The Press. — London, England, 1858-02-27 00:00:00

1 196 jortign gairtsponteutt. PARIS, Feb. :25. NEITHER the articles in the Paris papers, nor the letters hitherto written from the French capital, upon the effect produced in France by the present change in the English Ministry, can be relied on. When first intelligence arrived of the resignation of Lord Palmerston, marry persons supposed that as the amendment which threw out the Ministry was made by a Liberal, her Majesty the Queen as a natural consequence would send for the once recognised head of the Liberal party, Lord John Russell. This belief gaining ground created a great excitement, for the Whigs, I can assure you, are not liked in France. Reports were then spread that Lord Derby found it impossible to form au Administration, and the spectre of the member of the House of Bedford once more appalled the Parisian public. This is the real cause for much that has been said and written from Paris. The fact is, that from the Throne to the chaumiere the return of the Earl of Derby to power is hailed with sincere satis faction. The people are now convinced that all those groat European questions which for some time past have been discussed with more or less acrimony, will be now brought to a satisfactory conclusion, without either the sacrifice of national honour or of national susceptibility. The Danubian question will be discussed in the Paris Congress, not as between Austria, England, and Turkey on the one side, and France, Russia, Prussia, and Sardinia on the other, but as a European question, pure et simple, with a view to give to the inhabitants of Moldavia and Wallachia those rights most conducive to their future welfare, preserving at the same time the suzerainty of the Porte. The Suez Canal scheme will no longer meet with a factious opposition, but will be discussed upon its merits. Even the great diplomatic struggle for supremacy at Constantinople, it is anticipated, will cease, should that first of English diplomatists, Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, return to his former post ; for, if I am correctly informed, his lordship intends passing through Paris on his way to the Bosphorus. The advent of the Earl of Malmesbury to the head of Foreign Affairs is well viewed in France. The nomination of Mr. Disraeli to the high post of Chancellor of the Exchequer has been most favourably received by our capitalists. The great talents and the eminent statesmanlike qualities possessed by Mr. Disraeli have won for him the re spect and admiration of France. As to the Conspiracy Bill, from all I hear, the French Government is most desirous to avoid em barrassing the English Government in any way, or to do anything which may excite a feeling of mis trust amongst the people of England. The French Government deems it only just that every care should be talc. u to prevent conspiracies against the lives of any foreign sovereigns, and that should there be any doubt as to the state of the :aw on this subject, such doubt should be removed; but the French Government does not require any hasty measure, and, in point of fact, it has the sagacity to perceive that, should the English law authorities consider a new bill ne cessary, it must be purely as an English law reform. I feel certain that the intentions of the Etnperor have been greatly misinterpreted in Eng land. No one more than his Majesty justly appre ciates the hospitality accorded to refugees of all countries—no one ha. a higher opinion of the laws and constitution of England —and no man admires Englishmen more than he. However, the world, and particularly France, has reason to rejoice that out of this misunderstanding Lora Palmerston is replaced by Lord Derby, and that the peace of Europe is secured. France is very different now to what she was ten years since. She always well continue a great military nation, but she has uow the desire to attain a great commercial posi• Lion, in the furtherance of which order and tran quillity is essentially necessary. Let us. therefore, be just towards France, and tet us give that credit to the Emperor he so deservedly merits for saving Branca from anarchy and for developing her commer cial resources. The frightful accident which happened to the Princess Alin at is more strious than wa, at first ex pected. The Princess, who is a daughter of the Princess of Wagram, left, with her husband, the mansion of the Cou n t ess L e h on i n the Champs THE PRESS, FEBRUARY 27, 1858. Elysees, where a grand ball had been given on Saturday evening last. The carriage had hardly passed through the outer gates, when the most violent shrieks were heard. The company rushed out of the hotel, and there in the road isy the carriage of the Prince, upset. The Prince and Princess were soon rescued from their perilous position; the Princess, severely cut and shaken, was immediately carried back to the hotel, and medical aid called in. Some hours after wards she was conveyed to her own house. It is said that the Prince's coachman was drunk. When the carriage upset, most of the diamonds of the Princess were scattered upon the high road, and it is worthy of note that the next morning all of them were brought back; not a single stone was missing, The Prince Napoleon has completely recovered from his late sprain of the ancle. General Fleury, the Master of the Horse to the Emperor, has taken possession of his new official residence in the Louvre (Pavilion Mollion), to which sumptuous building have also been transferred the imperial stabies. Although, owing to the close of the Carnival, we have no more dancing, yet many of the fashionable saloons remain open, and concerts are now the order of the day. Our theatres are much frequented ; that veritable b(jou the Bouffes Parisiens is nightly overcrowded, to hear a new buffoneric called Monsieur de Chimpanze. The trial of Orsini and others is now going on, and will probably be concluded on Saturday. Should they be convicted, they will have three clear days to appeal to the Court of Cassation. The court-house is filled with most fashionable people, and the streets adjoining are crowded with the curious of all classes. It is said, but I do not give it you as certain, that Orsini bas made a full confession. fhe Emperor and Empress are in excellent health. Their Majesties drive out daily in an open carriage un-escorted. As they pass through the streets, the people take off their hats and greet them with much enthusiasm. COUNT WALEWSKPS DESPATCH. THE following important document was communi cated on Monday night to both Houses of Parlia ment EARL COWLEY TO THE EARL OF CLARENDON. (Received Feb. 21.) Paris, Feb. 20, 1858. My Lord,—Having learnt by telegraph that certain reso , lotions imputing blame to her Majesty's Government for not having made any reply to Count Walewski's despatch to Count Persigny, dated the 20th of January, had been affirmed by a majority of the House of Commons, I think it a duty to your lordship to place on record that, although I have not been charged to make any official communica tion to the French Government in answer to that despatch, I have been enabled by your lordship's private instructions to place before the French Government the sentiments, views, and intentions of her Majesty's Government far more fully, and I cannot but believe more satisfactorily, than would have been the case had my language been clothed in a more official garb. When Count Walewski's despatch was written, the irri tation against the supposed apathy of England in a matter so important to France as the preservation of the Empe ror's life was excessive. Rightly or wrongly, the idea pre vailed that every conspiracy against his Majesty bad been organised in England, and that the British laws gave secu rity to the conspirators. No counter-assertions on the part of her Majesty's Government would have had any effect at tbat moment, and any official notice on the part of your lordship of Count Walewski's despatch would, pro bably, have involved the two Governments in a controver sial discussion more likely to have increased than to have calmed the excitement which prevailed. If the object was to soothe, it was important to let time exert its usual in fluence, and to reserve the official answer to Count Wa lewski's despatch until it was known whether Parliament would answer the appeal which was to be made to it by her Majesty's Government. But it ought not to be ignored that, while taking this prudent course, your lordship lost no opportunity of in forming the French Government, confidentially, of the true bearings of the question which had been raised Your lordship's language has been, from the beginning of this unfortunate affair, clear and straightforward. I have now your lordship's letters before me, in which, while vindicat ing, in language worthy of tour lordship's name, the right of asylum which Great Britain has ever afforded to strangers of all ranks cud nations, and while declaring, in terms as explicit as they are determined, the impossibility of infringing on that great principle of our Constitution, you 'how bow utterly insufficient must any enactment be to prevent men of desperate minds from entering upon desperate undertakings. As your lordship's teue, but very inadequate organ, I have faithfully represented your feelings and your principles, and could I call upon the Emperor or upon Count Walewski as witnesses, neither, I feel certain, could belie my words. I know not what may be the result of last night's vote ; but at all events I lose no time in stating my conviction that to your lordsbip'sjudicious and prudent conduct at a very critical moment it is owing that, without the shadow of the sacrifice of a single principle, our relations with this Government have not received a shock which might have been fatal to the friendship which yet happily prevails between the two nations.-1 have, te., Comm, port6inp firliantent. HOUSE OF COMMONS—FamAy, Fes. 19. [As we were necessarily confined in our last issue to a brief summary of the parliamentary proceedings of Friday night week, we venture on the occasion of such an important result to depart from our usual custom and give a more full abstract of the proceedings.] CONSPIRACY TO MURDER BILL. Lord PALMERSTON, in moving the second reading of the Conspiracy to Murder Bill, observed that great pains had been taken to diffuse a notion that this was an Alien Bill. It was no such thing. It gave the Government no arbitrary powers whatever, nor any powers that did not apply to all her Majesty's subjects. He repeated what he had stated upon the introduction of the bill as to its nature and object, which did not interfere with the laws of hospitality. Any foreigner, whatever his political offences might have been, would, under this bill, as well as without it, enjoy a secure asylum within this realm so long as he conformed to the law of the land. The penalty incurred under the bill could only be awarded by a court of justice, so that it was a gross misrepresenta• tion to give it the name of an Alien Bill. The noble lord then referred to the grave charge brought against the Government in neglecting to reply to Count Walewski's despatch. " Objection," said Lord Palmerston, " has been taken to the course pursued by her Majesty's Government, upon the ground that we ought to have written and cent some very great, fine, eloquent., and indignant answer to the despatch of Count Walewski to Count de Persigny, which was handed to her Majesty's Government and laid on the table of the house ": Now, sir, what passed in regard to the despatch was this. It was presented personally by the French A.nabas sador to my noble friend at the head of the Foreigm-office, who repeated to the French Ambassador that which he, and I, and other inembeis of her Majesty's Government have over and over again explained to ad the foreign repre sentatives who have approached the subject at all, that a change in our law with regard to the asylum granted to foreigners they must nut expect, because it was utterly impossible. They have often been told, and it was re peated on that occasion verbally, that we never have had our law pointed against foreigners for offending against foreign countries, but that it had been framed to guard this country against dangers arising from the conduct of foreigners seeking a refuge in this country—that it would be a new law—an enactment wholly and entirely new— that it would involve us in great embarrassment in dealing with foreign Governments, because if cases had arisen in which foreign Governments required the expulsion of foreigners on suspicions entertained by foreign Go vernments, the Government of the day in England would have answered that, having no well-grounded reason for suspicion, they could not put the law into execution, and that naturally would have raised very disagreeable &seas sions between England and foreign Governments. That was explained to the French Ambassador by my noble friend. Some gentlemen may say we ought to have written an answer to that effect. It would have been useless to repeat th a t i n writing which bad over and over again been so fully explained. The Government might have announced to the French Govern ment what they intended to do, but I do not think that would have been a very proper course. We told the French Government that the matter had already been un der oar consideration, and that we should take the course which we deemed most consistent with our own interests and our own honour. If any party has a ground of com plaint against us for not writing it is the French Govern ment, because they might justly say we were wanting in ordinary courtesy to them in leaving unanswered a com munication which had been formally laid before us. But I hold that we are practically absolved on that point. I say there is no ground for blaming us for not writing a de spatch, which either would have been controversial when great agitation prevailed in France—would only have aggra vated the feeling which we desired to see spending itself — or would have had the appearance of our placing before a foreign Government what we intended to submit to Patna aunt Mr. GIBSON moved, by way of amendment, resolution to the effect that the house bad heard with much concern that recent attempts upon the life of the Emp eror o f th e F renc h h a d b een devised in England, and expressed its detestation of such guilty enterprises ; that it was ready at all times to assist in remedying any detects in the criminal law proved to exist, yet regretted that her Majesty's Government, previously to inviting the house to amend the law of conspiracy, had not made some repiy to the despatch received from the French Government, dated January the 20th, 1858. Mr. Gibson said he believed that he was taking a proper course, a course that could be justified by precedent, in asking the house to arrest, for that day only, the progress of the present measure, in older to express the opinion which be had set forth in the resolution, that this important de-patch of Couht Walewski should have received a solemn and deliberate answer from her Majesty's Government. Mr. Gibson then explained in detail the two first paragraphs of his amendment, which in no way in