotel of the prefecture after lining reviewed the national guard and the troops of the pram. After hie arrival yesterday evening, he to tienedintely the authorities sad mutt- Med bodies. The meathess of the maul aid societies, as will as than of the ageisaltural council, canoe in great num • ben to think Ina belie sellstinde for their respective inati tutioas. This mene visited the cathedral, where he was received by the bishop , He passed two hours in th e & tole dal of the le d'App ication, which he put through their manorume. He examined the arsenal, and then visited the civil and military hospitals. Them different drives, and the grand review which followed, gave him occa sion to traverse the town in all directions, and to place him self in contest with an inuneese population which tbcked from all quarters. He has bore resolved with the greatest devotion and sympathy. The King of Prawn the King of Hoiland, and **King of the Belleau sent high function aries to complimeat the President on his name. Several se tier aims of the garrison of Bambreek (in the Bavarian P ) Joined them. The President replied to the address of the Mayor of Mete in these terms: I eMiappyTo udMyeelf Pk the department of the Moselle, ems of the Met of them whose vote eontributed to throw open to me the ptts of ay Nutty. 1 am In pu- SPAIN. MADRID, Aeons. 22. The heat continues to be tremendous, the thermo meter of Returner mark's, 28 degrees in the shade. Great impulse has been given to the pursuit of smugglers in the provinom, to the great discontent of the country people who begin to miss their cheap supplies of cotton goods. The detachments of custom house officers charged with the suppression of contra bend trading are also of use in hunting out thieves. Thus Madero, a wretch, the recital of whose cruelties shame human nature,and who them last two years has been the terror f La Mancha, has been caught by them, and has been summarily executed. MADRID, Ave. 22 —Three per Cents.. :3 3-18 ; after Boise, 331 cub, 33 6-18 paper. Four per Ceuta., 131 cub. Five per.Centn, 1316-16 ash ; after Boise, 131 cash, Coupon, 7/ cash. Passives, 4 • after 11,1 ea, 4 ea•h. Bank of Bt. Ferdinand. 89 auk. Buchanan on Landau, 60.35. ITALY. ROMAN STATES. A letter from Rome, of the 20th, in the Comeau tionnel, states that several persons have been arrested there for a supposed conspiracy to assassinate the Pope, on Assumption-day, by throwing crystal balls filled with explosive substances into his carriage when on his way to church to pronounce the benedic tion. The discovery of the plot prevented all danger. There was some agitation on the following Sunday, as it was supposed that there had been a plot against the Austrian ambassador, on the anniversary of tee birth of the emperor. A stroog armed foie was placed near hie place to protect it, and in the even ing some arrests were made. The same letter 'dates that the Prince and Prince's of Gnaws had left Rome, after a vain attempt to get inserted a reply to the article in the Giornisk di Roma from the Austrian embassy. Austria recently recommended the papal govern ment to concede the consult% of finances, the consults of state, the organisation of municipalities, the coun cil of ministers, and the council of state. These coun sel., backed by the Cardinals Testi and Macchi, have been given in vain. GERMANY. PRUSSIA. We have news from Berlin of the 24th inst. It is confirmed that Lord Palmerston has addressed des patches to the Prussian government on the subject of Schleswig-Holstein. In these despatches Lord Pal merston calls upon Prussia, in the terms of its treat y with Denmark, to intervene in Holstein. The terms used by Lord Palmerston are stated to be these: "That Prussia should without delay, use all the means at its disposal to induce the present government of Holstein to respect the engagement which Prussia has cortracted for Holstein. as well as for the ether members of the confederation." In reply to this, Baron Schleinitz has said " that the invocation of the treaty referred to is a matter of surprise t, the Prussian cabinet. None more so than the mediating power (England) knows better that the simple peace was expressly ac opted in the sup posit'on that events were to take their free course, and that the settlement of the differences between the duchies and the king-duke was to be abandoned to the parties then in presence—the eventualities of a decision by force of arms being expressly taken into account." Another despatch has since been received at Berlin from Lord Palmerston, inviting Prussia to sign tte London protocol. An answer was in preparation, cm tainiug, of coarse, a refusal. BERLIN, AI:01:RT 28. V 0111114117 LOSE, 1061 New Loan, lon and-a-Halt per Cants., 99i. National Debt, 8.5 j. Bank Shares, 981. VIENNA. One of the bankers of Vanna, M. Goldstein, has just died, leaving to his only daughter a fortune of 10 millions of francs. VIENNA, At ouvr 24. Five per C-nt. Metallignes, 96i ; Foar•and•a-Ball per Crnt., 841 ; Bank Shares, 1164 ; Ex change on London, 11.32. THE CONGRESS AT FRANKFORT. CONCLUSION OF THE SITTING OF THE 23a0. [EOM( 0111 OWN COURISPONDENT). Dr. HITCHCOCK, President of Arnenham College, United States, wished to call attention to one Nita. He was conversant with many military officers, and he found they did not feel a personal responsibility in the matter of war. but telieved themselves to be the machines of state au thority. He must say, that Men were bound to yield much for the support of good order and government; but how far had a government a right tie ask Lien to go and destroy men ? The Rev. E. B. HALL, of Code Island, America, said he would attempt to avoid what others had slid, and present a simple and • pare Christian argument. He trusted they came together not only u brothers, but a. Christians, sail all acknowledged one great muter. The appeal must ulti- mately be made to Christi►nity. The resolution went to the first of all questions about peace,—namely, were arms neces sary—was tt practicable to do without them ? Governments were men, were the creatures of God, and yet to soy that man could not go on without l loodshed was to pr.tkot the darkest and moat gloomy problem which ever horrified hu manity. (Applause.) Let but Christian men declare that they are Christians, and must not and dare not tight, and there would be an end to all war. Mr. COBDEN next ascended the tribune, and was greatly cheered. lie said—The questions % hich we have met to discuss are not one but several. We have been talking of war, we are now talking of peace—that is, what the world insists upon calling peace. I call it not peace, but an armed truce. (Hear, hear.) I am not sure that our enormous standieg armaments in time of peace are not a greater retlec tion and disgrace to humanity than even a state of war, for in a state of war there is this excuse that a man he. wound himself up to a state of moral madness, into a state of furious passion, which offers some fetus* if he makes a brute of him self, if he resorts to brutal means to gain his end. (Applause.) But that human beings, with peace upon their lira, should be continually fortifying and increasing their armaments, argues that they have such an opinion of their fellow men as to suppose th►t the whole civilized world has little con fidence in each other, and have given themselves over to injustice and wrong. (Cheers.) I say that this latter state of things is more to our dishonour than a state of war itself. War is necessarily self destructive,—it wears itself out, but where is this armed peace to end ? (Hear, hear, and loud cheer.) It is a false struggle to maintain civilisation. It is as dangerous to the very existence of a government as it is to the liberty of a people. Why we are worse than the Red Indiana. I see before me a gentleman representing the Indien tribes of America. (Great cheering.) We have black men here, and red men, and white men, and we are thus, I think, in a fair way of seeing our principles prevail among all races of men. But the fr:en.l who comes ►ere from America, you will have the opportunity of listen ing to by and bye, and of learning by his talents and accompliahments how capable that interesting but injured race is of taking a tart in the intelligent movements of civi lised men. It will inspire you with hope for the future for the aborigines of America, and fill you with sentiments of shame for the wrongs inflicted upon people. (Cheep.) But what is the custom of the Red Indians of Amities ? Why, when they make peace, they bury the hatchet—(great cheering)—and it is dug up again only when war begins. But what had he (the Indian chieftain) seen in Eng. land ? He had paid • visit to the arsenal at Woolwicb, and there, in a time of peace, he had seen all the resources of the moat inveterate war—yes, in the thirty-fifth year of pease, the implements and machinery of the most destructive carnage. I say, then, so far as these permanent standing armaments are concerned we present ourselves before the world as greater savages than even the North American Indian tribe,. (Load cheers.) When I cams hers I had prepared myself with some statistics, showing the vast amount of expenditure incurred for these armaments, the number of men engaged in these armaments, and their great re alizes* ; bat I have had put into my hand • letter addressed to the members of this congress, about these mat ters, from an authority of the highest character, no oth er than Baron von Baden, the most eminent statistician of Ger many—not a letter of adhesion to this congress—for he dots not think we are sufficiently practical to gain our ends-- but • letter very full of figures. We have him here among as as an auditor—(loud cheers)—and here is his latter (presenting it), and I find it is such • perfect one that he takes my own figures out of my hand. (Laugh. ter.) Now, he says that the number of men employed for ▪ tiry purposes, both by land and see, in Europe at this moment is no km than four millions. The population of Europe, he calculates, is 267,000,000, of which 129,120,000 are sales. Of this number he calculated those between 20 and 33 pun of ego, and taking away those who were unfit for mercies, one-half of the remainder, the flower of the people, are engaged in warlike purposes, Now, he neat says that the average value of • year's labour may be taken at 91., and thus by taking away four millions of men from their ordinary occupation, the loss of product would be 36,000,0001. sterling. To this he adds certain amounts paid in connexion with the same loss, making • total of 117,160,0001., or nearly one•third the amount of all the budgets of the European governments. The upraise of war daring the last 30 years have been 243,300„0001., and with one-third of this sum might be constructed all the railways which are now in these countries. (Cheers.) Now, it is sometimes aaked of the ma of peace, " What fa the use of year aseembling at Frsnkfor' , or P ar i s , or No, eals?" Why, we assemble, In order that we may do hae • watchman does at night, when aeytbing goes we ne w sound the tocsin, and awaken the sleepers. (C , ,eeee:) - * A . A .- '• If we have done nothing more than to elicit Wan hote lsea . Reden this valuable letter, I for one shall he at satisfied. (Loud cheers.) I think he hns ve m u d', rteeyy tented the costs of these armaments, end he hasry a rt acs, t er lis; value of a man's l a b our , on t h e average, at 91 . pa ea this I think is v. ry much under-stated . (Hear, he y ar.) Tie - e costs to governments are also very much uodei.tited ; b ut I would rather ass these sums put down under *la ever the teal facts; and besides, I wou ld rat h er h ave the 0 0,,i n ou who is rota member of the Congress, than of any who is in it. But though B iron von Reden does not join us, i, eo e d, ittes his latter by admonishing the governments of humps en • corning the very groat danger in which the war intern lo se placed them—danger, let me ray, not trimly of that th e , recur which might at first be 'append, as if it came from bloodshed. No, it is financial drum. (Hear) We hive ourselves in England been continually increasing •er tee m . merits sines 11141. I had the honour of en im.erei, with ' t m l. e e . e a m t i t r a n t t in et t s e t ryi ntt e ctan , in to s w u h ing oml th e a ll t ud , e ir , ,c anci t h B2 . l 1;i:1 4 2 of Europe have added sure than ever to their blishmente. He sprees with me in my own eideulati.e, that Europe has 600,000 more armed m•n than at the net war, than during the time that Napoleon w-. 1 at the highest point of his military renown, (Some. The government must be mocking us. (Laud (in- • ) And what have diplomatists been doing It n just ft th,t begin to lose my temper. When I think of the ,ay p m these diplomatis:s have been preseLing amity a .1 vac, and doing this with the most solemn invocatin, with the solemnest oath which can be uttered, I...h enu 4 of the Holy Trinity," and at the same re ,ment o ! %te e . 4 . 4 , 41 on to raise new fortifications and multiply mi i pis/n— -. I say, when I think of Ilan my patients ew. th em (Applause.) We meet in this place—we have cad. this great compass, to show the diplomatists and she meets of Europe the meets of this state of et. ..s They laugh at us as if we were impractica! le alt lour plans, they taunt us with hie'," ovieal principle." But we point to th ose t , a o 4 say :—" It is for you, gentlemen, to G.. or if you do not, to make way for o th er ,. " !L A then.) Now the argument of thee weuld-he ;r1c.:r..4 men is, " We cannot diminish one armaments, becaise otter netioce don't." Well, would not diplamacy le•la if it would exert itself with all governments to a !It to mutual disarmament—to come together ao.I s.y, both augmenting our fortresses, we are mutually it•. 2 to our burdens, we are increasir g the financial ditfic... at.; troubles dell our states ; would it not be wiser, a t s •ime, to agree to a pro rata r.duction?" (Cheer) I , CI this common reasc—neither impolitic nor Vtopi n 1 satisfy the mat inveterate red.tapist in the w.ald ti., is tee been done, and mq be done again. We have a .n4l of this kind in existence between England an, t‘ States. After 1415, England and the Uci entered into a compact, by which to h p.r.. e consented to reduce the number of armed country should respectively keep on the lakes wide!: •rpara'o Canada from America. It was carried out, owl Erie only one vessel of each nation was lest, sedan :as/ on Lake Ontario, and another on I...tie Mtilaii..r.; .ao tow mark the result. Instead of these g oarsman s new armaments, so as to violate this mutual air fuser.; disarm, from the moment the treaty was signed, .: j. a' .y seemed to have tied. (Cheers.) And, after 50... ;, quiry into the matter, I have been unable to 1..4 .e.r.?..r.4 canoe left on these lakes which divide the two C W. -• an old useless vend belonging to our own •- (Laughter.) The fen is, from the moment you v. •. s • :...7 of this kin 1, from that moment virtual dissrmsmi • I want to k:ow why almetbirg lib. th:s r.,t 3 attempted Ly tho dipl matista of E, 1 / 4 1,n thorn try. I hay. again and ma. 4 I them try, and I will forgive them if y apt tuct.ead." Yos, let them try, an' I w,p pay them a* handsomely for their servlcee as t , . • p l / 4 id (Isugh•er)—and if they do not mcceed 1 • • r say a word to their diecred t. (L'm 1 esacera. t 1 n.. generous sod liberal treatment, B•cau.e :hey w • • we are troubled with mutual tudounew and •-e ar , by taxation, and thmtenei with I..irkrur r. •• cha• ge of givrrnments, with the trfsh•r; u; 9 • .• . friend of mine in Pan., Baatiat, a Frenchmr• influence and of considerable information, ar.ri •,;.• Bence from this eongrem is to be regretted, has ;ipt r.•• a letter, and in this letter he use an expres•irn ••r.. - I ••.,. not quote without giving the autUority. He s F , • . 13 -are war c. 1'..1 as much for his digerviru as f ' Laug..ttr Bat we are told in err:Ain „ rr.:f that the es orrcous amount of money L.... oe • ) keep up armaments is paid, not foe pr.• .• country from foreign lanai& n, but to preserve . • . rity.. What, then, is the mtanirgdihose rarer • m- . . wgich mil at,out tie seas of Europe ? (Rear, Lt nr . .:. land expends from six to seven saillions on these :1 i., .. 1 France forty•five millions of fumes ; sod tel., ti . that system which creates mutual distrust r.n ; nations, and for that reason ought we t , i : ...- -1 d diplomatists to ut them au e. A nd if the p• that diplomatists wi:l not do so, then lc: the :e their own diplomatists. (Cheers.) But, ' . trrnal tranquillity, I am mats thit we touch up , • delicate ground, as we ars told of the necessity -f. :r• . ; the liveeand the property of a community. lam g !, ever, that the question has bona introe.uced, H . .7s bound to see thatour views ars well understood. I`, ..... there is not one of the pace party, not even a¢ ,r members of the Swiety of lends, who would lean ..•• 1 property at the mercy of any infatuated scoundrel or guard who should come and ride himself free wi 1. • We avow that we have no suti in•eaticn, and. Ito , . -1 su:'•• so avowal, :et no one t;:e upon hims.lt t: • that we i ave El wah to otahltotet tt.a.quir.ty Now CJIII.II the question, " What sort of a g emcee:, that be where you require one hundred tboutar : preterve the peace." Can it lut long ? (Cte. ra ! rit% t.r? agree with that eloquent gentleman who has spoa.::t lately that the people can have no liberty where t'eee • mudi military power. (Cheers.) Yes, I em hear an eutloritv so high as that of M. Girardia, vr,.h t: treedom of speech which so becomes him, declare that cannot prevail where there is half a of armed men. (Immense applause, rep:a:ed main and again ) Kew I wish to draw the att. .1 • people of Lng!an 3, as far as I have the privi:ege of epea:a.r4. t them, to this ( act, that you cannot have freedom se.' sell government unless you have also a spirit a (cheers) —and tranqa.,lity pervading all classes. I -n•: come h re to :latter the people, no more than to :•• veraments and princes. The people have been re. ::.:• tered than either governments and princes —t: eir, s end very tuned to their injury I tell the 7caple :ha: want to d,) away with armies tb. y must ilss:be the •: of order—i cheers)—for if they have not this ;la tie, lad into contusion, they are too apt to t,Lerew tta weapons of despatic power—(loud eheers , —an I ta :at short the liberty of those who disagree with. t.nt. While we preach them doctrines, whi'.e we that eantling armies and locreaaing armam r.ts are t.• sistent with human liberty, and while we proclatur h 1 : s e of abolishing armed power, we also declare that it et.. be accomplished by the p;ople becoming capab:e government, ard turning their attention to th; ft. which order may he preserved. (Cheers ) W , 'eve , r:'s Tel upon this movement at a momeat ..f great d at s moment when we are likely to be subjected to the areatts: possible tests, and these who are inclined to tilieu:e ;e:13o we are going over Europe amid fortifications and ecesmp ments, and telling people to disarm. (Ltu,:hte- ) 1 d) not see any reason why we shouil not do so. I don't see why we should not tell r atiors mu tually to pot it ell away. NOiIIOCS are ruining themseites with it, and we come forth to tell them to do so n 3 Eater. But we cap ricnce this ditticuhy in Germany, that it his been the scene of events to which we must not thud:. ard I shall only silade to them to say, " Btehnn be o: tool heart and do not despair "-(cheers)-and we find them cto Germans) deeply interested in a great question cohnected with their own locality. I will only say on this pita th it I would have the Germans to do to other, as they wou:d done by themselves, and leave other people to assns.: , :!ex own affairs :!ht merle's. (Cheers.) But we have k : lea received both from Germany and Ft nt..T s great amount of sympathy, and the weak:r vcre naturally look upon our principles m a _ to be preserved from the dontinaccy of the etrocc; r. And I wish to show to the stronger powers that Oicy have is much interest in this question as the weaker ; for as l as their old policy is pursued se long will thtir own du:Lou:ties multiply. Can they suppose the possession of enormous military rwer will prevent revolution ? In 1:47 1 went through all the courts of Europe, with the exception of that of the l'ope. and I found kings everywhere dressed in re : Ss mentals, and their ante-rooms tilled with soldiers, and thttr fortifications well replenished with troops. 'SAS came, and all over the country, as I have said before, thrones turub:cd like a house of cards. I, therefore, can appeal to govern ments and kings, as well as taxpayers and the people, D trip a cause that will bless and benefit them all. And IL eay. tt sny of them have no hopes that we will do any good-if .hey admit our principle is true, and don't join us, because they doubt our success-I will way that I would he sorry to entertain such hopes of humanity as to be drives to do.; , air of anything being done for the pesos of nations, the weltsra of governments, and the happiness of man. (L chests-) 'the question was then put to the coa t /rem, and the resolu tion unanimously adopted. The next preposition was announced for discussion as follows: "This congress reiterates its strong disti'dyn . "T foa of all foreign loans, negotiated for the purpose or turnable% to ens peonle the means of slaughtering another. - I M. DltUt'li. bat, of Holland, spoke in its supOs'it. 1 M. EMILE DE GIILARDIN said-A familiar proverb sells money the sinews of war. Refuse the gold and saver, e an ra a tic w v a i r sio i n s an m e l e d w e h al o think that thibailtitbyber. Tiers are some demo war, but battles cost money. When we are asked tot money to carry on war let our answer be, that this money is *seta to carry on the works of peace. sod so answ e ri ng let s us refuse man W• will bring hefore tho f t o r i r b u cuttingnt of public theth throats on o f w his h o v ebrrei brethren. b e ne.i l er r n rt i ai .;o, :in:o d ob n no b e r Y y l war debts are weighing down every country America. There, where liberty is complete. no di tit taiste. Elsewhere in states where liberty is crippled we tind Let us, then, unite in one thought, and let this thought h wine the public conscience, the principle that ss no one ought to cut his brother's throat, so no one ought to ddid hie money to employ other. in that munterous boohoos. Y. ZACHARIAI, of Stettin, followed, and the rnflosi . tion was adopted. This brought the Conform to a termination for to day. THIRD DAY'S SITTING. Fautaronr, Arucsr The third day's sitting was opened this morning at ten o'clock, when several new members were anneunce 4 , "C P " whom was Professor Liebig, of Gieisec, whose name was nceitett with a round of applause. A letter MIA ream r I !;1 f 1