The Press. — London, England, 1858-10-09 00:00:00

has found it necessary to advise them to remain passive for the present. 12. The delay is to be regretted, but the fact furnishes proof that the spirit of the proclamation has not been mis understood, and that the temper of the province is gra dually tending towards order and allegiance. have, dtc. CANNING. Allababad, July 4, 18.58. (Lout ano itas4ton. THE COURT iS still at Balmoral. Her Majesty, the Prince Consort, and the junior branches of the Royal Family are in the , m of excellent health. THE PRINCE OF WALES returned to the White Lodge, in Richmond • park, last week, from Balmoral. HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE leaves town to-morrow, for Manchester, on a visit of inspection. During his stay his Royal Highness will be the guest ot General Sir Harry Smith, com manding the northern district. PRINCE ADALDERT OF PRUSSIA arrived at Plymouth on Saturday night, from Falmouth, in his steam yacht GriUe. THE MARRIAGE OF THE DUKE DE MALAKOFF With Mlle. de la Paniega will be celebrated in the chapel of the Palace of St. Cloud, in presence of a great number of persons of distinction, on Monday. LORD AND LtDY JOHN RUSSELL left Pembroke Lodge, on Wednesday, on a visit to Harpton, Hereford, the seat of Sir G. C. Lewis ; and on Monday they proceed from that place to Liverpool. THE RIGHT HON. J. H. WALPOLE, M.P., Home Secretary, is now in Belfast, with some members of his family, on a visit to Mr. Richard Davison, M.P., at the Abbey. He purposes to make a short tour in the north of Ireland, and will afterwards pay a visit to Dublin. THE COUNT DE FLANDRES left Grillon's Hotel, on Friday evening ( week), en route for Balmoral, on a visit to her Majesty and the Prince Consort. Volt It t al. SIR G. C. LEWIS, M.P., AND SIR JOHN WALSH, M.P., IN RADNORSHIRE. THE annual meeting of the Radnorshire Agricultural Association took place on Saturday, at Knighton, under the presidency of Sir G. C. Lewis. The meeting was largely attended by the gentry and agri• cultarista of the surrounding districts. The usual loyal toasts having been drunk, Sir G. C. LEWIS, M.P., proposed " The Army and Navy," and after expressing his gratification at the almost entire suppression of the mutiny in India and tae restoration of pacific relations with China, thus gave his impressions on Cherbourg : Wo have been somewhat frightened lately at Cherbourg, and a number of alarmists have represented that Cherbourg has been intende 1 by the Emperor of France and the French Government as a sort of Sebastopol against England, to threaten our shores and endanger our indepen deuce. The danger of Cherbourg mainly rests upon whether we can suppose that there is a settled determination and desire upon the part of the French Government, or a large portion of the people of France, to attack the shores of England, anti attempt to destroy our independence as a nation. I must be permitted to say that, judging from all the opportunities which we have hail of forming ajndgment with respect to the disposition of the French Emperor, I entirely believe in the sincerity of his desire to maintain pacific relations with this country. 1 believe that lie un derstands the character of the Government and of the people of this country, an advantage, allow me to say, which not many rulers of France have possessed. I believe he is able to appreciate the sincere desire which unquestion ably pervades the whole body of the people of this country, to maintain an uninterrupted peace with France and, in deed, with the u hole of Europe. More especially are they desirous to maintain peace with France, because they know that a war between that country and England would be the signal for a general struggle throughout the civilizt.d world. I cannot doubt that the Emperor of France is quite sincere in his often expressed and declared wish to maintain a cordial alliance with this country. What we hart ask nursels es is whether there is any large portion of the French pe o pl e w h o w i s h t o go t o war with England !About any provocation being given them, without our insulting them, without injuring their interests? Is there, in short, any large body of people in France who, without any justifiable ground at all, would wish to make a piratical descent upon our coasts ? That is the position of those who tell us that we are in such imminent danger. From all the ofortnation I have been able to obtain my belief is that the great majority of the people of France entertain pacific dispositions towards this country, whether it be persons engaged in peaceable pursuits or not. Indeed, persons engaged in commercial, manufacturing, or agricultural in diner), would naturally wish for a continuance of peace, in order to en a bl e t h em to continue their pursu i ts i n tran quillity. There is in France, as in all continental States, THE PRESS, OCTOBER 9, 1858. however arbitrary and despotic may be the form of its Government, a very considerable number of persons who are in their hearts attached to free institutions, who look to England as the bulwark of free institutions in Europe, and fur that reason they would be unwilling to take part in a war with this country. There is, unquestionably, a body of persons who represent what might be called the high church party of France,—the ultra-Catholic party—who, from its repugnance towards this country on account of its Protestant religion, and also from their dislike of its liberal principles and free institutions, regard us with feelings of auimosity, and probably, on that account, might be favourable to a war with this country. There is also, no doubt, in the army a large number of persons who, perhaps, partly trom the love of military glory, paitly from recollec tions of former transactions and military events in France, and partly from those feelings which pervade many armies —the love of war,—would be favourable to a contest with this country. In my opinion, however, so far as I can judge, if any active desire for a war with this country is en tertained by France. it is very much confined to those two limited chases to whibh I have alluded. I admit it is in currbent upon us to keep our eyes fixed on the preparations which have been made at Cherbourg, and not to allow our national defences to sink into a state which would prevent us front protecting our shores from a foreign invader, but et the same time it does not become us to give way to any exaggerated alarm, or consider that we are called upon to make any vast, or even extraordinary, expenditure for the purpose of guarding against what, when it is swelled to the dimensions which I see it has assumed in some speeches reported in the papers, appears to me to be extravagant bud unreasonable. With these remarks as to the possibility or not of our requiring the active assistance of the army and navy—hoping, and not doubting, that they will hereafter, if their services should be called into action, show that distinguished bravery and energy by which their conduct has been marked on all previous occasions, and feeling confident that they will prove equal to any exigency that may /arise, but at the same time hoping the exigency may not arise, but that they may long be permitted to enjoy their laurels in peace, I beg to propose to you " The health of the Army and Navy." On the health of the right lion. baronet being proposed by Mr. WARREN, who passed a high eulogium on the manner in which he had fulfilled his duties when Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir G. C. LEwis acknowledged the compliment, and briefly addressed himself to the advantages of agricultural associations. He then alluded to his connection with the late Administration : The proposer of my health was kind enough to advert to my connection with the late Administration, and although this is a meeting from which political party topics are banished, and I would not say a word which could in any way offend the feelings of persons who might differ in politics from myself, yet I may he permitted to observe that looking back to the conduct and character of that Administration—looking to the state in which this country was when Lord Palmerston acceded to office, the state in which the army was placed, the condition of that army, and the uncertainty of the issue of the contest in which it was engaged within any limited period-1 cannot but think that that Government may congratulate itself upon the manner in which that frightful struggle was terminated and by the conditions of the treaty which was signed at Paris. I also think, in looking back on the event of the late war with China, whatever difference of opinion may exist with respect to the conduct of our agents at Canton — I have no wish to revive a subject which gave rise to such angry feelings and so much animosity, but I say that ail persons, whatever may be their political opinions, must concur in regarding the treaty which has recently been made public as a great advance in ourcommercial facilities, and as having settled a question of great difficulty, and on which all persons who look to the progress of our affairs in the East have admitted to be an object of undoubted policy to the country—namely, the opening of China to English and European enterprize. On the question of Parliamentary Reform Sir George thus spoke : Well, gentlemen, there is another subject which, looking not backwards but forward, might naturally suggest a few remarks at this moment, and which, having formerly been a subject of the most intense party interest and violent party contests, seems now to have become one of those questions upon which all political parties are agreed. I refer to the subject of Parliamentary reform, for f observe from the reports of some late meetings of a similar descrip tion to that at which we are assembled to-day it has been virtually announced by some of the Ministers that they contemplate, at all events, proposing in the next session of Parliament a measure of Pai liamentary reform as a Government proposition. Well, if that party of which the Administration now in office forms a portion proposes a measure of Parliamentary reform, that of itself must be taken as an indication that Parliamentary reform is no longer a party question, inasmuch as in former times they were connected with a party opposed to Parlia mentary reform. 1 inay say this much without trenching upon political controversy, that those who propose a mea sure of Parliamentary reform at the present moment must propose it with a view of remedying some distinct mischief, some defined political evil. They must have a distinct view of some evil which they propose to remove. Now, I would ask those who propose at the present moment to bring forward a systematic plan of Parliamentary reform to state distinctly abet is the exact evil they propose to remedy? Those who proposed .the Reform Bill of 1832 bad, I believe, in their minds a distinct conception of the evils which they proposed to remedy, and the country had also a clear notion of those evils. At that time there were large towns in this country which were wholly unrepre sented ; such towns, for instance, as Leeds, Birmingham, and Manchester, bad no representatives. Some of the 975 largest, the most populous, the most wealth}, the most important towns in the kingdom were unrepresented. On the other hand, there were certain persons who, by their power of nomination in small boroughs having scarcely any electors, were able to return► to the House of Commons a considerable number of members. Putting these two things together, observing that there were large towns which were unrepresented, and particular persons able to return a considerable number of members, we found that the House of Commons did not accurately and faithfully represent the general opinion of the country. Well, that change was made, and I think it may now be fairly said that on all great questions, all important subjects, the House of Commons fur the must pert fairly represents the general opinion of the country. It may not always be the faithful exponent of the opinions of particular persons, or even of particular districts, but looking at it generally it is, I think, a very faithful exponent of the general senti ments of the country. Then, it is said that the circum :lances of the times demand a systematic plan of Parlia mentary reform. lam not disputing that proposition, but I only say that any Government which brings, or proposes to bring, forward a plan of Parliamentary reform is bound to state distinctly what is the evil they profess to remedy and what are the defects in our present system which they intend to remove. I must be permitted to remark that those persons who think it is possible by some process of ingenuity to devise a Reform Bill which shall increase the power of a particular party, which shall throw an in crease of influence into the hands of a particular class of the community, are entirely mistaken in their supposition that any measure, any contrivance, any device of that kind will impose on the general intelligence of the country or influence the decision of Parliament. In my opinion, in whatever form a Reform Bill may be introduced into the House of Commons, it will come out of that house a real Reform Bill, increasing the popular character of the Legislature. It will give greater weight to the voice of the people in the councils of the House of Commons, and if any Government should entertain different views and pro-. pose a Reform Bill not having that object, in my opinion, they will not only be grievously disapp-inted in their ex pectations, but will attempt to pass off a deception upon the country. That must, in my opinion, be the necessary result of any proposal which may be made at the present time fur Parliamentary reform, and, I will add, that, as it seems to me, it is the only legitimate basis upon which such a proposal can be made. Sir J. WALSH, in proposing the health of the Chairman, said : With reference to the great question of Parliamentary reform, upon which Sir G. C. Lewis has touched, I can only say that in some respects I sin very much inclined to arrive at similar conclusions with him. It is nut fur me at all to predict or venture to prophesy what may be the course of the present Government on this question , but I hope that in any change which they may consider it necessary to propse they will bear in mind to a cer tsin degree those principles which belong to the Conser vative creed, and associate those principles as far as pos sible with any change they may propose. I agree very much with what my right hon. friend said, that any change which is made must, in the present condition and temper of the country, be in the democratic direction. I cannot conceive that any Government would be successful in presenting to the Legislature and the country any scheme of what we may call reaction, however carefully veiled and disguised. I believe that the acuteness of our oppo nents and the general sense of the country would very soon detect any latent tendency of that kind. Such an attempt would be not only unsuccessful, but would be followed by that discredit and loss of reputation which invariably in this country attends an attempt to act. a disingenuous part. One remark I may venture to make to this assembly, as it is a truth strongly impressed on my own mind—namely, that it is a very great and prevalent mistake in the present age to suppose that all reforms, as they are called, are changes and innovations in the direc tion of democratic extension, which is alone by some identified with the cause of liberty. I believe there is no greater mistake in politics than to identify those two very different words and principles—to suppose that democracy and liberty are synonymous. Pure democracy is not liberty. We have only to cross the Atlantic and we see a state of society far more democratic than our own, but far less free. Any man who has really had a practical acquaintance with the working of that model republic, which is so lauded by speculative and theoretical demo- crats, must arrive at the conclusion that it is not only a less perfect state of society, but a less free community than England—that its action is less free, and, above all, that its thought is less free, for on every side the natives of that republic are enchained by the despotism of public opinion itself—the despotism of the inferior intellect dic tating to the superior. But if we cross the Atlantic in order to see what are the effects of a pure democracy on that liberty it professes to make its idol, we have only to cross the Channel to see the effect of an attempt to democratise society which has been formed under totally different auspices and on totally different principles. The result of such an attempt is, in the first place, to confuse, in the second to frighten and alarm, and, in the third, to drive the whole community, the whole population of the country, to take refuge in the poser and despotism of an absolute Government against the dangers and evils attending the introduction of a pure democracy. Those two great examples are held up to our e)es in the case of two great nations, one in our immediate vicinity, and the other brought into almost daily contact with us ; and their ctinsidtration, while it will tend to uphold the system of government adopted by the English nstion, the people of which generally in the long run dictate to their rulers the course of policy which it is incumbent upon them to pursue, should lead us to adopt the grestest possible precaution iu advancing in the career of democracy, and to the conclusion that there are dangers ahead—if we