The Press. — London, England, 1854-09-30 00:00:00

r•wrw- ° ,, ,,,v~ , R~~ + MIMI • . , f T 4 1111 . 0. . s , 4 4 VM - ..S ( 7W a / li 7 , ( v1-4-% / ki No. 74.—VoL. 11. rt 6,5. PRICE SIXPENCE. LONDON, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1854. perform her work, and to advance those " divers " German objects" which she wishes to attain. It suits the purpose of the leading Ministerial organ of yesterday to assert that" the diplomatic " agents of Austria in all parts of Europe con " tinue to speak of war between that empire " and Russia as not only probable but inevita " ble ;" but the circular itself does not antici pate circumstances which will force Austria into a " coercive state," and expressly states that she will, if possible, avert them. It refers to her engagement with Prussia to show that the treaty depends on her not taking part in the war against Russia, and especially on her not crossing the Russian frontier. In short, Austria will continue to maintain an attitude of armed neutrality, but does not conceive she can prevent the allies from entering the prin cipalities, as she only occupies them to defend the integrity of the Ottoman empire. In conformity with the language of this circular is the text of a note addressed by Count Bum. to the Austrian Envoy at St. Petersburg ou the rejection of ale pro posed bases of peace. It thinks the " four " points ought to have furnished an equita " ble point de depart" for a pacification, hut indignantly repels the insinuation that Aus tria desired the moral and material humi liation of Russia. The evacuation of the principalities is noticed with " sincere antis ' " faction," as removing an insurmountable obstacle to a general understanding. The conciliatory language of this note, taken in connection with the declarations of the cir cular, shows that the Court of Vienna has no thought of taking part in the hostilities against Russia. Admitting that Austria has a difficult part to play—that she conceives it necessary to conciliate the allies, to please and satisfy the States of Germany, and to avoid coining into direct collision with her gigantic Northern neighbour—is it to be expected that this country can view with complacency the inde• cisive policy by which she seeks to combine these various objects ? What cause is there for congratulation in the announcement that Austria, while keenly watching for opportu nities to profit by the war, will herself take no part in it ? Are we fallen so low that we are compelled to welcome her neutrality as a success? The Ministerial prints, without ex ception, hail the circular of Count 131101, as a triumph of our diplomacy ; but impartial England will regard it only as another proof of that " credulity or connivance " which, since Lord ABERDEEN'S Premiership, has been disgracefully evident in the management of our foreign relations. Lord ABERDEEN, though the progress of events has removed the war from his control, still struggles to retain his hold of the strings of diplomacy. Austria is now his only ally. He clung to Austria for guidance and safety from the instant when he. was compelled to offer resistance to the designs of the Emperor NICHOLAS ; and he adhered to her policy, as opposed to that of France, until the mutiny in his Cabinet, and the loudly-expressed indigna tion of the English people, warned him that he could do so no longer. But ho followed the lead of France with reluctance, and seized every possible occasion of acting in concert with Austria, and of delaying action by fruit less negotiation. This is the answer to those Ministeriulists who attempt to shield their Government under the mantle of France, and who assert that the Administration of that country is, equally with our own. chargeable with the abor tive negotiations and delays which . have occurred. Lord ABERDEEN has constantly. en deavoured to neutralise the influence of France by the influence of Austria, and has notoriously alleged his expeehaion of being able to engage the latter Power in an offen sive and defensive alliance, as an excuse for the continued inaction of his Government. He insisted that the interests of Austria were identical with the interests of England, and that Austria had stronger grounds than any other Power to oppose the pretensions of Russia. The delusion is still to be maintained, and the Ministerial press is instructed to insult the sense of the country by representing the Austrian circular as a near approach to the policy of the allies. Austria might have averted the war—she might bring it to a speedy conclusion. But it suits her purpose that it should continue. She hopes to reap great and solid advantages from the extremities to which it seems pro bable Russia will be reduced by the superior power of the allies. This policy is hazardous, and may hereafter lead to great disaster; but it is possible, so long as Lord ABERDEEN re• mains at the head of our Government to en courage and support it, and while the Ministe rial press submits to the degradation of applauding it as wise and fitting. THANKSGIVING FOR THE HARVEST.— THOUGHTS FOR TOMORROW. SMILING faces, cheery thoughts, bowed heads, and happy hearts for to-morrow; for there, in her Gon-fearing way, Old England keeps her harvest-home. And such a harvest ! The like of it we none of us remember. The prices of last' year had encouraged the tillage of a breadth of land perhaps unequalled in extent. A winter of unusual severity cleared the ground of the vermin that a few ungeuial seasons had bred in it. Two months of sunny spring, a showery May and June, and then a long and cloudless summer, have done their perfect work of blessing. Never before, perhaps, was the russet beauty of our English fields so gloriously golden rich ; and now, in quantity, in quality, and in weight of grain, our garners are full beyond all example. We shall need no sermon to-morrow—" n sermonem qua•ris " circum spice ." Or, if some blank stump orator at Manches ter. or other " painful preacher," is at fault for once, let him just bethink himself of the too possible contrast that there might have been. A muggy winter, the dull fogs of February, pro longed into March and April, a blighting May, an ungentle June—or fancy all these reversed, ' as they have mercifully been, and yet a close, mildewy July, a rainy harvest-time, two months of those hot, damp, murky, seething, rotting days of which we have known so many before now, a middling crop, badly got in, the pestilence upon us, the war before us, and the famine on its way. And these, after all, are but the outward symbols and tokens of miseries that do not appear on the surface, or at once. Suppose a season such as we have said. Landlords are never over rich ;- taxes are inexor- . ~r~rf: ge Vrtss. LONDON, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1854. IN the presence of hostilities the movements of diplomacy are of little consequence. The Crimea expedition is the first serious act of a great war, of which it is impossible to foresee the end or consequences ; and, while waiting for intelligence of the operations of the allied troops, we should scarcely have thought it worth while to allude to the circular which Austria has addressed to her envoys at the German Courts, if the Ministerial journals had not lauded it as an evidence of the advantages obtained by our Government in its diplomatic dealings with the Court of Vienna. The position of Austria at this moment is damaging to Lord ABERDEEN'S Cabinet, not only as affording an emphatic contradiction to the reiterated assurances given us for the last fifteen months that she would take part with the allies against Russia, and afford them her active co-operation, but as raising a suspicion in the mind of those Liberal partisans of Lord ABERDEEN who have signalised themselves by noisy demonstrations in favour of " oppressed nationalities " that his Ministry is playing into the hands of the Austrian Court, and allowing it to reap all the substantial benefits of the war without bearing any of its burdens. It is curious to contrast the language held towards Austria by certain Ministerialists now with that which they have employed for years past. We do not confound men like Lord PALMERSTON and Mr. GLADSTONE with the stump -orators of manufacturing towns ; but those eminent persons have unquestionably taken a leading part in exciting that hostile passion against Austria which it is now their cue to assert that none but the giddy and con temptible dregs of their party would think of entertaining. Austria, as a powerful and independent empire, has a perfect right to take that part in the complications which have arisen that she may deem most conducive to her own good. We do not think that she has consulted her honour in the course she has chosen. Her weight thrown earlier into the scale might have had decisive Influence in preventing the war, by convincing the Emperor NICHOLAS how baseless were the hopes he had founded on the want of unanimity in the councils of Europe. Her temporising policy, for a long time in exact accordance with that of Lord ABERDEEN, encouraged Russia in her aggres sive career, by raising a presumption that no effective resistance would be offered to it. And now, while professing sympathy with the objects of the allies, and eager to profit by their efforts, she withholds from them, though fully prepared for war, that armed aid which would be most essential to bring the contest to a speedy close. The ls.nguage of her circular is simply this. She desires the defeat of Russia, but will strike tto blow to effect it. She leaves the allies to • aEr•r, N y etsw/w . .rwoositio 'sod • - 11 6 111 .