The Press. — London, England, 1854-07-01 00:00:00

606 for further innovations, and moved its rejection. This motion was seconded by Mr. NEWLEGATE. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER announced his intention and that of the Government generally to support the clause. Some further discussion followed, and ended in a division, when the clause was adopted by a majority of 2:13 to 79-151: On the motion of Mr. J. G. PHILLIHOILE, a clause WAS added to the bill for the purpose of providing that no distinction or precedence should be allowed to any member of the university on account of his rank in passing examination or taking degrees. The CHANCELLOR of the ExcHEQUER moved an addition to the clause previously adopted on the motion of Mr. Roundel! Palmer, for reserving the rights and preferences to college degrees or emolu ments hitherto enjoyed by various public schools in accordance with the founder's will. Mr. Gladstone proposed to make an enabling proviso, giving the colleges power, under certain limitations, to throw open the " close" fellowships belonging to this category. A long and animated debate followed, in the course of which much censure was passed upon the vexatious course adopted by the Chancellor of the . Exchequer, in many instances, with regard to the bill. Ultimately, upon a division, this attempt to neutralise the effect of Mr. Palmer's clause was defeated by a majority of 10, the numbers being— Ayes, 129; Noes, 130. Much cheering hailed this final Ministerial defeat. A new title, rendered necessary by the transmuta tions which the measure had undergone, was then prefixed, and the bill declared to have passed the House of Commons. THE LAW OF PARTNERSHIP. A motion designed to pledge the House of Com mons to the principle of " limited liability " in part nership for commercial and industrial enterprises was brought forward on Tuesday by Mr. COLLIER. The principle was embodied in a resolution which he asked the house to adopt, declaring that the present state of the law was most unsatisfactory, inasmuch as it rendered every partner in a commercial under taking responsible for the whole of its debts to the uttermost farthing of his own property, and that the system should be so modified as to permit persons to contribute capital and share in the profits of such concerns without incurring more than a limited amount of responsibility in consequence. Abroad, as Mr. Collier showed from numerous instances, the system he recommended, under the title of partner ship en commandite, had proved eminently useful ; and at home was most beneficially adopted in the case of railway and other companies, associated under the provisions of an act of Parliament. The facilities and immunities thus offered should,he con tended, be placed withinithe reach of every one, with the result of calling into activity much individual en terprise, of opening a channel for a multitude of small investments, of developing many sources of wealth now left uncultivated, and of rescuing others from the hands of mere jobbers and speculators. The resolution was seconded by Lord GODERICII, who expatiated upon the disabilities under which the possessors of small capitals now laboured, preventing the industrial classes from obtaining the proper re turn for their hard-earned savings, and hampering the development of the great principle of associa tion. Mr. CARDWELL would not offer any arguments against the resolution, whose principle he admitted, hut pleaded for time, observing that opinions differed much upon the subject, that the reports of parlia mentary committees and royal commissioners varied considerably in their conclusions, that the last and longest report was only presented a week ago, and that the question was surrounded with perils and perplexities which required much time and delibera don to remove. Altogether he submitted that, while it stood confessed that something must be done, there was no consonance of opinion as to what it was best to do, or how it was best to do it. The matter WAS not ripe for settlement, and meantime he recom • mended the house not to pledge itself to a conclusion on the abstract principle. Mr. Luc.ts urged a plea on behalf of Ireland, where capital was scarcer and more necessary, and where the reasons for delaying the application of the princi • ple of limited liability did not obtain. He moved a., an amendment the addition of a" rider" to the reso lution, declaring that the proposed modification was especially necessary in Ireland. The debate, if such it could be called when the opinions expressed were almost identical on every side, was prolonged for several hours. Successive members repeated in various phraseology, and sus tained by various proofs, their conviction that the unlimited liability system was unjust in principle and injurious in practice. The working man, it was shown, would be especially benefited by the change. At present all opportunity of making the most of his small savings was practically denied him, the chief motive for prudence and economy on his part was thus annihilated, and the increase in the capital of THE PRESS. the country from that source almost wholly stopped. In supporting these conclusions Mr. COBDEN dwelt upon the commercial and Mr.lllAtiss upon the legal anomalies of the existing system ; Mr. J. G. PHILLI MORE combatted Mr. Cardwell's plea for delay, ob serving that the topic had been discussed and han selled during the last twenty years; and the Hon. Mr. LEVESON GOWER wished fora change which would develop the great principle of association. Mr. GLYN and Mr. BROWN faintly resisted the mo tion—the former because, when sitting upon a com mittee on the subject in 1851, he had learned that a multitude of frauds were to be apprehended if the present law were abrogated.—the latter because the Chamber of Commerce in Liverpool had voted by a considerable majority that any admission of limited liability in partnerships might tend to undermine the very delicate organisation of com mercial credit in the country. Two more ministers— the ATTORNEY-GENERAL and Lord PALMERSTON—after wards spoke. Both professed themselves warm friends to the principle advocated by Mr. Collier, but recommended him to withdraw his motion, since it led to no immediate practical result, and the adoption of a barren and " abstract " resolution might produce some legislative inconveniences. The HOME SE CRETARY at the same time gave a qualified pledge that the Government would try and do something towards realising his object next session. Mr. IllcAnno, Mr. CAIRNS, and other members, in sisted on the expediency of going to a division. If opinions were unanimous, or nearly so, it was right that the fact should be recorded in a formal vote, which would besides give the Legislature a fixed point as a basis for future action. After much disputation upon the relative expe diency of voting or not voting on the resolution, Mr. COLLIER expressed his readiness to withdraw the motion. The house, however, took the matter out of his hands, by refusing leave for its withdrawal. The question was then put from the chair, and Mr. Lu cas's amendment being first adopted, the resolution itself was agreed to unanimously, the members of the Government offering no opposition. THE BRAZILIAN SLAVE TRADE. The vote of 20,000/. under the acts for the aboli tion of the slave trade proposed in committee of supply on Monday night gave occasion for several remarks and questions touching the success of the endeavours so perseveringly made by the British Government for the extinction of the slave trade in Brazil. Lord PALMERSTON entered into details showing what had been effected towards accomplishing the desired end : " The Brazilian Government signed a treaty in 1826 by which they bound themselves to abolish the slave trade ; but from 1820, down, he believed, to 1852, that treaty was openly violated, the slave trade being carried on in the most undisguised manner and to the utmost possible extent. Negroes to the number of 50,000, 00,000, or 70,000 were taken into Brazil every year, and sold publicly in the streets of the towns, without the slightest attempt being made on the part of the Brazilian Government to interfere and to prevent the violation not only of the treaty itself, but of a law passed in execution of that treaty. Then came the act passed in 1845, but not carried into effect until 1850. It was said that public opinion in Brazil underwent a change on this subject, and that the Brazilian Government took the earliest opportunity, of which public opinion enabled them to avail themselves, to put down the slave trade. Nothing of the kind took place. The Brazilian Government was composed of persons favourable to the slave trade, and nothing would have induced that Government to put down the trade except the coercion which the English Government enforced upon them by the execution of the provisions of the act of 1845. There was doubtless some public opinion in Brazil against the slave trade, but it was overpowered by the great influence exerted over the members of the Government and the Adminis tration by slave-owners. When the act was put into force in the summer of 1850, a great sensation was produced ; there were complaint* of violation of independence and infraction of national rights ; and the Government offered if the execution of the act were suspended to carry it out themselves. Our minister at Brazil and the admiral com manding on the coast took them at their word, and sus pended operations on their own responsibility. What followed ? The slave trade revived instantly, and for three or four months went on just as bad as before. This led to a remonstrance from our minister, and a threat to put the act in force. The Brazilian Government then, finding the slave trade could not be carried on, set to work in good earnest, passed fresh laws, gave orders to their agents to do what they ought to have done 25 years sooner at the end of a couple of years the system succeeded, and he believed the slave trade was now practically at an end. ( Hear, hear.) We had thus conferred the greatest possible benefit on the Brazilian nation. The slave trade had been carried on fur the benefit of a small number of wealthy capitalists, while the smaller ones were ruined, the nation demoralised, all improvement was stopped, and every abDmination was gradually spreading through the country. All this had been put a stop to, and the nation was now freed from the abominable system of crime that had formerly prevailed. The capital once employed in purchasing these wretched negroes was applied to internal improvements ; the Indians were gradually becoming available for the purposes of agriculture ; and the whole face of the country was changing for the better in conse. pence of the cessation of the slave trade—the effect of the SATURDAY, act which the hon. gentleman was so eager to have re pealed. To repeal that act would be to do the greatest injury to the Brazilian people that it was possible for England to inflict upon them. Only the other day one of the great Brazilian slave-traders had come over here to in• vest in this country the proceeds of his iniquitous savings; and as the recollection of those abominable pursuits was quite fresh in the minds of the people, it would be perfect madness in the British Parliament to repeal this act. (Hear, hear.)" The vote, after some further discussion, was passed. LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL OF CANADA BILL. This bill was brought forward for committal in the Lords on Thursday, when the Earl of DERBY opposed its further progress. This measure, be contended, would destroy the constitution of one of our oldest colonies, abolish the safeguards which protected the monarchical element therein, and convert Canada into a republic of even more democratic character than the United States. The existing constitution, which the bill would overturn, had worked well, and Canada had prospered enormously under its opera tion. He wished, at all events, that time should be allowed for a more deliberate consideration of the measure both in England and in Canada. The Duke of NEWCASTLE defended the measure, declaring that he did not share in the fears expressed by Lord Derby, that the Canadian constitution would become republican by its operation. He remarked that the old system of nominee chambers had fallen into discredit or disuse throughout the whole range of our colonial empire. A similar measure had been tried at the Cape and in the colony of Victoria with complete success. Lord Sr. LEONARD'S supported the amendment, contending, that if the bill passed, Canada would be practically governed by a single elective chamber of very democratic complexion. Upon a division their lordships decided upon pass ing the bill through committee by a majority of 63 to 30-24. THE AMERICAN FISHERIES. Earl FITZWILLIAM having inquired regarding the new " fishery treaty " lately concluded by Lord Elgin with the United States Government, The Earl of CLARENDON stated that a copy of that treaty had reached the Government, but too recently to have given him time for its consideration. He could, however, state that no new facilities were offered to the American fishermen for establishing factories for curing fish on the Canadian coasts. In reply to a farther question from Lord Har rowby, the FOREIGN SECRETARY admitted that DO progress had been made towards persuading the United States to throw open the coasting trade be tween New York and California. The Duke of NEWCASTLE afterwards, replying to a question from Lord Derby, said that the treaty could not take effect until it had been sanctioned by the colonial Legislature in Canada. RURAL POLICE BILL. Lord• PALMERSTON, replying to Mr. Bright on Tuesday, announced his intention of withdrawing the Police Bill which be had some time previously obtained leave to introduce. The objections so strongly and widely urged against the measure had induced him to take this step; but the Home Secre tary intimated that he might possibly draw up and bring forward during the present session a new bill of less objectionable character. USURY LAWS. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER on Thursday brought in a bill for the abolition of the usury laws. The measure, as he explained its purport, is designed to remove the last legislative restriction upon the rate of interest paid for borrowed money, which now operates against only a single class of loans—those, namely, raised upon real property. The measure he submitted would relieve landowners, railway compa nies, and other owners of realty, from the disabilities under which they laboured when seeking to borrow money on mortgages or debentures. THE Czar's ships in the Eastern seas have exciied quite a panic. Calcutta, Bombay, Singapore, and Hong-Kong, have all been overhauling their fortifies tions, and preparing to give the Russian admiral such a reception as his visit would deserve. The Russian squadron only consists of five vessels, the largest of which is a 00-gun frigate, and the smallest an 18-gun corvette. The natives are, nevertheless, very much alarmed. Many of the wealthier, accord ing to the Bombay Telegraph, have already buried their money and ornaments, and are prepared to start up the country on the first alarm. The Mar warries and some of the native Soucars have ceased altogether investing their moneys in the banks or other local institutions, and declare that as soon as the Russians arrive every rupee in the place will be seized. The fright would be simply ridiculous, were it not so much calculated to create a foolish panic in the place,