The Press. — London, England, 1858-08-28 00:00:00

818 the conqueror has the right to impose his own terms upon the conquered. It amazes us at their stupidity, to hear statesmen, who advocate " neutrality," contending, at one and the same time, for the introduction of European science and for the exclusion of European religion. Our science, by their own ohowing, is just as much inimical to Hindooisna as our religion : if then we introduce the one, in the name pf Reason why not, under the same conditions, introduce the other ? It will be answered, perhwe, that the Hindoos and the Maliomedans are opposed to our religion, and not to our science. 'fp the Chris tian religion, as the Christian religion, they may be opposed, but would they be opposed to it if • we taught it simply as a science, by making the Bible a regular school-book? That the people of India generally would, there never yet has been produced any proof. The testimony of all those who have had to do with schools in India is the other way. To the work of establishing and aiding schools, then, the Government might very safely direct its efforts. We do not plead now for a Church Establishment—the time for that has not yet come—beyond the gradually adding to that which is already in the country, as it grows in extent, either from the addition of converts, or of resident English people. Let the Church of England carry on the work independently, under the protection, but without the active assistance, of the State. This is all we ask at present. There is one argument in favour of this course, taken as a whole, which, to our minds, has reat weight. Christianity has been confided to Eng land's imperial mission. True religion, it may be assumed, is the final purpose of society ; and if this be so, it may equally he assumed that no State can stand that has not the essential elements of true religion for its basis. Practically, indeed, this is found to be the security of States. Man is a religious animal ; he cannot exist socially without sonic faith; and if you undermine even his false faith by an infidel 'system of instruction (which is what has been done hitherto in India), and give him no other religion in its place, you con vert him into a fiend instead of a man. To quote the words of the witty SOUTH, " lle who will "fight the devil with his own weapons must not "wonder if he finds himself overmatched." We have been overmatched in this way in India. And we shall prove ourselves most thorough fools, if the same kind of policy is to be followed, and we learn nothing from our own folly. Gop in his providence has swept away, in the north west provinces of India at least, with the native dynasties, the gigantic fabric of the native superstitions, so far as our obligation to uphold them was concerned. By the revolt of their native sovereigns He has freed us from our treaties with them. Is it to be supposed that lie has swept these away only that we may re-erect the very same system ? There is intense moral absurdity involved in the supposition. Ilis own Provi dence plainly points out our future duty. If now we show that we have confidence in our own religion, the natives will have confidence in it too ; but we shall never induce their belief in it by exhibiting our own want of faith. To govern India henceforth as Christian men, and with Christian objects, ought to be our unhesi tating purpose; nor ought we to rest content till Christianity has established itself as the religion of our whole Indian empire. How far there may be obstacles in existing treaties to the breaking off at once of Government support to native temples in some provinces, or to their taking direct steps to diffuse sound instruc tion among the people, we pretend not to know. But we would suggest that there can be no such obstacles now in some of the north-west provinces of India; and if the Government are afraid to attempt a better system on a large scale, let them experiment it on a smaller, in some one of those north-west provinces—say Delhi—and keep such a strong military force there as will effectually awe down any emeute. One trial like this may solve the whole question, and prove that our fears have no foundation. It is not for us, however, to advise what mea sures shall be taken : We can only express our regret that such doubtful sentiments as those that fell froth Lord STANLEY, the first Secretary of State for India, should have been uttered to a Deputation who waited upon him lately to learn what were his views and intentions in respect to Christianity, in connection with the future go vernment of India. Ile laid it down that "no THE PRESS, AUGUST 28, 1858. " steps should be taken, directly or indirectly, " to give to the opinions of Europe an apparent " preference over those which were found exist- , " ing in the country." Upon this principle, we make bold to say, he mast g►ve up the govern- nient of India altogether, unless he can transmute himself at once into au Indian, with all his feel ings and notions, 4 bilte inconsistently, however, he argued in favour of giving an actual preference to European science in the instruction of the na tives, than which nothing could give a more direct practical preference to European opinions. By the were teaching you give a preference. And this practical difficulty will meet us at every turn. We must either teach our Indian fellow subjects nothing, or we must teach them, as far as they will receive it, all that we know and be lieve to be for their good, or we must abandon, as a palpable lie, our professions of "neutrality." Lord STANLEY admits that we are to carry out our own principles against and in spite of the natives, where their " ideas come into collision " with the universal and everlasting rules of " justice." But whence do we derive our different " rules of justice" but from our religion ? Lord STANLEY'S language savoured more of the French philosophy of the last century than of the true philosophy of Christianity. That a young statesman of such undoubted ability and rising eminence should have so expressed himself is, we repeat again, matter for sincere regret, especially as he is now the Chief Minister for India. Our trust for India, however, lies chiefly, under Goy, in the Council for India that is to advise and act with the Minister. If such men as Sir Joux LAWRENCE, as is reported, and if others who are named, are to form the Council, we shall have confidence that their policy will be wise— bold, yet not rash--prudent, yet courageous— temperate, yet decided. We would almost pledge ourselves, indeed, to Sir J. LAwttEscE's policy alone, and to renounce all that we have here ad vanced, it he thought it unwise, such confidence have we in his sagacity and administrative ability. And there is another gentleman named for the Council, upon whom, though he has had no Indian experience, we can place the utmost reliance. We allude to Mr. G. A. HAMILTON, the senior Member for the University of Dublin —a man not only of high Christian feeling and moral courage, but of the soundest practical judgment. The actual policy for India must necessarily be practically determined by the new Council. As they advise, so the Minister, who ever he may be, must mainly act. And with such men in the Council as those we have named we feel that we may have hope of a bright era yet for India. CARDINAL WISEMAN IN IRELAND. WE are not amongst those who entertain the idea that Cardinal WISENIAN has a marked talent for statesmanship, and that he is well adapted for advancing the interests of his Church in this realm. We are disposed to agree with Mr. GOLDWIN SMITH in the sentiment expressed by him in the last volume of " The Oxford Essays," that "the Romanizing movement within the " Church stopped in 1850," and for that timely cessation'of desertions to Rome we have reason to be Frateful to Cardinal WISEMAN for his awakening the public mind by his aggression. Owing to peculiar circumstances connected with the ecclesiastical system in England, it was diffi cult to deal with the cases of the insidious under miners of our National Church, who accepted its dignities and pay in order to work for Rome. Cardinal WisEmAx alarmed the whole country, and removed the controversy from religious cliques and newspapers into popular meetings, and the progress of his Church was effectually stopped in consequence of his most awkwardly arrogant attacks on Protestantism. It is well known that the Roman Catholic prelates of Ireland v. ere by no means well pleased with the " aggression " of the Cardinal. They could gain nothing by the Cardinal's coup-d'kat, and they might possibly lose by it. The English Roman Catholics for many years had not actively sympathized with their co-religionists in Ireland; and after the way in which the Whig Government had aggravated the evils of the famine by their deplorable mismanagement, there were strong symptoms in 1849 manifested of a spirit of reconciliation between the aristocracy of Ireland and the popular influences in that coun try. The elections at that time showed a cinuw e in the Conservative direction, hnt Cardinal WISEMAN, in the opinion of impartial Roman Catholics, " set people at loggerheads," and all to no successful purpose. The Cardinal,. however, has now go ne to Ireland, with what real intent is yet to he Rea. Of course, we pass by the notion that the con*. cration of a chapel at Rallinasloe is the motive of the Cardinal. Other objects of a profounder character must be before his mind. I n sp i te of the boasted advance of the Roman Catholic reli- I.,rion in Ireland, in spite of all the convents that have been built, and in spite of all the chapels that have been consecrated, it appears that the affairs of the Dublin Review and the Tablet require the active intervention of the Roman Catholic community. These journals, though patronised by "His Eminence the Cardinal Arch bishop of Westminster," hoisted recently a "flag of distress." They had able contributors (amongst whom the Cardinal himself was one of the most constant), and they had a professional staff of unquestionable talent and zeal. We often ad. mired the accomplished rhetoric, though differ. ing from the perverted logic, of the Tablet, and 3ret, in spite of talent and a large pecuniary out lay, these journals did not thrive. Is not that patent fact enough to show that in recent years Romanism has not been making the popular and social progress in Ireland of which its advocates boasted ? It would be an egregious error, however, to suppose that because the gains of the Roman Catholics were not so formidable as many sup pose, therefore Protestants need not trouble themselves with the proceedings of the rulers of the Church of Rome. "In order to jump higher, " you should go further back and take a longer " run to your leap," is a French proverb, and the Cardinal appreciates such a policy in ecclesias tical steeplechasing. The popular imagination in Ireland invests the Cardinal with marvellous successes and wonderful capacity. In Mr. LEVER'S Irish novels there are accounts of " gentlemen-jocks " taking extraordinary leaps over gaping precipices and wonderful walls; and the Cardinal's Pegasus is now yoked in the same " low-backed car " with the " Lion of the Fold of Judah," alias Archbishop :WHALE. A strange conjunction, and rather ominous of a portentous upset ! " Joha of Tuam " was a noted name before that of Cardinal WisEmAx was heard of. " John of Tuam " was the terror of Whigs, and placehunters, and intriguing " Castle-hacks," and even Mr. O'CONNELL himself feared his mighty roar. has the " Cardinal Archbishop" the secret of " gentling " the Lion, as if he were a Rarey from Rome? The events of the next few weeks will enable us to answer that question. In the meantime it is certain that the Irish Roman Catholic Bishops are not pulling together. They differ about the new discipline attempted to he enforced on the parochial clergy, and about " National Educa tion " and the political policy of the day, and about various subjects relating to the internal management of the Roman Catholic Church. There is, certainly, an abundance of pabulum for the political refection of ".John of 'Nam and the Cardinal, and we shall, probably, have to criticize their bill of fare on another occasion. Their carte has not yet been confidentially communicated. OCEAN TELEGRAPH COMMUNICATION'. WE last week called attention to the subject of Ocean Telegraphs, with a view to evoke discus sion on the many departments of which that of all questions now before the public is the nio4 important. Engineers seem to have exhausted their skill in contriving a paying-out machine for the Atlantic cable, and in some few discussions on the cable itself before the Society of Engineer 3 in Great George-street. There can be no he doubt but the experience acquired in laying down t Atlantic cable has satisfied all parties that the subject is more of a nautical t han engineering nd c h arac t er — w hich may account for the protou silence observed by engineers. We referred 184 week to the cable proposed by Mr. ALLN:t ; but