The Press. — London, England, 1857-05-30 00:00:00

526 of these estimates. The first question, said the noble lord, which suggests its3lf to one charged with proposing the estimates is the amount of force which should be proposed, with, on the one hand, the greatest regard to economy, and on the other with the greatest regard to efficiency and the defence of the country. Without attempting to rival the continental interpretation of the axiom, "Si vis pacem para bellum," we should consider the pecu liar circumstances of this country . We have not only our own island to defend, but we have great colonial dependencies scattered over every region of the globe, and we must consider what is necessary for the protection of them and of the country not in a state of actual war, but what is necessary to protect them against sudden attack without much previous warning. Therefore our military establishments must provide for the defence of the country against unexpected danger, and also for the defence of our colonial dependencies. Our position is one which, without meaning to imply any doubt as to the continuance of peace, requires peculiar caution on our part. These considerations were explained by my right hon. friend the First Lord of the Admiralty in moving the navy estimates. We have close to us a great military and naval power—a power far superior to us In her great military establishments—a power which is nearly equal to us in the amount of her naval establish ments. And we must recollect that modern improve ments have in a great degree altered the conditions of both naval and military war. The improvements in pro jectiles, the great improvements in shipping, have alto gether altered the relative position of countries so near to each other. In former times wh en we were a t war with France—long may it be before that happens again !—the means of assault were confined to the collection of a great number of sailing-boats in the ports of the Channel, of which notice could he naturally given, and it was therefore easy for the Government to take precautions against any danger that might arise therefrom. But, as was stated by my right lion. friend, there is now at Cherbourg the means for collecting a large naval force. The ships which we now build are of such magnitude that whereas formerly only a few hundred men could be transported by one ship now more than 1,04)0 or 1,200 can well come upon one keel. The circumstances of the country are peculiarly fortunate. lt is impossible for this country to rely entirely for its defence upon its naval means. There must be within the territory of the country the means of effectually maintaining ourselves, even supposing our naval protection tolbe denuded or ineffectual. On the one hand I think it is the duty of the Government (and if the Government neglected their duty it would then become the duty of Parliament) to take care that our military establishment is not numerically larger than is really required for the emergency of the time; but, on the other hand, having, as we ought to have, a comparatively small military Web. lishment, it ought to be so organised as to be capable of speedy and great enlargement, and to contain within it those elements of science which are becoming every year more necessary for military establishments. It should also be so organised that those who may have to command it should be practised in those military evolutions which they may have to perform upon taking the field either at home or abroad. Now, the great fault in our military arrangements I;ithertu has been that they have ended with a regimental system. But I may observe that our regi mental system is as perfect as that of any service in the world. Nothing could be superior to the British regiments I remember bearing the Duke of Wellington say that the British soldiers, led by the gentry of their country, would do anything that was within the scope of human beings to accomplish. If we wanted any examples we should find them in the late war in the Crimea. Many of us have read that anecdote of the battle of Inkermann when the gallant soldiers, assailed by numbers which to many other men wou!d be overwhelming. being almost exhausted, and their ammunition in a condition in which any troops might with honour have retired, the cry went from one to the other, " Well, lads, we must stand our ground: but if we go back the girls of England will laugh at us." That simple expression of determination was just as heroic as any of those more eloquent and inflated sentiments of patriotism which are to be met with in the most eminently classical authors. Well, then, the arrangements in our regiments were as good as possible, but there they stopped. The condition of our army in a time of peace precluded that practice of evolutions and movements which belonged to larger bodies collected together. The brigade system and the divisional system were studied in theory, hut were seldom capable of being practised in the field. Those officers who have the good fortune to serve in India see these things on a larger scale, but our officers at home were compelled to stilly them only theoretically in the closet: and a man might as well expect to learn how to swim by extending himself on a mahogany table as to learn military evolutions by reading books in his arm-chair by the fireside. But these defects in our military system were now remedied by the establishment of camps such as at Aldershott, which gave both men and officers or por tunities of acquiring that practical knowledge which is so essential to the successful conduct of the ope rations of a campaign, and which would perfect brigade and divisional organisation. With regard to other detects of our military system, such as the want of a field-train and a hospital staff, they were now remedied; and these, with the supernumeraries and the augmentation of the artillery, which would permit us to put 140 guns into the field, contributed to increase the present estimates as compared with those of 1853-54. There wiiLs .no increase in the infant of the line \'slight increase of he engineers and 8,917 men ablia.; • infantry of the line ; there viaAjoslii the cavalry, and an increase of the artillery, the number of men beieg 6 THE PRESS. the estimates of 1853-54, while the increase of charge was 636,0001., part of which was temporary. lode• pendently, however, of having a force sufficient for the defence of the country, there was another consi deration which had of late years been much dwelt upon and much forced upon public attention, but which for a considerable time did not sufficiently attract the notice either of the Government or of the country—viz., the necessity of defensive works for the protection of our dockyards and commercial ports, and for the protection also of such points as Dover, which may he said to be the key to the southern coast of England : These works (observed the noble lord) were for many years almost entirely neglected. Of late years more atten tion has been paid to them; from time to time annual sums of money have been voted for the completion of such works, and thus the object in view has to a certain extent been accomplished. Both Portsmouth and Plymouth may now be said to be unassailable from the sea side, but they both require additional fortification on the land side. Dover is becoming a fortress of considerable strength. That place is certainly of the utmost importance ; because, if the enemy were to get possession of Dover, with its harbour and the facilities it would offer for their landing. this would of course be a very inconvenient position for them to occupy. It is therefore obviously of the greatest importance that Dover should be placed in a situation which would enable it to defend itself if attacked until assistance and support could arrive. It is necessary also to impress upon the house the high importance of pro tecting the dockyards—our great arsenals at Portsmouth, Plymouth, Sheerness, and Pembroke—against the attacks of a small army landing in the neighbourhood and shelling them on the land side ; because if your naval resources in those dockyards were destroyed, there would be It once an end to your naval superiority, and you would be left com paratively defenceless. These, sir, are matters of the utmost importance, which for several years past have seriously occupied the attention of her Majesty's Govern ment, and my right hon. friend Sir J. Graham knows well (because he entered heartily and constantly into these deliberations when he was a member of the Govern. ment) the importance of this subject; he is aware that what has been done has not been useless, and that further application of the same means is required to accomplish the object we have in view. The noble lord then briefly alluded to the improve ments in barrack accommodation for the private soldier—expensive but necessary items—as it was the most desirable arrangement to make the barrack the home of the soldier. Lord Palmerston then entered upon specific explanations with reference to the expenditure for fortifications, the defence of our dockyards and arsenals; for improved accommoda• tions for the soldiers and barracks upon new prin ciples; for the manufacture of arms, ordnance as well as small ; for clothing and necessaries for the men, and provision for the education of officers of the army. The total (amount required for the effec tive service of the army was 9,025,3601. ; for the lion-effective, 2,221,875/.; the increase above the estimates of 1853 -4 being 1,611,0001. Some discussion followed, and Lord JOHN RUSSELL made the following observations upon the extrava gance of the financial policy of our Government : Let the committee consider what the state of our finances will be next year if. not having this 4,500,0001. of income tax, we have to provide estimates anything like those of the present year, with an increase of 1,000,0001. over our former peace establishment as to the army, an increase of about 1,060,000/. in the navy, nod a similar increase in our civil estimates, which have got up of late years with frightful rapidity. lam quite ready to suppoit the present vote and any succeeding ones that may be necessary for the service of the present year ; bnt I trust that an opportunity will be afforded us next year, whether on the proposal of my right hon. friend Sir F. Baring or of some other member, for discussing the expediency of appointing a select committee, and that the Government will take into their serious consideration the amount of the esFmates, and endeavour to propose reduced one for 1858. Votes were then agreed to, after much discussion, to make up, in addition to the sums already voted, the following amounts-4,388,017/. for pay and allowances, 50,2821. for volunteer corps, and 181,9091. for the Denartments of the Secretary for War and the General Commanding-in Chief. Upon the amount of 553,0551. for miscellaneous charges, Mr. ADDF.RLEY referred the expense of sending the German Legion to the Cape of Good Hope, which he said amounted to 1001. a man, whereas they might have been disbanded at a cost of 2(11. a man. He had made this statement before, but it had been disputed. Since then be had gone into the calculation, and found, taking the blue book as his guide, that he was pretty nearly correct. Muking every deduction, it was impossible to put down the cost for sending out the 2,300 men at less than 200,0001. Mr. IdostoucaEßE did not dispute Mr. Adderley's statements, but observed that, as the colony had given 80,0001. towhrds the project, the expense to the country would be so much less. He justified the measure as one adding to " the strength and safety " of the Cape ; and, with regard to the strong body of troops now in the colony, explained that •• O SATURDAY, another war with the Kaffirs was only prevented by the presence of such a powerful force. Lord PALMERSTON thought the Government were perfectly justified it resorting to this s)stem of colonisation for the purpose of adding to the defence of the Cape : Whether the Government were right or wrong, the thing was done, and it would be quite preposterous now to deprive these men of the means of settling themselves in their houses at the Cape. He believed the Government were perfectly right in what they had done, but even those who thought differently could not, he imagined, with ally consistency cut off a sum intended to promote the comfort and well being of men who were now actually at the Cape, and who had gone there on the faith of the promises made to them. Mr. WHITESIDE suggested that the arrangement would have been more perfect had the Government made a settlement in the ehape of pin -money upon the ladies who accompanied the German Legion. It should be remembered that while they were making this magnificent arrangement the Govern ment were stripping militiamen of their trousers, and turning them adrift without a sixpence. The best argument in favour of the colonisation of the Cape by the German Legion was, he thought, that we had got rid of these men. Mr. ADDERLEY controverted the doctrine that a Minister of State might involve the country in the expenditure of 1,000,0001. upon an experiment, the success of which, as the house had been told, was very problematical, although this house had never been consulted in any way ; and that when, for the first time, the bill was laid before them, they were to be told by Ministers that the thing was done and that it was too late to complain. He proposed to divide the committee, not in order to undo the mis chief which had been done already, but to put a stop to future mischief. The Government had under taken to keep this German Legion not only for three years in our actin' pay, but for four years more. Now, he wished to stop this experiment and save the country front any repetition of it. Supposing the settlement failed (and there seemed every chance of its failing), we should have it on our hands for ever. These men might surely build cottages for them selves, or the colony might build them. _ _ Eventually Mr. Adderley consented to withdraw his amendment, as the sense of the committee ap peared to be against it; but gave notice that he should take an early opportunity of taking the sense of the house upon the policy of the Govern. ment. The amendment was then by leave withdrawn, and the vote was agreed to. The house resumed ct midnight. The moti mt for going into committee on the Bank ruptcy and Insolvency (Ireland) Bill was opposed by ➢lr. WHITESIDE, who objected to proceed with a measure of such length and importance at so late an haar. On a division, the motion for committing the bill was carried by a majority of 1!21. to 67-54. The Speaker left the chair, but progress was re ported before a single clause was passed. The Portland Harbour Bill went through com mittee. The Cinque Port Act Amendment Bill was read a second time. On the motion for going into committee on the Ministers' Money (Ireland) Bill, Lord PALMERSTON stated that the Government had now taken charge of the bill. Mr. HAMILTON hoped that the noble lord would not press► on the committal of the bill until certain returns which he had moved for should be laid upon the table of the house, as he believed that those returns would show that the statement of a right hon. gentleman opposite upon a previous occa sion was not founded upon correct information. The committee upon the bill was then postponed. The house adjourned at half-past twelve until Thursday. HOUSE OF LORDS-THURSDAY. EXETER-HALL SERVICES. Lord DUNGANNON called the attention of the Bishop of London to certain services performed in Exeter-hall on Sunday evenings by prelates and clergymen of the Church of England. He wished to know whether the bishop con , idered these " inno yawns " in accordance with th e rul es a nd discipline of the Church ? The Bishop of LONDON replied that there could be no doubt that such a service had taken place. Ile believed that services of this kind were not only strictly legal, but that they were in the highest degree expedient, and supplied a want felt by thousands of the community. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY would ask the noble lord, who felt, he was certain, anxious flr the welfare of the Church, whether it would be wt-e, even were it possible, to check what he called "these innovations ?" Ile could not imagine that any greater reproach or disparagement could be cast upon the Church than to suppose it was incapable of ac-