The Press. — London, England, 1858-01-30 00:00:00

, t No. 248.—V0L. VI. LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 30,1858. STAMPED .... SIXPENCE. UNSTAMPED ..FIVEPENCE. gt dress. dication of any general change in public opinion, or in the feeling of the House itself. Yet, if we turn for a moment to that more im portant scene of action where the English race is struggling desperately to regain its lost dominion, we shall perceive but too many additional reasons for the existence of univer sal distrust. for assistance. He is afraid of being over trumped by Lord JOHN RUSSELL, and must therefore play a high card. The latter Noble Lord occupies the enviable position of fourth player on the occasion. But seriously, we would have the landed proprietors of this kingdom to remember that the subject is no jesting one for them ; and that if their in terests are sacrificed for a second time, it will be beyond the power of any future Parliament to repair them. In addition to these various and special reasons for watching the coming session with the most vigilant anxiety, there are reasons of a more general nature, which are leading men of the most different politics to share in a common feeling of disapprobation towards the present Government. Its moral character has not been strengthened during the recess. Various political appointments have proved how completely the Premier ignores the voice of public opinion in the distribution of patronage. While, finally, an addition has been made to the Cabinet so scandalous and so audacious as to have excited even the indignation cf veteran intriguers. Statesmen who knew the nodes Neronis of the Regency are astounded at the public employment of the Marquis of Cr.asalcAanx. Nor has the Premier evinced any desire to dissipate that opinion of the tricky and slippery nature of his policy which is so pain ful to sincere statesmen. His reception of the deputation upon church rates on Wednesday last was eminently characteristic. His answers to Messrs. DUNCOMBE and FOSTER reminded us rather of those ridiculous verbal fallacies which the old schoolmen were in the habit of inventing for their amusement, than of the language either of a man of business, a straightforward Minister, or a gentleman who respected his audience. There was something peculiarly ironical in the formal thanks ten dered by the deputation for the courtesy with which they had been received. With these concurrent causes of weakness, and with the unpopularity of fresh taxation, rendered necessary by a deficiency of 7,000,0001. in the revenue—a deficisncy irre spective of Indian expenditure—will the present Ministry be enabled to hold their ground? It is certainly doubtful. But, nevertheless, it is possible that by throwing himself into the arms of the extreme Radical party the Premier may maintain his grasp on office for another year. Such tactics, however, would, we should think, at length open the eyes of the country to his true character ; in which case we will not permit ourselves to doubt that the loss of both his fame and his power would be total, instantaneous, and irre versible. LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 30, 1858. Tne Parliament which will assemble on Thursday next have no holiday session before them. There are grave errors to be repaired, important measures to be introduced, and a A statesman whose reputation had been made first by his supposed skill in diplo macy, and secondly by the supposed vigour with which the late war was concluded, has now shown, not only that the first was not infallible, but that the second was wholly imaginary. The Indian question divides itself into two heads—which may he termed respectively the executive and the legislative. What confidence can be felt in the present Ministry, either as conductors of the Indian war, or reformers of the Indian Go vernment? Unable to appreciate the cha racter of the struggle when it first com menced, they have shown themselves equally incompetent to bring it to a successful termi nation now that its character is known. Designating it as a mere local mutiny, in con tradiction to better informed statesmen, who knew it to be a national insurrection, and, as one of them expressed it, "an affair of cam paigns," they took no measures then, and are taking very few now, to deal with the crisis as they ought. They have taken no steps to mitigate that aversion to military service that has lately manifested itself in the population. The consequence is, that reinforcements are sent out to our army less by one-third than the consumption of the war requires. And, though it is too early yet to have learned the full results of this deficiency, we fear that in the course of a few mails we shall perceive in the merely defensive attitude of our Generals the inevitable fruits of such neglect. Other suggestions of a practical nature they have dis regarded, or are only beginning to " take "into consideration" at this moment. And it is impossible to controvert the position that all the successes we have yet gained are attributable to the valour of our soldiers, and none to the energy of our Government Nor can we feel ourselves more safe in the hands of Lord PALMERSTON and his colleagues as legislators. Those who mistook the disease cannot be accepted with confidence to pre scribe the cure. Those who for a series of years had been supporting the policy which has led to such serious calamities, and slight ing the experienced men who pointed out the goal towards which we were advancing, must prove the sincerity of their new convic tions before they can bo trusted again. We are justified in susnecting those sudden con versions which are attended with profit to the convert. And even if the change be genuine, the latter never can occupy the same position with those who have been right from the first. It is said, however, that Lord PALMERSTON feels perfect confidence in the success of his India Bill. If so, it is right that the public should be aware upon what that confidence is based. We believe there can be no doubt that a Reform Bill is in course of preparation which is neither more nor less than a bribe to the Radical party. We observed on a former occasion, that although we were tolerably cer tain of the esoteric Toryism of Lord PALMERS TON, it would prove a broken reed to Conserva tive politicians, if it came into collision with his immediate interests. He is anxious to carry his India Bill, and is willing to pay past policy, which has as yet borne evil fruit, to be justified. With the Chinese and Indian wars abroad, and the new Reform Bill at home, even the Atlantean shoulders of Lord PALMERSTON must be heavily taxed. We believe, however, that the first proposi tion submitted to Parliament will not relate to any of those momentous questions upon which the country is now intent. Recent events in a neighbouring capital have rendered it expe dient that the terms upon which subjects of continental sovereigns are permitted to reside among us should be carefully reconsidered. We understand, therefore, that an Alien Bill will be among the earliest measures, if not the very first, to which Ministers will invite the attention of the Legislature; and we sincerely trust they may succeed in reconciling the spirit of English freedom with such regula tions as may promote the peace and security of Continental Governments. By the next mail we may expect important intelligence from China. Having held his ground so long, the Imperial Commissioner is not likely to give way now ; and in all proba bility announcements will shortly be received that ships, money, and men, which we can so ill afford to send out, must instantly be de spatched to Canton. There now, indeed, appears to be no alternative between so embar rassing a step, and leaving the other European Powers to settle our quarrel for us, and to reap all the benefits of a war of which England has borne all the odium. Such is the dilemma in which we are now placed by the unfortunate precipitance of the British representatives and the political exigencies of the Prime Minister. We must either still further weaken the very inadequate reinforcements we are enabled to supply to India, or confess ourselves unable to cope with the barbarians we have so constantly derided, and abandon all hopes of that success which our honour is pledged to win. Such is the unfortunate result of hostilities which gave birth to the present House of Commons—which only a year ago were deemed so wise and so necessary as to justify the expulsion from Parliament of so many eminent men who had refused to sanction them —which are now denounced as impolitic and unjust by supporters of the very Minister who then made them popular—and which have as yet effected nothing but a loss of British prestige at a moment when perhaps the very integrity of the empire depends on its main tenance. THE NEW REFORM BILL. Ansa many changes of purpose, and after serious divisions of opinion, the Cabinet of which Lord PALMERSTON is the chief has resolved to commit itself to a violent scheme of Reform. Three months since it was supposed that a mild been proposed, but that abandoned. After inT litt!e discord between ' it is now certain liamentary system is ing measure, labelled Within one short year several of those gen tlemen who were rejected by popular constitu encies for their adherence to a more peaceful and, as they thought, more equitable policy, have been reinstated in their positions. It remains to be seen how far this may be an in- Id measure would . . that intenticavbe‘ -' nuch bickeritgl •,., B • ; • 0 0 4 the Minister - IM I S T, that the e • • IS liiiri, 7: • m , ma i rott threatened wO4 fi - ••' 1 , • :, , k;11. ~.`" d with the - l ' "VT. ; ,s, 0 •••• l 'N.= *Pr mo: -...-;;;;1 " ' . E " \ ilrf.4 ~i