The Express. — London, England, 1864-07-09 00:00:00

IMPERIAL P, HOUSE OF LORDS.—FRIDAY, Jul.: 8. The LoaD CHANCELLOR took him moat op tho wooloack at o'clock. ALLEGED PRUSSIAN ATROCITIES. Earl RU ELL said that his noble friend (the Earl of Shaftesbury) asked hist the other day whether he had re freired orgy intelligence is regard Or 400 Swedes alleged to bare been slaughtered by the Prussian troops. Be had no intelligence at that time, bet he bad sines mad* inquiries and received telegrams from our ministers at Copenhagen and Beebe, who said they had inquired into the truth of the report which had been circulated, and it appeared there were some lour or Sr. Swedish officers killed, but they were in Danish uniforms, sod were widotinguishable from the Danish troops. The account from Berlin stated that there was • report that an Detention existed of declaring that • certain number of Swedes engaged in the Danish service Aoold be tried by °mart inertial. It was, however, believed ►t Berlin that the Pressman government would not sanction that proceeding. VOTE OF CENSURE. Lord MALIIESBURY rose to move the following ream lotions :—" That this house has heard with deep concern that the sittings of the conference recently held in London have been brought to a close without accomplishing the important purposes for which it was convened. That it is the opinion of this house that while the curse pursued by her Majesty's government has failed to maintain their avowed policy of upholding the integrity and independence of Denmark, it has lowered the just influence of this country in thy councils of Europe, and thereby diminished the se curities for peace." He said that on a grave occasion like the present there was but one sentiment pervading both aides of the house ; that sentiment being that the debate would do honour to this country and to the assembly to which libeir lordships belonged. With this feeling he knew that both sides of the house would deeply regret the absence of one who illustrated their lordships' debates by his ability, his wit, and his eloquence— ( ebeen)-- and to himself perso nally it was a matter still more to be regretted, inasmuch as be was there to represent his noble friend (the Earl of Derby) in person, although he was unworthy and unable to fill his place. He must ask of his noble friends behind him their utmost indulgence, as it fell to him to move the resolution which his noble frieed Would have moved in so much better a manner ; and he trusted that in carrying out the object which the noble earl would have effected so much more ably. he should not, in the heat of debate, say anything unfair to any member of her Majesty's government, and should not trespass too long on their indulgence by lengthy statement'. It was • further object of regret that anything approaching a personal matter should be brought before them, but in • few words he must complain to the amble lord opposite of a circumstance which bad occurred in another place. It , appeared that the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affeire had alluded to a correspondence which he said was carried on by him (the noble lord) on a former occasion. He would say no more than this ; that if such • correspondence existed it was hit wish, which be had already expressed, that parlia ment should be made acquainted with its contents—(hew, bear)— and he trusted the noble earl opposite would produce it to the house. He turned now to the resolutions of which be had given notice. With regard to the fist paragraph, be thought none of their lordships would object to it. It must be • matter of great regret to them, first, that the conference took place ; because all thecircumstances attend ing Wind led to *yenta which would probably lead to still further and more disegresable complications. First of all, they had lost, he was afraid, the will had good feeling of some very ancient al They ' bad for many years enjoyed the friendly feel ing of, the German powers, particularly of Austria and Pruett With one of those powers we were convected by a royal marriage, and when we considered the events to which the enmities of the house was now directed, and when We recollected that they had dissevered us from this alliance, it must be a matter of deep regret to all their lord ships. (Hear, hear.) He was afraid they had to lament in consequence of these events a great violation of public right. They had to lament the violation of the treaty of 1852—a treaty in which both political parties in this country took en interest and • political part. He thought that this violation set • very bed precedent, for it might be quoted at any time as an excuse for violence and wrong, and he said that looking at the details of this unfortunate business there war • feature that ought in • certain degree to strike them with trepidation—he meant that new power, as it were, which had appeared on this occasion in Europe—namely, the Diet of the German Confederation. It appeared to him that that power had overstepped its former attributes. It had taken upon itself • degree of authority in interfering with an Demure treaty which it had no right to take, especially under the circumstances of the came. (Hear, hue.) If the Diet wen to be permitted to throw its weight against any treaty that might be signed by Austria and Priaall, he did not know who was to make treaties with those powers, or with any of the German states separately, with the hops of their being maintained and their objects carried out There was another cause for regret when he looked at the events which had occurred. A new principle had been brought before the world, the principle of what was called na tionality, and he regretted that the noble earl opposite in the numerous discussions which had taken place, in corr.- spot/duos, and in the confereace, bed not put a categorical question to such persons as unionised this principle, and asked them for a simple and plain interpretation of what they meant by "nationality . " if by that interpretation they meant that a people might rise against • tyrannical sovereign, all Englishmen would understand the term. But it would appear, sales, some other intrepretation was given, that it meant that a nation bad a right to invade another country, and that nationality was supposed to exist io con sequence of • certain majority in language or in religion. He thought nothing could be more dangerous to the peace of the world than such a principle u this as it was • now defined. What, under each principles, wee to become of the smaller powers of Europe! If they took Switzerland, for instance, where three languages were spoken, French, Italian. and German—it would be di ridedbetween those theregreat powers. What would become of our own country ! If it WWI kooght under this principle Ireland would be one country, Scotland a wooed, England a thud, and Wales • fourth. (Hear, hear.) lastly, they must regret the failure of the conference from a na tural' feeling that England had in seeing • very ancient country, which had existed more than a thousand years, whom former monarchs were our mounts, and whose exist acs, as compared with that of its invader, Prussia, was that of the cedar to the fig tree—to see such • country as that 'dismembered and annihilated under circumstances which not only made us feel regret but the greatest indig nation when they remembered the circumstances to which he would allude. He regretted further that this war nom its re-commencement had boon carried on in the same pain ful manner as it was before. (Hear, hear.) It was now his duty to show that he was right in the second paragraph of his resolution in which he laid much of the blame on her Majesty's ministers. Before be went into the cor respondeoce he must anticipate what had been a question asked, riot in that house, but which would probithly be asked there as it had been elsewhere. They, were asked what they would do if they succeeded to office. That he considered a most preposterous and unfair ques4on—preposterous because it was impossible upon a point' of war or peace for the opposition to declare what they would do, when they must necessarily be ignorant, of the Means of the country to carry on a war, what allies they might depend upon, and of various other matters without information upon which no man would think of carrying on a win- unless he were insane. (Hear, hear.) He alight also ask the government a question quite as fair as theirs—what would they have done if they had been in opposition? (Hear, hear.) They would no doubt have attempted as soon as they possibly could to turn the conservatives out of office. (Laughter.) It was absurd to suppose that the opposition could now be ready to go to war or to advocate war, and if they were to promise anything of the kind at present, anyone would be justified in saying that they were incompetent to conduct the affairs of the country. Neither he nor those by whose sup port he hoped to carry his resolution were at all anxious at this moment that any government should proceed alone to war. One thing was perfectly palpable, that no time could be more inopportune for us to go to war than the pre sent. • He did not mean to say that the moment had not paned when by risking a war we might have prevented war. (Chows.) Of that he was perfectly convinced, and it was not only he who said that, but he had beard it from mumblers of persons who were good judges of the circumetanoss to which he alluded—he bad heard it from Germans, men as eager as any of their countrymen to obtain their objects in Denmark, that there was a moment when, if her Majesty's government had taken a strong tone and made a strong d► rnonstration, war would have been averted. (Haar, hear.) The noble earl opposite and the noble duke who sat upon the government bench had alluded to what took place in Italy in 1959, and drew an analogy between the correspond ence that took place on that occasion, and their own oor respondence io reference to the present differences between Denmark and Germany. The noble earl was kind enough to give him (Lord Malmesbury) credit for using every endeavour to maintain peace at that time. From one so eminent such praise was exceedingly pleasing, but he could not help remarking that at that time the noble earl was moot those whoaccused him, tried him, condemned, and he might say hanged him upon his policy. (Laughter.) The noble earl and has friends then turoed the cocoa-retires outof office upon their foreign policy, and they did so before they had read a single one of his despatches, for the papers were not on the table at the time. (amen) Bat he must do the noble earl the justice of saying that, having condemned and hanged him, he, as a conscientious man, afterwards re pented and cut him down. (Laughter.) There was a dif ference between the policy of the noble earl end that of ' Earl Derby. In the policy carried oat by the soble earl, he had had the misfortune to have no asdriance whatever, and ' to have shown that M possessed no influence whatever over hie allies. (Hear, hear.) That was not the case with respect to the Italian question, because, although it was true that Austria, with a stupidity almost unpardonable, rushed to her own fate, and het one of the fairest provinces of her empire, the government had influence enough to stop France and Piedmont from advancing, and the whole quer- I Lion, if not settled, would have been discussed in peaceful conference but for Austria's obstinacy. (Hear, hear.) He did not , therefore, accept the analogy. The govern ment then had influence enough to prevent two great powers rushing into war, and failed with the tbirdt bars the noble sad bad no Andaman 'HE ow any power whatever. (Hear, bear.) 'Ng" sot !right then io gulag that the present govern in upholding the independence gad in' Ineewig, which was port of 'Denmark so for many centuries. and Jutland, le Joeeouti mental and largest part of Denmark, now is Mtn pos session at German troops. So complete was the failure of the noble earl's policy, that it was left to him to carry out the painful and almost humiliating task of proposing to the congress the dismemberment of that country whom integrity the noble earl had always coesidered so essential to the welfare of Europe, and which was an dear to the people of that country. The noble earl was obliged to prom* the division of Slam' into two parts, and was obliged also to submit to a refuel from the triumphant Ger mans who have conquered the Danes. The Daum might fairly say with the dying Mercurio, when he said to Romeo, " Why in the Devil's name did you come between us? I was hurt limier your arm." (Hear, bear.) It would be his duty to show that her Majesty's government had brought about the present state of things by their own faults, sod what be accused them of was not having made up their minds to any definite line of policy, not having kept in view sea mark from which their eye ought ewer to have been taken, the invasion of Sleewig. (Chun.) The municipal differences in Denmark were nothing to comparison with that which was the internatiosal question -the one in which England had • right to interfere, even by force, if she thought fit to do so. The time whom the invasion might um; and the manner in which it might be carried out s ought to have been constantly before the noble eerie eyes, and be and the cabinet ought to have been ready mouth* and months before it took place with what they inlaid do in that event, and to have acted as soon as the movement became known, they having received complete warning of it from all their ministers abroad. (Hear.) On Sept. It the noble earl said that he could not interfere in Holstein, but that if Sleawig were attacked the attitude of her Ma jeety government might be altered. It the noble earl had so chosen, that was the time for him to hare taken grouod on in ternational law, and to have defended Denmark. Demo& had then an unbroken army, and if the noble earl had sent troops and a fleet to the Baltic, Sweden would no doubt have co-operated, and thee, with the prospect of 100.000 men defending the islands, he (Lord Malmesbury) was con vinced the Germans would never have crossed over. If the noble earl had wished to follow another course, and to (le ap' war, why not decline it—why not say, "We cannot help you ; you have not kept faith with the posers, sod we esanot assist you." Übe had solopted the peace auras; five, that was the language which the noble earl ought to have held. (Hsu, hear.) He (Lord Maluiesbary) hoped he should not be accused of vanity if he mad • short ex tract from one of his own despstchee, written in 1852 to the Danish government, wh too he was informed by the English minister that there were symptoms on the part of the Amish government of an intention to slide away from their engagements. That treaty bad been signed only six weeks, and the British minister thought that already he perceived symptoms of evasion, and be (Lord Malmesbury) wrote that the treaty having been accepted by the Danish government, it was no ensoern of her Majesty's government whether it had or had act received due consideration. The obligation to observe it remained the same, and therefore if there was any failure to carrying it out, her Majesty's government would bold the Danish government responsible for any danger that might result to Denmark. (Hear, hear.) the noble earl had acted differently, he had never bees able to make tip his mind, as might be seen from the faltering toss of his despatches. There was one very remarkable proof of this in • conversation which the noble earl had with the Prus sian minister, on the 24th January, just twelve days before the meeting of parliament and fifteen before the invasion of teleswig, which had been threatened three months before. On that occasion the noble earl told Count Berostorff that if Denmark were occupied by Promis and Austria she would probably be misted and when the Prussian minis ter asked for an explanation the noble earl replied that her Majesty's government bad Dot yet considered the matter in Cabinet Council, and until they had done so they could not submit their opinion to the Queen, but that, judging from the expressions of opinion by the prebLe and in parliament, he thought that the invasion of Sleswig would lead to assistance being given by England. So that at this time her Majesty's government had not made up their minds when the invading troops were on the move and when the invasion was certain. Now, let him not be understood as &Lying that her Majesty's government ought at that time to have assisted Denmark ; t had told their lordships before that if it was in tended to do so, • fitting time bad been allowed to ' psis by ; but here they found that the noble earl had not made up his mind a fortnight before the meeting of paella meat The whole sum and saboteur. of the noble earl's correspondence might, in fact, be reduced to two phrases. To Germany be said, " Mind what you are about;" and to Denmark, " Take care what 7oa do." Beyond that the noble lord said really 'nothing is all his volumitiona do spatche& Whilst this correepooduce was going on, sad °yenta were proceeding, what had become of our allies. Russia and France—those mighty powers from which England ought to have received saaistance f They did nothing ; the noble earl turned to them for amistemem but they gave none. He (Lord Malmeebnry) was not going to defiled their conduct, because, as signatarica of the treaty of 1852, it was their duty to have taken some steps ; he merely dated the fact. He was afraid, however, there wove mayor in the policy and manner of the noble earl which helped to indispose the allies from coming loyally forward to assist Lim. France acted fairly towards Denteerk, for when General Fleury went to congratulate the new King on his wrosesioe, be distinctly told his Majesty that Truce could not assist blip. hamar was therefore not to be blamed. (Hear.) From England, on the contrary, both in the speech of the noble viscount and the despatches of the noble earl, Dee ms& had received every encouragement to expect assist snot. (Hear.) Sir A. Paget, le conversation with the Danish minister on the lioth September, spoke of Den merk's " chances of assistence" is certain contingencies in 'such a way as to justify the Danish minister in inferring that V he acted in a certain way under the advice of England he might reasonably expect the material assistance of that tionatry. Again,Lad Wodehouse tendered his advice to Mr. Hall respecting the armietice,teiliughini that if be rejected it beer Majesty's government would consider itself absolved from all reepoombility. Here were incite and suggestioes whilst the noble earl never told the Danes that he would eat help them, not the German powers that he would not interfere • and he had shown that on the very eve of the invasion be; Majesty's government had not made up their minds as to what they should do. Bat these were DOI the only blunders °lbw Majesty's government. There could be no doubt but that Franc was deeply offeaded by the manner in which the Employes proposal for a colognes was rejected. (Hoer, hear.) The noble earl, far the mice of a flippant epigram, in which be said that he did not me how the attendance of Spain, Portugal, and Turkey in congress could assist In the s olution of the Sieswig-Holstein question, lost the beet pondble chance of settling that question. He did not anode to the Emperor personally, who was not the man to be offended by such sarcoma, but the people of France whim had elected him to the throe were offended to see their sovereign addressed in such language. But before that, the inference drawn by the Francis respecting the correspond/oat about Poked, was that England left the Emperor in the lurch ; indeed the charge was openly made in Fiance. He (Lord 3dahnesbory) knew that It was pity sicinolcfl impossible for ne to assist Poland, but the ours epos of her Majesty's government with Fresco on 'abject left the impression on the mind et Europe that everything proposed to be done England was certain to end in smoke. Well, thee, the government had not in January made up their minds, but the German governments had made up theirs, and they invaded Sliming, and not contented with that, they soon afterwards invaded Jutland . He would net describe the hardships which had beim indicted upon the unfortunate Lanes who were not prepared for each a straggle against overpowering armies. After many proposals a con forgone took place, and the plenipoteotierice met without any buts upon which to reamed, and after much asgotiation a peace could only have been arrived at by • dismemberment of Denmark and by the humiliation of thin country. (" Hear, hear," from the opposition.) ' Than he would say that the jut il3flolllloll of this country abroad had been lowered. It would be a painful task to show what were the opinions of foreign nations of this country at the present time. Not only the German papers, but also the French, had spoken of this country, not as they had done before, in terms of hatred and melice combined with • certain amount of fear, but en betraying their friends and as cowards. (Cheers.) He should require no farther argumenta to show the position in which England stood now than the correspondence on the table and the speeches of the noble viscount at the head of the government, and both must make noble lords feel as he himself felt, that this country had been humiliated. (Hear, bear.) lo July, 1863, the noble Premier said it wee an important matter of British polity to maintain the independence and integrity of the Danish monarchy, and that he was convinced that if any attempt should be made to interfere with that independence and the rights*, Denmark, it would not be Denmark alone with which the German powers would have to contend. Again, in June 27, 1864, the noble viscount, attar Denmark had been dismembered, said the coated had been in regard to Sleserig, and not in regard to Denmark or the safety of the Danish capital, but he added that be did not mean to say that if the war should assume a different chancier, if Copenhagen should be taken by the sword, —if there should be • destruction of property and the cap• tare of the sovereign as • prisoner of war—he did not mean to say that if all theme and other events should be likely to happen the position of Denmark would not be a matter for further consideration. (Laughter.) He thought he seed • _ may nothing more than ask their lordships to mistreat the speeches of the whir viscount with those spoken by other ponces, and be believed they would agree with hum that the just influence of this country had been lowered. (Cheers oc the opposition benches.) The Lake of ARGYLL said their lordships knew before the debate began that it would not be to define any priociple--(chows)—end the noble earl had care fully evaded the discussion of all queetioos of public) policy. (Hew, bear.) This west pure faction fight. (Cries of "No, no." and "bear, hear.") He would not can. plain of that, for faction fighte were perfectly fair things; but be thought the foreign policy of the government wee not the ground upon which they ought to fight, because it eomprommed the position of the country. (Hear, bear.) He thought the resolution was not so worded as to define any grounds which showed why the government should be censured. It professed to state that the just luflueoce of the country bad been lowered in regard to Deoniark, but if their lordships read it carefully, they would we that it was so framed as to give no reason fur that. , petal) SDQ lutioo "tisf!?M•e7- two tJtiop, , iodepewdsooo this wool earl ',list his policy w. __ - The debate, therefore, a mere _ strength parties. (Hear, hear.) The case of the opposition wsa manly this, The noble earl whose absence they lies deeply regretted that night—tlaughter on the oppeettithe beaches, sad erns of "bear, hear^)—be could enure noble Jodi opposite that his regrt was perfectly sincere—(rer, hear)—foe whatever might be their party feelings, they all respected the rigs earl and admired his great power's, and they wished that the character of the debates in that bona should be maintained, and therefore he deeply regretted the abeam of the noble earl end the care erred for it. The case of the opposition, then, for Lord Derby himself had state d it, was. that the government were quite right is not going to war as behalf of Denmark, bat the noble earl had not stated it to-eight. The Earl of MALIIESBURY.—I distinctly said that the government were quite right in not gong to war. Th. Duke of ARGYLL—Theo he had not misrepresented the opinion of the noble earl. But that involved the fur ' ther propositioo, that the boooar and interests of the mushy did not demand that this country shook' go to war. If that were so, bow could they divide the honour of Es - land from those who represented the crown of England, (Hear, hear.) But the noble earl said, " You (the genera ' trot) have involved yourselves with various parties oo the cootinent, and it would be better, though we should not go to war, that we should 0003111 into your please." In October, 1863, t h e minister of this country at Copenhagen informed U. Hall that this country would not go to war, bat K. Hall said he knew • war was coming on in Ger easy —that he did not wish to avoid it—that • better moment could not happen, and be should not shrink from it, but he did not say that be should rely upon the British government for su, bat upon the feeling of the people of this country, W pport hich be thought had been roused in behalf of Denmark. That was before the death of the late king. Bat how was it that M. Hall trusted or to the government but to the public (seiner of England The answer was this ; he pointed out to the British minis ter the proceedings in the bores of parliament. He did not wish to complain of whet warn said or done in that house ; for on more than one rearm durum the ten years be had had the honour of a seat on the mioisterial beech he bed felt grateful foe the langusge used by noble lora whe were tedimeodent of par, and which had been of great service to the cause of freedom in Europe. and more than could have been rendered by the government or by the of al opposition. (Hear, hash) Their lordships were called a cold and unimpassioned as sembly, bat there were subjects upon which the of their lordships responded more immediately proceedings of hip of the people than those of the assembly more imme diately connected with them—(hear, hear)—and their lord ships bad an important influence dread for in foreign countries it was oonridered that the matured conviction of their lordships represented the feelings of the people. (Hear, hear.) The noble earl at the bead of the image office in Sept 1862, propord to Denmark • settlement of the Slesmig•Holetem dispute, but in the session following the noble earl did not complain of any particular coarse a/ actioo, but thought it would have been better to leave things alone. The government, however, did not gra ' tuitorly interfere, but were asked to give their amisture to the parties concerned in the dispute, and in • debate which took place In that brae the Earl of Derby said the iategriey of the Drib wrathy was of vital importance to this country. (Hear, hear.) The language of the adds lords oo the °r eels* side of the house had been more vio -1 lastly in favour of Denmark than that of the government and yet those were the noble lords who now told their lordships that the government, and the government alone, had bold out hopes of assistance to Denmark, and that the govern ment were to blame for having placed this country in • position of humiliation because they bad sot rendered assistance to Denmark, or prepared to take steps for the pur pose of aseurieg the independence of the Danish monarchy which was of vital importance to this country. (Hear, herj It war his firm conviction that the Danish government the Danish people—he did not blame them for it—had been tiring on the speculation of • change of government in this country. They had, he believed, expected to see a vote if want of confidence, on the ground that the government had net assisted Denmark, instead of which they found them entailed because they had spoken on her behalf. Denmark had, in fact, been betrayed, sot by the government, but by the language of the noble lords opposite. (Hear, hear.) He wished to say one word on the contrast which had bees drawn between the position of France and that of England. It bad been said in another place that the position= Lad wasbumiliatiog, and the conduct of France far, upright, and open. The two countries were so signs lades of the same treaty, sod were bound by precisely the same obligations. (Hera, hear.) It was his firm conviction that Ragland had so selfish or material interest in this question ; and he denied the proposition of Lord Derby that the vitalist/rests of this country were ormarned. No mere bee of that house sympatbuied more deeply with the Danes than he did. He thought that France had • material interest in preventing the extension of the Ger manic Confederation into the waters of the Baltic ; but r to England's dreading Germany as • naval power, the very notion was ludicrous. He ever with Lord Ellenborougb, whose absence he moth regretted, that • German fleet would be no source of strength to °awry • and eves if the case were otherwise • German fleet would be quite se likely to be friendly to England as a Danish one. (Hear, hear.) England recoiled from • war with Germany to be carried oo by her done ; while Frame recoiled from such • war though it was to be carried oo in slitter with England, one of the greatest powers of the earth. (Hear, hear.) The contrast which hail been drawn between France end Eng land was simply ridiculous, and was founded on the grommet misrepresentation, of the relative position of the two omen tries. The noble earl said that France at ones declared to Denmark, thro b General Fleury, that she could not give her any materiel aid ; but if be had referred to page 443 of the blse book be would have found that the French government denied that. (Hear, hoar.) He confessed he bad very great difficulty in following the noble earL He could not detect • trace of an argameat throughout his speech; he did not know what he wee at. (Laughter.) At one moment he seemed to my that the government interfered frattrously, in opposition to the expressed opinion of his chief (Lord Derby) that they were perfectly justified fa in terfering ; at another moment he mid that they bad held out hopes to the Danes and threats to Germany. It was perfectly true, he would remark, that they held oat threats to Germany ; but surely they was justified in doing that when similar intimations were made by France, and when also their threats were based on the expectation of the ma terial assistance of France, The noble earl referred to a time when, as he said, they ought to have adopted • decided policy and very strong leaguers, that tune being the period when the German powers were about to oross the Rider. Now, the inertia of Sleswig tooleoe in the month of February, Mae bard feat peered and the Baltic wee en tirely inaccessible to our ships, eecoooddd if England had then gone to war with Germany alone, she would have had to meet with her five-and-twenty, thirty, or forty thousand men • face of at least 200,000 Germans, who could have been collected in n week or tee days. It must be remem bered that the movement on the part of Germany was not confined to K. de Bismarck or Id. de Richter& but • fasw tad feeling pervaded the whole German population. To commence war ardor such decametres' would have been, to use the Logone at • sable load who woe very likely to be • colleague of the noble earl, " a policy of Mouldy." (Hear, bear.) He did not deny that there were • great somber of persons in this coantry who felt bitterly disap pointed that lag Land had sot gobs to war for the sake of Denmark. He had mud respect for that Icahn, brit be wished the English people to be satisfied that the govern ment bad refereed from going to war oat merely on account of the difficulties and deniers of war, but from other sad higher considerations connected with the peace of Europe and the ditSculties in the way of eufarciej justice. Whit did " going to war for Denmark ^ mean ? Some said it meant going to war in rapport of the treaty of 1852. It was not we merely who had abandoned that treaty, the Danes themselves had done so. (" Oh oh., That treaty was one of recognition, not al guarantee ; it wee a treaty of recognition of the pkreonal Intim between the King of Denmark and the crows of the two duchies. The het ' thing the Danes said when they altered the conference wee that they would not be satisfied with the personal union, and bethought they were perfectly right. So lass as Denmark was governed by a despotism this personal union was a real union ; the powers of the three states were united in the King ; but, in 1837, when liberal institutions were adopted, the case became altered. The two populations were them brought into collision, and jealousies of race were excited. In a book written, not by a Gerinae, but by • member of the Danish legation, IL Coach, it was stated that the local institutions of what were called the Sleswig•Holsteiners were hostile to a personal union between the duchies and the kingdom. The question wee not one merely of languages and nationalities. In 1846 letters patent were issued by the Klag of Dearnark with reference to the question of suocemion, and they were subsequently ratified by the treaty of 1862. Let their lord &hips observe the terms in which the King of Imemark thee referred to the duchy of Sleswig. He mid :—" More parti cularly we hereby saran our faithful subjects in the duchy of kilnwig that we do not intend by these letters patent in anyway to trespass upon the autonomy of theduchy, such es it hitherto beep recognised by us. nor to make any alte ration in those other relations which are at present cou nseled with Holstein. We, on the oontrary, hereby resew our amitrance that we will for the future, as hitherto for the past, protect our duchy of Sleswig in the enjoyment of the rights which belong to it as an inseparable but yet an independent part of our monarchy. Such was the testimony of the Danish King himself, that the duchy of Sleswig wee an indepen dent part of the Danish territory. If they went to war for Denmark, they would go to war to force Sleswig to be- I come incorporated with the Danish monarchy, and that was not an object for which Eoglaod ought to go to war. Nothing which he bad mid was intended to bear hard against Denmark or the Danish people. He believed that there was not a single German pink= in their lordships' house. (Hear.) No doubt grave errors had bees committed by Denmark, but those errors might have been corrected without violence and bloodshed. (Hear, hear.) Their lord ships mast especially modems the conduct of the Frustums government, which begaa and had carried au this I I 2 iaciificing their own stionsl feeling of helpless peopl► position of this that thee lisa . this crisis for the eettlimen swig - dispute, and that it the war should take a new direction, the present govern ment, or those who might moored them, would be free to deal with that new conjuncture as they might think fit. He would go farther and say that this was precisely the language held not el by the English government but also by Femme. (Hear, hear. He was surprised that this milk and water and doubtfu monition, involving no principle and no po bay—lhear)—and not condemning the government on any specific rounds, should have found • place in the journals of the House of Commons. Whatever might be the remit of the vote on the present occa sion, the government were not ashamed of any thing they bad said or doom (Hear, bear.) He did net regret that they bad interfered on this Question be cause it was their bounden duty to do so. lie did not re =tat they advised Denmark to fulfil all her promiesi to ray, or that they intimated to the German powers the danger which might arise if France and England should bs compelled to take up arms against their aggression. He did bet regret that they endeavoured to rally Frames to our support, because his (variation was that if she had joined, the present war would not have been waged. Neither did be regret the invitation to the great powers to attend a conference in London, nor, the ceefersuce having failed, their refusing to plunge England into war—(hear, hear)— sad above a ll he did not regret that they bad resisted that temptation to which the opposition were now yielding—the temptation of identifyieg their own personal sympathies and political objecte with the honour and the interest' of the canotry. (Cheers.) Lord BROUGHAM said he would not enter iota the detail's)! this question after they hail been so ably handled by his noble friends on both sides of the house. What was the state of things they were called open to contemplate and make up their mine about? The manure of the Danes and the pillage of the Danish territories. (Hear, hear.) We should have indeed been humbled, and be would even say, disgraced if we had not made up our minds and im proved our feelings strongly on such • subject. Bat it was no humiliation or disgrace not to he able to rub into war single-handed spinet two-thirds of Europe for the sake of Denmark. (Hear, bear.) If they had gone to war the set might well have been stigmatised u one of inanity. lie had gone through the despetelles, sod his deliberate and clear °Polon was that there was not a vestige of threat by his s ob ). friend (Earl Ithasell) in the whole course of the uptiations. j oi n r ed r, hear.) He felt perfectly coovieeed that if Prance bad d with us in determining that the Germans should not enter Denmark, that combination would at one have stopped the Germane and we should never have heard of the present deplorabie °Deflect. ( Hear, hear. ) The Marquis of CLANRICARDE rose to move, as en amendment to the motion of the noble earl (Malmesbury), to omit all the words after the word " convened," for the purpose of inserting the following words :—" That this house regrets that Denmark was allowed to expect keen the English goveromeot material aid is mpport of the object. of thetrany of May 1852." He was perry that on the present occasion he could Dot conscientiously support his noble friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, because he entirele concurred in the first paragraph of the motion before thaw lanishipa He was astonished to bear the amble duke (Argyll) say that the present discussion might, in Irish par lance, be called • faction fight. They had been invited by the government to examine the papers and give a deliberate opinion upon them. He had done so, and he felt bound to say he thought these affairs had been greatly mismanaged— (hear, hear) —sod that it was owing to such mismanagement Mat there had been a war in Denmark, and she was almost swept off the political map altogether. He could pot, , however, agree with the whole terms of the motion of the arable earl, for he did not believe the 1/1(1114111C0 of this country was one jot lowered in the eyes of Europe. (Cheers.) The infiumure of England depended upon the power of the country, and never did that power stand higher than it did at the present moment. The mistake was in the isolation of this country at • time when action was required and might have been taken in concert with France. He was astonished to hear the terms in which the noble duke had spoken of the treaty of 1852, be having been one of the royal commissioners when no less than three paragraphs of the speech from the throne re ferred to that treaty and the cabinet having relied upon it over and over agate is asking the co-operatioe of the other powers in the defence of Denmark. (Hear, hear.) The Duke of ARGYLL—I said the fla res had given it up themselvee. The Marquis of CLANBICABDE did not deny that, or that it was now all torn to shreds, its object being to pre serve the independence sad lategrity of Denmark. It had been announced by the government that with au Austrian and Prussian fleet before Copenhagen their daterneation not to interfere might be recoesidered ; but surely if that contingency should occur the British government would be less inclined than now. The objects of war were now , and it had ceased to be spoken of. But if they went they found a period in which the eireurestaneee were very different. The noble earl opposite had said truly, that if this country had shown itself at an early period prepared to incur the risk of war war would have been avoided alto gether. He quite mixed with that, but he thought the government nest never to have made a demonstration if they were not fully prepared and determined to follow it up. (Hear, hear.) It was impossible to read the papers without peeing that the government were at one time inclined for war ; and not only was the cabinet divided upon the subject, but the noble earl himself was at different limes in • very different disposition with regard to the question. There was no doubt the Danes had been led to suppose that Erigland would take up arms on her behalf. By the smendmeat he was about to propose be did not mean to imply that the noble earl had ie any despatch, or in any announcement in that house, or elsewhere, or by his riper meditative' abroad, given • distinct procaine or pledge that this country would support Denmark don. If a pledge had been given be had not the shadow of a doubt that the govern moot would bare adhered to it to the letter. But the con duct of the ministry bad been each as to lead thoDases to ex. pect annum, and to being them into their present pitiable 000ditiou. (Hear.) He noun her Majesty's government of baring misled Denmark. If they had mid they would not go to war, Denmark would in the first instance have gone to Berlin—and did any one suppose that the Prussian govern ment would not haveacented the line of the Sehlei"—and the monarchy would have been saved. It was In these on victim. he had framed his amendment. The Earl of CLARENDON—I should not have at tempted any vindication of the conduct of her Ma jesty's government in the recent negotiations —a task which can be so much more ably performed by my noble friend the for Foreign Affairs. if I had oot mud( shared his respond • ity during the course of th ese nego tiations. I had formed nay opinioa of the Nonni-Holstein question before I become • member of the cabinet, and I wish to express my opinion exactly as I should have done did I sit ea the benches below beside my noble friend who has jest eat down. I shall not quote from the bine books, because I presume that your lordships are familiar with their contents, but at once proceed to may that in my opt nioe in the outset of these affairs, and when coming events were casting their Ishadows before them, her Majesty's government acted with • fall appreeistioa of the gravity which those events might assume. I pass over the remon strances made to the two German powers, and the more friendly one. which were made to the neutral one ; all of which, however, I think, showed an honest endeavour to prevent war if pesible ; and we should have been successful too if we had met any corresponding support or desire for conciliation on either side. But es time went on it only strengthened the pressure of public opinion is Germany ; and her Majesty's government having exhausted all he efforts with the contending parties, applied at last in January la st to Rossi* and Freon who were more into. rested than ourselves in maintaining • treaty which the two ether continental powers had violated. Your lordship know that that appeal was refused. In Jemmy Mat, therefore, government was placed in • position of extra- I ordinary difficulty, not alone in having to deal, but in I having to decide how to deal, with a question whiA, more than any other in the modern history of Europe, has been complicated by the ramified relations existing between Denmark and the duchies, and in the duchies between themselves ; these complications being brought to • climax by the sudden death of the late Kin of Denmark, end the early extra his mecomer. Bat her Majoity's government fond no response from Rune or Frame. Thee. powen manifested 'some concern, but did not think that the treaty was one which they were justified is making any surifios for. They aid in fact, that Denmark wee oat aa idea to be fought for. We had to choose between preserv ing a stoical indifference, folding our arms and witnessing another partition of Poland, or doing that which my noble friend quarrels with us for not having don—declared that if the German powers advanced beyond the Eider it would be war with Raglan. My ante friend said that that would not be war, but • very small demonstration. My opiates is that no course more rash or more likely to lead to • great war could have been devised ; because. my lord.. you could not have used such a threat as that without being prepared to act op it. It we had sent sight iron-clads and 30,000 troops to ice-clad Denmark it would have stimulated the I dream of German unity, and it would have become a I point of honour with Austria and Prussia to bring the whole armed strewth of Germany into the quarteL Our assist- sue would have protracted the quarrel, and we should have been at war with the whole of Germany. All those who think the time had arrived for going to forget that it might have caused • revolution in Hungary and is Venetia, an in other parts of the continent ; and England would have been the c ou n t r y t o set fire to the combustibles now scattered about Europe. (Hear, hear.) We should, however, have engaged in this labour single. handed, for France would have been looking on, and waiting to take part on one side or the other. I have not the least doubt that 30,000 troops could have been sent to an particular part of the conti nen t o f Denmark ; but could they have dislodged 100,000 troops which Germany would have sent to oppose them— would they have produced a different feeling in Germany in respect of the duchies, and would they have altered the intentions of the two German powers ID respect of the treaty ? I suppose there must have been some limit to the occupation of Denmark 14 our troops ? It seems, therefor*, to me, that those who say we might to have gone to war, • ',XPRESS, SATURDAY E JULY 9 • f • ll, Arent , I sel fi sh motives. • Was • of porno& enable •• • • the right. of their • " 41.1 be • • tell • • that m „ .. • placed Itself at t f - " 7 "1 • • t, about. natical 77"' .• • German people, am t•to •.. 'MUM of • • • • he bad • g od tlknotth of . ith blood. No greater th ..r tbm A , •A f rev by any (oven:m.ol4A Mil ace and some' or war, end • °rotor. to •• the-rem- won earoortly • te the Pressen people whether iron satisfactory to all it was so drawn as to Mewess only would allow their government to go on sacrificing tbeii o things, that the government bad failed to maintain the liberties on the pretence of heading the netionel feet !speedos°. of Denmark, and that the just influence of Germany to a amide spinet a week end helpless p is country had bees lowered. He monkd sot ask the **hie JO wished to say a word upon the present position a rl what his policy would be, but basould ask him what ammtry. All they lied etenht to sty was that the e policy would have berm if his party bad been in dike. Dot th ought right to commit Eoglacd to war at this cri re debate , therefore, wee a more trial of the strength of Unsettlement of the Sloswis.llolstein dispute, and t Wi° al '. 4- * war 11 1. ve 1 / 4 so well ecosidered the to make • =soh isopoolamos ; or • r mei • political capital • Iv wad $ obtain office as the of the weak. (Rear. )4, •ba ' sympathy for the • sylipathy woo °: a justification for our going to which ought never to be entered upon unites therein claims of justice to support it—(hear, hear) ; sad 1 f ears that the feelings of the floglish pools. brit are end of the oountry to the other, are is favour of 'especially since the question has been naderetood. The treaty of 1852 bound us to acknowledge Christian IS. ea King of Denmark, but it did not bind us to go to war io favour of supporting him upon the throne—Do snore, In. deed, than we were bound by the treaty of Vienna to go to war oe behalf of Poland kat year. Then, if this country was not bound to go to war, we were bound to do all we could to prevent it, or to try sod find woe ammo of bringing it to a °nada sion, and my noble fried exhibited all the seal which aprings from throatily is &jest cause by sppealieg to the Garman powers to preserve their good faith in the trusty of 1882. That course of my noble friend was pursued honestly, and he used no language of menace or abuse to these great powers of Germany. My noble friend opposite will recollect how he war censured for his conduct while in office in refereace to a question between Austria sad Russia. _ . The Earl of MALMESBUR Y —Yes, we were turned out at office. (Loather.) The Earl of CLAII.F.NDON —Perhaps not for that only. However ' I am *mum my noble friend that if any vote of immure had been brought against him for the management of those affairs, then I should have voted in hie favour, betasse I thought he was Situated, and that his policy was sound, and if it miscarried through no fault of his own, & vote of censure would have been an unworthy proceeding. (Hew. hear.) I now say the same thing in reference to the con duct of my noble friend near me. It is perfectly true the his efforts to maintain peace have failed, and that %beim foresee has failed, but that has been a great boon to his political opponenta, who are always looking out far whom they might devour. (Laughter.) I think the conduct of my noble friend sad his colleagues has this for ita defence, that it has met with the sympathy of the people in every part of England. Then felt satisfied with the government in not allowing England to be drawn into a war without a just cause. The govern ment have resisted all the temptations which were held out to induce them to go to war, and also all the provocations and all the appeals —some honest and some the reverse— which were held out to them, and I my eonstheatioualy that this oountry is at peace without disbooour. (Hear, hear.) I cordially re-echo the sentiment explained by the Earl of Derby a few evenings ago, when he mid, " Much ea 1 love peace, I toren:near more ;" and if I thought that peace was inco ns istent with the Imeour of this country I would advocate war, but I see no reason why weshoeld go to VW. all that we were bound to do was to observe the treaty of 1852—• treaty which five powers had recognised. I will not stop to inquire bow far that treaty differs from other treaties, but I say we ware no more bound than the ether powers to carry it into operation, and we bad less means to secure It—and ask why should we go alone sallying forth to do that which the other powers would not do ? Why should we have departed from the policy of DOD istorvention—(hisr, hear)—which is the policy always first to be considered? (•• Hear. hear." from the opposi tion.) Bat my noble friend who spoke lest says we were perpetually giving advice to Denmark. To that I answer that Denmark from the beginning was told not to expect material support from us, sod Lord Workhouse when he went to Copenhagen said the same thing, and the Danish minister admitted this. Mr noble friend and I in the con ference constantly told the Danish representatives that they must sot expect rapport from this 'country, and M. gaud* unsatisfied that we had never varied our opinion on that point. I will min every candid man who has read thspro tocols whether they do not justify the conference ? W ily, there were six weeks armistice, and the territorial question was narrowed down to a small district The proposi tion is reference to the line of demarcation was refused, but it was made with the most, anxious desire to serve Den mark. I should have been glad if Denmark had accepted the proposal, because it will be utterly imposeible for her to sustain the treaty of 1862, and she never can restore bar authority over Shang and Holstein. If the lies proposed by the neutral powers had been accepted, the portion of northern Slued& allotted to Denmark would have formed a sort of neutral ground betweeen Demark and Germany. My opinion is that the Danish question would never have taken the form it did, or that the German powers would have acted as they Wye done, if there bad not been a moieties between the governments of France and England. (Hear,hear.) It wads matter so important that it could not be °lamented, that the good feeling between the two countries should be maintained, and if that were so disputes which constantly arose in different parts of the world would more speedily be settled. I admit that there was a soreness and irritation between Frame and England, and it was not un natural, but it was without foundation. We all know that France would have gone to war with Russia in reference to Poland if Auden would have joined and we had But it was not our interest to go to war. "" Z d war commenood public opinion in this country might have forced ths into it on behalf of the Pole s.l We, however, declined to go to war, end now I believe that every reasonable Frenchmen considers that we did Franca a great service by not &Meting her at that time, for a war for Poland might have raised a greater war than the one of 1812. When the Emperor proposal a coegres, he overlooked obstacles which must have anew, for there would have been no power to enforce the decrees of such a coogrem, and it was too much to expect that such power' would assent to the proposals which might have been made by a simple "Aye ^ or • No." The Congress was do. dined by nay noble friend in a manner which no French man could take offence at, for none was meant, and the reply having been frankly given, the good relations between the two countries ought not to have been inter rupted. But Frame her not been lees active in the cause of Denmark than ourselves, sad the Emperor sad his government have acted throughout in the mart Isocioursble manner, and in reference to Denmark the proton** will show that the two governments have acted throughout im the most friendly manner towards each other. (Hear, bear.) I may say the same of the representatives of the other powers. Our relations with all the power except the two German powers were of a friendly character. I would, thee, ask my noble friend in what consists that loss of influence of which he complains, and which be says is dan gerous to the peace of Europe. My noble friend has quoted French newspapers, and it is upon the been of artistes in newspapers that your lordships are called upon to affirm the resolution ; it Is the idle talk of foreign redactetlrs and the diatribes of finings correspondents, re-echoed by party spirit, which has onputed the falescharge that Englaad oaths promises to Denmark sad afterwards broke them, and that in consequence, she has been reduced to the position of a fifth-rate power. I will not com plain of what is said or written abroad, for ten times worse things are mid and written at home. Binh talk withal-1 will not rain it to the rank at sheer nonsense. (Hear, bear.) England does not lose caste by not rushing into war without sufficient cause. (Chun.) The statesmen of England know what are the resources of Eag lead, moral and material, and they know how well those resources may be applied ; they know how irresistible is the force of public swim I. this smithy, bow slow the people of England are te believe in the inesesity of dotal to war bat how they rise es one man in defence of their homer and dignity whenever they are really attacked. (Hear, hear.) I must my, then, that 1 utterly disregard all such words as I have referred to, let them come from what quarter they may. I my they can have no importance unless they good the government into a course which they ere not disposed to take, and 1 hope your lordships will not this evening give them importunes by permitting them to iodine you to pass a resolution de claring that this country has fallen from her high estate among the nations of the world. (Chasm.) Lord CHELMSFORD mid the noble duke (the Duke of Argyll) did not touch a single point on which his noble friend based his resolution. The noble duke suggested that tint resolution was the work of sixteen gentlemen, who were divided into a peace party sad a war patty. Was there not a pews party and a war party in the cabinet • which also consisted of sixteen member , beide' Showell; duke himself ? (Hear, bear.) The Dottie duke after stating that this was a faction fight, promised to my before he set down what he thought of the opposition, but he did not fulfil that procaine, sad they were still 311 moos:sacs what he thought of them. (Laughter.) Aa to the questioa, what would have been the policy of the opposition if they had been in power, he utterly dirtied that the noble drake had a right to raise that issue ; but be would say that in dealing with the contending parties they would uot, on the one hand, have held out hopes and expeetatioes merely to dash them to the ground, leaving the power I that relied upon them in a worse condition 'than she was before—(elseers)—end on the other band, they would not hays used menacing and insulting law Image which by their after conduct they showed meant nothing, and which, therefore, produced onl disregard sad contempt. (Load cheers.) In order that this q ua eties might be narrowed within reasonable limits, he would fired con sider the state of affairs at the time of the 600•11111100 of the King of Denmark on the 15th November last. That enocessioa was recorded, not gesaanteed, by the treaty of 1852, by which it was unready *Mud that it was entered into for the maintenance of the integrity of the Dunk monarchy. All the great power at Europe, and all the minor powers except at; either were parties to that treaty or acceded to it. In the discussions which had recently taken place, it had been assumed that Austria and Nunn signed the treaty with reservations against the in corporation of Sleserig with the kiagdom of Desearkrind in favour of the rights of the Confederation over the Duchies ; but the language of the sable earl the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs was opposed to that view. The noble earl said that the engagements of 1851, which preceded the treaty, were singularly obscure, but there were two engagements upon which there °avid be very little doubt, one being an agreement on the part et Austria and Prussia that the administration of Sleewig and Holstein should continue separate, the other an engagement on the part of Denmark not to incorporate Sleswig or take any slept tending thereto. A fatal legacy was left by the late King to his successor in the coutitution which he bad framed for Sleswig ; but that constitution was favourable to the liberties of Holstein, as was shown by Sir A. P age t. Austria sad Prussia ob jec ted to it booms it confe rre d liberal institutions, and de Bismarck told the noble lord opposite (Lord Wodehouse) distinctly when be was on his unsocosseful minion that Germany and Denmark would never be friends as long as Denmark retained her demo cratic, inetitutioss. (Hear, bear.) A few days before the death of the late King the French Emperor inoposed a - - aggress for the settlement of disputes which threatened to disturb the peace of Europe, end it was highly probable that if at that period there had been a cordial concert and co-operation between the French Emperor sad the English government none of the disastrous calamities which had fallen on Denmark would have ensued. (Hear. )As reprdedthe declaratios of the noble lord at the heed of the govern meet that Denmark would not stand aloes if she were attacked, it could not be said that it was the mere effect of Aanddsia Impalas of the noble late generous nature, for he had due notice of the question which led to it. Nether was it uttered in • spirit of yropbecy it was• promise, a and was a and ac ce pted by Denmark. liar, hear.) In his first despatch after that public ties, dated October 13, 1863, the Pantie Seeretary impressed as the Danish government that it should not op. pas the threatened federal execution miler it were extended to Sleririg, implying that they should opposeit in that event. Could the Danes suppose that it was meant that they should alone oppose an invading fora of 68,000 men with between 30,000 and 40,000? (Hear, bear.) It was idle to imagine that the Danes would suppose that the noble lord wished them to rash on their own destruction by resisting overwhelming numbers. (Hear.) They mart also bear in mind, with reference to these hopes and expectations held out to Denmark, what were the terms in which the noble earl was addressing the Diet at that arta. tiler period. The noble earl said that if the Diet took daps for a still further object, and invaded Holstein. to amen the King of Denmark to arrange certain rights which the German Confederation claimed as belonging to Sisewig, the Diet would be entering upon a grave European quatiora on which it was competent quite as much to any other European government to form an opinion. Again, on the 29th September, 1863, the noble earl said that the aim of the federal execution consisted onmietakeably in carrying out the Diet's decree to establish between the said Diet and the Dank, people a general coostitntion connecting them by a oomaiou ann, and that it was impossible to shut their eyes to the gravity of tint question. The noble lad further said that her Majesty's goversionst could not ere with indifference a military occupation of Holstein, and they could got reagens that occupation as a legitimate exercise of the powers of the Coalederatien, or admit it could properly be ailed a federal execution. At that time nefortunately the King of Denmark placed the Geishas hand to the coaririntion, and he (lad Chelmsford) much regretted this was does. It was a violation of the some mat of 1351, and of course increased the embarrassment, which wee not diminished by the claim of the Doke of Auguatenburg. Just at this critical moment the noble earl, when it would have been most important to secure thecae eert and cooperation of the French Emperor, refused to join the general congress. (Hear, Intr.{ Her Majesty% government absequerily reocentneded that the poloist of the 30th Much should be revoked, but Austria and Prowls refined to be satisfied with the concession offered, and in sisted in the most peremptory manner on the revocation of the constitution within forty-eight boors. The potion re fused to listen to all the entreaties of the noble earl and Launched the thunderbolt of war against Deemark—Hol stein was occupied, Skew ig was taken as a material guano tee. linden advance was made into Jotland. Theo that pro ceeding tea place which he must confess appeared to him the very wont feature is the policy of Use government. (Hear. hear.) They attempted to justify to Denmark the forcible ponionio• which had been taken of her territories, and the noble earl said that had her Majesty's go. em men t been willing to give a material assistance she would have a right to preseriathe maser ia which aim should fulfil her aegage. moots to Germany; but that as they bad sever offered material aid, so, oe the other hand, they had never goes a'.loffering trivia. It was perfectly trot that no direct material support was made, but there had been • strongly implied promote. (Hear, hear.) What should have been the cause of the govereinent ? The noble earl who last addressed the house thought the opnositioa were all (*Slog oat for war. They did no such thing. Wear, bear.) They said the goverenieet should have maintained pence, but if they did not intend to assist Denmark they should have distinctly stated so and followed the souse of the Emperor of the French, who clearly and distinctly gave Denmark so understand there was no iataatioe to offer material aid ad sasistaeoe in bee conflict with Germany. Hs thought he had established to the eatiefectiee of their lordships that there were hopes and expectances held out to Denmark of material asking" and that those hopes had been cruelly disappointed. (Hear, hear.) There had been in our conduct with regard to the aggreerive powers an exhibition of menaciog and insulting language. followed at times by the greatest subruiniveoem—alternatives between beat and aid, between weakness and violence—eaculated to bring Mangan:l sod contempt upon this °pantry. (Hear.) It use well known from the first that Austria and Freesia made the federal execution a pretext for their own designs in Sleswig. They expressed themselves in the most plausible meaner, end when the noble earl talked of invasion, they objected, stating that it was only a guarionee—se Ancient Pistol, when secured of stealing, said indignantly, " Sisal I—reeinry." (A langh.) The German powers denied that the federal 'anuses was a hostile proceeding—they maid it might wear the face of war, bet it was only &meek, and if they looked underneath they would ste nothing but " material guarantee." The fault of the government at this time was that they bad no policy. They sometimes th Night the beet course was to pet a bold face upon things, while at o th ers they th ought it boner to turn away. GOTMABY illieskalfd. if she esafounded the two duchies, that others might also confound them as much to the danger of German independence se German interference in Sheawig was to the lads peados» of Denmark. Thee it wee declared that if Waal troops entered Holstein es purely fe deral grounds her Majesty's government would not inter fere, but if the interference was upon isteroatienal mends her Malady's goveroment might be obliged to interfere. Bet the noble earl then felt that he bad goo* too far, and in his next despatch he said, " I hays to state that the line of policy of her Majesty's government to the question at isms botweeri Denmark and Germany is perfectly clear— that policy is to advise Austria and Prang, sad the other powers who signed the treaty of London, to adhere to their engagements, sod to advise Denmark to adhere to all her eggsgsainits with Germany." (Hear, hear, from the minis terial vide.) The noble earl bad told them that the eampage• moots of 1851.2 were siegularly obsenre, and he was aware that Austria and Prussia insisted that they had bees relieved from their treaty to by the war. (Hear, hear.) He had no objection whatever to a mild policy ; all he ob jected to in the noble earl's ease was his alternation of policy. The noble earl then took upon himself to advise Austria in what meaner the federal execeties should be conducted, that it should be serially limited to en forcing in Helstedu the rights of the federation in that duchy, and that it should pot extend to any parts of the frostier with respect to which soy doubt. =Med as to their belong ing to the ducky. That despatch was met with the moil perfect indifi'ereens, sod the soMe earl then had recourse to threats ; but finding that the unwind se better, he on the 31st of December warned Prossia that if German nationality was sufficient ground for the dismemberment of Denmark. Polish nationality might be considered • pound equally strong for the thsesemb.srmsse and that her West coarse was to set with good faith and hoarier, standing by her treaty eingageroents, by which she would men, the approval of all Europe, whereas, with the other she would earn universal oondemoation. (Hew. hear.) He ( Chelmsford) approved mainly o f these seetiments, but what he oomplaio.d of waa that the noble sari went from on, thing to soother. The aoble gait is an ongussied moussee. bad stated to the Premien arabameder th at Denmark might be aided by Great Britain, but when an explanation was demanded the noble earl got oat of the difficulty by stating that be could not tell what the action of the govern. [Wei might be, the questa:a not Norio( beested upon in the eabinet. Swely, the Foreign Minister should set allow himself, in his eeminnakeitioes with the repro. sentative of a foreign power, to be betrayed into an expres sion of opinion of so forcible a character without consultes risen with his colleagues. The noble earl went on to say, however, that judging from the unarm character of the feeling in parliament and the ociantry such seriatim:tom might be neewryq. So that the noble earl and the government y waiting for the tittersnos of parliament and ware nation before they made up their minds what their policy should lie—(hoir, hear)—end bean arose that In. suiting and menacing language , followed by weak sod noillatingeonduct, doh indeed foreign ministers le roped the represistatioss of her Maine?, go. vernment with Indifference and coatempt. (Hear, hear.) He would not trouble their lordships with any otaerno lions with regard to the overtures made to France sad Raids to join is giving material aid to Denmark. but he wished to say a few words with respect to the conterenee. He behoved that the government were perfectly right is endeavouring to picture an ageonibling of the great pewees for the purpose of settling these very serious difficulties ; and he regretted as much as any one could that the con temn should ban proved • failure. (Hear, hear.) But the experieoes of the noble earl should have told him that a conference without • fixed basis on which to proosed was most likely to fail. (Hear, bear.) Denmark desired that the basis should be the en¢ moots of 1831-2, and this was proposed to Austria St an addition that they should not be confined merely to engagements Her Mai eat 'a government proposed that the basis of the acute- I MOO should be simply coefined to the mans of restoring to the north of Europe the blessinp of peace. What could the noble lord expect from such a vague and indefinite bull That was the very ground lappet which the noble lord had refund the coaference with the French Emperor, for he said, " Her Majesty's governmseri would feel more &ppm head= than orialidonee from • meeting of soverenres and ministers without fixed objects, ranging over the map of Europe, and exciting hopes and aspirations which they may find themsdres unable to just." (Cheers.) The noble earl Mod said that be would not mate. weer if the safety of Denmark could be mewed "otherwise," and this was mid when Holstein was occupied, when Shawls VIII overrun as a material guarantee, and when Jutland was Woo possession of as • streptical necessity. Surely in such • conjuncture such an expression was only • cruel mockery of Denmark. (Hear, base ) The next speech was that of the noble viscount in the other house, which he (Lord Chelmsford) thought was the climax of the government policy. The noble viscount said, "If Copenhagen was bombarded. the popnlatioa massacred, and the King • primmer, then it might he necessary for England to resmaider her position," Surely nothing was wanting to eampleee the humilialies of this country bat the utterance of snob a spenn. (Hear, hear.) la rooclusiou the noble and leaned lord contended that he bad fully justified the ashore of his noble friend. Lord WODEHOUSE admitted that if the cam of the op position were proved, it would be neoearry not only to affirm the resolution, but immediately to declare war to re deem the bosom of the oouutry. He should endeavour to show however that so promisee of material assiumee bed bees made to Denmark, and that the *dew foopTein OM could swot tb ling Aar sea t• 1 M.obli' II& Warr b▪ e itDo ti " Toe meet at "a a Forimo." bad beim mead hi sobL earl he lateedi bias.) Tb by the la awe led, eircegara elates war sad the smaller a fiat ar s Foreign Eti nseetary somas. him to at. esedinhoot purebusa met email ?gums tbi them Ihear7 Th obahuty c then wag Ile Wary, It had bee their polk ] govenuaaci 800;-00mr ) Tin mine to fle Phmtetkra iimaL u mn a zd to Place on the h bee to the moderation a Dian their ai li "t• WI do W WS SW SW