The Press. — London, England, 1858-08-21 00:00:00

perhaps, have acted with too much caution and forbearance immediately after the occurrence of the outrage, but there can be little doubt as to his being perfectly justified in at last taking the decisive step of bombarding the guilty town. As a military operation this bombardment may, however, have been " a trumpery affair enough," and the leading journal may be pardoned so very mild a sneer at the indication of energy in any other than Lord PALMERSTON. The object, it must be remembered, was not to involve in one common fate the innocent and the guilty, but to prove to the Mahommedan Powers that the day has gone by for aggressive movements, even on religious grounds. The outrage in question had this peculiarity, that it was not an international, but an inter-religious one. It was an exposition of the old fanatical hatred of the Moslem for the Christian, which has fitftilly slumbered during the last hundred years, and is now vainly striving to shake off its lethargy. The massacre at Juddah was not directed against individuals or any particular people, as such. It was simply a defiance hurled against Christendom. The mere punishment of the murderers by the action of the ordinary laws would not have satisfied the exigencies of the case. The actual massacre of the European victims might, indeed, thereby have been avenged, but the affront to the Chris tian religion would have remained unexpiated. We can readily Imagine that, in an age and in a country where indifference has become fashionable, and where feeling is pronounced vulgar and of bad taste, the idea of resenting an insult to Chris tianity will be received with a shout of derision, and that allusions to the Dodo may he ex pected from gentlemen of facetious reputation. But in the East religion Is still cherished as the chief motive and mainspring of men's thoughts, words, and works, and not as a mere holiday garb to be assumed on the seventh day. Among Asia tics religion enters into every movement and trans action of ordinary life, and nothing is too trivial to be worthy of an invocation to Allah. It was religious faith or prejudices that instigated the people of Juddah to insult and massacre the Christians, and on those grounds the guns of the Cyclops accepted the quarrel and avenged the affront. There is reason, besides, to believe that this outrage was partly attributable to the machinations of Mahommedan pilgrims from India, of whom an unusual number has this year been attracted to Arabia, by the revival of the festival of the Kaaba. Ilad Lord MALMESBURY hesitated to take swift and summary vengeance, it would ere long have been noised abroad through every bazaar in Guzerat and the Dekkan that the Feringhees had been bearded with impunity at Juddah, and that the final overthrow of the Kafirs was already nigh at hand. Asiatics must be dealt with after their own fashion. They ever couple forbearance with fear, and leniency with conscious weakness. To force alone are they amenable, and the bombardment of Juddah, " trumpery " as it may have been, will be more effectual in repressing future outrages than the ablest protocols, or even the best written articles in the columns of our contemporary. REGISTRATION, A STEP TO REORGANIZATION. IT was about this time last year that our readers were told in these columns that from the want of political confidence the year 1857-8 might be expected to be as fertile in memorable changes as the year 1834, when the great Reform Bill party was suddenly broken up into fragments, and the Conservatives became orga nized and disciplined. Events occur in cycles, according to some philosophers, and certainly there is some resemblance between 1858 and 1834. In both these years Liberalism, apparently triumphant, was really in a flaccid state ; its strength was but nominal, and its hold upon the country was much weaker than was supposed. It lost confidence in 1834 in the vacillating Earl GREY and in the vehement Lord BnouonAm ; and it has no belief in 1858 in the dethroned PALMERSTON and the rejected RUSSELL. It has no new or rising statesmen of ability, and the country at large is evidently disinclined to plunge tbrward for organic changes, in the hope that a kiiiiiimiinimonim THE PRE S S, AUGUST 21, 1858. policy and a new body of political leaders might suddenly be discovered. The Conservative party, therefore, has, under present circumstances, a mission of the deepest social utility to discharge. Sick of the intrigues of Cambridge-house and the impotent ambition of Woburn Abbey, the country desires to see affairs carried on with temperate energy and sound common sense. The age of noisy declamation and revolutionary theories has passed away, and a wish for steady government, steady , principles, and steady statesmen has arisen in the most opposite quarters. " Unstable as water, thou shalt not excel," were words addressed as much to nations as to individuals, and the instability of Liberalism has tired out the patience even of the Liberals themselves. A general feeling has now sprung up iii favour of Conservatism. Lord ROBERT Cwit„ in his able dissertation on the theories of Parliamentary Reform, has observed, while treating of the vagueness with which both Conservatives and Liberals refer to "progress," that " there is a 'real difference between a Con " servative and Liberal, but it is not a difference " of principles, but ofbias ; " and, without entirely adopting that distinction, we may say that " the bias" of the floating public opinion of the country is rapidly and surely passing to the Conservative side. We have all met with cases in practical life where the arguments pro and con. seem exactly balanced. In law and medicine, and in a few cases of theology, there is as much to be said on one side as on the other. In all such cases mere " principles " do not resolve the difficulty. People are led by their bias";" their leanings carry them to one side or the other, and thus the mass of crude and unformed electoral opinion which a year ago was at the service of Lord PALmxitsros, is now exhibiting its " bias " to wards Lord DERBY. Now, we should be sorry that the great insti tutions of the realm and the strength of the Conservative cause depended on nothing more firm and lasting than the " bias" of fleeting popular opinion. Our faith is in principles and institutions, and, as we have said before, "Eng " lish liberty and English Protestantism are in " stitutions as well as principles," and the coun try expects that " Protestantism and Progress " will be better taken care of by the Conserva tives than by the Liberals ; but in order that such should be the case, it is above all things necessary that Conservatism should be reor ganized. There have been vast mistakes, negli gences, and schisms, which will have to be reme died before the Conservative party will be fully able to realize its destiny, and to fulfil the ex pectations of the country. Upon these points it will be necessary for us to give a few practical hints. Not many weeks since the articles in our journal on " Disagreeable Recollections" were attacked in some captious circles as tending to revive unpleasant quarrels. Such was not their object, and such was not their tendency. These articles were necessary, amongst other reasons, to exemplify the evils accruing from want of steadiness, and they also recounted the reasons why the Conservative party was weakened. 'We need not traverse ground so lately passed over, but we must urge the imperative necessity for new, vigorous, and comprehensive organization, so as to place the Conservative force of the country on a sure and certain basis. Without union there cannot be organization; without organization there cannot be strength ; and with out strength there cannot be victory. In the great Parliamentary contest between the Conser vatives and Liberals, from 1835 to 1841, the superiority in organization was on the Conserva tive side. The Liberals spent more money, and had no scruples about compacts with Agitators and revolutionary Radicals, but their force did not present a dense and serried front. Conser vatism was then admirably organized, but when the schism of 1846 took place, the electoral power of Conservatism was greatly damaged. rhe business department of the Conservative party had for years been specially intrusted to persons who were, as the events sub sequently proved, " Peelites to the backbone." These gentlemen had great experience, much private knowledge, and a complete acquaintance with the internal affairs of the Conservative party; and the consequence was, that when Lord DEnny's Opposition was established, everything had to be begun over again. The Conservatives had no . * 2nly to build the ho use , b ut to fetch the manufacture business.the omna thecll i machinery, other side id e t , ca the h e po struggle e_ ma t e workmennal s , their Peelites and the Liberals h a d a machinery ready made to their hand, a fact w hi c h t e Coalition y e rsinhalsBsdisci Butli disciplined e anew s greatly f ae ir o• f f te t d their el e as ir tn forces of Conservatism. What should now be d one , an d i n the first instance, is to look to those localities where it ie notorious that the registries h ave b een d e li bera neglected. After the Coalition was formed, te" and when the Conservative cause see me d almost hoped less, several gentlemen, in neighbourhoods which we shall not now particularize, withdrew their subscriptions from the local regi s t r y c l u b s. Thy were disgusted with the course o f events, and, recollecting Sir ROBERT PEEr, they were not in clined to place their faith in a n y p o li t i cal leader. They were disappointed, also, because Lord DERBY did not grasp the h e l m o f poker on the fall of Lord ABERDEEN, and they asked significantly—" For what and for whom were they to register ?" That question cannot he asked now. The country looks to the Conserva- tive side for help and for practical government. The gentlemen of England have now a valid and public ground for the registration of their votes, for the display of their influence, and the con so li• dation of their party. We ask them to exhibit renewed energy, not for the sake of any leaders but for the welfare of the cause which we all have at heart. If Conservatives will not be true their own side, how can it be expected that the country will be true to them ? If Con. servatives, therefore, wish that they should make an effective figure at a general electimi, now is the time for taking measures • place the local registries in a proper condition. spirit of activity is imperatively required in order to counterbalance the losses front the apathy the last few years. The registration of voters should be looked atter by local committees:; and when the signs of renewed energy become visible, the sluggish will be stimulated, and a wholesome energy will gradually be manifested. On one special point connected with registra tion we think it necessary to give advice. some constituencies where Liberalism has a com plete and permanent numerical ascendancy, ('on servatives not unfrequently decline to register, saying, " It would be of no use ; we never could, " rescue the borough (or the city) from the Libe rals." But, nevertheless, it is desirable ' register, if for no other purpose, at least for that of helping at times to choose the least obection able of two Liberals. Some of our Liberal adver saries are in favour of the Established Church, Ind others are opposed to it. Some of the Libe rals are as adverse to " Maynooth" as the staunchest members of the " National Club Some Liberals are in favour of moderate mea sures, and others are the avowed partizans , revolutionary projects. There are times and occasions, therefore, when a Conservative public grounds (and where no Conservative can didate is standing) may find it useful and patriotic to give a preferential vote to one of tr Liberal candidates, though constitutionally op posed to both. For these reasons, therefore, even where Conservatism is in a great minority Conservatives should register ; and a forti ori, they do so in such cases, they ought more impe ratively come forward in places where seats to be gained from the foe, and constituencies s fended from the inroads of a hostile connection. JESUITISM. WITH the Papacy, or a jure &vino polity, up, and just so far as men are fou nd who believe its right to be divine, there is clearly up the right to command the thoughts and make forbidden thoughts a sin ; the right to by in abeyance old universal laws and set up Ile , bonds to bind men together with, new growl' of love and hatred beside the old ones. But this is far from being the whole of the necessu which grows out of the recognition of a spin u, sovereignty upon earth. Goes Vicar, a present lord of the conscience, makes independence the part of conscience rebellion. Wherever t Pontiff sends his delegates, there he sends i jurisdiction, and blind obedience becomes once the easiest, surest, safest road for all w) , o be e moral ibilit loraf • e 'mac: It o in all is owe ly bring Id for re of co into T it politi. and work n- domil tal one c se of co er think ed rich !re subji be oppr a. the at. the nd the I eti and firm bit to h fain to MIT to faitl he con hell ild mut an, a to witl A dag ler den of spo ers a r Ind pot me En ?A; ra- In Ile m- lag exi ter, hu uld, Tli be- to to ha hat Je on- ae 'CT- St c h OT be- th the it Lb." tt Ca. Of and on ti all- and a two 0 bre, ye- are de- m. 1 set a do • set d to lay new olds all isity itual s ent on the his at who 1111