The Press. — London, England, 1854-11-18 00:00:00

II (NOVEMBER 18, 1854. Coutspontanct. [IT must be understood that the PRESS is not identified with the opluions of its Correspondents, though we insert no coummuicatiou which does nut appear in some way deserving of publicity. The letters of our Correspondents are open to reply. We require uuly that the language of fair discussion be employed, and that due attention be paid to the facts stated. We beg that uu weutiou may be made of our " ability, in ilueuee." Ise., as we uuliesitatiugly strike our pen through every allusion of the kind.] RUSSIAN POLICY. TO THE EDITOR OF "THE PRESS." Sir,—The Czar of Russia in his Oriental policy committed a mistake. A high authority has judged such error to be the gravest crime in state affairs; and in this case it was one both of time and circum stance. The advent of the Earl of Aberdeen to the direction of English councils, and the frail founda tion (Ro declared) of the imperial throne of France, were judged by the Muscovite to he opportune to effectuate the hereditary plan for a partition of the Ottoman empire. Upon the subserviency of Eng land and the impotency of France the Czar counted for the completion of his Oriental scheme. The Earl of Aberdeen commenced life as a literary man and a politician, with determined acts and opinions. His claims to literary distinction consisted in the peculiar merit of having rifled and purloined the more tangible part of the ruins of Greece. For this we have the authority of Lord Byron* ; and his public conduct was characterised by his joining the Tories as an uncompromising partisan. For some occult reason his lordship did not bring back suave reminiscences either from the glowing isles of burn ing Sappho or from the Osmanli glories of Istambol. But these are secrets Known but to genii of the deep, Which, trembhug iu their coral eaves, They dare not whisper to the waves. It is sufficient to confirm the fact by the subsequent deeds of the official career of his lordship resulting therefrom. He did not view with an approving re gard the re-establishment of the kingdom of Greece, but he highly relished the refusal of that throne by the Prince Leopold of Saxe Cobourg, the accep tance of which would have made a liberal and Wes tern policy paramount at Athens. It was also pleasing to him to see a sovereign placed thereon adverse to French interests, and who immediately allied himself to an Oldenbourg princess bound by close relationship to the Czar of Russia. Russian intrigue straightway converted Greece into an attic pandemomium under the presidency of the Olden• bourg queen. It must be borne in mind that the domi nant object of the Congress of Vienna was to weaken France and to elevate the Czar of Russia to the protectorate of continental Europe. It is from this error that is derived the present complication of European policy. The primary disease of this poli tical system is centered in the Czar, and the secondary symptoms belong t ) Lord Aberdeen. The ulterior views of Russia were clearly developed in the treaty of Adrianople, which was a confirmation of that of Karnadji, wherein the Porte had surrendered to Catharine 11. the virtual protectorate of its own Geeek subjects. France, after the Congress of Vienna, had politi cally languished in a manner unbecoming her European position, and this lethargic existence was publicly lamented by the Duke of Wellington. The state of paralysis was summarily dispelled by the revolution of 1830. The old Bourbons—who were pensioners upon European anti-Napoleonism—had worn out their threadbare dynasty. Louis XVIII., a plain and sensible man, foresaw the certain course of events which would follow the accession of the Comte d'Artois to the throne of France, and, stigma tising his brother as a fool, he shut himself up in his cabinet with his Grand Chamberlain, and found a substantial solace in those culinary arts which pampered a gastronomy propitious to mental somno lency. The prediction of Louis XVIII. was fulfilled in the revolution of 1830, which arrested for a mo ment the course of Muscovite action. The Reform Bill of 1832, by throwing the reins or Government into a party of which Lord Palmers tone was a prominent agent, compelled the Czar to bide his time ; and not until the accession of Lord Aber deen to power did the Czar recommence the prosecu tion of his Eastern policy. Then ensued that singu lar correspondence in which the proposal of a parti tion of the Ottoman empire, after the manner of Poland, was secretly but unmistakeably made to a Minister of England, and by him not unequivocally spurned. The Czar pinned himself to his friend. By a dark intrigue, the details of which are now accurately known, the enlightened Minister, who was most hostile to Russian preponderance, was discour teously ejected from the high position he occupied in the councils of his sovereign. The disruption of the Cabinet followed. It was succeeded by the Derby Administration, which again gave place to • Come, then, ye classic Thanes of each degree, Dark Hamilton and sullen Aberdeen; Come, pilfer all the pilgrim loges t bee. Suprrnsed passage in "Chil , lr Herold," canto THE PRESS. that of Lord Aberdeen. It was then that the Czar of all the Russias deemed the time ripe fur the realisation of Muscovite ambition. But now comes, in its due time and place, the error of circumstance. The Republic of France, in augurated after the flight of Louis Philippe, was but a disjointed state of national incompetency. The revolutions of Germany had utterly failed in con structing the Utopian Federation of the Fatherland after a republican shape, and the assassinations at Frankfort and elsewhere had disgusted the more honest and prudent of its partisans. Kossuth bad ruined the cause of constitutional Hungary by the declaration of stern republicanism ; and the fact of his having been accessory, by harangue, to the mur der of General Latour alienated from him still more the confidence of the Magyars. At that moment the , Emperor Nicholas came forth as the protector I of European monarchy, prostrated Austria by his fatal aid, and fomented with the full weight of his influence the insincere conduct of the King of Prussia against the Germanic interests of the house of Hapsburg. In the meantime the President of the French Republic ascended the imperial throne of his uncle. The English Ambassador at Paris, the Mar quis of Normanby, in an official note found in the Foreign-office at Paris, treated and spoke of the Em peror of the French as " a paltry scamp," and " a hungry adventurer, not worthy of notice." Two Whig Ministers of the Crown, also, at public assem blies convened for especial purposes, reviled the Emperor of the French as "a rogue and vagabond," a "traitor," "perjurer," and " butcher " and ex hausted every epithet of contumely familiar to the denizen of the gin palace. Relying upon the faith and the sincerity of the English Minister, and upon the supposed insecurity of the imperial throne of France, and the inability of its occupant, the Em peror Nicholas broke ground. This was the fatal mistake. The "scamp" of the Marquis of Normanby, and the " Vaurien " of the " Arcades Ambo," has proved himself to be as superior in rectitude of conduct to the Russian autocrat and the English Minister as he has outgeneralled them in the higher branches of state policy. He has cemented betwixt the two countries a union which the Minister, through his colleagues, together with the insulting note of Lord Normanby, had striven to vitiate by personal abuse ; and he has unmasked the Czar by a straightforward determination of purpose, in strong contrast to the insincerity and " timides avis " elsewhere displayed. The present disturbed state of Europe, and the Rus sian war, are the emanations from the prejudices entertained by the English Minister against France from a blind obedience to Muscovite interests, according to the spirit of the congress of Vienna; and further, be it said, that they proceed from a men tal infirmity which does not permit a just discrimi nation betwixt the earnest appeal of an alien friend ship and the sterner demand of patriotic virtue. Jebel Taif. C. A. H. BOARD OF TRADE TYRANNY OVER CUSTOM HOUSE OFFICERS. TO THE EDITOR OF THE PRESS. Sir,—l am anxious to obtain the advocacy of the PRESS on behalf of one much wronged branch of the civil service. I speak according to the good old fashion of common honesty, and not as a political economist; for in the opinion of such a philosopher nothing seems wrong that effects a saving, and re trenches anything—but his own emoluments. The wrongs of which I have to complain are those done of late to some of the principal officers of cus toms at the outports. To the office of collector of customs at an outport a certain salary has been at tached, the amount of which has been strictly limited to what has been considered only a fair remu neration for his labours as collector of customs exclu sively. Of late years the Board of Trade has come " into the market" as a candidate for all sorts of offices, and has managed to draw within its grasp various branches of public business, which were not made " a trade " of before, but were managed by corporate bodies, or by trustees elected by the parties concerned. I allude principally to the Merchant Seamens' Fund, and the pensions payable out of it ; to the light duties, and to the " Droits of Admiralty." It is surely a very high compliment to the collectors of customs that., from the first, attention became fixed upon them as the most efficient and trustworthy body that could be found to collect the funds of these various establishments. They cannot live, however, on compliments. To induce them to give their assistance, a fair per centage or allowance was offered to them, and, as the circumstances of most of them were far from affluent, they eagerly accepted the trust, the duties, and the remuneration. It must not be supposed that their new duties fell easily into their " day's work " as collectors of customs. They were compelled to give extra securities, to employ private clerks, and to give extra attendance at their o ces. For a long series of years matters went, on (and went on very well) in the mode described; but at last it was found out that nothing was sound that wax not based upon "centralisation." Then is 1095 abundant proof, one would have supposed, that Go vernment does many things very ill indeed; but centralisation " assumes that nothing can be done well except by Government. Centralisation is in the ascendant, and all the establishments, therefore, to which I have alluded have been transferred to the Board of Trade, as a central machine. The "Board" has set about its new duties in the true spirit of political economists ! First it takes care of itself. It has created quite a new establish ment at the Treasury, with very nice pickings and patronage" attached to it. In the next place, as an item on the per contra side, as a proof of its strict, if not very honest "econotuy,",it has deprived the officers of customs of the emolument hitherto en joyed by them, and has required them to take, with out any pay, the labour and responsibility, leaving the Board of Trade to reap all the credit. and the remuneration ! However, the Board of Trade did not at once tell the collectors of customs that they must do the work of the Board of Trade for nothing. It speciously offered, therefore, at first a price tor their services, and, having obtained the services under such an agreement, it now turns round and refuses any longer to pay the stipulated remuneration. It knows very well that it has the tyrant's power, " might against right," and, although such a power is in general execrated in England, the Board of Trade does not hesitate to exercise it ! I beg to trespass a little further on your patienoe. Custom-house officers are governed by a board of their own, called the "Board of Customs." It may seem unnecessary to state this, but, seeing such doings by the Board of Trade, well may it be asked, " What has become of the Board of Customs ?" Is it not entitled to be consulted before the regulations of its own department are thrown into confusion, and the proper working of it disarranged by imposing extraneous labour upon one important branch of it Yet the Board of Trade has so interfered, and the Board of Customs " makes no sign." What are we to conclude from this ? The Board of Customs bas become very unfavourably known to the public of late years, and I fear it has come to the determine Lion to escape censure, if possible, by avoiding melee. The present board is a miscellaneous body., The majority are " heavy Peelites ;" there is an admiral, and an infusion of whig-radicalism was added a few years ago iu the shape of a young and clever scion of a recently-elevated stock, almost just fresh mom college. There is not in it at present a single spice of those good old English principles which, however they may have been smothered for a time by new fangled notions, are still supported by some of the greatest names in the land, and are every day acquiring renewed strength and influence. Some jeers ago, those principles were represented at the Board by the then chairman, Mr. Dean. In his days the Board of Customs was something. It possessed the respect and confidence of the public, and, armed with that respect and confidence, it maintained its due influ , euce at the Treasury. The public were satisfied, and the "service" felt itself protected and secure. The Board of Customs has now become " Peelite," and, in the eyes of the public and of the Treasury, "no thing." The " Peelite" board, indeed, commenced with a very high hand, by flying into the faces of the "merchant-princes" of the City. It set on foot the notorious " Dock Company Prosecutions," which destroyed not only such reputation as it possessed, but endangered its very existence. The storm of public indignation which then broke round its head suffi ciently quenched its pugnacious propensities, and, " Peelite" like, it fell into the opposite extreme of submissiveness and ultra-politeness. Few complain of it now, for the public have become its" very worthy and approved good masters ;" the Board of Trade pushes it contemptuously on one side as of no ac count, and makes fags of its subordinate officers; and the officers themselves feel that they have no longer a board that can offer any defence or security against. oppression and injustice. Such is the result of Peelite predominance, wherever it exists. I have marked these results dis passionately. in the words of an old poet, I myself, From my throne of peace, Can look [upon these things] with univet eyc, for I have the satisfaction of being, A SUPERANNUATED OFFICER. Nov. 1854. I'S.—l trust you will excuse my plain and unvar nished style, for I am of the old school, and never passed a Uovernment Board of Examiners. PARLIAMENT was on Thursday further prorogued to Thursday the 14th of December next. A FUNERAL. SERVICE for her late Royal Highness the Duchess of Wurtemburg, sister of his Highness Prince Adam Czartoryski, was celebrated on Monday in the German Catholic Chapel in Bow-lane. The Rev. Emericus Podoiski officiated, in the presence of a numerous attendance of Polish refugees. The Poles have also forwarded to Prince Adam Czartoryski, their chief and representative abroad, an address of condolence expressive of their deep sympathy with the bereavement which his highness has sus tained.