The Press. — London, England, 1854-09-16 00:00:00

11011. 1 M OW Jr.,15.c..•7100.11"A: - - -- _ MUM rtll, ;,,~. . Wl' ;~. LONDON, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 16,1854. No. 72.—VoL. PRICE SIXPENCE. Vress. LONDON, S4TURDIr, SEPT EMBER 10, 1854. As the part of Austria is now definitively taken, she has addressed a circular to her diplomatic agents, explanatory of the position she has assumed. She refuses to co-operate with the allies, though approving of their objects. She does not feel called on to turn her arms against Russia, as that Power has promised to evacuate the principalities, but she will maintain the sys- tern she has hitherto followed of strict observa tion and of neutrality, armed against all emer gencies, until peace shall have been amicably ne gotiated or conquered. This resolution is of the more importance as it is based on that reply of Russia to the Austrian summons in which the Emperor " infinitely regrets that he " has not been able to accept the last overtures " made by Austria," and that it only remained for him to " try the eventualities of war." The allies and Russia are, therefore, committed to a contest of uncertain duration and extent, while Austria remains neutral, ready to profit by any opportunity that may turn to her advantage. At this point, then, it may not be uninstruc tive to survey the negotiations which have taken place between the Court of Vienna and our Government, and estimate the value of those assurances which we have from time to time received, that Austria would identify herself with our policy, and, by joining her arms with those of the allies, render it impossible flr Russia to protract the war. The hope of at taining this object was constantly put forward as a plea for not adopting a decisive course of action when the Russians threatened the pas sage of the Pruth, and after they had effected it. So far back as the 28th of June in last year the entrance of Russian troops into the prin cipalities was denied from Vienna, and the well known organ of Lord ABERDEEN informed the public that, " in case the Russian troops enter " the Danubian principalities, Austria will " definitively unite herself (s'approchera) with " England and France." On the Bth of July the gratifying assurance vrlls given that what the Emperor NicaotAs called the stubborn ness of the Porte was " the deliberate convic " tion of every statesman in Europe, and the " concurrent opinion of every Power, including " even Austria, which has not hesitated to " express that conviction with an energy and " constancy that does her honour." But at this time the position of Austria and her probable course were causing the utmost uneasiness to the Coalition, or rather to its nominal head. The organ became positively incoherent—one day assuming cheerfully that Austria must join the Western Powers ; and the next, as on the 14th of July, threatening Austria that if the Cabinet of Vienna did not act, and a general war should ensue, the Western Powers were strong enough to make her only a satellite of Russia, and that the English people were anxious for the " libera " tion of Italy " ! At length, on the Bth of Augult, Lord ABERDEEN caused the town to be astonished by a pretentious announcement in his organ that " the Emperor of RUSSIA had " accepted the propositions of the four " Powers ; " and as this most important intelli gence virtually proclaimed the danger of war to have passed, it was, as became it, made an occasion of administering a buffet to " the " taunts and impatience of that party which " had urged upon the Government. a more " active policy," and of triumphing in " the " appropriate reward of the steady forbear " ante with which these negotiations had " been conducted." It is not our design to trace the intrigue which informed Russia of the conditions of the Vienna note previous to communicating them to Turkey. The result of that unfortunate negotiation is well known. It was hoped by the Coali tion that Turkey would succumb. It was suggested that her "real friends were not " those who would goad her to resistance ; " and thus the Coalition parted with Parliament, putting into the mouth of their Sovereign the expression of a hope of peace, the grounds of which they either never investigated, or knew to be false. As the question became more serious the Ministry still anxiously .endeit voured to avoid the responsibility of action, and, according to their organ, "neither desired " for England the position of a principal or a " party in the contest." But Austria occa sioned them much uneasiness, though to the efforts to secure her co-operation they referred every delay, and the country, so late as the 7th of December, was assured that " Great " Britain, France, Austria, and Prussia were " combined in a firm and deliberate union," The same tone, and with as little real ground, was adopted on the meeting of Parliament, when Lord ABERDEEN, on the 31st of January, the first day of the session, stood up in his place and declared : I am not afraid of being overruled (sic) when I say that Austria is the natural ally of this country • • • because I think we have no points of collision nor subjects of difference, and we can act cordially together in all the great affairs of Europe. It was clear that the threat that " the people of " England " desired the liberation of Italy was not to be the tone after the meeting of Parlia ment. There was no longer any necessity for pointing the attention of the Cabinet of Vienna to the Kossuth mobs of Copenhagen house, or the public feeling of Barclay and Perkins's draymen. On the same night the " hopes " from Austria found expression from Lord JOHN RUSSELL. Mr. DISRAELI, who had justly described the abortive Vienna note as an expedient " which if carried into " effect would, in fact, only operate as a ruse, " giving to Russia an opportunity of effecting " those objects which all unnecessary delay " and procrastination could only aid and " secure," was thus answered : I say ( said Lord John Russell) that our time has not been lost in our efforts for conciliation, and in doing everything that we could, consistent with our honour and our interest, to persuade the Government of Austria to take what we think a more enlightened and a more successftil course. Here was the key of the whole delay. With that concert in public for which the Coalition has become famous, the Premier in the Lords and the Leader of the Commons spoke in a different tone as to the alleged certainty of the Austrian alliance, but both agreed that we should wait for Austria. When Mr. DISRAELI, on the 20th of February, called upon Minis ters to demand from Austria and Prussia a distinct and categorical declaration of their intentions in the coming contest, Lord PAL MERSTON replied with the ambidextral as surance that if war was inevitable " Austria " and Prussia would not remain idle or pas " sive spectators of the conflict." The result showed that war was inevitable ; and, with these anticipations as to Austria unfulfilled, war was declared. Still it was expected that " she would see " her own true olicy, and be mindful of her " best interests "; and thus went on a period of hourly expectation on the part of the nation, and hourly procrastination on the part of the Ministry. At length, on the 19th of June, Lord LYNDHURST gave, more suo, a resume of the history of events, and denounced the cant of " confidence " in the good faith of Russia; and Lord CLARENDON had only to reply that it was Austria's interest to join us : After the philippic (be said) of my noble friend against " confidence," 1 am almost afraid to venture on a declare. tion of any confidence in Austria. • • • • * Sbe believed that her wishes and her interests would not be disregarded by Russia, and that the Emperor of Russia would not turn a deaf ear to her entreaties (1 ). She did not think that the Emperor of Russia would abandon his conservative character, and be himself the disturber of the peace of Europe. The truth, then, is, that we have been com pelled, by the policy of Lord ABERDEEN — whose belief in the " conservative " desires of Russia was so often pointed out, ipsissimis verbia, in the PRESS—tO wait for Austrian co-operation, we now see with what result. While Austria was holding out these hopes she entered on a separate and distinct nego. tiation with Turkey for occupying the Princie palities with her troops, and establishing her Protectorate in them. This negotiation could not have been unknown to our Govern. ment, though it was unknown to the county until the announcement that a treaty to early out the object contemplated had been signed. By this diplomatic success, Austria removed the war from her own frontier, and obtained a position which would give her immense ad. vantages, whatever course she might find it expedient to adopt in future. It is admitted that she alone has profited by the hostilities of which the allies bear the burden; and we are entitled to know by what extraordinary diplomacy it has happened that she has been enabled to constantly prompt the action of our Government to her own advantage, and to delude it with merely vague expectations of assistance. Contrasting all the assurances given by our Ministers of their reliance on Austria with the result obtained, what can be thought of the statesmanship which could thus make itself the willing victim of deception? That time which was on our part wasted in purposeless negotiation enabled Austria to secretly achieve her ends, and Russia to complete her pre- parations. Our Ministerial press, which so vehemently denounced the policy of Prussia, has little to say on the attitude assumed by the Court of Vienna, yet the policy of the former has been by far the most open and consistent. One reason may be that Lord ABZEDIEN still fondly looks to Austria to assist him in continuing his miserable game of subterfuge and delay. The interest and honour of the country are sacrificed ; the safety of its fleets and armies compromised ; that he, with the