The Press. — London, England, 1857-03-21 00:00:00

MARCH 21,1857. THE CHINESE AND PERSIAN WARS. FREEMASONS . -HALL was crowded on Monday evening to hear Mr. Layard, M.P., and Mr. Cohden, M.P., express their opinions upon the Chinese and Persian wars. Mr. Roebuck, M.P., presided on the occasion. _ _ _ Ai LAYAI2D first a blressed the meeting, and observed that in the Russian war we had a foe worthy of us t' contend with ; but in this Chinese war we were slaughtering defenceless people and destroying undefended cities. Now, the Government were trading upon their defeat—a cry of a " factious conspiracy " was got up : As far as he was concerned, he not only for himself, but on the part of forty or fifty us liberal•minded men as ever sat in Parliament, protested against that assertion. Was that a factious man (pointing to Mr. Roebuck)? Was that a man given to coalitions? Was Mr. Mind a factious man? Was Mr. Fox a factious man? Were those men who acted according to their own judgment factious men ? Away, then, with the trumpery charge of coalition. The thing was too absurd to allude to in such a meeting as that he was addressing, and he believed the country was rapidly recovering from the delusion which it had suited the pur poses of a party to lead it into. But what had been Lord Palmerston's conduct? Ilad he manfully supported Si,' John Bowring ? No: but he hail complained of a coalition between the Liberals and the Peelites. Why, he himself had dis• avowed Sir John Bowring, and had gone to two Peelites to send them out to Hong Kong to take Sir John liowring's place. How could lie have the face to turn round upon those who had given him that very same ad. vice? (Cheers.) Mr. Lavard then proceeded to refer to the various incidents which brought about the rupture with Persia, and urged that Mr. Murray had displayed a want of judgment and shown great unfitness for his post, by refusing conditions which had been offered by the Shah. But what had been obtained by the war could have been obtained without the war : He was told that in dealing with Easterns they should exhibit a spirit different from that which regulated their policy with regard to Western nations, but he repudiated that doctrine. The only sound policy was to deal justly with all nations. (Cheers.) Once their character for honesty and straightforwardness was gone, England would sink in the eyes of the world. Place the history of these two wars in the hands of a philosophical historian, such as Mr. Grote ; tell him to write of them as he would if they had occurred in distant ages, and would he not say that they, a great commercial nation, able to command a vast force, had taken advantage of their strength—(' No, ►►o," and cheers)—to force their trade on a weak and unwilling people; and when he cattle to point out the fall of the nation, would he not trace it to such crimes ? (Cheers.) The vote of the House of Commons had condemned the policy which led to the assault on Canton; it was a cruel and an iniquitous policy; and he believed the voice of the country would ratify their ver• diet. (Cheers.) Mr. COBDEN said ho had heard a great deal about the gentlemen on the other side who voted with him on the China debate, and he was told that he must not give credit to the sincerity of their votes ; but he had heard nothing of the gentlemen who sat on the same side as he did who voted with the Government, and who to his knowledge in many cases, and he believed on his conscience in a majority of cases, voted against their better judgment, but who voted for the Government because they did not like to commit themselves to an adverse vote without counting altogether the consequences. Then, as to this cry of conspiracy and of coalition which has been raised, tney should not have raised it. if it were wished to serve them for more than twenty lour hours : He had heard many people pass judgment on the House of Commons, and declare that their verdict was an unjust one ; and he had asked them, " Have you read the docu. ments ?" and invariably the answer had been " No." ( Hear, hear.) But no one could judge without reading the docu ments. (Hear, hear.) We had all heard of the Welsh magistrate. who always decided after hearing one side of the case, because, he said, " if he heard the other, it puzzled him so." But these gentlemen were worse than that, for they didn't read either aide of the question at all. ( Laugh ter.) Mr. Layard had spoken of the peace•at•anyprice party; he did not know whether the hon. gentleman included him in the number. He thought he had cleared himself of that imputation. He had certainly declared in the House of Commons that he thought ten millions ayesr was enough to pay for our defences—and the Duke of Wellington did with a very little more—but at the same time, be had stated that if a hundred millions were necessary to defend these shores from an enemy, he would vote the money as cheer- fully as any one. (Cheers.) But this was not a question of peace at any price ; but the question whether we should go 12,000 or 14,000 miles off, and rush hopelessly and needlessly into a war with a people who had very little means to defend themselves, and who never attacked us ? Now, with respect to the elections, he would ask were the people of England about to show a less regard for justice and moderation than had been shown in the House of Commons ? The eyes of the world are upon the contest that is now going on: (Cheers.) Lord Palmerston has no other policy. He does not go to the country upon any question of internal reform. The qbestion before the country is whether you will endorse those violent acts which have been committed THE. PRESS in China. Bear in mind that great empires are looking at us, and scanning what we are about to do- We are not now engaged in a war with ltnasia. That was a fair stand-up fight, where you had enemies that proved your courage ; but now we are at war with a feeble nation, a most remarkable people—a people who though they have carried civilisation to a great height have not attained the art of war. You all know that this nation is at your feet. Will the people of this country, then, with America, France, Germany, and Austria looking at us, show a less sense of justice, a less sense of responsibility and fear of bloodshed, than a ma jority of the House of Commons ? Because, let me tell you that in proportion as we show ourselves acting unjustly towards the weak, just in proportion will lie our difficulties in dealing with the strong. (Cheers.) I want the people of this country to hold a proud attitude before all the world. I look upon the honour of England as something not to be maintained by blustering expeditions in the Persian Gulf or in the river of Canton; but I look upon the honour of England as being maintained by ever holding a course or justice, whether in dealing with the mighty or with the weak. (Cheers.) He did not regard the statements of the Times, or the torrent of public opinion iu favour of Lard Pal• merstou I say this great torrent of which we read in the Time 4— (groans and hisses)—is after all nothing but a storm in a teapot, got up by clubs and coteries, who have excited themselves, and think that all the world is in as great a commotion as they are, when in truth all the world is won dering what this commotion is about. Of all the popular delusions I ever knew, this stir is certainly the greatest. If you hear anybady make remarks in support of this Pal merston fever, just ask them what they want. Arc they satisfied with things as they are ? Do they want no change for the better? If so, Lord Palmerston is precisely their man. (Cheers and laughter.) lint if a man wants less taxation, extension of the suffrage, abolition of church rates, vote by ballot, or any reform in the Church or State, then I think Lord Palmerston is not the man for him. (Cheers.) Mr. ROEBUCK added a few words justifying his vote, and urging the people not to be led away with the cry of " Palmerston for ever !" and " No reform !" Resolutions condemning the Chinese and Persian wars, and maintaining the justice of the recent vote in the House of Commons, were then proposed and carried amidst tremendous cheering. TREATY WITH PERSIA. Le Nord this week gives the following as the text of the treaty recently concluded between England and Persia:— Art. 1. Beginning from the day of the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, there shall be perpetual peace and friendship between her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland on the one part, and his Majesty the Shah of Persia on the other part, as likewise between their respective successors, states, and subjects. Art. 2. Peace being happily concluded between their said Majesties, it is resolved by the present treaty that the forces of her Majesty the Queen shall evacuate the Persian ter. ritcry under the conditions and stipulations hereinafter Art. 3. The high contracting parties stipulate that all the prisoners made during the war by the two belligerent powers shall be immediately set free. Art. 4. His Majesty the Shah of Persia pledges himself immediately after the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty to publish a full and entire amnesty, absolving all the Persian subjects who may have been compromised in any fashion whatsoever by their relations with the English forces during the war from all responsibility for their conduct in that respect, so that no one, of whatever rank he may be, shall be exposed to vexations, persecutions, or punishments on this head. Art.l.s. His Majesty the Shah of Persia pledges himself, further, to take immediate measures to withdraw from the territory and city of Herat, and from evtry other part of Afghanistan , the Persian troops and the authorities who are at present stationed there. That withdrawal will have to be accomplished within the space of three months, be- ginning from the exchange of the ratifications of the pre sent treaty. _ _ _ Art. 6. His Majesty the Shah of Persia consents to re• nounce all claims of sovereignty over the the territory and city of Herat, and over the countries of Affghanistan, and pledges himself never to demand from the chiefs of Herat or of the countries of Afighanistan any mark of obedience, such as mintage, or the " khotbeli," or the tribute. His Majesty pledges himself, further, to abstain henceforth from all intervention in the internal affairs of Affghanistan. His Majesty promises to recognise the independence of Herat, and f the whole of Atfghanistan, and never to attempt to violate the independence of those States. Tn case of differences which may arise between the Governments of Persia and the countries of Herat and Affghanistan, the Persian Government pledges itself to refer their arrangement to the friendly good offices of the English Government, and never to take up arms except in case of those good offices remaining without result. The English Government, on its side, pledges itself to use its influence at all times with the States of Affghanis tan, to prevent any cause of offence being given by them, or by any of them, to the Persian Government : and the English Government when appeal shall be made to it by the Persian Government, in a case where difficulties may have arisen, shall employ• its best efforts to put an end to those difficulties by conciliation in a manner just and honourable for Persia. • Art. 7. In ease of Any violation of the Persian frontier be any of thel States above named, the Persian Govern- 279 meat shall have the right, if a just satisfaction is not given it, of undertaxing military operations for the repres sion and chastisement of the oppressors. But it is ex pressly understood and agreed that any military forces of the Shah which may cross the frontier fur the object above mentioned shall retire within the limits of their own territories as soon as that object has been accomplished, and that the exercise of the above-mentioned right shell not serve as a pretext for the permanent occupation by Persia, or the annexation to the States of Persia, of a town, or any part whatsoever of the said States. Art. B.IIT lie Persian Government pledges itself to set at liberty -.lithuut ransom, immediately after the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, all the prisoners made during the operations of the Persian troops in Affghanistan ; and all the Affglians who may be detained, whether as hostages or as captives, for political causes, in any part of the States of Persia, shall be in the same way set at liberty on condition that the Affglians, on their part, shall set at liberty without rausom the. Persian prisoners and the captives who are in the power of the Affghans. Commissioners shall, if necessary, be named on the part of the two contracting powers to carry out the dispo sitions of the present article. Art It. The high contracting parties undertake that, in the establishment of consuls-general, consuls, vice-consuls, and consular agents, each shall be placed in the States of the other on the footing of the most favoured nation, and that the treatment of their respective subjects and of: their commerce shall be also in all respects placed on the foot ing of the treatment of the subjects and of the commerce of the most favoured nation. Art. 10. Immediately ufter the ratifications of the pre sent treaty shall have been exchanged the British mission shall return to Teheran, where the Persian Government consents to receive it with the apologies and the cere monial indicated in the separate note signed this day by the plenipotentiaries of the high contracting parties. Art. 11. The Persian Government pledges itself within the space of three months after the return of the British mission to Teheran to name a commissioner, who, in concert with a commissioner to be named by the British Government, shall examine and judge the pecuniary claims of al! the British subjects against the Government of Persia. and shall pay the sums the claims to which shall be declared just, either in one payment or by instalments, in a space of time which shall not exceed a year, beginning from the date of the decision of the commissioners ; And the same commissioners shall examine and judge the claims made upon the Persian Government by all the Persian subjects or the subjects of other powers, who up to the moment of the departure of the British mission from Teheran were under British protection, which they have not since renounced. Art 12. Except the dispositions of the last part of the preceding article, the British Government will renounce the right of protecting henceforth any Persian subject who is not actually employed by the British mission, or by the consuls-general, consuls, vice-consuls, or consular agents of Great Britain, provided that no right of that kind be accorded or exercised by any other foreign powers ; but in that respect as in all others the English Government demands, and the Persian Government grants, that the same privileges and immunities shall he accorded in Persia, and shall be exercised by the British Government, its servants, and its subjects, and that there shall be shown them, and they shall enjoy, the same respect and the same consideration which the most favoured foreign Government, its servants, and its subjects have shown to them, enjoy, and are invested with. Art. 13. The high contracting parties renew by the pre. sent treaty the engagement concluded between them in tho month of August, 1851 (sbaval 1207 ), for the suppression of the slave trade in the Persian Gulf, and they decide further, that the said engagement shall continue to be in force after the date at which it expires—that is to say, after the month of August, 1802, for a fresh space of six months, and after that as long as neither of the high contracting parties shall have annulled it by a formal declaration, which declaration shall not take effect till a year after it alkali have been made. Art. 14. Immediately after the exchange of the ratifica tions of the present treaty, the English troops shall desist from all acts of hostility against Persia; and the British Government further undertakes that as soon as the stipu lations relative to the evacuation of the territories of Herat and Afghanistan by the. Persian troops, as well as those relative to the reception of the British mission at Tehersn, shall have received their full accomplishment, the English troops shall be without delay withdrawn from all the ports, places, and islands belonging to Persia ; but the British Government undertakes that during that interval nothing shall be intentionally done by the commander of the Eng-. lish troops to shake the fidelity of the Persian subjects to the Shah, a fidelity which the British Government, on the contrary, warmly desires to (infirm ; and further, the British Government undertakes that, as far as possible, the subjects of Persia shall be guaranteed against any incon venient result from the presence of the English troops, and that all the provisions which may be necessary for those troops shall be paid for at the current market price by the British authorities immediately after deliver•. The Per sian Government pledges itself to give orders to its autho rities to aid the English troops in procuring these pro visions. Art. 1.). The present treaty shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Bagdad within the space of three months, or sooner, if possible. In faith of which, the' respective plenipotentiaries have signed this treaty, and have thereto affixed their seals. Done at Paris on the 4th of March, of the year of oar Lord 1857. CowLrY. FILEOUIC•KHAN•AMEER•OULIIOCLX. [To this treaty, it i n rep or t e d, are t wo annexes , giving special and psenliar advantages to Persia.] (Signed)