The Press. — London, England, 1857-03-21 00:00:00

MARCH 21, 1857. is asked in the House of Commons whether he intends to propose to the Crown to confer any mark of honour upon these gentlemen. He answers " No ;" that he does not deem their services such as would entitle them to a mark of honour, and that he does not think such advice ought to be tendered to the Sovereign. A motion is given notice of ;it is brought forward ; but before it is so brought forward the question is repeated to the noble viscount. He repeats his answer that it is not consistent with his duty to offer that advice to the Crown. He, there fore, opposes the motion ; the debate goes on ; he feels that there is a pressure of the house against him, and on the eve of a dissolution of Parliament, upon the pressure of the House of C ommons, in a matter deeply touching the honours bestowed by the Crown, he consents to give the Sovereign that advice which, a few brief moments before, he had declared to the assembled Legislature that he felt it in consistent with his duty to give. (Hear, hear.) I say, then, " Can I have confidence in the Minis ter who so readily gives way before the slightest pressure and I will venture to say that, on that occasion also, had the matter gone to the division to which it was about to go, and in which undoubtedly he would have been defeated, we should have heard that a factious combination and an unnatural coali tion had led to the overthrow of his Government ; and this' too from him who served the purpose of this " coalition " by conceding the very point at issue, and conceding it in a manner incompatible with the dignity of the Crown and with his duty to his Sovereign. (Cheers.) I know, my lords, that I have grievously trespassed on the patience and kind indulgence of the house ; but I shall not detain you for many minutes longer. If I am asked what course I think it desirable should be pursued in the next Parliament by those who do me the honour of consulting me, I should say that I hold it to be their bounden duty to adhere to their own principles and their own convictions, irrespective of the quarter from which any proposi. tion may come. My lords, if we find that the noble viscount—avoiding and resisting all dangerous inno vations and organic changes—maintains stedfastly the great institutions of the realm, and seeks only such reforms in our social system as may safely and properly combine the exertions of all true lovers of their country—in that case I take the liberty of assuring him most confidently that from the Con servative party he shall meet with no 'factious oppo sition—from them ho need dread no " unprincipled THE PRESS. combination." We shall be ready to sup port him in withstanding uncalled-for innovation—we shall be equally ready to co-operate with him, cordially and without rivalry or jealousy, in introducing into and carrying through the Legislature those great social improvements in the achievement of which there is abundant room for the labours of Ministries and of Parliaments. (Cheers.) My lords, in everything which relates to the amendment and simplification of the law—in everything which relates to the re• vision of our penal system, to the better disposal of our convicts, to a better provision for rescuing those who are on the verge of crime, to a better provision for assisting and stimulating the voluntary efforts of the country in promoting religious and moral educa tion—in all which tends to the physical as well as the social and moral purification of that vast mass of contagion which is fermenting in our great towns and cities and throughout the length and breadth of the land—in all these the noble viscount may depend upon it, if he will only enter upon so honourable a course, that he has a bright career of usefulness before him, in which he shall have no more cordial or more earnest coadjutors than the much. abused and vilified Conservative party. (Hear, hear.) But if, yielding to external pressure and sacrificing his own convictions, be gives way to the wild cry for rash innovations and insidious encroachments upon the Constitution, then, my lords, I trust he will find that Conservative party still sufficiently numerous and sufficiently powerful to stay him in his downward course—to rescue him from himself and from his supporters—to preclude him from inflicting serious mischief upon his country, and from plunging it into anarchy and confusion. (Cheers.) My lords, I am satisfied that it is essential to the best interests of the nation that the Conservative party, whether in office or out of office, should be numerous and powerful. I say, without the slightest hesitation or concealment, I ardently wish—far more than I either hope or expect—that all those who were once banded together in support of the Conser vative opinions to which I adhere, would show them selves again united in the same firm phalanx. (Hear, hear.) But, my lords, I say with as little hesitation or disguise, that for such a union to take place, or, indeed, any union worth the name, it must be founded upon a concurrence of principle and a concurrence of sentiment, and not founded on that which I believe every honest man would repudiate— namely, a base attempt to unite those who have no ommunity of convictions for the purpose of over- 295 throwing the existing Government and forming a di sorganised and heterogeneous Government in its place. My notions may perhaps be somewhat old fashioned and contrary to the enlightenment of the day, but they are the opioions to which I have st edfast)y adhered through no inconsiderable period of my life, and I cannot now change them. Such as they have been such they will continue to be to the end of my career, whatever may be my political fortunes. I intend to maintain inviolate the great institutions of the country ; I intend to support, as far as my feeble voice can go, the prerogatives of the Crown, the independence and the hereditary cha racter of your lordships' house, and the rights of the people. (Cheers.) I intend to support the doc trines, the rights, and the property of that Estab lished Church of which I have always been an attached me mber ; I desire to see her weak places strengthened and her defects repaired—l desire to see her taking a firmer hold on the affections of the people. But, for my part, I never will consent to see the withdrawal of one single stone from the venerated fabric of that Church which I regard with filial love and reverence. (Cheers.) Pardon me, my lords, for saying so much upon my own views and feelings. We who sit in this great assembly are not dependent upon the will of any c onstituency for re-election. We express here our own individual and spontaneously formed opinions. But there is not the less a moral responsibility rest. ing upon each of us, and more especially upon those of our number who are honoured with the confidence of any portion of their fellow-countrymen, not to shrink at such a time as this from the frank and fear less avowal of their principles—not to veil themselves in studious mystery, but to declare clearly and man fully the course they are resolved to take under all circumstances and in all political eventualities. In the assertion of these opinions I may expose myself to obloquy, to calumny, and misrepresentation, as I have done before. These things I have had to meet, and I trust I know how to meet them again, and live them down. But no man shall have to say of me during my life, nor, I hope, will any man be able with truth to impute to my memory, that I have ever shrunk from the avowal of my political opinions —that I have ever sunk a principle for the purpose of obtaining an advantage, or that I have ever be trayed the trust reposed in me by those friends who have honoured me with their political confidence. (Loud cheers.) 1 •4.4 a ( ,r - . . c .....\ t N*,,' , .. • ' , • , 4 - '-.. . j --•