The Express. — London, England, 1858-03-09 00:00:00

• law Liv T tt (1) - t f 43 rt -A-s PAP E R Norfolk sod SW. , solo* num Nokia, p.s. tar Ira sows ivies, CM a s • .kffin. 110 a t . Morin, ~/-/-~ Gv -Lc ems. _ f'• \•' 7 ' K'f&a,; RSaltdl l d t dy inalaftimod. led I MAsset • ima ins . °Sai Is. se 2, per r. bow• is i law Inset. =4 ; lla. e a• t• No. • 335. pia eel al • Uwe whe • a=r a :2 =ta r —"mi n% pr•Ows way ; pa. in win eilamlnig revel Prkee vs. M M. to W i g . =4 er ▪ .1.111.1.41 to o • 13.., sad the later hem IL to. to 4.1. at, .lbsit Mrs mi qpinluliv lO m 'l'sNE •Ins 4 ma rod. 4•Mmike• Bea rola • rod ts- cow dI lo Yob Maga. kg Midi assay*. at MOO hey WAIF ■ madams iamb al halts mlas adman tai ti ad imiinsd No sr add Mid Par • mamidas Ma.• adWit e 4 . dia . SIL pelted Intlk isd rob mNef • Um lir lUes, awl la. pit kg pod f onU of AIS. A /004 ti•• eon oachnoood to rms. ham abr..) &Node/ 101. 41111gZre•Ity Irlint ::oraels MB ten bey be. Mawr ▪ orb liresembis • irra of p• kw II l[sll. Y v act•us, - .1, r r(p b. ` 4 oar tls Ira .114 A k me bad nd, We w. aTe in 1.. . a.t das I we MO fah to Ma ir. Taal. ?gosh !AN. Ma MT. a a 14 12.1* 11.310 i ENCII. put), IrSri aili wombed are lie NNW al dr erg I ass Iftrimula ho. 1.. VA at Mg imi ChM sie Dow Ma the Imre— =juisims‘pt S. Trn .. bei at id Mom psi- M. $l. Ist. 0 N. I. Wt. 31 11,..12a. 1., kale W. is. H. $4l 1, The Pen insular .-ship Malabar, irrind at South ks its from th. Apr hoar. seeing Bk. is 230 WS Is saloon is els andstins tn. 100 taut for Massa- Ii 1,080. Ms Le hieleber was Attainlie& Mail rasa YumaUr celled the Se- ing is an ax- Vara Cruz, Jan. d Havana and in quarantine ad only touch at is Pearl, with *Won, is en d Bast Coast of maser Arabia York, with the no mid-weekly r theim. Niagara, Ha STATES COY ML AYD New of the Collins fel .—'• Inform- Liverpool car the under cestract mails between Its have ceased ft Sonthamp eve the Camay. reaching the aro, in cones from America, grinds. --- s are the lut Preach railways : tam], 1,004 1111. 10101, 67 , ..N. total, 9511,W1t. , teal, g50.311e. goods. 934,1 W.; • : 101;1M DEATHS. w. a • damihter ..a.war tiorJak- --- oof J. Um volts of IL IL Gabs 11111.. of • Icy. IL 8. 01lbws. Rt. of A 5,5. f . 11 E. &hinter. guars, Lbo wtfe of Tortola». ti the so Oaalwarlaw W rola. b. the pa pit* onia. Ml.. am.. of lin Moodrdsr. YI VerisChalk% arar. are led. by Or M. J. 4aelkiir of 11. I. Andreae. Cll. et Mr. W. r. li. M./. L•si .s. wit* line& et Date. .61 iotsellotillk • 116,11.fitg few • Wail. Na SAM] bura. THAW to NEW YORE Mast, and the I re PHI ma n W IP COMM 4. 1 . 1742 NM1.... _ ." et 1.1111 .. worsen, Moreb II et IMMIX I . " ..... • WAsenlty, Mae* ii: (1•100 . . ~ . - Wismar, Mail It P" I& H. eel . 0 * prirr . rumirs r the seeemiele , W I Z raer=reehed Ifeeeell cs very pr le WW I IMAM, 0 aike S. Itreth. 111 ; ee to the Amiens OtteleM. 1111•40.11,, Whew IcVANDERBILT EUROPEAN STEAM , PUT IN MAIL traLS trtm IMlNomplas et 41 1n0/4214,Capiala CAVIIII DN._ AN Ns% org UND .1 % . Au t hi m i r c64 ow s iiroar: vs .. * NORTH .: ... Li : pa: i2 l ll VA.N D .. Jew _._.. ..... Ammo IL Price of moos ix, A ie JPI; mood dm gll sad su • A Nor= OM dm A ; wad ice. LIS 11114 .11K . DMO " ; b S =IAV m ritiz — k i , t . t ..sra 1, re . A........T N. CHN...I, EXtret....r....m=l".' 16d lia li TZ Nowa& 4!7..... VERLAND ROUTI,--WEILLY COMMU- Flair: .B * oll MIA. War s t ribh aiTa77olll- Y /WOK PAse&1114110a W he peer . he IM lilaalli.M =rim ea treS and el wee, :re Ilie Seem Albs. peeetAndir perlehe Weft Immthambra Yea the Ileh sod SPY sip, Yee WIMP peell=o . 4l4ll: o =re sem in. Loehr WI deed ; ire al THE LIVERPOOL sad LONDON FIRE awl un VELUM= 001IPA17. LAW:& Fmk lee Mee proem real, Ow femme monist erne& yeIP.ON. lerriere wissed. at boa AN acad. emi deelletlew : the prig we too knee. teme dire MAW and mope. Tr km. L 167 ems elme meg peel le seillmeal d leme emceed *se Wass PINZA I NA c and z a mor. ar. WILLIAM i . 11 will SELL by ArMONDAY. i U atM raaa. et ea Mal{ In haaaana. Ma ea r=alabo Oa Mon ot la sum as Or 411.0 k al the seriluat at Sue Falai llyekveiger .......... — W. bk zrr.l7••N. all DwlllAdie.llollllK indd. i.. en. exiWirgeVe= gi wt a irgr= ,w, ftwaTtra l b" am... l "W "'" Tal:L= ••.i...n• • ,••.•. me • arimilua salarean. S bee § amiureana. OM Semi Imbriems. eft katamma. war Y. anal,* laaw— Ur int fUNre mallalank wig se awl Palk saldism, Moral alma. leedaa, Mr. . Whir. lamars. Is AasiMasa : lad le Mom W Coati. mialasia. Maw& kETRO:ER ROOMS, 76, Harlirtrest, mg _ ".d reraa l l: Ortalt a llrerl i p C O : a&-rer perlairs ma Wm MIS se the am Orendiboorra M° BLANC DI OP= WI/TIGHT. MR. CHARLES COTTON'S "ROSE. SHAM SOM. awl TV rant- bboduarg dababybis sms.lo osea. WIRST ZYMEIIe boag• beerdery at bioffes sat hien ef Wain • Ptak fib. birebelmlio—Allabla obi b. ; ebb b. moused libbbil'• lam& soda be OA DR. KAHN'S MUSEUM sad GALLERY of 'clap o k a, Tlihbauminak. litroi•liit—aco• Writ.. Sid lir le. ZALIM•a" TM ram** of . Ms extear to tine sod sinner So tell pm.; IV De. • .7011. t 0.... ' Th•Chouble• of ••••••• at ••••••• •••; •• ..lt "at foir: ea "The Ode awl 1am41. - •4 ;ma ea et Ifieslelig," mg aka. Tie loolour lionleihd Mei kb ailurft Z t. ... hfavi••• 11•• • •••peleal•is, ita-4.. K Miami bin 7 ow 19. •i•ms. 1• it Pnimon• poi& Dr. Ulm% Was Ise• mod • •••••••• suet Mt beim Me rafts wt 11 serwa. TIM Man Of L MM. JIM X p IE D E ri lt C r ? at LU KNOW: • Dare. reeenlied the Day Bearile dtehee the Mew et la lentleam huh Ilet Um Ie Mk Sepesehte. 1811. Ite a us Onwea. Wm • flea el the laebbeast. " It I. hails sad bast aid Me • wig leteeset. se It • MI atesiat et he yW eemeratake=eas. am v 1 thetas at Or arras" depeaded. - - " tee the he th Anima ereenedentailess Meese rte"' —Prim I mere e 4 veheles see tenet boa wow seisms ft emir he tear voesehe et the Laelewee dew, to pen hese bleed se sad ems se Is hid deers mg the het Mae Sae bra med."— . Labs: 111.011. Maur. rad 06.. N. Cosi& eft. U. OETCHES %ITN DI A, ANCIENT and NODZIN, ie Camara*, with Os SW NM has et the OM. pm. /L An i4,l<ei Caaatas Louis lAMIAVAT. Lawton Jobs W. Mir mid Ow. •.t Sinai INSIDE CANTON, Dr. YVAN, an Betnrday I Mot Ikea VW*/as. 7OTIcE to ENVXNTORB.--OFFICE ?ATMS of INVENTION. t Tiabboramew Climb* mea—Th• -ciao; lAA et 111/0311111011" — be bid 'WY s. tbendwee nom.* sag War of parestra tair mar i'munt Law kw the Voited AMMON keepß !MEOW art urmy th4n4olos as patioft ineesi Oran MIT Mr we t . r o =yricanoisall br a lleli t irje .. ll:r. MUNOZ OIL. kEOROR 1101380 N calls the attention of the MW lia w~W BLACK CLOTH MOO ind ROOK St I& i• Tlin• Osier; am • sow and ea6mOs Oink Is • Arias most orms, FM, 1:10. The 4=2:L i t •Illesconsy.-0110ZOI NOR/ON. IL Extril CELEBRATED READING SAUCE utiii r ob tiluserria .2, . zba rti. Illoak4 Omit tbe mg 11011.1.1 \ all 3 = l lll na Ilseema.—J. irl C. OCIMM. Sob alralactmos. ARRISTI SPECTACLES, the cheapest and MA. of ooilkooys osoillooso Me too Ito lett ?Pm 4Prim niemily rotlosoi tot Om* oso looLt. &—tionLO troopott Moo. tor unities& pelts% grralloo " two loam .1s rut is mom Ils to tgootionk Nutria. sod 061111. lita M p.m OIL Wan . MOIL @slobs. to the Mod roma& Ilto MIIII Illooon ir lasdash. Cootioo—Dlrootte dr ipfte. mill nowluto 11INE HEAD of HAIR, the Dowd, Whiskers, mud Maerstittea—lt It am salamilli albstrialkpl Qat 4 1/1. %NM' lIACLIIIAIt OIL le Ike Ileif . #olll le de. rads' latitearert h sod w eatamaaa lam irratard a r lri and ~at that dna al M b bailie ars lea mord. &moor. morom &a . o, • WS. Wet peart. awl *Ms timaiank om IS. la NI =al at 11. lidaimeriata, Darya; awl te dmitte and par DILDE lONOIIII LIGHT-BROWN COD LITIIII OIL mime. I. Ilk le w sob lied ellsb sews a inerine et wS t Li ~log a Dr. Ouram. Se Yr lerbilis Ilespeld. Ilya II mils 'Aim 'Oil larm . voila la sisal soul elablldessmi Aro It b •11 est a tomboy to pgehr a sleep= awl twig IL ff i r l isl "....su ldr il eVed =l N B lL ei ll=111 ; rook i . ; a w res awl •110 Ids IPA "'' ai or Ms/ a g r.ll. Ow. . Imidia. PRICHARD'S DANDELION, Camomile, are 0110111 PILLIL—Iftes MOM lobe have Weed ell= et the Owe pale hoe weitesied ea. k ....,...Orar prier reheniese tellmeme wpm the temice• et demise. they sea* ellmiele Iheera ON bowels; imul he •11 esaphisu @Ades ben tie ail • of say et the abtee erp•moeheill uselleibh eee• • labile boon.—in WOOL ILI Ka h. K. ettatr....7l Ilk _ Lash only by Mr. PRlCSAllD..potheart, N. Is be land of NI mediae Aron City ••••t: Chielesse. it Loam heheireet. RATING'S COLION LOZENOES.-A Cough .. NIA le il l ploal INIONO of thee&fartirot Use drams So Yip dime& lie Ismdelre of alLithossan Dkordons. irsi sassiess m o salle emesis So A ILATIs OD COUull WC& wlsiels. loin is Ike INS *man& et OM ailnisios isi soolsos isso =e at add, rannor se roe Eirtreimlift 16._161.. sal Ill& .4 . sodTRAI I IRIATING. floral& IL Pauli elmellnarl Lois& IMMO ell Droosels&& ILIEBEMAR. Preceded q POMO of Lett on Er W.( 1•11= n le de Parr •E-.1.5..t..=1.4. d 11•11141•4 . No. LW a tresq kr for dYr ram. Trinsmi r rW a rre s. . refkrier kris =frupristar alisfig iz in AR fr kr =I 6 rsirprrise k" r ill" r I. as imit Criduelml kr OM dor d .110 11101111 villa= tio Ihe WM. se as a ar SIR 11111 MEW 011111814 . CPS. . t a.. 1. I. imi CA ef Ms sr sad it immuL.4 roar% Ile sr kr WM Mr Irk belzat=elltr s li OM. ri i lea:7B Mae la flr err Wiers I arks 1 . . &Mod at ferrair r L .............: ....a dold 119 ,43, Kr i %Naar ;IL 5f0r5.17. *err; Fmk 11K, Lamar. all. “16.4 arag; Prom tr. .) :a. IL brae, adr ona& Ilaribrir :ra= " 4 : hi lis errakirrirra : Ihrblis. Thi WAND OF CHEAT.—Mr. 108eph Catalog, whir hie topromenled the ward of Billingsgate la the Coen Common Council Orb, the lest taw years, has sea timed the ward of for the Ace of alderman, nowt by the tioa of Mr. R. H. Kreardy. There ere two other in the eskl—staolZ. Mr SlCAllem ant Kr. Bothwell. Mr. D kir., wee isticitri to become a ouididete, bat owing to hi pease sesatary engagement/ was compelled to dad's, the hones,. The election will take place to-morrow (iVednewity), et SW= o'closk, et the G ai3dhall Codechoser, THE 1113-ELBCrIONS. BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. RETURN OF MR. DISRAELI. (FROM OCR ORIN 1110011 TIMI.) • The re-election of Mr. Disraeli, on his acceptance dates in thenew government, took place yesterday, at the Court-hones, Aylesbury. Although It was known that the right hon. gentleman's return was certain the proceedings appeared to excite oonaiderable interest, and brought together a very large attendance of electors, of both the conservative lad noel parties—with the latter of whom the new Chan t:lair of the Exchequer was more favourably received than early puvbus occasion. The spacious galleries of the wort were Wed with Wise, conspicuous amongst whom was Mrs. Disraeli. The Marquis of Chandos was amongst the eapporters of the right hon. gentleman. Mr. M. Snare, the high sheriff, presided, and the writ Ilenhe bees read, sad the usual formal preliminaries gone though, the high sheriff briefly stated the object for which the electors were assembled. Mr. P. DAUS( CT nominated Mr. Disraeli. _ Ns% R. b. Heaver brictly seconded theomination. -• • - Dr. Les mid he was prepared to bring forward a caedi deb every way eligible, but if the right boa. gentleman answered satisfactorily the eight question' he wee &bob to put to Wm, he would not disturb the unanimity of the am dam. The dint question was, would be =shim but leittemas with the gewressesat in tss el a memries far minding the borough franchise to ell ask rated inhabilents, and the comity franchise to ail 101. Kagan' ? The second ins, whether Its would support the belle as it existed in our /ambulate colonies, and in cameo time with It prevent egvissiterel end legal splints from iv solving het from cendidatet at elections? He resdneled the right boa, stelliemea that to 111111, la obtrudes the electors of Heryleheme, be rid that he wee askew of complideg the erebleary of the coulitation by two measures, to invent the people whh the whisk was own their birthright, vitt, trimmiel pedimneeds sod vete by billet, without which the right his. gionliemen said he could not understand how the cooled ef the goverameas could ever be in harmony with the eseedivelee. The third question we, whether he would de bb boot to VIMMOVIII the impost of church rates and to libe- rate ntigkin frost aH date control f This would include the othweelismest I the Jews, and of Chinese end Mae= she, If anybody would elect them. (A laugh.) Fourthly, would the right hon. gentleman support a WI to parent nada' Irene in intoxicating liquors, end to marl the closing of beer-bonses on Sundays ? Fifthly, would the right hon. geatlesma support the proposal of a misatry of Justice, and at a legal university to be re presented to parliament by two members ? Sixthly, would be letetele a easeeero for giving representation in parliament to the cranks and the Channel Islands P Seventhly, would M sapped the establishment of tribunals of commerce and merb cd essoseiliatioa ? had lastly, would he do his best to ream the grebe& ad seeletiatlcal practice to the ancient se& ammostioas court la Dania' Commons ? (Loud leseghter.) He had also been regnant& to oak the right hot. gentlemen whether he we leveserable to the equalisation of the poor-rate in the marepens. No other candidate halm bee proposed, the Sheriff de eland Mr. Disraeli duly *OIL Kr. Dtouett, who wee greeted with loud cheers, than ammo Onward, and said—Electors of the county of Bucking ham, I think it is but due to the learned gentleman who has Jed addressed us with so much courtesy that I should notice the geodes' that he has put to me. I fled that my leered fled arm for the government of Lord Derby a period of keg Arnim, for if they are to consider and to carry thrmegh di the aIIOSIVOI enumerated in the programme whisk be has introduce& is-day, I think those eight quie tism wen certainly ilemen& as many years. (A laugh.) But lam sue my hat. aid limed friend cannot, after due re flation, suppose that I out pledge myself on subjects of such great important@ without taking time to investigate all ths dr eumataaoss that ere connected with than, with the view of arriving eta satisfsctory cascluston. Indeed, many of those questions appear to have been in some degree borrowed from myself. I cannot, therefore, suppose that he has introduced them in a hostile spirit; end I am sure he will feel that, though, in 1833 1 might have made pledges, twenty-ere yam of snasquent rapsrienos may have taught me that it is better to promise to consider than to promise to per mea sures (Laughter.) My hon. and learned Mend will, I have no doubt, net content with having put these questions, and with not having in a vexatious manner proposed another candidate ; and I hope that by extending to me if not a complet9at all events an ample confidence, he will allow me to regard him as one of my honoured constituents. Gentlemen, I have to thank you for returning use for the fifth time as your representative. Move me, it I. an ho nour I duly appreciate. There is none which I place beim it ; for unless I possessed your confidence it would be isaponible fur me to occupy the high position I now In. It ts magewory for me to weals phrases is snorts( you --whet every man that has conviction b hie mind nod be swam of—that I am sincere when I tell you that the poems sign el your confidence is my greatest treasure, and We le deserve it will ever be one of the prin t/pa *eta of my life. Gentlemen, it is but a very bets( spite since last I appeared on these honing,. I had this the opportunity, at a general election, of entering very telly bans you, who are accustomed to political discuanons in this Oosaty, into the general condition of the country, the prospects then presented to us, and the conduct you had a eight to expect from the person you elected as your member. Very remarkable events have occurred dozing the brief period which has ince elapsed; and very recently has hap pened that which, to the surprise ti the country and of parliament, has occasioned a change of ministry, and has brought upon me and others, in a very critical position of aff tits, the responsibility of govern ment. I feel, therefore, that you have a right to expect ken me to-day a beak end full exposition of the views whist I entertain en these critical circumstances which arweagrosa and absorb the attentkin of the country— (heer)--emd, knowing that It is your habit in this county net lemon the incident of • county election to degenerate late sommeporty squabble, but to aspect to be treated by your seeemealive as rational and enlightened men, I shall with seselames Wrest you with • sense of the responsibility of the words which fall from my lips, which I know will be gamiest by you as men who have themselves • trust es perform towards the society of which they are members. Now, gentlemen, it is impossible to treat in • manner ade quately important the position which this country now holds with respect to France. I have ever been, as my hon. friend who did me the honour of proposing me, in hie humorous speech remarked—l have ever been, es you know, a stratum supporter of what is called the French alliance. I have always believed that a cordial alliance between Eng land and I. ranee is equally necessary for the interest' of both vainer, and for this primary and paramount reason—totally impedes of numerous important emeldwatioae—that that Mime is necessary in these time to the bediemmtme end men tbeimportance of Europe. All the old neditkmanapeerang the Mate of power, which were created and devised la them when the great theatre of human action wee coasted to Imps atom, have Mom obsolete. Under those cirmare- - mimosa rivalry between France and linglazol, the two fore most Balks* is lisropeona natural, and under some cirenm- Moons It wee eves seemery. No doubt the general effect of that rivalry wee salutary to the progress of that Manatee& which he. made Europe, though a all punks the world, pre-agaimat. Bat at late years other imperiel lames ham MOM in the world—so longer limited to Europe—which under it seaseeery that if the pre.emineut power of Europe is to be maintained the rivalry between its two chief nations met so loam ed, but a coediel allience must be as ouly mum to lesbians the indspmdeaoe — Q hoportoboo ot asseps is the seals et the world. Now, gentlemen, that is the veal raven why both Englishmen and Freedmen Maid sniped the Mom between England ered Tram, and issihnipsst eignidaratien, and to obtaia theagsgatieselt, the edgy jesloades dtreditiossry times moat by the sung sem= roes of lotheleyieles be forced to be elmiele— for cohisose re* civilised a pg smolie et Zama MU in ths sold ask, depend up the Neal or is et ban Mimeo the rime two ibrayest &sepses essesetes. (Idese. oseelemee, with that conviotkin, and allimem as I described it to be in the iirs i st in 3 Osaorsq - the merman stone of civairation, it is siblefirme to asperse dr iszisty and apprehension with= I, to semen with id The ware dead by the peepie to owed seer their Menele, must hare viewed the recent dr stendinglemelmeg that hew se viewed distaffs the good under etwegn thew Iwo souelvies. It the principles I hew bid dews he Pol. the psi* to to steeled Is totally irrespeetbs el the bower peeemeol la Peres Whether Firm be lyeerfel, be Szel i z a t Beeebilose, I maintain last le is the ewers .cmi not inn n Insibit bet d nark pay, the there amid be an Ittihad* Alum between lasimai sod Treys& That alliance is Maid • ONION Willy leismini of Loan tg govern. LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 9, 1858. mat—totally ladependent of dynasties—totally independent even of the characters of the rulers of France. It does indeed to happen that the present ruler of that country le • man eminently gifted, and who frees • egret, of circumstances necessarily exercises a great inflaencie over events. The Em p eror Na poleon is not only a prince, but a statesman--the Emperor of France is not only a man who has a great knowl e d ge o f hu man nature, but he is a man who has • great knowledge of English human nature. Therefore it is clear that while the Emperor of France I, not only a statesman but a man inti mately acquainted with the character, the law s , th e customs, and all the circumstance, of England, we have • security end an advantage for the cultivation and the maintenance of that alliance which, under circum4ances lees favourable, we might not have enjoyed. And, gentlemen, we have reaped the fruits of that alliance, so guarded over and guided bye prince of the character such as I have described—one who is not only a statesman, but one who is intimately acquainted with the customs of England. We have found in France and in the ruler of France a filth/al ally in a gle s tizmency—ent the faithful ally of are courtly phrases in a Qeesa's speech or a diplomatic document, but the deeds of • nation sealed by blood and crowned by victory. The French people have fought by the side of the English people. Now, se my hon. friend who did me the honour of me properly reminded us, the French people are at moment fighting by the aide of the English people. (Hear, hear.) Therefore, after all that has occurred, there rd at this moment • prospect of that alliance being se eesnsmd Ia the convictions and the feelings of the two nations that stalsserm who knew its paramount importance, hew naceesery it was for the indrindenoe sad liberty of Einem might have reckoned_ lona it r that cardinal point front widish iell pried ricereires might be made. We rest remember this_ _ also, gendeness, that in 0/31. WWII le Ills naMeof—tiM I dwell up= itte d iat ij eW is of the deepest importance that the mind of the &KIM people should ha emapheely sod tally enlighten= upon it—we mut remember that there is this iliffwence with regard to the question of the alliance between England and France. The great body of the people of England are, I think I may soy without exaggendon, favorable to the hutch alliance. They look upon the French people-with whom they have may piste of resemblance, many ties of sympathy—with respect and ewe 'diction. They have no prrundloss.az know that the French, like themselves, are • high..p CZlLThey know that the French, like themselves, are • . people ; and they know that the Fronk, like them selves, an mnixtently illustrious fur the wort of rims. They know that the French, like themselves, an • people who en in the enjoyment of • degree of refinement and civi lisation in which probably no other nation can rival them. But in Francs, though the more enlightened and su peri or dosses have &carded ancient historical prejudices end learnt to respect Engiand—there is no doubt that in the great body of the Free= people, though it has greatly dimhed of Ye years, and though a better feeling is beginning to spread amongst them. much of that prejudice which past events—l will not say justified—but occasioned, on the part of the people of France against the of this country still pre =lie. Therefore, the ruler -people of France in consolidating that antrum has • much more difficult task to per form than has the government of England. Here, whetever prejodices exist are confined rather to some of the superior classes, and do not extend to the =dig of the people. (Hear.) Here the government can with con- UMW appeal to the great body of the people, while the Em peror of France, even when be feels confident in the wisdom of his views and the correctness of his policy, has to deal with a proud, an Irritable, and a jealous people on this subject, and therefore his position, with respect to this great political ques tion, is infinitely more difficult than our own. Now, gentle men, if I am right in the view which I have sketched of the true radon why the alliance between the two countries shoed be cherished at any sacrifice short of honour—if I am coned fa the view which I have given of the relative po sitions of the governments of the two countries, let me now recall to your recollection the great event which has recently orearred, and which has occasioned such prodigious political changes. I am sure, gentlemen, that when that horrible at tempt was made upon the life of the Emperor of the French, the first feeling in this country was one of as indignation and disgust as could have pnvsYal In Frees =elf. (Cheers.) The attempt to was stasis a Prises who, whatever diffirn. ce of opinion may exist exempt some dames of his subjects, is • Prince who bee raised hie country le the highest pitch of political tau eace—the attempt, moreover, not merely to destroy his orates= but that of the lady whom he has raised to • throne which she really adorns by every charm and virtue—was somethtrg an horrible is its conception end in its execution, so alien ham even mealy teeing, that I hardly know any event which on its first occurrence was more calculated to crests sympathy and to preserve the amicable feeling which obtained in this country towards therefor of France. (beat.) Unfortunately gentlemen—for it is necesstry on theme occa sions to speak with whet treeknese—enfortunately the French government, and Indeed I believe the French people, in • spirit of what I may call =Apar consternation visited that atrocity upon the had end the laws of England. Gen tlemen, I know there wen army entenuating dommatences in the position of Promos at that moment which should not be forgotten when we recollect the commission of this great error—fore great error on the pan of the Frenchgovernment sad the Fres= people it undoubtedly was. Gentlemen, I canon bed fuel that when that took plan—whoa the set of woonsalion_ aphid the laws and the people d ingiffind was as It wets handed is by rathorlty—l cannot but hal, though I have no wish on this occesies to comment with any severity on the conduct of m peedecemors, that it was not met in a manner or In • spir it adequate to the oocadoe. (Cheers.) And I regret that, gentherm, not merely for the hewer of our dountry, but for the interests of France herself. (Hear, hear.) I do believe that en English minister at that roo mer, by frankness and firmness—which are quite consistent with the meet satire friendship and friendliness—might have lakes a course which would have indicated, in a manner that could not be mistaken, to the French government the error of their ways—which would have prevented them from numing as error every step of which ren dered it more difficult for them to recede, and which, while it would hare Timbered the honour of oar country and the dignity of our government, might at the same time have re spected and sympathised with the feelings of Francs, and retained and even =wished that cordial 'Headship which is, I think, so invaluable. But, gentlemen, I sun bound to say—and biased, the parliament of this country has ratified that opinion—that I perceive in the conduct of the late govern ment with respect to this Important transaction, a toted ab sence of those qualities which so great an °cession demanded. Instead of • public reply we have private couvereation—in stead of a frank and firm exposition to the government of France of our hidings, and of the false position to which they were drifting, so far as I can form an opinion of the course which was punned on the part of the English government— there was vacillation, timidity, intrigue, maw:envie—any thing but an open ssertion of our rights—(hear) —any thing but • fi rm though friendly demonstration to the French government of the error that they were committing— anything but • recourse to those means which were requi site when the peace of two great nations, and indeed the Cand the future happiness of Europe, were depending. heers.) Now, grtlemen, under these circumstances., power fell—suddenly and as it were by some judicial act—. trout the hands of • ministry that was deemed omnipotent ; and it came to us, gentlemen, nut by any of the routine of faction, not bemuse we were there the English opposition, net because we had taken • considerable pert in the parlia mantary opinion that was given —for it was not arm the party of which I am • member that originated the vote epos that question—l say power did not come to us by any of the routine forms of faction. Yon have been recently told by Lord Derby, in his place in parliament, that when her gracious Majesty was summon him to her councils, he entreated pleased to ejesty to think well over the crided prince of affairs; and while he told her Majesty that, °rides] as was the occasion, and vast as were the difficulties with which he must grapple, he would not shrink from the conjunc tare, and would serve her, if necessary, he brought her Majesty to take one night to think over existing circum stances, and not to renew the enter unites his prorate in her councils was, in her Majesty's opinion , necessary for the welfare of the count . It was on the day fter—subsequent to that mann t ion—that her Majesty called upon Lord Derby to take the halm. Therefore, I my, without it is to aerie her Majesty, at her instance, at a cirM ratius' moment, that the present government has been farmed, and untie, those cirrumstances it is that it appeals with confidence to the country. (Heer, hear.) Gen theme, the political problem we have to solve is or of so common difficulty. We have to assert the dignity of this country, and at the same time to maintsin—perhaps to re vive—our cordial friendship with France. Any men, or any minister, could do either by itself. It is very easy to Muster and in-tilt with high-flying terms an ally who bas proved his constancy and fidelity. On the other had, it Isnot difficult to cringe to • great power, and be =teenier to its wishes. (Hear, beer.) But to combine at the saute time the vindi• cation of the rights and privileges of Baglidenten with the maintenance of that alliance which is emential to the cause of European civilisation, to a problem not way to solve, but one from the solution of which we wffi not shrink. (Chess,.) Bo unhappily, gentlemen, have affairs been that the result of the proceeding, of the late administration with 'aspect to recent transections is this—that there is apparently au attempt to change the law of England at the dictation of • foreign power. I am 0912• Tired that the people of this minnow would never submit to a eerie like that. (Cheers.) And therefore I deeply regret that by misunderstanding and miscoocepOce, such a enti ties should have been arrived at. Heel that it is impossible that the difficulty should be solved by taking a coarse which the great majority of the people of England have already entirely condemned . (Hear.) But, gentleman, I do not despair that this greet difficulty may be overcome. I do not despair that Mielra ad methods may be found bi a &hir, eerie. heady alike with the honour of Sat af Frain—end consistently alike with the .4stet at the 1 tw o countries, we may arrive at 1... comlneles 1 ea that shall be perfectly satidectory to bra end 1022 I hops, no adders or feeling of a m m o , I look forward at this moment sa w snit es ifi no , h i this the charactercharacterof tea Rsgan, y en a , p m& bi t .. 72."` to Tlis onatain 91 that prince, melba lis It ism accesses oily from the great trusactions with which he has to deal-- the custom of that prine'e is to leave the conduct of affairs for a oonaiderable time to his ministers and subordinate agents. That is the netaseary consequence of his dealing himself, more or lam, with the entire administration of his empire, both foreign and domestic. But it has happened before, as I hope it will happen in this instance, that when I their mismanagement or misconduct • critical state of has arisen when the peace of Europe or the independence of countries has been in question - and when difficulties have presented themselves which appeared to take each me Inextricable form that no solution seemed at hand— the Emperor himself has then interfered; and, bring ing to the surrey of the whole transaction that sagacious and nalmenneoned intelligence which he posessees—viewing, sal believe he will view, this state of affairs solely with regard to the interests of France—the Emperor of France will, I feel assured, not permit those great principles of policy of which he has been the meat supporter, if not originator—he will not allow them to be sacrificed by • want of intelligence or • deficiency of judgment on the part of those Individuals who have Mid the previous management sad conduct of theme matters. I feel persuaded that when the Emperor himself brings, as no doubt he is at this moment bringing, his power fel investigation end =parent= to bear on all the circumstances of this difficult case, he will not hesitate to recognise the original In of him ministers—he will not hesitate to plus confidence those laws of England, th e efficiency of which has not even yet been tried to obtain for him that just remedy he solicited; and I em confident that when the Em peror has investigated in this spirit all the circumstances of this case—whoe he recognises the first error of his ministers —when he recognises that which Mu too late been acknow ledged, the efclmcy of our existing laws—he will feel con fident that if his hopes are frustrated—if it be proved that the .iisp as it now exists is not sufficient, which I, at present, am no? loaned to believe—if that monterous doctrine can be de monstrated to be the law of England, that an alien in this country may commit • crime with impunity, which her Majesty's own subjects cannot commit without meeting the penalties of the law—then, I am sure, the Emperor of the French will not send dictatorial menaces and messages, but, leaving them to counts and colonels, will appeal to the justice of the English nation, and ask them, " Do you wish it to he the law of England that an alien may eommit • crime with Impunity which the subjects of your own Sovereign may not commit when that mime is directed the person of your faithful ally?' (Hear, hear.) li a t init h respect to his situation, I watch with deep interest the trials that will soon take place in this country. (Hear, hear.) I know that abroad they imagine there are great and purposed delays in the investigations that are taking place before the magistrate preliminary to the more formal judicial proceedings ; but that arises from the Ignorance of our forms of law which is too common on the continent. The forms and the delays in our criminal law procedure were established to protect the liberty of the subject, and we must not allow them to be di minished. But, so fares I can form an opinion as to what is taking plus, I believe there will be a case of such gravity and magnitude soon brought before our tribunals that it must fairly and completely test the efficiency or non-efficiency of our laws on the subject. Until the decision upon that case has been pronounced I think it would be premature in me to my more upon this point. I myself have confidence in the laws of England. I cannot believe but that the laws of this coun try are sufficient to touch miscreants of the class in question; and though I would on no account, under no circumstances, with no conditions, and with no limitations, ever comment to any tampering with the right of asylum which has made this country the conse crated land of liberty, I do not hesitate to express the great gratification I should feel if the law should be proved to be powerful enough to deal with those who have so outraged the feelings of this country, and have so violated the sacred right which, even with such exceptions, we are still bound to maintain. (Rear, heir.) Now, gentlemen, I have touched upon what has been called • difficult and delicate topic with frankness, beanie it appears to me of the utmost importance that there should at this moment prevail in this country an intelligent spirit on the subject of oar relations with France. It is undoubtedly the interest of many influential parsons— reuses and individuals—to poison the mind of the people of England against the government and people of France. That is, however, in my judgment, a most dangerous course; and while th e people of this country should be prompt unde r ail dreniestances to maintain its law, and customs, while they aught to consent to any and every sacrifice rather than change those laws and customs, even indirectly, at the in stigation of • foreign sovereign, still I think it would be wise, and consistent with that spirit and that determination, to maintain an unimpassioned and unprejudiced feeling towards the government and the people of France. At this moment calumnies ars uttered in every quarter which would convey to the people of this country that the Emperor of the French instead of being that faithful ally upon whom we counted, has rather sought an opportunity of picking • quarrel with the people of England, because he thought that in consequence of the Indian occurrences he had England at some disadvantage. Now nothing can be more unfounded than such • notion as that. There is no prince in Europe so well informed upon all political matters as the Emperor of the French—there is no prince in Europe eo well informed as to the means of defence of this country as the Emperor of the French. I will be bound to say that he knows much more about our ships and soldiers than many of her Majesty's subjects, and quits sa much as her Majesty's ministers. (Hear, hear.) And therefore the Emperor of the French, who is this well-informed prince, knows sa well as I do that, notwithstanding our having sent such a fins army to India, we have In there islands at the present time • larger effective force then we have had at any previous period during the last five and twenty years. (Hear, hear.) The Emperor of the French, who is this well-informed prince, knows as well as I do that in four-end-twenty hours we could man with able seamen the moat power ful charnel fleet that ever rode upon the English waters. (Hear, hear.) The Emperor of the French, who is the best informed prince in Europe on English politic, I dare say knows as well as I do the last monthly return of our recruiting rota, and knows that in this country, where we have no sc ri ption, where we can only appeW to the patriotism and the public spirit at the people, there is now • larger recruiting for every arm of her Majesty's service than there was during any month of the Crimean campaigns. (Cheers.) Then what a calumny is it to pretend that the Emperor of the French, who knows all this as well as I do, has sought to pick • quartl with this country on account of its Indian &eaters ! No, gentkeiten, we must clear our minds of this prejudice. The Emperor of the French is as reedy as he was before this affair occurred at Paris, and before this blundering misconception of the English minister —the Emperor of the French is, I say, as ready as he was before this recent event to cultivate the friendship of a people whom he respects and regards, and to maintain the English alliance, which, to use his own words, is the alliance which can Moue maintain old Europe against those commanding hifiuences that are rising in other parts of the world - he is as ready now es he was then to support t hat understanding between England and France which he believes to be the best security for order, for civilisation, end for European power. (Cheers.) And, gentlemen, it depends mainly upon his efforts and the efforts of those who are responsible to this country, supported by the good feeling and good humour of the English people and the good sense of the French people, to bring about a consummation to which I hope those efforts will lead, namely, the restorati in of • cordial understanding between the two countries. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, I have thus at some length touched upon the subject which is at the present moment foremost in the mind of every English man. I ought not, however on an occasion like the present, to avoid o th er topes, thouglil shall endeavour to be as brief as possible. Now we have armed the reins of government, as you will no doubt admit, at a very critical period, and when we have to encounter difficulties which are not of cedi eery magnitude; but I do not myself despair of our being able to steer the ship in • way_which will be satisfactory to the people of this country. We have at ones, gentlemen, to deal with a subject of magnitude and interest, namely, the government of India • and upon that question I must say a word, because I learn from the newspapers in regard to what has passed in different parts of the country that there is • considerable amount of misconception prevailing as to the intended conduct of her Majesty's go- vernment In reference to India. Now I myself have ever been of opinion—at least ever since I have been cepabie of forming es opinion that was worth anything—(laughter that the government of India is of • very lowessoloes oho reeler ; and in 1833, when the charter was renewed, I thought it a very great mistake that the inquiry of the com mittees of the two houses of parliament into the affairs of India was hurried over, and that we were forced to legislate without that doe investigation which I think would have led parliament to • very different conclusion from what it came to, and terminated that form of government which is popularly called " the double government." Upon that occasion a noble friend of mine, now my colleague Lord Stanley, at my instance and with my aid in debate, brought forward in the House of Commons • motion to the effect that the settlement of the Indian govern ment should be delayed until the inquiry bad been completed. Well, gentlemen, we were in het outvoted on that occasion. The policy which is now approved by idl, and which was then by a h statesmen is exactly that•ltaiwety prevented frees 1853 being pursued. This year, Penthmati a motion was brought before the House of Commons by • gentlemen who is .meh q ,: ti eth it i e it in rodn d o ep ww zde t t ei t o r f th p= s y, Mr. Baring BlithW ibtrcaug t wi l ths bm ili •vinl iorsi of * administration hi India, and the motion was am it was not expedient to legislate for India at present—this declare ' tion, of course, having reference to the civil war raging te = "l esentry. Now that was not • Part! question- it was Wee& Ibrwsrd by a gesiewea who bw: so eseeseisa with piety, end men he gavel& notice of !soden ht the Mew of - Comewo we pesos was ... rE s siuted with his Weed's, accept 'Mersa My owe thew. w , I confess, that ft wee sot eivelhet use - L — MiNtr‘p sett u temeut of ft& had tikes plose le West a no Fero of pooraweet, mid I voted yids Mr. is *a missolty as that session Inaba* sty fring i Zioligirom Len tossiwt, wogs* the (Aka may. Now it is litaistosen of no egoonmsat ins t i z is = l l to 11 10. 1 !, 1 6 . Lin. Ws an mond de il s = ii i .. ' I t F i r Malt a Una MI UM _„, _ tO MI indleee. Bos, I not firs amongst's sus mg utsigilipsi mimiliontir,m to In Wont, yes will (Stamped id. AdditionaL) see that there is no Inconsistency whatever in the case. It is said that if we bow to • decision of the Rouse of Commons, pronounced by a majority of 140 or 160, in • case in which we do not apnea of that decision, we ought to bow to its decree upon all other questions even though we may not approve of it. Now I say that Ido not bow to that vote of the House of Commons in the cause which I and my col leagues intend to take with regard to India ; but I look to the effect of that vote. The great objection which I urged &plat keridatthg for the government of India at that moment, whilethe revolt was as yet not put down, was that we should thereby weaken the government in the opinion of those who ought to be led to look upon it as most powerful. But what is the condition of the government of India now that it has been condemned by the vote of a majority of 140 or 150 in the Hones of Commons ? Who can auppont that the government of India—the Ran India Company— cen axrclse any influence in India when the House of Com ma. has by a large majority condemned it as incompetent ? Why the theaters of the Eat India Company themselves must feel like ompies—(laughter)—they must feel like dead men—(renewed laughter)-.end I should suppose this they are most anxious that their burial should take place as soon as possible, and their obsequies be celebrated in the most decorous, and, if you will, splendid manner. (Laughter.) Well, then, it being • positive fact that you must have a government for India in England, that its construction CM not be any longer delayed, and that all the moral inflame of the Rost India Company was destroyed by that vote, we have felt it our duty to address ourselves to the subject. But we are not going to take up the measure of our peed.- cemon—te measure which was, I think, one of the mast objectionable and one of the moat inefficient meaures ever introduced into parliament. We are going to deal with the question of the Indian government in • very different meaner and in a very different "'kit.. It would, of coarse, .be the height of impropriety he me to enter on this occasion into details which should be re served for parliament, and which must be very soon intro duced to the notice of the legislature ; but when our measure for the government of India is brought forward, I shall ap peal with confidence to public opinion to decide between the comparative merits of our scheme and thole of the scheme which was unquestionably condemned even by many of these who voted for its introduction. (Hear, hear.) Ido not know that there is any other subject of that importance which would justify me in trespassing much upon your time. (A Voice—" The ballot.") I will tell you about the ballot. That is only • measure, not a principle—it is a part of that great subject of parliamentarj reform on which it is my in tention to make a few observation,. That is not a subject upon which lan find any difficulty in speaking to the elec tors of Buckinghamshire. It is not many months ago since on these hustings I made some observations on that subject to which you listened with great indulgence. Since then I have addressed my constituents in the northern part of the county, where I laid down some principles and expressed some conviction, which I have reason tot ee believe were acceptable to the constituency generally. I oar assure the hon. and learned gentleman, therefore, that I never intended to leave this table to day without making some remarks on that quertion. Now, gentlemen, you know very well that in 1832 and 1833, when the Reform Bill was passed —you know what was the cry at that time. Thera ware many who disap proved of that bill, and though my o on was not of much consequence then, I disapproved of it. (Laughter.) I thought it was a great party mancctare which, if successful would place the whip in power pretty well for my life, and I thought the time would come when the people of this country would not feel so enthusiastic in We favour as they were at that moment. But you know that no person could then open his mouth in criticism upon the Reform Bill with safety even to his life. There were a great many motions made in parliament which would have improved it and miti gated the objections that were made to it, had they been &depth& The principles involved in some of those motion, are now in tavour. But nobody would then listen to them. The cry was, " The bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill;" and I believe that no one bowled that ay louder than the learned doctor. (Great laughter.) The learned doctor, who always criticises any change in my opinions with such equable temper, in never charged by me with those remarkable gyrstdons which he has himself exhibited. I will not say that he him self is " • vile antithesis," for the epithet is an odious one, aid I have too much respect for the honourable and learned gentleman t riply it to him, but be is certainly a very remarkable anti and I must remind him and those who like him bawled or "the bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill," that the ballot was not in it. (Hear, bear.) Well now, gentlemen, what was the next stage of public opinion upon the Reform Bill ? After a . certain time the nation began to be a little sober on the subject, and the conservative party—that is the tortes, who had been reduced by that act to 140 or 120 — increased in numbers under the leadership of • very able man. The whips then thought there was a chance of the bias =nag beck to power. What did they do ? They said, " The tortes must not come back to power, because they are not sincere in the Mission which they give to the Reform Bill . and if they return to power they will be trying to alter lc.' lam sure the teethed doctor was very much alarmed about that. (Laughter.) Sir Robert Peel, speaking en behalf of the conservative party, solemn! reitera ted that, though the tones had opposed that bill, and bt it, in many respects, injurious and un satisfactory, yet had given to it a sincere and solemn adhesion, sad accepted it as the begs of their political con duct, and he declared in the faced the nation that they would act in the spirit of the Reform Bill, and would not seek to tamper with It, or to alter its provinces. For ten years, however, they were kept out of power, because it was sup- posed that they were not sincere reformers, and that If they were admitted into power the country would be Ice danger of having the Reform Bill altered. Well, I and every other person, I believe, who was • member of that political connexion did consider that there was a solemn compact that we should give to the law an ad hesion in spirit and in truth. I have never changed my opinions a to that Reform Bill. I consider that a subject of that magnitude was dealt with in a manner that was entirely unworthy of it; I did believe then, I believe now, and I think almost everybody now considers, that there was in the concoction of that bill a greater number of jobs than was ever before ; and, though the nominal object of the was to improve the representation of the people, the grog substantial object was the consolidation of wllig - power. Well, now, seven or eight years ago the head of the whig party—the most distinguished member of the whig party who himself introduced the Reform Bill, announced his intention of introducing a new one ; sad from that moment I considered myself, as I believe every gentleman with whom I act, not merely in the govern. ment, bat in public and political life, considered himself, honourably emancipated from the engagement made by Sir Robert Peel on behalf of the conservative party. If the Reform Bill was to be altered, and was not to be adhered to in spirit and in truth—if there was to be another Reform Bill—we were, in our opinion, free to exercise our faculties, and give our opinions as to the princi ples upon which the new Reform Bill should be founded. From that time we have never concealed our opinions, but, on the contrary, we have rather sought opportunities for making frank expositions of our views on the subject. (Rear, hear.) Well, the second Reform Bill of the whigs was pro• deed as, I think, in 1850 or 1851—we are now in 1858. The delay has certainly not been occasioned by the conservative party. It is not the tortes who have been the obstructive@ of reform this time. There has not been hitherto any cry far *. the bill, the whole bill, and nothing bat the bill ;" on the contrary, nobody even a the whirrs themselves would listen to the q=a when it was brought forward, and on two occasions the bill hes been withdrawn, not through opposition on our side, but either through a sense, on the part of those who brought it forward of is Inadequacy or Imperfections, aria consequence of a total disrelish for the article by the great body of the liberal piety. Well, so we have goes on yair after year. We have had inefficient goveremeate, we have bad coalition governments, we have had governments of pure elements end materials—we have never had any govern peorimentetha; sad t really whia 1:t a th b o ol p d or atoireand they hare obroy vern o ulm odd iar ti r ow ita wn ve i ti bear l d r en t os ee dis o o t to f tw y bed th i e n ' Bills. il i t i t i t s ti . e ssell l°Mger b vib roug en b e c i , forward m y" A sbal , berd.i not i h oas ave ßef a f ßef d:f i r i n ilL ß :bu is il. t " go tw7:ReflL: the condition of his being supported by the libe ralwopertlior: o w o se t go tha t L t ord he j s o tuld ßooooli bring forward , O Roform a BR•forma4 and we did not have Lord Aberdeen's. When Lord Palmerston be came Prime Minister he was to any on the war with energy; but be was also to do something not second to that : the moment peace we proclaimed be was to give you a Reform Bill. 'Year after year the Reform Bill has been pro mised, year after year the Reform Bill has not appeared. First it wee to be next yea; at last they got the year that it was to arms; and then—sad then—it was to be brought fa after Raster. (Laughter.) At lest I thought I should have it. flocked at the abase at the beginning of the year ; it happened to to an early Beier, and, es Easter was early and tics Reform Bill certain, the government was changed. (Laughter.) Well now, gentleman, I will ask you a common swage question in a purely serious spirit. Is it decima— ls it politic—is ft honest and honourable—that a question of such a nature as this—a question which concerns the mremenWoa of what we believe to be • free and mlightsesd psi*, eminent for their love of liberty and their pragrees fa knowledge, should be made the stades horse of 0000 l iot obeirs . )—(c h e ers) it should be up and takes dews to the Zeiss of • &stressed minister, and that highest, pies of policy should be part of the stock as trade by • geeenteseat are to shuffle through • diegraretul and dissediable existence? (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, lam convinced that it Is the opinion of the people of this country that Ode question should be satkul i Z a r" oe " no ;" that if • Reform Bill is necessary, it be prodsoed and carried • that if Its not sinaserh tie milolotor who is not ripen& to MPS* •::ith ths quills might trultly to Alio lb Nevi& tins. Bonniest that • Rotors la kg bra twin brought In be • ministers ; yoniz o , that celytwir tondo "pot • Ws, Meeks I: ri u ms t sad tb• TM Slid IS ih. satilug it boo 36destve poises *AM =MUM an IV igleka. n o n e s opiates ase• ellk IA We Ist* 'imparllkh tire [TWOPENCE. a question which has been so introduced to the notice of the country by the propositions of ministers and by recommenda tions for its consideration from her Majesty herself—it is, I may, totally impossible that such a question can any longer be trifled with ; and to that subject, therefore, we shall give our earnest and anxious consideration. (A voice, " Oh, Toteu do, then.") (Laughter.) Well, then, it is said, ' When are_you going to bring the bill forward? After Raster ?" These gentlemen who have Dec seven years Playing with the question—these gentlemen who have been postponing, procrastinating, delaying, year after year, as many years as the number of the learned doctor's question% nowt*, to us, " Yon are not sincere reformers. Where is your bffi ? Have you not got it ready ? Are as no patient people to be baulk e d o f an object for which they have such a revisions desire?" Gentlemen, _we have if perelltie, to effect a reconc il iation with our g rea t ally ; we haw to con duct negotiations upon which the peace of Europe MAY de pend ; we have before us a task most difficult to perforni— we haw to put down the revolt in Indio, which, allow me to say, will yet demand from this country no common effort ; we have to oarry through parliament a for the govern ment of India, based upon principles which I hope and be lieve will recommend it to national appubsalen ; we have to introduce financial measures of no ordbear, gravity ; and then we are told that we are not roes m reformers be cause our Reform Bill is not bonsai& tely brought forward. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, the moms that we shall take will be this. We shall gg it ve to the subject t car most ear nest and serious with the view of bringing forward, if possible, a measure which shelf not be a mere party weseor•—(cheen)--whick shall not be con 'Animal or &Tined ninety to prop up • faction, which sha not be Invented merely to =mai the poli tical intimate of a Poli tical section, but which, dealing largely and maple tely with all Woes questions commie& with the subject that are enti tled to oomedderatioa, will, I trust, recommend itself to ell tem perate, rational, and sobs-spirited men se a mammon *tate to the occasion. (Load cheers.) Ready as we are to ad is this spirit, I think I do not ask too much for her Ma iesrfe govemment in asking that we may be pen aided to give to the consideration of that subject and the oosstruction of that measure the time, the thought, and the labour which the bility of so vista theme should a 'm mad at our bands. (Hear, hear.) And, geotlemen, the hypocrisy which would be involved in such conduct is so gnat that I cannot bellow that any prejudice will be rasa td against us because in dealing with this subject we wish deal with it Lie sincere and responsible men, because in any - thing that we may do we wish to do that which will be a& - mate to the occaeloo, and which will meet with the awoke - taon of all sound-thinking people in this country. I feel, therefore, gentlemen, that it is unnecessary for me to enter into any of the details of that theme which must soon—in. due time at least—be brought under the consideration, of the country; and under these circumstances L shall not offer any opinions which I might& otherwise have offered, and which I have intimated before upon this table, as to the different franchisee or modes of voting, and other questions of that character. When: the question is introduced by her Majesty's government la p/aliment, their opinions will be expressed in a formal and matured manner, and then also will be the time for the country generally to express its opinion on the propositions laid before the legislature. (Hear, hear.) And now, gen tlemen, I have only one word to say as to the position which I now ill with my colleagues in her Majesty's councils, and which you by . your free and unanimous election have this day ratified—wining thereby, I need not say, my heartfelt gratitude. (fl at, hero.) lam told—l read in those news men whence we get all our information, that we are • government on suffimenat [An Elector— • That is true.'l An hon. gentleman says that is tine ; now I shall flatly contradict him—(" hear," and a laugh)—and, gentlemen, I think the last charge that should or could be made against a government of which Lord Derby is at the head is that it is or can be a government on sufferance. (Hear, hear.) Because in 1862 we might have remained in power—and we were solicited by our opponents to remain in power—if we bad chosen to be a government on sufferance. (Hear, bear.) Bait as the organ of the government of that day, I said in tie House of Commons that we never would consent to be a government on sufferance, and we quitted office because we would not be • government on sufferance. (Hear, hear.) If a government that is in a minority b r ing for w a r d • mea sure of importance, and that measure is not carried—if they haw a majority of the House of Commons against them and retain their seats, I call that a government on sufferance —(hear)—but if that should happen to the government of which I am a member I assure you we shall not remain a government on sufferance, but shall immediately take that constitutional couree which under those circumstances it will le our duty to pursue. (Hear, hear.) Well then, gentle men, is having been thus summoned by her Majesty at a critical moment to take the helm of affairs, I am not going to assume that the House of Commons is hostile to our govern meat. (Heat, hear.) We haw emoseded to power without intrigue —we have been summoned to power by the voice, the spontaneous voice, of the sovereign And am Ito sup pers that the Hews of Commons under these circumstances —and show all Houses of Commons the present House of Commons—le teens( itself in factions orgaslastion against as? (Hear, bear.) Oat We contrary, I believe that so far him being a government on sefference • constitutional confi dence will be reposed in us by the House of Commons. If I know anything at all, I think I know something of the Hesse of Comma% sad I am sure that upon the Mee& ft is • gemstone and a gentlemanlike assem bly, and is certainly not likely under the circum stances in which we arrive at power to make itself the ready tool of any est of scheming political intriguer,. (Hear.) Bat I know that the House of Commons, like all human Institutions, is not entirely exempt from faults and errors— I know that the House of Commons in the year 18.52 did act in a very different manner. There was against the govern ment of 1852 • coalition of all sorts of discordant parties, who by their united influence threw the ministry of Lord Derby Into • small minority, upon which vrenuitted office. But have the circumstances of thew days taught no lesson to the people of England ? Has the experience of those events brought no wisdom to the House of Commons ? The destruction of the government of Lord Derby brought on the war with Russia. (A laugh.) I beg to state what I know to be the fact. (Hem, hem.) The war with Russia brought on the Persian war, the eastern disturbance, and the Indian mutiny. (A laugh.) There is • gentleman in the crowd who lambs at this. I think I remember that gentleman u one of thaw who in this hall cheered Mr. Cobden, and said that he was the proper man to represent this 0 0 =1. What will that gentleman say to the words of his favourite politician ? Kr. Cobden is no doubt one of the most eminent men that ever set in the House of Gammons. He was a smagoppmentof thegover!unsee of Ladd Derby in 1862, and he win one of the niej7wity_hy whose vote lard Derby's government was expelled. What did Mr. Cobden say two years afterwards in the Honied Commons f He said "that of M 1 the voter he bad ever given in the course of his political life, the vote which tnrwd Lon! Derby out of office in 1862 was the vote he most regretted." (Hear, hear.) That vote, he said, "bee cost this country millions of treasure and thousand' of still mom precious lives." (Hear.) Therefore the gentleman who laughs at me and cheered Mr. Cobden must reconcile as be can this later opinion of Mr. Cobden's with his own prevent views. (Hear.) I tell you, therefore, Ido not believe that the present ministry is des tined to that short-lived existence which our opponents are in emerly counting upon. I believe we shall be judged by our amminizes and by our measures *lone, and that if the psopis dad that the policy of our government is • spirited, INC at the same time a wise policy—if they find that we conduct the effete , ' of this country with energy but with prudence, if they find that under our in fluence our foreign relations become peaceful and tranquil— that revolts abroad are put down, and schemes of government well matured for our dependencies are introduced and estab lished—if they find that all these social questions that inte rest this country, whether they be reforms of representative assemblies, or reform of laws, so long es they see improve ments. and they are supported by the existing ministry—if they find that such Is our policy—l do not think it will be in the power of any combination of factions to destroy our go vernment ; bat, on the contrary, I feel confident that because we do our duty to our sovereign and our country, we shall be supported by the Queen and by the British people. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman concluded his speech amid loud and repeated congratulatory meetings. A vote of thanks, proposed by the newly-elected member, and seconded by Dr. Lin, was then passed in favour of the Sheriff, who presided the brief acknowledgment of which concluded the proceedings. NORTH STAFFORDSHIR4._-=RBTURN OF MR. ADiMR.l4lff. The re-election of the Right Hon. C. B. Adderley, whose seat bad bees forfeited by his acceptance of the adoi of President of the Council of Education, took piece yester day, at Sta ff ord. The hon. gentleman salved at Stafford by the to o'clock train, and a carnege-and-four swatting him at the railway station, he was conveyed to the Crown Court, at the County Hall, where the Under-Sheriff (Mr. Hand) and some half damn of the comity gantry swatted him, le the body of the ball there were not more than twenty or thirty persons, not withstanding that it was the commiesiondey for the assizes, so little interest did the election proceedings excite. . ~ TICOO METNELL N0P.1.11, Fl i ed Hoare-Moss, in a few brief lentenooll, placed Mr. Adder in nomination u a eft and proper person to repressost the 'vision in parliament. Viscount brOarres, 11. ' ~ seconded the nomination. No other candidate ht been proposed, the niDel- Stumm declared Mr. Ad duly elected. Mr. ADDIETLLIT than yeocesded to rebus thanks. 11l doing so, be observed that the prorates of a political reform bill wee far =oat tied coming from Lord Derby than it was from the late government. F, boar ) lie had himself come to the concl it ." I ,Pdilicslialidie between Lord Paintels n e a t w Jobs ''welew who mode /maim sot So bo faltlii-AA.elio reed law two thistere, each se#lll to !'..:ca the oonOw7 ' . .elievel the PP 7;as under e 1..:;.......... is the bpi" to,. sae &Mid 1 v0r...0 mho am o f tr i m ri p, (Loner.) BM Lord Derby slat next yew • Mil would be =a l =z i eledes se b. ... 1 .4 pod. Per binged be (Mr. ) voikl oilLarr as his own gemeil seleeiplee an th is sulgeot w had told theft