The Press. — London, England, 1854-07-29 00:00:00

700 Vrott6ings in Varliamtnt. THE VOTE OF CREDIT. The royal message, inviting the Legislature to provide further supplies of money for the expenses of the war, was duly taken into consideration by both houses on Monday last. Ministers had attached to this message a request for a:3,000,00a vote of credit, and the proposition was laid before the Peers and the Commons in the character of a vote of confidence in the existing Government. As with all previous mo tions connected with the prosecution of a war which is only just commencing, and upon whose conduct the Administration are as yet upon their trial, there was no formal opposition offered on any side in either house. The debates, however, involved a variety of criticisms on the Ministerial policy, and one or two explanations of Ministerial intentions which pos set'sed considerable interest. In the Upper House the vote proposed was simply one of thanks to her Majesty for her most gracious message. In laying this vote before the Peers, the Earl of ABERDEEN briefly expressed his assurance that their lordships Were entirely agreed as to the necessity of adopting all such measures as were best calculated to lead to an early and successful termination of the war. He would also say that "this result was mainly to be pi o duced by the activity and energy of the efforts of England and France, with the concurrence of other powers." As it was also highly probable that, during the course of the year and after the prorogation of Parliament, contingencies might arise of which it was most important that the Government should be able to avail themselves, so as to turn them to ac count iu attempting to gain the desired result, they purposed asking fur a credit of three millions ster ling. This, he admitted, was a large sum, whose ad ministration, perhaps, many might wish to see entrusted to other hands than those who would have tlldisposal of it. He remarked, however, that the money was raised already, and would require no im position of new taxes, so that the question after all was simply one of appropriation. The Earl of EI.LENBOROVOR made no objection to the address, believing as he did that we were en gaged in a just, necessary, and politic war ; but the Government, whilst consulting the efficiency of the naval and military services, should not forget to study economy in the civil departments of the State. The Earl of lifinowicxx complained that so little was known respectirg the objects of the war; and said that, with the large forces sent out, if the pre sent campaign closed without some great deed of arms, equal to the power and dignity of this country, her Majesty's Government would lie under heavy responsibility. Earl Ferzwitwir considered that the house was left in a most perplexing position through the vague tenor of Ministerial speeches:— " His noble friend at the head of the Government must forgive him if he said that there never was a speech made, he would be bound to say, on such an occasion as that, of which it might be more truly said that it conveyed scarcely a single idea to the Parliament to which it was addressed. (Haar, hear.) Though there was little contained in the speech, there did fall from his noble friend one ominous expression, to which he was desirous of drawing the atten tiou of the house; and, if perchance beyond the walls of that house some little attention should be drawn to it in other quartets, he should not regret the observation he was about to make. When his noble fliettd spoke strongly about the restoration of peace he used this ominous ex pression. 'with the concurrence of other powers.' ( Hear, hear ) His noble friend must forgive him fur saving that, if he used that expression, it was his duty to relieve it from the mystery in which it was involved. He desired to know who were the powers whose concurrence his noble friend was desirous of obtaining ?" Lord ABERDEEN explained that the concurrence in question was not for the restoration of peace but the prosecution of war. Lord FlTZWILLIAlll,however, could not find that the explanation removed his difficulty, and afterwards urged another inquiry : " He would certainly like to know, though he did not think he should obtain the information, what was the in terpretation which her Majesty's Ministers would place upon that expression,' the integrity of the Ottoman empire.' Lid it simply mean the maintenance of that boundary tc which the Ottoman power was circumscribed by the treaty of Adrianople, or did it mean to leave that power in such a situation as would enable her, with the assistance or without the assistance of such allies as she now has, to maintain her independence against the aggressions of Russia? ( Hear, hear.)" He proceeded to express his fear that the attainment of peace would be difficult; and urged that it could only be secured by serious blows against the power to which we were opposed. Peace could not be at. tamed by small attacks against small forts; and be deeply regretted that no portion of the exertions of this country had yet been applied to great objects either in Europe or Asia. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE also called attention to the meagre statement made by the Prime Minister. Not one word was said of the bravery and endurance exhibited by the Turks; not one word of the progress THE PRESS. or condition of the war. There had been successes, it was true, but they were successes, not of British, but of Turkish troops, on whose valour Lord Aber deen might have bestowed a word of praise. Some account might have been expected as to the opera tions of the fleets in the Baltic and the Black Sea, as well as with regard to the stipulations of the conven tion recently concluded between Austria and Turkey, and of the lino which Austria might be expected to take in general as to the war in the East : "According to the accounts in the papers, the treaty was concluded on the 14th of June, at the time when the siege of Silistria was being raised, when the Russians were in hot retreat, and when it was generally supposed that they were not only in retreat from Silistria, but from the princi palities altogether. (Hear, hear.) It does, then, appear to me most unaccountable, and a point upon which we ought to have some information, that, after the signing of the convention, the Russians being in retreat, and the Austia army being upon the borders of the Turish empire, n instead of, as might have been supposed after the engagement entered into, marching and attacking the flank and rear of the Russian army, and endeavouring to cut it off, the Austrians should have kept in their place, and have refrained from moving into the principalities. ( Hear, hear.) What 1 want is, that Parliament should know the meaning of the convention between Austria and the Porte—that they should know whether it is a conveution for driving the Russians from the Danubian provinces. If it is, how came it that at the hour of danger, arid in the moment of tbe greatest need, Austria, instead of hurrying into the field, held back and commenced fresh negotiations? (` Hear; and cheers.) I believe that hitherto we have placed too much dependence upon other powers, and too little reliance upon our own re sources. Austria is an independent power; she has aright to be neutral ; she has aright to take part with Russia, or she may take part with 'Turkey ; hut this, at least, we ought to know—namely, where we are, with whom we are acting, and against whom we are opposed. ( Hear, hear.)" These, he admitted, were delicate matters, but still considered that the country had a right to be in formed of them. The Earl of CLARENDON, replying chiefly to the remarks about Austria, explained his grounds for believing that she really intended to act with good faith towards the Western powers and Turkey : " Austria is an independent power, mistress to pursue her own policy in the manlier she thinks best. But Austria is also under solemn. eugagemuentsto other countries; she has vital interests of her own to protect ; and unless we can suppose that she would bring disgrace upon herself, that she can be unfaithful to her engage ments, and that she can be blind to her own most urgent and, I may say, vital interests, we must believe that she will act as she ought to act, and as we have every reason to expect that she will act. ( Hear.) Austria has, herself, summoned Russia to evacuate the principalities, andlastly, at n great expense—at an expense which she is very ill able to bear—he has organised and equipped one of the largest and finest armies which I believe has ever been seen in modern times. As it is impossible to suppose that Russia will voluntarily submit to the demands which England and France, with Austria, have addressed to her, so it is equally impossible to suppose that Austria, having made these recent demands, will ignominiously withdraw from them and will consent to sink herself in the scale of nations, by acknow ledging the snperiority of Russia and submitting to her dictation. I thinli we may be assured that the time is not far distant when we shall have Austria co-operating with us. (Hear, hear.)" With regard to the questions relating to negotiations in progress or prospect, he declared that the Govern ment were at all times ready to enter into them, with the view of obtaining a just and honourable peace, provided only they were assured of their bond fide character. He, however, asked their lordships to believe him when he said, not only in his own name, but also on behalf of his colleagues, " that there is no intention of returning to the status quo —(lord cheers] —and that there is no intention of listening to a patched-up peace, which could only be a hollow truce, and which would render a return to war inevitable. (Hew, hear.) if we co ntinue to enjoy the support of Parliament and of the people of England, I can assure your lordships that we will enter into no negotiations that shall not have for their object a just and honourable peace, worthy of the just and righteous cause in which we are engaged, worthy of the allies with whom we have undertaken this cause, and, I hope, not unworthy of the great and disinterested sacritices which this country has so cheerfully made. ',Chem.)" The address was then agreed to. The Commons holding the purse-strings, the answer from the Lower House to the royal message was accompanied with a vote for the money required, and this vote demanded a more detailed exposition of the Ministerial policy, leading to a prolonged debate. The house having accordingly resolved itself into a committee of supply, Lord Jolts RUSSELL proceeded to move that 3,000,0001. be granted to her Majesty as a credit towards defraying the expenses of the war. The noble lord began by acknowledging the forbearance which all parties had displayed and the support they had afforded to the Government in the prosecution of hostilities, and then briefly stated the nature of the naval and military preparations that have already been completed. Since January, 1853, the number of war-steamers, third-rate or upwards in force, had been increased from one to seventeen ; the sailing SATURDAY ships-of-war of similar magnitude from eleven to eighteen ; and the whole number of' steamers a nd ships of war in commission from 209 to 259. Wit bin the same period the muster-roll of seamen employed had enlarged from 23,000 to 47,000, and the marl flea from 5,000 to 9,000. With regard to the land for eta, 30,000 troops had been conveyed to Turkey, and were lately at Varna in readiness to operate in ray required direction. Respecting the actual purpose upon which the present three millions were to be expended he could give no details, but, after simply mentioning that heavy charges had been incurred on account of the commissariat, ordnance, and tramp ort services, and that a plan for organising a body of Turkish troops in English pay was under conside la tion, he declared that the appropriation of the vote must be left to the discretion of the executive Go vernment. Lord J. Russell then directed attention abroad, alluded to the negotiations which Lad re cently taken place between Austria and Russia, and stated the tenor of the Czar's reply to the last mes sage from the Vienna Cabinet. This reply, he pointed out, was inadmissible in many respects, but chiefly because it repudiated the principle that Turkey should be admitted into the great community of European nations. That principle lay at the bottom of the whole controversy; and while Lussia, since the victories obtained in the reign of the Em press Catherine, had Claimed a right of protectorship and predominance over the Porte and its Christian subjects, the Western 1 owem were now dettimined to relieve Turkey from this degradation, and place her as an equal in rank among the Eulope an powers, for whose integrity all other powers constituted them selves mutual guarantees. Reserting to the conduct of Austria, the noble lord admitted that her attempts at contriving a diplomatic solution of the difficulty had been too long protracted, and might even be again renewed under the pleasure of domestic cir cumstances sand the halt-hearted co-opetation of Prussia, but could not doubt that she would finally fulfil her engagements to Turkey and the Western powers. Reiterating the declaration that England would never sheathe the sword she bad drawn except upon the conclusion of a just and honourable peace, Lord J. Russell, without pledging himself as to details, gave an outline of the principles whereon such a peace might be framed, and of the conditions which it should include : "We ought to endeavour to obtain securities against aggressions similar to those which have now taken place, because 1 hold it to be impossible that the arrangement which was made by the treaty of Adrianople, with regard to the principalities, should be again renewed—(loud and general cheering )—an arrangement which gives the Em peror of Russia a predominant voice in the provinces of Wallachia and Moldavia, which gives him a power of con trol in cases where be thinks that their uftairs are not conducted to his satisfaction, and which, by the destruc tion of all the Turkish foresses, gives him the facility at fortresses, any moment of occupying by his armies provinces contain ing ,000,(100 of inhabitants. 1 say that the integrity of Turkey and the balance of power in Europe could nut be secured by reverting to the stalua quo in regard to those provinces. (Renewed cheering.) But there is another mode in which the position of Russia is menacing to the independence and integrity of Turkey. I mean the es tablishment of a great fortress. prepared with all the combinations of art, made as impregnable as it is possible fur art to make it, and containing within its port a very large fleet of Ime•of-battle ships, ready at any time to come down with a favourable wind to the Bosphorus. 1 say that that is a position so menacing to 'Turkey that no treaty of peace could be considered wise which left the Emperor of Russia in that same position of menace. (Continued applause.) 1 have thought it right to state, not particularly but generally, the views of the Government with respect to the securities which we ought to obtain. What those special securities should be, in what manner they should be gained, and how they should be affirnied is not a subject on which I think 1 can go furtherthan 1 have already done. We shall he ready, as we have been ready, to commanicate with the Government of France upon that subject, and 1 have every reason to believe that the views of the Government ot' the Emperor of the French coiticif..o with oar own in that respect. (Cheers.) We shall be ready to communicate also with the Government of Aus tria, when they wish to know our opinions with regard to such a settlement as in our view could be alone secure, honourable, and just." Lord J. Russell proceeded to trace the bygone steps of Russian aggression against the Ottoman empire, showing bow the Sovereigns of Russia bad always been envious of all improvements and hostile to all reforms in Turkey; how they bad opposed every movement that tended to elevate the Ottoman nation, and fostered every symptom of decay and disorgani sat ion in an empire of which they hoped to become the inheritors. Aguinst this attempt, so long per sisted in and so widely ramified, the present war was commenced ; and, considering the power and char ter of the Monarch against wh om it was waged,h ace could entertain but slight hope that its durauon would be brief:— " We, on our side, most not stop--and, let me say, will not stop—until Russia is assured, by the events and the calamities of war, by such failures as she has lately in . ade at Silistria, and by other and still heavier losses and sin. fitures—(Hear, hear)—that the great project of her aiiiht• tion cannot be executed against the consent of Eurupo