The Express. — London, England, 1849-07-03 00:00:00

betide, id Les import consumed by the various dames imposing the sepleultural Widest. The hon. member said ematemptimedy, "a unarm or so of peasants, a few hundred fleriners, sad a dozen or so of landed proprietors, what is the connunp• ion of se limited a class to the demand of the earthen nations of the world," and the sentiment had bum vary mash cheered by the hen. member's friends. (Hear, hear.) That was not his (Mr. Disraeli's) estimate of die beam mead. He did not undervalue the wren of the egricultural interest, but they didl= l 2l Idea, niespeekrad the whole of the home market. He would give his notion of the home market, arid of the influence which it exercised, and he would support it by no lea an authority than that of Probasco Jones of the tithe commis sion In hie book upon root Mr. Jones laid it down that the agricultural claim after reserving the amount of produce necessary for their own consuaiptioo, had left for the purposes of barter with the eon-agricultoral classes. what was an equivalent to an annual value of 100,000.000 1 . He (Mr. Disraeli) took Mr. Jores's estimate which he aid not believe to be exaggerated. The writer further said that, at times of what was called agricultural distress—at periods when the farmers were Name with loner-It will very easy kr them to diminish the cost of praise:kis, by dim inishing the quantity of labour employed, and be other means, to the extent of 25 per cent. The mineral consequence of this was, that in a short time the produce was also redudd in value, and therefore the amount available for barter became 75 instead of 100 millions. If, then, they took Mr. ',Ale/ view as come', let them look at the present state of the agricultural classes of this country be the light of his intelligence, and see what most b, th, effeet en their social state of their present eiscuinstancee. It appear dby the report of the poor-law commissioners, that the average price of wheat for the last 10 years had been some thing under 130 s. the quarter, Sies 103., and by the lest return it appeared that the present average mica in England was 61. (Protectionist cheer.) 11 , re then was a reduc tion of 26e. per cent. Be it remembered that they had no accurate statistics of the home trade as they had of the forties, and that it was only breed facts, such as he had quoted, they had to guide them in coming to conclusiocs. Mr. Jones considered that a reduction of 25 per cent. in value left the agriculturalist only 75 instead of 100 millions for the porpoges of barter, but he (Mr. Disraeli) hod shown a deprematien in the value of setrieulmral production of not 25 but 26 per cent. (H. it, hear) What then had tile,m place in England ? The dime of 23 millions from our home trade, half the amount of the so much boasted foreign trade sad which under ordi nary circumstance, would hare aL this time been circulating through the country. (Hear, hear.) That it was which had already paralysed our agricultural towns, and which was be. ginning to be felt even in this great and wealthy metro polis. (Cheers.) This was the emend great cause to which he attributed the. deterioration of the people of England, which had diminished the meats of employing the lebeurieg classes at profitable wages. He had shown the house what had been the effect on the con dition of the people of the fall is the home market. He came to • third point to which the Poor Law Commissioners referred in their report. Thom gentlemen attributed the in crease of pauperism is 1848 to manufacturing dept salon end the immigratioa from Ireland. Now, he asked, what had caused the immigration of the Irish into England ? Had it been caused by the partial famine of which they had heard so much, or rather might it art he attributed to the policy which the government had pursued in dealing with tat famine (Hear, hear.) What was the petition of govern mist with respect to Ireland, when the almost hopeless state of the latter was placed before them ? The patient was in a state of exhaustion, and the physician had recourse to a system of depletion. Instead of stimulating the industry of the country by the sanction of the state, instead of grap pling with the question of emigration which at that moment was singularly opportune, all that the government did was to ',Malaise', a poor law so ingeniously exhaustive in its character that it had succeeded in reseming society almost Into its original elements. (Hear, hear.) They called upon the proprietors of the laud to make the greatest exertions and the greatest sacrifices, when mil,' a short time before they lei deprived the property of Ireland of the surest and most confirmed market for their produce. (Cheers.) He said it was the duty of government, in consequence of the state of Irelaad, to have encountered the question of mixes don, and best d so because, as statesmen they ought to have known that it was impoisihle to avoid the (tuition, and that it must arise whatever might be their policy. It had arisen Ia Ireland, and instead of a government emigration they had had a spontineous emigration. Instead of an emigra tion superintended by the state, which would have sent paupers to rich land., where they might be sure of subsist ence, they had had an emigration only of these who were anxious to save what was stall lett to them. He asked the house, then, what they thought of • policy that lead omitted so rare an opportunity, but which be trusted would never occur "gals. (Hear, hear.) Let him ask what had been the conduct of ministers in this wide spread calamity and universal suffering. First they had supeorted Ireland as a public pauper, while depression existed in the manufacturing districts, and with the con seieusness that agricultural depression was clue at hand. Ile 'eked what had been the conduct of government in the man ag, m,nt of the finances ? How had they prepared for the coming storm ? They were left with • well-filled exchequer, mid although they had supported Ireland it was done by loan, and, therefore, it afforded no reason for the each. quer Incoming empty under their management. Mt y had met parliament, in the previous year, in the midst of European convulsions in the midst of the rash speculations which th ey, themselves, bad stimulated by their lets- Melon, in the midst of Irish dieting ; and they did so without being prepared with any remedy for the eves by which they were surroundet On the contrary, they m otionl the expenditure—end, stronger 'till, they laineaseed the taxes. (Hear, hear.) Oevanner. could not have for gotten the limed's' campai gn s of the previous year. The bon. en. mbar for Montrose had a financial amendment on the paper. He was one of the. who had prophesied sock happy results to England from free trade. Three pus ago he was the leader of all those prophets of statistical celebrity who offered their inspired computations as to the future re novation ache country. (Cheers.) Thou were the men who had told them that independently of the great profit they were to derive from the new market. opened to theta— they were to save two millions • week iu domestic economy thruugh the' r. peal of the corn-lawa Why the hole member ought to be ashamed of himself. (Laughter.) He had sow examined the state of the nation, tooth se regarded its tenets trade, its egenoiltaral interests, the condition of Ire*.ans, and the spirit of the policy punned by the go eminent towards Ireland and other countries, and the Seances of the country lie had shown them he the last hem of consideration that the surplus which they inherited SWAT this government had base converted into a deficiency deluder amount, and be need not remind them again that that deficiency was only terminated by the interfennos of the House of Commons la the administration of the country. (lieu, hear.) Well, there had been parties, dark as might have hien oar fortunes In England, who could look with satiefactioo, both as • source of power and as a source of wealth, to her colonies. Whet was the state of our colonies? What abase had taken place in our colonial relations sines the esmammeement of the year DM? The government in traduced • measure before they were scarcely warm in thole seat, to regulate the industry of our sugar colonies. What had been the consequence of that measure ? According to the highest authority of hret-rate eminence, one of their friends, one more acquainted with the labour of these cotes ties than any other individual, one who for forty years had connected himself with the sacred cause of anti-slavery, but who was also a strong free trader—he meant Sir Stephen Luseington ; wordier( to his opinion, not an old opinion, not a dusty prejudice, but taken from his evidence given only • few days ago, and to be found in the first report of the slavery commission of this year— according to Sir Stephen Lualaington, the imam of the government with respect to sugar had given the " death. blow" to our colonies. (Chess from the protectionists.) Having reviewed and deprecated the state of the co. loans, he west on to say: He heard much of con tinental convulsions as the cease of our present condi ties. Bet he wanted to know whether the policy of lug Majesty's ministers with regard to foreign powers had aM itself beta one of the principal causes of those contineatal °mealtime? (Hear, hear.) When her Majesty's =Miners acceded to power they appeared to have adopted a Ratan contrary to that of their . pre decessor. We found that her Majesty's mionters were in apparent communication with the discontented party in every state—that party which was sometimes called the " liberal " party, but which consisted of mast eecdetiee stimulated and ormsained by an emigrant nobility. (" Hear " end sheers.) Now, what bed been the consequence of this? A great convulsion occurred in Europe. He would nos stop to trees in any degree that convulainn in O. policy of our s. That might not be difficult ; but when the rn i r r irr li r ived when the influence of England might have been exercised to oppose and discountenance the coavuhions of Enrols*, Masked was left without power, because England was may recognised as the colleague of the limited hews tented dowry country, who, thinking that they were Bap ported by England, took every :opportunity of exhibiting their opinions and demonstrating their weakness. All the great ministers of Europe, who were the representatives of a groat and stable order of affairs, were treated by our govern ment as if they were personal enemies. Metternich. (iciest, and Narvaes were swept off, or attempted to be I swept off, from the consideration of affairs. Bst the most curious thing was, that the party with which our government seemed to he connected bad sever succeeded is _producing a man capable of regu lating public business. (Hear.) What had been the conse quence 1 The consequence had not only been that that great iefleence which England once exercised, and so re cently exercised, could no longer be exercised to preserve peaces or went those convulsions, the convulsions of which we Wrd so much, but her Majesty's government appeared to have failed in eveey object which they put before themselves and prop°, ed to themselves se worthy objects of attainment. He would take the tae of Italy as a complete illustration of their failure. Her Ila c tesj's erovemmen t were so satisfied that Austria not hold her petition in Italy, that they agreed that a new power should lead, and the Xing of Sar dinia was fixed *von. Her Main ere government were so satisfied that the Pope, being a reformer, would be the only means of preventing the French from entering Italy, that the; supported the reforming tendencies of the Pops— her Majesty's government wee ipo satisfied that the King of Naples, could net hid hie a wn , that they were looking all over Europe to find a king for Sicily. (Hear, btu.) What wee the malt? Austria was paremoaat in the north of Italy, end the King of Sardinia wee the humble ally of Austria. The Pope was not at Rome, but the Fr ach were. _Mar, bear.) Tim Kin g of Naples woe dm King of the Two Shakes ehlL We had a bah Wee tration of how little talented oar goveramiat had been of the state of Europe is their conduct ea re garded Spies. It was gaup clam that what cacareed en Italy never could have occurred if the government were well informed. Hew well the were informed as regarded 1 the condition of Spaia wee *TAW by tisk istezietbki auk saintlier to counsel the prime minister of Spain to resign. Oar minister cote now no locate in Spain, and the same I prime minister still exercis4 authority in Madrid. Her Majesty's ministers had no influence in soy partof the world 1 except at Paris, end they had more influence at Paris than their peedemosors. The idioms, of this country was sever len than at present; and the policy pursued had not in any instance elevated our commerce. (Hear.) He had sow attempted, more imperfectly than he would desire, to all the attention of the house to the state of this country la all its principal relations. The canvas wee so wide that it had been to him almost impossible to do more than to sketch the principal features. Bat he bad endeivoured, without euggaratioo, and relying upon documents the accuracy of which could not and would net be impugned, to lay before the house a fair sad impar tial statement of our position. He would not for one moment pretend that what he deemed to be our calamitous condition was to be:fricribod to one particular cause. Ho was ready to admit that in the complicated transactions of • great country like this, and in • period of time which in this rapid age of events could not be considered a brief one, many etsjunctures end calamities must occur which the prescience of no statesman could have foreseen, and some of which the power of no minister could remedy. He was not one of thong who had ever looked upon the Irish famine as • cobinet measure. (Hear, hear.) But he was bound to say that taking a general, but he believed not en incomplete, view of the whole coarse of the government, and of all that had happened iu pclitical life in these last three yeses and more, he did reerguise one predominant cause, to which he attributed a great part of our calamities, and that was our ',edition. (lieu, hear, and cheers.) He had shown them that as an economic principle, the principle they had attempted was • fallacious one ; and that its necessary consequence was to cause the embarrassment of the people ; he thought he bad proved by the records he had already appealed to, that their system had done more injury than that, and would lead to greater misfortunes. The konoutable member for Sheffield seems to suppose that we Burst the lot of those who, conscious of the disease of the commonwealth, • were not prepared to offer any remedy. He misstates us. (Cheers.) It is because I wish to offer • remedy that I have presumed to call upon the House of Commons to emcee the r highest privilege with which the constitution has invested it. It is to offer a remedy that I now place in your hands, sir, • the resolution of which I have given notice, because I believe • in my con/Mance it le the best and surest means to save a suffering people and sustain a falling country. (Hear.) The question bring put, that thehouse resolve itself tato a I eommittee of the whole house to take into consideration the' . state of the nation, &moment or two elapsed before as y one . rue to address the house, when there were several loud cries of" divide." Ministers looked towards Mr. Hume, but the hon. gentleman shook his heed, and pointed to the treasury bench amidst much laughter. Upon which Mr. Hawes went round and spoke to the hon. member, who, however, still . declined to rue. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he certainly expected that his hon. friend the member for Mon trose, following his own example on a former ecesaion. wonid have risen to move the annulment of which he had given notice, immediately after the hon. masher:tor Buckiogbam shire ; but riot having done so he must, in perfect sincerity of purpose, express a hope, and suggest as a reoommeada don, that his hon. friend would abandon the notion of mov ing his amendment—not that he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) underrated its importance, or deemed that it was not • proper subject of discussion; but with the experience of his hon. irked, he hoped be would see the inconvenience of bringing forward more than one great subject at a time before the houn—the inconvenience of having speeches following speeches that were not answers to them. In the hope that his honourable friend would not move his amendment, he would proceed at once to address himself to the motion and arguments of the hon. gentleman. The hon. gentleman made no apology for shaping his motion as he had done. It was as he truly stnted quite a constitutional motion. Neither he (the Chan cellor of the Xxchequert nor any member of the government complained that the hon. member, as the avowed leader of a large party opposite, should come forward on this occasion, and with such a motion, in order to place their views b, fore the country. The hon. gentleman slid he considered the country to be in a state of great and general distress—that those engaged in commerce or agriculture " suffered and saw no hey." If that was his belief he was not only nal tied in bringing forward this motion, but would have not been doing his duty it he had not. But he did not agel with him in his opinion of the state of the country. He did not believe that that gloom and despondency he described hung over every class, nor could he congratulate him on having offered much consolation to his friends, when he de clared, at the end of his speech, that the course he now suggested was the remedy he had to propen for the sufferings which he alleged them to be endming. The re medy, he said, was simply contained in his resolution fur a committee of that house to consider the state of the nation. Without some more specific proposition, he should say that the hon. gentleman had done notbine for their case. The hon. gentleman hid spoken of their condition as being the consequence of our legislation. If they referred to the reso lutioes of a recent meeting which were moved in the spirit of the motion before them, it would be found that the views of that meeting were u clearly developed as these of tie bon. gentleman, but that the causes to which they attributed the thanes were more clearly expressed, and the remedies more distinctly pointed out. They, too, said that the f t,. difficulty and distress prevailed, but they attributed it to our recent legislation—to the indiscrimina.e admission of foreign produce. He expected, therefore, that if the house went into committee, the hon. gentleman would be prepared to propose the restoration of protection to all cleans of labour in this country. Because if that was set the remedy to he proposed, a more fruitless die play of talent and eloquence on the part of the hon. gentle man he could not conceive. The honourable gentle. man, in speaking of colonial matters, referred portly to the effects of peat administrations and partly to the Colo nial-offiee. He knew of no grievances in any of our colonies, except those of minor complaints, which were perpetually made, and throe which were owing, not to the Colonial- GSM, hut to the 1 litlatun of the country—to suck mes sages es the abolition of slavery, and free trade. These were matters, not of colonial legislation, but for which the pulls, aunt must be responsible. As for the effect of free trade upon our colonies, he was willies to be heand by the test and comparison of colonial importa ties before and after the adoption of free trade. He was perfectly ready to have that question decided by • reference to indisputable facts, and to the returns on the table of the house. It was needless to say that, taking the whole of the British possessions together, there was a eon. sharable increase in the importation of sugar. Ile had taken the yeses previous to any agitation on the question of Les trade, and compared the average of these years with the average of the years subsequent thereto; be bad also taken an early period of the agitation of that question, and compared it with the last few years, comparing the two years ending 1816 with the two yeah subsequent; and the contrast was most remarkable, as showing a very considerable increase in the importation from those colotit.e, which importation was the best test of the production of the colonies. Taking the British possessions together, and OM. paring the average annual importation of sugar into this country, from 1831 to 1840, before any alteration of the sugar duties was contemplated, with the average annual im portation from 1841 to 1848 inclusive, he found that in the former period it was 211,000 tons, and in the latter 2 28,0 00 tons, being an increase of 17,000 tons per annum. (Hear hear.) Comparing the insportatien from 1811 to 1844, betas , the first alteration took place by which free labour auger was' admitted, with the importation since 1944, he found that is the first four years the annual average was 200,000 tons, in the last four years 251,000, being an increase in the annual importation from our colonial possessions of 51,000 tone of sugar—a convincing proof that no argument could thence he urged against the free trade measures. (Hear, hear.) Taking the West India colonies alone, there would perhaps be found • considerable diminution in the first period, because they were most affected by the admission of East India sugars. ,The average from 1831 to 1840 was 171,000 tons, subsequently 128,000, showing a decrease of 43,000 tons per annum. But 'comparison of the periods 1841-44, 1845-48, showed a marked contrast, the average annual importation in those periods respectively being 121,000 and 137,000 tons, showing an annual increase of 16,000 tons from the British West India colonies. Fearing there might be tome mistake in thew figures, he had obtained a similar statement for each mbar In Jamaica, the average annual importation de eresaed, as comparing 1831-40 with 1841-48, from 64,000 to 32,000 tons; but comparing 1841-44 with 184 , 1-48, it had increased from 31,000 to 33,000 toss, being an increase of 2,000 tons per annum. In British Guiana, in like manner, there • was a decrease in the first period of 14.000 toes, but in the I hat period an increase of 3,000. This being one of the most dist:need of the colonies, and the one r wheat case had been most dwelt on, he would call the atten -1 tion of the hon. gentleman to the fact that the average im portation frost British Guiana had increased from 22,623 teas in 1845 sad 1816, to 33,458 in 1847 and 1848 ; being an annual lacrosse, subsequent to the measure of 1918, of 10,835 tone. The same comparison held good for Trinidad, I Antigua, Barbadoes, and Tobago; and there was no instance la which the importation from dine colonies in 1817-48, since the passing of the measure of 1846, which the hon. gen tleman said was destructive to colonial interests, had not *Roosted the importation of 1846-46, the two years imme ' diately preceding that act. He now came to the main topic, and the one most werthy the attention of the house, and Into this he should go into some detail, at the risk of wearying the house a little; for without a due consideration of that subject it was impossible to go fairly into the question of 1 1 the Mats of the country. He would endeavour to draw a faith. ful picture of it, and of the condition of every class and inte rest, not confining himself, as the boa. gentleman had done, to what he obtained fronfreturns of the state of things a year and a half ago, which had not the slightest reference to the state of the country at the present moment, and were no no tification for the motion he had submitted. (Hear, hew.) He had said that the country was in a state of great sod general distress, which had been progressing from the time the present government took office ; and yet his proof of that progressiveness sealed in March, 1848—a year and five months ago. Was that any proof of the state of the country now ? It might have been a reason for the hon. gentleman's Motion then, but it was no reason for it now. (Hear, hear.) He had fallen into a most material error as to the state of the country In 1847. He had compared we state of the country in the years ending Lady-day, 1847, and Lady-deg, 1848, to which period he said the reports of the poor-law commissioners came down. Mr. DISRAELI—I never =Mimed 1848; it was 1867 and 1848 that I compared. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER bed gee- tainly understood the hon. gentleman to take two ears... live years. (" No, no,") Was it then 1845 to wild* be had alluded ? Mr. DISRAELI said the right hon. gentleman was at liberty to make use of any staniMm he liked, bat the con trast he wished to put before the home was that of the THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 3, 1849. present period with the commencement of 1846. To do that, he had taken the pen 1846, 47, and 48, u the period the lresent government was in office, apologising to the noble ord for takiag the whole of 1846, u the pre ent government did not come into oelce till the middle of that year. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER bad ear- trimly esadentood the hon. gentleman to take 1846, and to compare the reports of the pooe.law commiisieners for that year with those for the hollowing year. He bad stated vari ems PIN to which he attributed the distress of 1847, for undenbeedly the year ending Lady-day, 1848 was a you elf pent amuse, and in which a great amount of money was ex pended for the relief et the poor. He had attributed matt of the manufacturing distress to the badness of the hem market ; but he bad entirely forgotten one most re markable circumstance which ought to have been mentioned. and which accounted is no small degree for the distress— ** extraordinary high pries of corn which prevailed in 1847. (Hear, hear.) No wonder that great distress pre vailed when the average price of earn for the year was 695. per quarter. If it wore true, as the hon. gentleman con tended, that the redness of the home market !or manufac tures depended on the high price of corn, that the foreign market was comparatively of no value, and the home mar ket—that on which the manufacturing interest mainly de pended—never yet was there a year when the home market ought to have been so good, and the trade of the minutia toyer' so prosperous, if they were really so dependent on the home market. There n ought to have been a year when the labourers were so well off, for corn was very high. Arguing cn the hon. gentleman's own premises, the year which he painted out as one of ex traordinary distress ought to have been one of mat unprecedented prosperity, from the value et the home market, and from the circumstance to which he ass =dewed the prosperity of the labourer was attributable, namely, the high prim of corn. (Hear, hear.) He, on the contrary, believed a low prim of corn contributed te the com fort of tree labourer; and he attributed the distress of 1847 to the commetcial depression which then prevailed, and to the high price of corn in that year, whereby the sufferings of the people must have been considerably aggravated. (Hear.) He would state to the house the result of the inquiry he had made, which related to all parts of the country. Re would first take those 'places dependent on manufactures, acd then those connected with agricultural industry. The repo. to he had received were such on which ha could thoroughly de pend. The ant related to the manufacture of woollens. They stated that the manufacturers of Trowbridge had never been so fully employed for some time belt. At both Bradford and Trowbridge employment was stated to be abundant; the factories were in full work, and none of the hands were unemployed. One lee tory that had been idle for some time past, had recently been taken be a gentleman from a distance, for the purpose of establishing a manufactory of India rubber. At Wootton under-Edge, all the manufseories were now in full work ; two year, ago any number of heads could have been found. At Kidderminster and the neighbourhood all the mills were working full time ; this had not been the case since the spring of 1846. During six months of last year there had been a general stagnation, which had now passed away. At Birmingham, Wolverhampton, and other places, the iron trade was very much depressed, the exports of hardware having greatly fallen off ; but, as he had before ob.ervcd, there never was a period but some trades were in distress, sad it was utterly impossible that they should all be prosperous alike. But even in Birmingham there was a diminution in the number of paupers in the work house, and in the number of those receiving out door relief. In 1848, the average number of paupers in the workhouse was 1,299; in 1849 it was 1,204. The numbers receiving outdoor relief were—in 1848, 626 ; in 1849, GO3. From Leicester the accounts were most satisfactory. The operatives engaged in the frame work knitting =contactor.) had, in the list six months, obtained an advance of their wages ; and their general con dition had not been so favourable fur several years past as it was at the present moment. He entirely agreed with the hon. gentleman, that that to which the legislature ought to took more than anything else was the condition of the labouring classes. (Hear, hear.) They formed the great body of the people of this country. For their bent fit, as the majority, the government ought to be conducted ; and their condition was the best test of that of the country gene rally. (Hear, hear.) Taking the number of pane re in the four unions of Sutton, Hinckley, Leicester, and Lough borough, he found a great diminution, on comparing the quarter ending Midsummer, 1848, with that ending at Mid summer last. The number is the workhouse had decreased from 1,184 in 1818, to 822 in the last quarter, being a diminu tion of 332 ; while the number receiving outdoor relict showed an equally satisfactory result. In Sutton the average weekly expenditure in the Midsummer quarter, 1848, wes 901. ; in the last quarter it was reduced to 811. In Hinckley it had been reduced from 811. to 701. ; in Leicester from 480/. to 2621., or little more than half ; and in Loughborough from 861. to 78/. These were facts ; and, were the state of the manufacturing population there chat the hon. gentleman bad represented, it would be incredible that these great reductions of expenditure, both within and without the workhouse, could have taken place. With regard to Yorkshire, he had taken the information rather more in detail, thinking it his duty to go minutely into these points, though the hon. gentlemen had not done so, in order that there might be no mistake as to the condition of the country, and that neither in the house nor out of it might any one be deluded by the hon. gentleman's general state ments, utterly;unsupported as they were by any facts th at could be alleged. he had taken the wages in pees paid by one of the largest =nuts in Leeds, and found that in the first five months of 1847, they had amounted to 1,4931.; in the same period of 1848 to 1,4051. ; and in the like period of the present year to 2,0421. He had returns of the number of pawns to whom out door relief had been given in Leeds, in each of the first four weeks of May, in 1817, 1848, and 1849 respectively, and they showed the following result: 1817. 1819. 1849. Vird week 6,20 1,495 5,930 Second week 6,850 1,152 _ 8,800 Third week Fourth week 6,800 8,000 5,341 So that there was • diminution of upwards of 2,000 people per weer in the present year. The next return from Leeds was connected with the savings bank; and he was happy to say it showed a favourable result, though the amount of de posits in savin/s banks was not a vmplete test of the im. provement in the condition of the people, for it was notorious to all acquainted with the habits of artisans in manufac turing towns, that in bad time they ran considerably into debt, and pledged their clothes and furniture to maintain them selves ; and, consequently, the first application of their money, after a return of prosperity, was to release those articles in pledge which were necessary for their clothing and the comfort of their habitations. Nevertheless, that having been to a certain extent done, he had compared the amount of deposits and withdrawals at the savings banks in Leeds, for the two months ending 20th April and 20th May, in 1847, 1848 and 1849. In 1847, the deposits amounted to 3,4211., the with drawals to 4,9001. ; in 1848, the deposit, were 3,1821., the withdrawals, 6,8781. It was fair to observe that this lam proportion of withdrawals was owing to the chartist panic in 1818 ; and he hoped that hon. gentlemen would remember the effect produced on the working classes themselves by those disturbances of their ordinary course of conduct. (Hear, hear.) la the present year the deposits amounted to between 3,0001. and 4,0001., and the withdrawals diminished to 3,700/. Then with respect to Bradford, comparing the number receiving relief in the 4 weeks in May 1846, with those receiving relief in the 4 weeks in May, 1849, the result was as follows :—Alay,lB4B-Ist week, 5,258,2nd ditto, 5,122, 3rd ditto, 5,231, 4th ditto, 5,427, being an average of about 6,200 for every week of May, 1848. May, 1849-Ist week, 2,1001., 2nd ditto, 2,1001., 3rd ditto, 2,0001., 4th, ditto, 2,1001., being a diminution of about 3,200 per week Was that a proof of the progressive distress of which the hoe. gentleman spoke? (lieu, hear.) He had now gene through a large portion of the towns of the manufacturing districts, and the result which he obtained was so different from that of the hon. gentleman, that he was at a loss to un deratand !from whence he derived his information. The numbers of males above sixteen years of age, that was to say, ab:e-bodied persons who received outdoor relief in the Hud dersfield union was, In the first week of May, 1848, 107 ; this year, 68 ; in the second week of May, 1848, 114 ; this year, 82 ; in the third week of May, 1848, 136 ; this year, 80; in the fourth week of May, 1848, 138 ; this year, 78. Here again there was a diminution of 30 per cent. in the number of persons receiving relief. Having shown that while wages were the same, the price of food had decreased, he went on to say that the out-door re lief of Manchester had diminished. For the week ending the 3rd of July, 1847, it was 1,4381. ; in June 1848, it was 9081. ; end in June, 1849, it was only 5701. Now, he would ask, could there be anything more convincing of the improved condition of the artisans than these quotations ' which he had read, and the facts which he had stated. (Hear, hear.) Oreat weight had been laid on the diminution of crime as a proof of the improved condition of the working classes. He would read a comparison by Mr. Willis of the state of crime in the same district, not of any recent years, which might be fallacious, but of the years ' 1810 and 1843. The number of offences in the first class— those against the person —were, in the first year, 1,420 ; last year they were not half that amount. The offences against property, with violence, in 1840, were 211 ; in 1848, only 110. O ff ences against property, without violence, in 1840, amounted to 3,451; in 1848, to 1,697. The miscellaneous crimes diminished from 7,000, in 1840, to 3,400, in 1848. He then referred to Scotland, where he said work was plenty. He had now gone through all the principal seats of manufac turing industry in the three kingdoms. He had stated facts as connected with their present condition, and all the reports which he quoted showed that the condition of the working classes was improved—that the remuneration of wages was greater in most of them—and that even in thaw places where there was no increase of wages, their position was much better than formerly in consequence of the cheapness of food and clothing. (Hear, hear.) Would i a . n o f sia person say that this was not effected by their recent don I—that the cheapness of the raw material had not given a stimulus to employment, and thus contributed to that improved condi tion of the working classes which he had shown to exist? (Hear, hear.) It was obvious it must have done so. (Hear, hear.) The raw materials come into the country, and the working up of these material gave increased employ ment to the people. (Hear, hear.) He would read for the honest a statinsmat of the increase which had taken place in DOM articles of raw material last year as compared with former years. He would make a comparison with the year 1841, before that mischievous legislation, as the hon. gentleman called it, had time to operate, and also with the year 1846, when it had coma into operation. The amount of hemp exported in 1841 was 643,000 cwt. ; in 1846, 880,000 cwt. ; is 1848, 832,000 cwt. Palm oil, in 1841, 303,000 cwt. ; in 1846, 367,000 cwt. ; in 1848, 510,000 cwt. Olive oil, 5,000 cwt. in 1841 ; 8,000 cwt. in 1846; 9,955 In 1849. Tallow, 1,243,0001b5. in 1841; 1,189,0001b5. fa 1846; 1,411,0001b1. in 1848. Cotton, 3,900,00016 e. in 1841 ; 4,100,0001 be. in 1846; 6,700,0001 be. in 1848. Silk, 3,336,0001b5. in 1841; 4,431,0001 be. in 1847; 4,438,0001 b,. in 1845. There was a correspond ing increase in sheep's wool. Now, it was intpos- 'axle that this increase in the raw material could have taken place without giving hien seed employ ment to the working alums. The hon gentleman then re• hued to the exports, and had recourse to an ingenious argu ment, which he often had before, but which he confessed he tould not understand. The hon. gentleman admitted that there was • considerable increase in the quantity of exports; that a great quantity of these exports were the produce of British industry or of British roil ; but he said that their value had detzeased, and that the consequences mast be that the manufacturers of this country would be ruined. (Hear, hear.) There was hardly • degle branch of English manufactures of any kind, sort, or description, in which the exports for the four months of the present year, as compared with the exports M the 4 correspeading months of last year, bad not increased in as extraordinary degree, and yet that was the very time when the hon. gentleman deserthed the manufactures of the country as being in a state of absolute and progressive vain. I (Hear, hose.) But the 'declared value of their exports had not diminished. (Hear, bear .) On the contrary, It had in creased from 16 , 239,000 1. to 16,836,0001. And it would be mill further satisfactory to the hon. gentleman and the house to know that for the first 5 months of the present year, el though he had not the d e t a il s , it h a d increased to 18,944,0001. (Hear, bear.) The honourable gentlemen referred to the effect which had been attributed to the investments in railways. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) did not in the slightestdegree retract the opinion which he gave on a former occasion in respect to this sub ject—nemely, that the amount of money invested in 1847 had withdrawn capital from more productive industry. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman seemed to think it ex unordinary that that e6cl should be product(' for the first time in 1846 and 1847. The hon. gentleman, able as be was, did net seem to have taken the trouble to make him self acquainted with the fact which would have enabled him to form an opinion en this subject. The effect was produced in those years for the first time, because the amount of capital invested in railway speculations was greater in those years than in former years. Surely the withdrawal of 33,000,0001 roust have a greater effect than the withdrawal of 15,0ee.Xwi. or 16,000,0001. The menet of invest-' ments in railways for the year 1844 was 6,800,0001. ; for 1845, 18,000,0001.; for 1846, 37,814,0001.; for' 1847, 41,250,0001. That was the amount with drawn in these two last years by shares or loans from the other blenches of industry. The hon. gentleman seemed to be very inconsistent in his notions of the capital of the country, because at one moment hs said that there was no thing more remarkable than the decline in the wealth of the country, said in the next moment he said that there never was such an abundance of capital, and never were mercantile bills so easily iecount ed. (Hear.) He should like to know whether the hon.gent leans really thought that an abundance of capital was • proof of declining wealth. (Hear, hear.) tut when he looked to the amount withdrawn from other pursuits for railway purposes even in the last year, it was a convincing proof that the wealth of the country was not declining . With regard to the result of the measure which had been passed in respect to corn, he would revert to it when he came to the agricultural part of the question. He would therefore take other articles in which there was a considerable diminu tion in price. Rice was now reduced to 15s, the same pike which it stood at in 1841. Tea was 6s. per lb. in 1844, it was 41. 6d. per lb. list year. And in June 1849 it was 4s. per lb. Coffee had reduced in the same time from ls. Bd. to Is. 4d. per lb. Cocoa from 10d. to 7d. Rice from sd. to 2id. There wee a similar reduction in the price of currants and raisins. The price of sugar in the year 1842 was 78s. per cwt. ; in 1843, 755. ; In 1844, 745. ; in 1845, 625. ; in 1846, 641. ; iu 1847, 69e. • in 1848, 645. ; and in 1849, 545. ; showing a redo Lion in those years of from 78s. to 54s The price cf salt 1 was 6s. in 1844, 4s. 6d. in 1845, 4s. in 1846, 3'. 91. in 1847, 3s. 61. in 1848, and 3s. 6i. In 1849. Rice was 339. per cwt. in 1842, and 17s. in 1848. The price of milk during the last year was 91. instead 1 of 10d. and ls., which it had been during the previous years. The improved condition of the climes to which he alluded was owing to the reduction of the duty on those articles of importation which were used for home consumption. The great increase in the importation of the articles used for home consumption was • great proof of the ine. eroved condition of the working classes. He :would now come to an article, the consumpti to of which woe a great test of tee condition of the people ; he meant sugar. In the year 1844, 206,000 tons were consum, 1: in the year 1845, 242,000 tons; in 1846, 281,000 teas; in 11847, 258,000 tons, and in 1848, 308,131 tons; being en increase as compared with the year 1844 of over 101,000 I tons. (Hear, hear) With regard to foreign brandy, in 1843 1,052,000 gallons were consumed, in 1844, 1,037,000 gallons, in 184.5 1,073,000 gallons ; then a considerable reduction was made in the duty, and the consumption con tinued to increase until the year 1848, when it was 1,632,000 gallons. This afforded • great gain to the revenue as well situ the consumer. Now he would take the average consumption of home and colonial spirits during the three years from 1843 to the end of 1818, and compare it with teat of the three previous years. The colonial spirits columned during the three first years amounted te 2,257,000 galleon, but the amount consumed during the last three years was 2,999,000 gallons; the amount of British spirits consumed in the three first years was 20,865,000 gallons, and in the last tree years 22,326,000 gallons. In this case, there was uot only a gain to the consumer and the revenue, but to the home manufacturer of spirits. Now he would refer to the policy of those mea sures which he had the satisfaction of passing through that house, and which it was feared by some would result in the entire destruction of the distillers of this kingdom, parti cularly thou in the northern part of this country and in Ireland. Then was no doubt a diminution in the consump tion of 32,000 gallons in England sines the passing of those measures, but in Ireland and Scotland there was a considerable increase—there being in the former country en increase of 607,000 gallons in 1811 Over 1848. He had passed • measure giving distillers a drawback when they exported, and the result was that 117,000 gallons had been since exported. Now he would go to the glove manufacture, in the consumption of which there had been a vast increase within the last few years. If the hon. gentleman, the member for Buckingham shire, considered that nothing but protection could improve trade, he thought he could prove that the opposite was the cage. With regard to silks, 416,0001b5. of home manufac ture were consumed in 1848, and in 1848 517,00016 e. were consumed. The reduction of the duty on foreign silks had • very beneficial result, inasmuch as it called skill in this country into more active operation. There were some trades, no doubt, which had lately fallen off. The iron trade, for instance, was in a state of depremian. The price of iron was low, compared with that of those years when railways were being constructed. The makers of iron had, however, exceeded the demand, which caused the felling off in price. Since the alteration in the , navigation laws the shipping trade in this country had increased. In the year 1845 the entries amounted I to 31,817, and in the year 1848 to 33,372. He would now take the first five months of the last five years and compare them as regarded British end foreign ship. The tonnage at British ships entered in the first five months of 1844 was 2,280,000 ;in 1845, 2,240,000 ; in 1846, 2,355,000 ; in 1817,1 2,670,000 ; and in 1848, 2,914,000. Foreign ships amounted ' in teenage to 857,000 in 1845 ; in 1848, to 970,000. Ships entered and cleared in 1848 amounted to 8,260,000 tons, and in 1848 to 4,230,000 tons. (Cheers.) So that the employment of out shipping had, in point of het, iscressed at the most recent period respecting which he bad information. He now came to • part of the subject of Nish he regretted he could not give so good an account, the Maim namely, of the agricultural interest. (Hear, hear.) He I must of course admit, that in several portions of the agricul ' tural districts there was severs distress. (Hear, beer.) There prevailed among the farmers generally much complaint— more complaint, indeed, than was justified by the circumstances, but unquestionably there did exist in many agricultural districts very considerable distress. In all these districts loud complaints were made of the low price of corn and of wool. Now, at ell events, the price of wool was at this moment higher than it had been for some time put. (" No, no.") He believed such to be the case; it would be very unlikely, on the face of it, that the export of wool should have increased, as Ittihad stated, six fold, and no increase have taken place in the price of the ar ticle. (Hear, hear.) As to wheat, he neat scarce inform hon. gentlemen that within the last week or fortnight the price had risen about 3a. a quarter ; but omitting this rise from his calculation, he would take the price to the end of May, the period at which the hoc. gentleman gays notice of his motion, and he found that for the five months preceding that time the ave rage price of wheat had been 4.5 e. 3d., a price, let him ob serve, not at all unexampled in this country, even in the palmiest days of protection. (Rear, hear.) What had been the price of corn during the last three years t The sunup price of corn in 1846 was 645. Bd. ; in 1847, 69c. 9d. ; it 1848, 50s. 6d.—the average price of the entire three years being 58e. aid. (Hear, hear.) Now, if a high price of corn was that which made farmers prosperous, high prices having prevailed for three years up to January last, the farmers ought te have been in • state of decided prosperity in the very February tut, when the hon. gentleman made out they were all ruined. (Hear, hear.) As to other agricultural produce, if hon. gentlemen would look back to the facts and figures of the last seven years, they would find that there had been several periods under protme non when the price of beasts, sheep, de.c. was quite as low as at present, and even lower. In the London market, from ;smeary to May, in the last seven pars, the price of inferior heists was, per stone, in 1842, 3s. 91d. ; in 1843, 2e, 81d. ; in 1844, 2s. 7d. ;in 1845, 2s. Bed. ;in 1846, 2a. 71d. ; 1847, gs. 3d. ; in 1848, 3s. 41d. ; in 1849, 2s. 61d ; of prime beasts, in 1842, 4s. Oid.; in 1813, 2s. 71d.; in 1844,35. 31d.; is 1845, 3s. 9d. ; in 1846, 3s. Bd.; in 1847, 3s. lied.; in 1848, 4e. lid. ; and in 1819, 3s. sd. In sheep, the same thquily showed that three times in the Name period the price had, under protection, been lower than at present. (Hear, hear.) And in the article of pigs, much the unto result presented Itself. It was, therefore, futile to attribute the depression of the agricultural interest, as a matter of clear demonstration, le recent legislation. (Hear, hear.) As to the importation of foreign beasts, it was not more than enough in any one Ffor a few days' consumption of the metropolis alone— , hear)—and had greatly fallen o ff . The pigs annually ported hither from Ireland, used to constitute a very im portant article in the food of our labouring classes ; but this importation had of late years most considerably demised. When wheat was about to be imported free of duty, was generally anticipated that we should be over whelmed with cargoes from the Baltic and from the United States. What was the fact ? That the main supply 'glut year cams from countries, to which no eye had been tanned ea the source of any considerable importation, from Isuntries immediately across the Channel. In the last eleven months there came from Prussia, Holland, and Belgium 490,000 quarters, and from France, generally regarded as an " imp orting country 480,000 (platten ; while from the United States, in wheat and Bone, there came out 685,000 quarters. A friend of his, a large farmer in Dorsetahire, who also happened to be a large miller, had furnished him with these remarkable facts, in illustration of the wretched character of last you's harvest • in the south of lingTsnd. In 1847 the average yield of his farm was per acre seven sacks. containing 250 lbs. of wheat ; in 1848 the yield was only flee sack., containing 2301b5., showing a di minution of two sacks per sere and of 20:bs in the sack : when ground the difference was still more remarkable. In 1847 the yield per sack was 2121b5. of flour and 38 of offal ; in 1548 the yield was 1851bs. of flour and 45 of off a l. (Hear, hear.) The difference of price was this: in 1847, 41s. a quarter; in 1848, 33e. 6d. ; or &diminution of not less than 61. 61. per acre: and even had prices themselves not fallen there would have to-en a difference to him of more than 4.. per acre. 11; would now advert to another alleged calm of agriculturaldistress in the northern counties. the removal of the protective duty on hops. The hon. mem ber for West Kent had been moet indefatigable in his repre sentations as to the grievances of the hop growers, but he had failed to convince the government that any distress in the hop districts was owing to recent legislation. (Hear, hear.) In the first place, the importation into this country of fareign hops was next to nothing in quantity. The real truth was, that for several years past there had been a very large pro , duction of hops, far exceeding that of any farmer year. In the three years ending in 1815, the quantity:of hops produced was 30,000.000 lbs. in round numbers. In the three years ending in 1848, the . quantity !of hops produced was 146,000,000 lbs., showing as increase of more than 60 per cent. upon the first period. There had been no diminution in the quantity of beer brewed but with an inferior article, and a vast surplus of increase in its production ; no wand. r that distress, to a certain extent, prevailed amongst the hop-growers. He would now turn to that pert of the question which related to tho condition of the agricultural labourer., and he was disposed to regard this as the most important topic, in like manner as it was the ostensible object of the hoe, member's motion. There could be no doubt that the agricultural labourers did suffer in some districts from the want of employment, the lowness of wages, and other causes. Bat this was not the case in all the agricultural counties. Take the district comprising Cornwall, Devonshire, and the inter mediate and adjoining counties, and it would be seen, te3m the report of intelligent and trustwor,hy inquirers, that the Isbouring population was in easy and even prosperous circumstances. Authorities upon wham he placed the ut most reliance had reported that in the counties adjoining the distressed districts—in Wiltshire and Gioucesterehire the labourers were stated to be "better eff than they were in the years 1833 to 1836—owing to the price of provisions being so low." In some of the Eastern Counties the labourers were also well °flowing to the same cause. In Norfolk the labourers were " better off than they were two years ago when their wages were higher." In Essex it was stated that the " labourers lived best when the price of corn was lowest." Now, he did not thick that any bon. member would deny that if wages were undiminished, the labourer !must be better off now than he ever was. (Cheers and counter cheers.) If wages were re need, but were not below the price of food and clothing, the labourer must be equally well off as before, and he would ask, was not that the ease throughout the northern districts of England ? He believed that in the greater part of England the labourers were far better off than at any former period. He admitted that if the prices of food and clothing were not lower they ! would not be better off—(hear)—and he had admitted that fact from the first. What he stated was that he cettainly did find there were places in which distress prevailed amongst the labourers, but that he must say that in the greater put of Enteland they we re better off, swing to the low price of provisions and clothing, than they ever yet had bees. The south western districts were suffering, owing to the (Armen being in a state of diotrets. But their distress wu owing to the bad harvest, and not, as he had shown, to the importat , on of foreign corn. (Rear.) But, apart from these considerations, he must say that he did net believe the farmers alone, of all the industrial classes of England, wooly be contented to sit with their arms folded submitting to starve. Let bim poirt attention to what the manufacturers had achieved. When the trade of the world was thrown open, and England found herself e xposed to the competition of the Continent, did the manufacturers remain contented with their old mtchiliery ? In every lawn throughout the whole of the manufacturing dietricts new machinery was introduced as soon as iuveuted. Let him ask his hon. friend the member (or Leeds how much there was now left of the same machinery by mesas of which his father gained the bulk of his large f Wine ? Ile believed there hardly re moined • stick, a stone, or an old spindle of the whole plan, but that all had been changed, and that, in order to enable the proprietors to compete successfully with foreign countries. He did not mean to sav the manufac turing classes had not suffered during the change', nor would he deny that the slothful unimprovieg manufacturer had gone to the wall. (Rear, hear.) Ile held in bit hand a pamphlet written by a late member of that house, wherein the advantages of high farming were strongly insisted on, and a caleuladon was made, showing the profitable results both to farmers and I Mourers afforded by • system of high farming. Ile certainly did regard this to be one of the great future resources for the labouring classes, and he never could believe that the farmers of England would he contented to stand still amidst the general progress =dein other profitable pursuits. Let hint direct the attention of the house fur one motnent to the effect produced upon the labourer by the mere price of corn —comparing the year 1847 with the present period. A family was generally reckoned to consist ci` 5 person', each of whom consumes a quarter of wheat a year, making the con sumption of the family to amount to 5 quarters. The price of wheat in 1847 was 695. 91.; in 1849 it was Cm. bat,- a difference of 245. 64. a quarter. The consequence was that in 1846 the additional cost of bread alone to the labourer was 61. 2.. 6d., end suppeeing the labourer received 101. a week for wages, he wood have to work, in order to make good this additional price put upon their food, for rather more than twelve weeks. If non. gentlemen opposite were of opinion that the case he had put was too strong, let him (sheave° that the difference in the price of a quartern loaf, between 1847 and 1819, would be no less than 51.—a large sum tea labouring family. Was it, therefore, no material consideration to a labourer, to be relieved from the necessity of sacrificing a coveter of a year's labour, in order merely to make up the difference between the prices of 40. and of W.? That difference had now existed fur two years. It might in the courso of the season again occur. But was it for the gen tlemen of England to endeavour to:raise the price of corn artificially, and so to exact a quarter of a year's labour out of the poor men ? (Cheers and counter-cheen.) Ile had now gone through the figures that elucidated the facts. (Hear, hear.) Did the hon. gentleman mean to deny he had done so? Ile must confess he should be surprised if the hon. member for Kent, humane and considerate as he always war towards the labouring clams, were to rise in his place to support a proposition having for its object the raising the price of the poor man's food. He would not rest his cue wholly on the ground of humanity. He asserted that good policy also had its weight in the question. (Hear, hear.) What else did the motion rest on. If it did not propose the re-enactment of the protection laws it meant nothing. But he never would give his consent to such a measure. (Hear, hear.) When it was alleged that the landed gentry of this country legidated for themselves, he must say that he did not believe that that was the opinion of the great body of the people of England. He believed, on the contrary, that they were convinced that whatever might be the opinion of any party in that house, the fixed determination of the majority of the legislature was to maintain that course of legislation which had been so successfully pursued hitherto, and which had received its fullest development within the last few years. (Hear, hear.) Believing that the motion of the honourable gentleman would be de structive of the confidence which prevailed amongst all climes, and which destruction of confidence he should depre • cate as the worst and greatest evil which could befal this country, and believing that the motion could have no other effect, seeing that it was an appeal from the hon. gentleman ' as the organ of a great party of whom he stood forth as the lea ler, to retrace their steps, he must give it his stronoest opposition. (Hear, hear.) Believing as he did, that thus to retrace their steps would be fatal to the best interests of the country, to the condition of the great body of the people, and to the solidity of cur insti tutions, he trusted that the house would come to • decision which should convince the country that they were not pre pared to subvert that legislation, bat that they would stand their ground, and go forward on that which he believed to be a sound system for the benefit of all classes of the commu nity. (Cheers.) Mr. H. BAILLIE, after briefly referring to the affairs of British Guiana, and pledging himself when the question should be brought forward by the hon. member for Mon trose to prove every statement he had made, said that the motion before the house war doubtless liable to the charge of not being sufficiently comprehensive. Although it war possible that the present government might not enjoy the confidence of the house, yet, from the combi nation of parties, and their relying sometimes on one. and sometimes on another, they were able to carry whatever measures they might bring forward. Let them go on then is that course. Reduce the import duties, and add to the direct taxation of the country ; double the income tax; these were all measures which they contem plated, and the people of England would aeon be able to appreciate their values ; the time was not far distant when the ruined colonies would at last be taught by sad ex perience the real value of these measurer, and to estimate the merits of their authors. Then the reaction which they so much feared would take place; then at last would the tardy indignation of this people be raised against the authors of these evils; they would be regarded as the most reckless and inconsiderate of men who had ever availed themselves of the power and influence of office, to pass laws injuriously affecting great and important interests, and calculated to ! ruin the finances and destroy the resources of a greet and powerful empire. Mr. ROEBUCK expected to hear from the speech, or rather the motion, of the hon. member for Buckinghamshire, that there would have been some reason given for this erre ordinary proceeding. The hon. gentleman himself must know, and he thought he led the house to believe, that the motion he wu about to m:ke was somewhat of an extraordi nary character. It was one of those constitutional means which the House of Commons possessed, of taking into its own hands the business of the people, when, under various circumstances, government, or anybody else, had got posies eion of the rule of the state, and they believed that rule was about to diminish the welfare and injure the interests of the country. He asked whether there was anything in the present state of the country that should warrant an extraor dinary interference with the business of legislation ? The hon. member for Buckinghamshire said he thought there was. Re would dislocate all the proceedings of the Ration ; he would come forward with a motion that should dispossess the government (for that was the meaning of the proposition of the hon. gentleman, and no other could be attached to it) of the powers which it possessed; and he was prepared ((or that was the meaning which he attached to the phrase which the hon. gentleman addressed to him on this occasion)—he war prepared to take the government into his own hands. (" Hear, heer,".and laughter.) If toe hon. gentleman did not mean this, he did not mean anything else ; he said:: So unwise have been your proceedings, so is adt cioue your whole system of legislation, that I, toe head of a great party, come forward—and the boa. gentleman would permit him to congratulate him that this was his first appear ance as acknowledged chief of the par y—l come forward as the head of a great party with proposals which he (Ilr.R4ebuck) eupposed he would tell, if the Speaker should happen to get cut of the chair; for, hitherto, with all the hon. gentle• man's ingenuity, he bad nut been able to state what he meant on the present occasion. The great principle which they endeavoured to establioh was the principle which he would put into three words—the principle of free trade. The first to admit the value of that proposition p was, he said, the most enlightened mate among them—the right hon. gentleman the member for Tam worth. He was not speaking at all of his side, he was speaking of the opposite side; he was saying how the great principle they had fought for for many years round its way into the opposite side of the house, compelled the adhesion of the most enlightened of the party, and he being minister at the time, made him adept the great principles which had been the leading doctrines they had adopted for many years of their lives. (A laugh.) if hon. gentlemen would only answer his history and arguments, he should be obliged to them. He said that the right hon. gentleman being at the head of the most powerful party this country ever saw united, brought into power under most ex traordinary circumstances, with no view before him but a life of power, with no interests swaying him but the inte rests of the country, yielded to truth—(hear, hear)—and to truth only ; for he must have felt when he did so that he broke through ties that had been for years the ties that made his life a happy life; that, for the interests of the country, he departed from the interests of himself, his friends, his own private relations, and ho submitted himself for the inte rests of the country. Such, he said, was the power of truth upon the mind of the right hon. gentleman ; being at the head of this party, he adopted the principles which he (Mr. Roebuck) called the principles of free trade; and, upon his so doing : there rm. that star which bad been fog Settle time a brilliant luminero„ bacaum it had been sup ported by the opposition ; and the hon. gentleman in oppo sition to the principle in the person of the right hon. gentleman, did win his own way; he acknowledged his great abilities—he won himself a way to renown in this house. If he could believe that a government amid be submitted to a rhetorician ; if he could believe that With could be made subservient to mere words, then he should say that the hon. gentleman would be in a position te govern this country but such was not the case. The hon. gentleman had, on the mount occasion, stated nothing which should induce the house to depart from the principle which had governed them up to the present moment. This principle should be the ride and guide of their future conduct. The hon. gentleman had appealed to the situation of various cla.ses of the community on the present occasion ; he had said that the agricultural labJurrn in the community on the present occasion were those who guttered and were the mere vic tims of the law which the right hon. gen tleman introduced. That he denied. He said that at the present moment the agricultural labourer was better off than he had been in his recollection. (Oh, oh.) He said that the wages of agricultural labourers had not been diminished in any part of the country. (Oh oh.) He chal lenged the hon. members who cried " Oh, oh," and he was quite sure that the agricultural labourer had not suffered harm in the money wages he had received. He would assert of his own knowledge that the agricultural labourer in ao part of the county with which he was acquainted had suffered the slightest diminution of wages. There was nothing either 311 the hon. gentleman himself, or in the party to which he belonged, to induce them to depart from the present system, or to give him or his party their confidence. (" Hear, hear," and interruption.) He could well undtrstand that private pique or miserable passion might induce certain parties to be rude, that it might induce them to perpetrate in that house conduct—(renewed inter ruption and laughter)—all he wished was to express his opinion tranquilly, and with perfect simplicity and humility be —(oh!)—but he did hope that he might not subjected to interruptions which he could not help fancying were of a pi irons! nature. (Question.) Well, he would go to the question. (Hear, hear) lie wanted to know why they should go into committee on the present occasion, and inter rupt the ordinary business of the torsion, to take into consi deration the state of the nation? What was the present state of the nation? lie believed it was one of great hope and confidence. lie believed that the artificers and manufacturers were in a gradually improving state, and that trade and commerce were rapidly increasing. (Hear, hear.) sides, the things complained of by the her' member for Buckinghamshire, were beside And beyond legi!. lation altogether. Great mischief had arisen from the del. mut harvest last year, and also from the famit.e in Ireland. Let him ask the bon. member for Buckinghamshire and his party what would have been the condition of this country if the great principles of free trade had notbeen adopted—prin ciples which had carried us through a most dangerous cries in peace and happiness to all. If the right hon. gentleman the member for Tamworth had opposed free trade, it he had set himself against the wishes of the people, if he had refaced that at stem of legislation of which the hon. member fur the West Riding was the exponent, ho asked, would they have possessed tho peace which they then erjoyed (Hear.) lie believed that the hon. member r Buc kinghamshire in explaining his statistics had forgotten the great moral ques tion involved. If the right bon, bafbnet had copra ted lihn telt to the wishes of toe counter, he believed that this country would have been, like France, riotous and un settled, and we should have had distress similar to that so general abroad. lint the right honourable gentleman might take to himself this evidence of his wisdom, that for the last two years, while the whole world was in confusion, while thrones were toppling and constitutions were swept away, England had, thanks to his policy, ridden safely through the storm, and had exhi bited a tranquillity and hapointss unequalled in any other country in the world. What was the proposition of the hon. member for Buckinghamshire ? It was to depart from • policy which had carried them safely through so dangerous a pencil. For his part, he should much rather fol.ow the example of the right hon. baronet than the sta tistics or the proposition of the hon. member for Bucking hamshire. (Hear, hear.) Mr. PLUMPTRE, who spoke in a low tone of voice, was understood to say that the agriculturists in his district were in ain st distressed condition. He thought that to proceed with the Manchester policy, in the face of pinching want, would savour very much of cruelty, folly, and injustice. Mr. SLANEY, amid cries of " divide," and " go on," moved the adjournment of the debate unit today. Lord J. RUSSELL hoped that hon. members would poet pone the motions of which they had given notice for to morrow (this day), in order that the debate might then be resumed. Lord D. STUART would be very glad to convenience the noble lord, but the motion of which he had given notice for to morrow, relative to the metropolitan police, was one of greet importance to his constituents, inasmuch as it directly affected their pockets ; and he should only postpone it on a promise being given that a committee of inquiry would be granted, or that he would be permitted to bring it on on the • next government day. Lord J. RUSSELL could not promise that the next go vernment day would be granted (or the purpose. Mr. OSBORNE thought the request of the noble lord the member for Marylebone was not an unreasonable one. If the noble lord at the head of the government granted a day to the hon. member for Buckinghamshire, who wee an op ponent, and wanted to turn the ministry out, surely he ought to grant a day to one of his supporters. The people of Mar) lebone looked to the motion of tne noble lord (D. Stuart) with far more interest than they did to the flash in-the-pan motion for turning out the government of the hon. member for Buckinghamshire. (" Hear, hear," and laughter.) He thought the house might divide at once upon the latter motion, which wee, to say the least, a ridiculous one. Sir G. GREY advised the hon. member for Marylebone to accept of some information heretofore offered to him, re lative to the cost of maintenance of the metropolitan police. Lord D. STUART respectfully declined the advice, be lieving that he should obtain much fuller information if the committee were appointed. Mr. DISRAELI thought the hon. member for Middle sex (Mr. Osborne) had been unjustly severe upon the noble lord at the head of the government. The noble lord, with a spirit which might be expected from him, had accepted the glove thrown down from the protectionist side of the house, and therefore it was unfair for an hon. gentleman who was not always in the habit of supporting the government-- (hear, hear)—to find fault with the discussion. If his (Mr. Disraeli) committee were appointed, he should have no objection to grant the committee sought for by the hon. member for Marylebone. (A laugh.) He had never known such a motion as the one now before the house which had not been called " a flash in the pan." People always considered, whenever the existing policy of the government was challenged, that there was nothing practical in the proposition, but there was nothing more practical, and it was in the power of the house to make it exceedingly practicable by voting for it. (Laughter.) Ho had seen majorities which had apparently been organised to oppose certain motions melt away before the force of truth, and therefore he had no fear of tb e majority against him. Ili' motion was earnest and serious. Its object was to turn out the government. (" Hear, hear," and laughter.) Re might not succeed, but he and his party should succeed some day. (" Hear, hear," and renewed laughter.) The debate was then adjourned until to-day. CONSOLIDATED FUND BILL. - - The house went into committee on the Consolidated Fund (3,000,0001) bill. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY wished to be furnished with separate items of the interest and management of the na tional debt and the terminable annuities. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that he had already, in the usual way, given the totals. The bill having passed through committee, the house resumed. RAILWAYS AND DISTRESSED UNIONS (IRELAND) BILL. This bill paned through committee, the money clauses having been postponed. TURNPIKE ROADS. Mr. C. LEWIS obtained leave to bring in a bill to con tinue certain Turnpike Acts in Great Britain, for limited periods, and to make certain provisions respecting turnpike mid@ in England ; and also a bill to continue for a limited period an act for authorising the application of highway rates to turnpike roads. OFFICES OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. Mr. HAYTER obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend the acts relating to the offices of the House of Commons. POOR IN CITIES AND BOROUGHS. Mr. BAINES obtained ►eave to bring in a bill to remove doubts as to the authority of justices of the peace to act in certssia matters relating to the poor in cities and boroughs. The house then adjourned at a quarter before one o'clock.