The Express. — London, England, 1849-06-27 00:00:00

I ileum it Partakes, and for improving the testae( Whittlmey ; Boslaty for the Promention'tsflois' Distribtrion of Funds bill ; Abdiee Estate Bill, Williams' Estate BM, sac James' Divorce Lille. The Lords ColleiglikOlterl wen the Earl of Shafbabstry, the Earl of Mintivad Lord Campbell. BIRMINGHAM BOROUGH BILL. The debate es this bill was then resumed. The Earl of WARWICK opposed the bill on behalf of the magistrates el South Warwickshire is quarts' , se-siove m e - umbled, who bad unanimously weed tnst it ought to b =et. The sable serl moved *alum bill be mid &wood day six months. Lord CAMPBBLL said the bill ought net to be thrown met without further consideration. Birmingham was under the )I.aicipal Reform Aet, 'anvil; a separate jurisdiction sad having erected a lunatic asylum of its owe, at a out of 100,00 W , it was very bard that it should be obliged to cos titbits nee.third of the eire nf eroctibg • new gag and lam' tie asylum la the county of Warwick. Lord REDRSDALE oppos 41 the motion on the ground of the bill Wiest a i ;Irma °to, reek' , g to get rid of public tisanes. This bill had been opposed in the other house by the Home &tottery on pubis grounds, and he was wry berry it bad m-t with a different reception Irom the govern ment is their lonlehipe house. The E ill of CHICHESTER woull have preferred • general eseetuent If, however, this bill did not pew, the borough of Birmingham would have to pay one-third of lofte 'spare of tiniest tho proposed new gaol and 'il in Warwickshire. He felt bauad, therefore, to support the mead lading. The Marquis of SALISBURY felt the great inconve nience of getting mid of public taxation by a private bill. He, however, felt that the parties promoting this bill were labouring under • serious grievance. Be thought a little nate would allow of lk , Cllr aceont-sndation, and he would thirst .re propose the adjournment of the debate until Thurs day seat. Lord WHARNCLIFFE opposed the adjournment. LYTTELTON said if the bill was thrown out now, a public sot might bs brought in. Lord HATHERTON sail the town of Birmingham had 'speeded 100,000. in the erection of a lunatic ass tuns, and it would be • monor ins ll:justice to oblige the inhabitants of that town to contrihote one third towmds the erection of a kinetic asylum and gaol in Warwick. Lord BEAUMONT objected to a private bill being pared to &kat the ihj. cm of a publie co-. It the ease was es *tress as was stated on the part of Birmingham. what diM coley was thore in passing a public bill this semi= ? The Movie of SALISBURY haring withdrawn his aides for satourantent, The hews divined 31 the second reading 3l Against it Majnnty 27 Thebiil was esseequentiy lat. RAILWAY RETURNS. Lord BROUGHAM inquired what pregress had lutes aide in the repsratos ot the important miens far which he bed moved, courrzion with railways; but the ;newer of The Earl GRANVILLE war not heard in the gentry. PRISON DISCIPLINE. Lord BROUGHAM, oz Tunis, next, to present a poll t io., from Dr. Reiss (re we understood), and to call the atten tion of the ham to the sue), st of prison discipline. HOUR OF MEETING. Lord BROUOH ANL ea as esey day, to call their lord ships' ateentia to the dmistbbraine of meeting at an earlier boar for the chute& of pr:rate Weiner. PARLIAMENTARY OATHS BILL. The Earl of CARLISLE saidthat, in moving the second readier of this ode be onaM act fail to be seasible of the discarsgement under which he laboured. from. the feet that on on. of the main provisivns of the bill, and which gave it its decisive and distinct's , : character, their lordships' opinion had been taken last wan, after fall debate, and was given adversely tothat provision. This night undoubtedly spare ha the neerrity cf going 60 fay iato all the antecedent particulars and eireamsteaces connected with the Tuition. se he should bare thought himself bound to do had it now bees brought for the first time under their lordships' notice. Tab not lair session deet excla-ively with the preposition for giving relief to the Jews ; the pant bill proposed to sub ;date for the ash, of allegiance and supremacy, and din reties, now taken at the tables of both Douses of parliament by all the Prole-taut mastitis, that was, by the great hulk of menian compiling the litstore, one compendious and simple form of oath, white believed wool Ibe found to contain all that war really essential, pertinent, and de sirable in the other three oaths. He trued he felt a proper reverence for any oath that might be tendered to him ea did not think li,ht!y of the obegatiocs he took at their. lordships' table ; bat he out say that he never felt less of spontaneous inelineolon to eolemnity or suasion than when forced to ran through a nue of phreets reality to the Pre tender, to the PrioClo4 Sophia, and to a family whose mem bers bad now totally disappeared from the face of the • meth. ars hoer.l Another objsetion was to the oath of abjura tion, whicb data& that no foreign prince, Be., had or ought to have any kind of power, awls , city or juriolic- Moo, ecclesiastical or spiritual, within these realms'. How ever innocently and escurely this form of language might be mud by many, it was knows by experience that there were numb -re of their lordships' order, ratified to take their seat by hereditary descent, qualified by their chars:ter and as %stoma& to bear a part in the business of that house with credit to themselves and advantage to their lordships end the public, who neverheless f.lt themselves debarred from exer cising their noostitusienal psiyikge, and diachaTing the duties of their station, by their conscientious permenon that the words of this oath were at variance with the actual truth. (H'ar, bear.) He might mention, by way of illustration, the Mee of a neat lord connected with the sister kingdom, the Earl of Clanearty, who, for many years past, had attended to the administratiou of the poor laws in Ireland with singular se.l, intelligence, and shifty, and who, on that account and others, would have been well qualified to take a most useful part in th it 'outsides' past and pisding discussions on the amendment of the Irish put laws. But he was pre vented from taking this part, natural t s himself sad advan tageous to the r loresbipe, b..eause be thought the words of an oath lamely mint that which they naturally appeared to do. (Hear, tune.) Those considerations ought is go far to secure a favourable acceptance for those portions of the bill relating to the oaths to be taken by Christians. But candour compelled him plainly testate thsethe portion of the bill which its promoter. considered most essential and cha ract,vistic of its principle, and for the sake of which it had mainly been introduced, was that which related to the oath which it was proposed to tender to a member of tee Jewish personae if sleeted by the people, end sent by his caste tu otts to marmot teem in parliament. Knowing the eel ratter and gravity of the objections entertained against this portion of the bill, the go:ema and stately grounds on which they rested, the scruples telt, and the sources whence they arose, he must say that no one of their lord gape, however much oopmcd to this provision, was more anxiously desirous than Etude if indeed the further pro gress of the bill should be in the least ds greet detrimental to the trot interests of piety ornligion, that it might both new and on any future occasion, meet with immediate and toal failure. He would lay down, se the not and foundation of the whole measure and the whole argument, that utilises there existed •onac ground of overpowering necessity to the °oaten!, in no wire ought civil disqualification to be attached to religions opiniono. (Hear, hear.) He looked on this as an essential condition of that perfect code of relisrous Whew tlon which be mut always and everywhere wish to tee ea blisbed in all its breadth and &lam. (Rear, bear.) As to the practical effect 'of the measure, aft bete 11011 any risk of mischief at all, would them mot be less risk from one or two Jewish ginifiewma taking their seats in the other house, where Mf would be observed, watched, outnumbered, subject to all the discipline of parliamentary Ueda' party arrangements—than from what might new grew whoa a Jewish magistrase sat on the bench alone, or in unruly with one colleague only, and might be called on to decide questions directly connected with volition, or the disturbance of a congregation, an indictment for blasphemy, or the levy of • church rate ? He was iaformed bye distinguished gen tleman of that persuasion, who most honourably discharged the new officer which the keereasing toleration of the age had erred to him, that chili oath was positively taken before him by protestant data ministers :—" Ido solemnly de clare, in the pretence. of bey Oml, that I em a Chris tian and a protestant, sad that •believe that the scriptures of the Old and New Testeamst, as commonly received among protestant chordal, do contain the revealed will . f God, and that I do receive the same u the rule of nay doe- Wine and patios." (Hoer, hew.) The Jews ware the only body of men now reddest in this country who were excluded from an equal share of the benefits of the cocas iation with all the other subjects of her Majesty ; and seats is parliament were almost the °sly pri vilege from which even they were excluded, for they filled other offices either by virtue of direct enactments, or under the shelter of ea annual act ogiadonsuity. It had been ably waged that the legislature bad never specially and pur -1 Deily *deeded any enactment, or embodied any declaration, for tal purpose of excluding the Jews from parliament. This could not be **inlayed t and he believed that from the let to the 13th of Wm. 111., there was no venom damn er indirect, why a Jew skald not take his seat in parlia ment. But he must admit there was no vestige of the &Os kar* having deliberately caimplated the possibility of the Jaws taking their mute. • (Hear, beer) Still the fact remained that their aon-adalmion wa 4 ocemioned by 'naivete ad collateral enscinten's, sot specially directed easiest themselves. He was sum teat the generosity of sato» which characterised their lordships' house urea sot incline them to lista lass &Tolerably to the anxious and Weespeated wishes of the Hebrew pupa, M enage their data 'Wet not likely to lad to any gi ldsman of pepulte Waimea mad outbreak. The Jews would esendelly net suer attar loodships' hands, Meuse there was but little shuns of Moir descending into the streets, throwing up a bank:ode, wastftstiag a provisioaal ew raise the soy, "Ye you tents, 0 Israel !" And it should be tomes bsant that when that cry was abed in ewe Meats it was until Vog am of Israel. He was happy Math& that, enne lihe' ssidhave the bad taste to Ileafeet .tealeeeeeeble lo= u = p wer• entirely excluded ; gallica Ent mita wet do wrong gi f whe, wan looletagnetho Reneval swam of gees egootry, ands at tas imam surest of fel= nottea oaths subject walk hod prevailed is the weeld at ases, saki is every day sea gad more upon the tide of Inieration gad toneweies—knowing, too, that there mire ream devoted and pledged to this taus, who were gun Mit IS relax their hold of hi, bet to bring it forward as oft** as wee/Wary, yea after year, session after session—aring, too, that the support which it received out of dews and in the THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 27, 1849. opinion and tomb. It would offered them to say that they were act Christie's; and yet fame ought to he mentioned. (Hear, bear.) What waa it that constituted men Cheistiane It was not the circumstance of their having been born of Christian parents or in a Cristian land. It was held that no one was a cleristian until he had undergone the ordinance of baptism ; bat it was well known that the Quakers did not recognise such an ordinance. (Hear, bear ) He could have had no interested niceives for changing his opiates' upon the subject, for he had scarcely any intimacy with any member of the Jewish prelusion ; but he felt that he was oinscientiously discharging his duty in giving the present amours hie contort. (Cheep.) The Archbishop of CANTERBURY said that unwilling as he always was to trespass on their lordehips' attention, and having declared last per the reasons upon which he felt It his duty to vote against a similar measure to the pre sent, he should consider himself bound by the opinions which he then had the honour of laying before their lord ships', even if the circumstances of the times had been exact l y t h e sa me as they were twelve months ago. But, i• appeared to him, that the circumstances which had taken place within the last twelve mouths afforded reasons for believing that this would be • par ticularly dangerous season for making that change in the legislation of the country which was now contemplated. (Hear, hear.) The principle of the bill had been stated by the noble earl who opened the debate with a clearness which he (the Archbishop of Canterbury) would endeavour to imitate in the few remarks he intended to offer. The distinctive character of the measure was to lower the vocation of memhers of both houses of the legisla ture, SO as to make it a matter of indifference whether these who had seats in either house should or should not be mem bers of the Christen religion. It was to place in the same class the Christian who received the whole revelation of God, and the Jew who did not receive it; it was to say that each or either of these parties was equally fit for the dis charge of the highest duties, end the most important relations which were in existence An these realms; that they were equally fitted for an honour highly prized, and the possession of which was considered as a compensation for laborious duties and heavy responsibilities. (Hear, bear.) Such was the principle of the bill; and now be would consider the particular season at which their lordships were called upon ft pais the measure. Englaad at the present time stood Y a very peculiar 'caldron compared with the rest of Europe. She stood alone—a remnant, a Mall mat, and an example of freedom and metal order. Ike stood as a column among other columns, which a short time ago seemed es erect as her own and to have the same foundation, but which, having now tottered to their 611, had shown that their foundation was different from mass. (Hear, hear.) Their lordships were aware of the marked contrast this courrry presented to other states, and they hesitatated not to attribute the difference to our na tional and scriptural religion—that religion which cementing together the various orders of society, and givingr stability to our social institutions, imputed a sanction to our laws which nothing else oould give and enebled us to stand secure against the storms of snatchy. (Cheers.) It might not bo unnecessary, in • very few words, to advert to an argument already used in the course of the debate, and which he had often heard in answer to relearning such as that which he bud ventured to lay before their lordships It was this—that we bad already, notwithstanding our present oath, " on the true faith of a Christian," admitted those to the legislature who were not leas hostile to religion, and not less likely to injure it, than the Jew". He hoped this was not the case. But granting, for argument sake, that it might be so, such parties were not in parliament as the professed enemies of Christianity, still less were they there with their lordships' permission for sanction. Parliament bad done all it could do when it required the profusion of Christianity. Beyond that it could not go, without adopting an odious inquisition. It was one thing to admit persons who came under the name of professed friends of Christianity, and another to bar the gates without distinction of friend or to. Let the house on it commit that solecism in legislation which, in endeavour lost* gabs pigsties to principle, lower the principle because it motet mbar obtain the practice. There might be a wry low practice where there was a very high standard, bat the moment the standard was lowered the foundation of all true principle was upped. (Hear.) These were the reasons which induced him to trust that their lordships would ' pause before they paned the present bill. He had stated the case as it appeared to his own mind. He was not insen sible to the arguments which were used in favour of the measure ; but he consoled himself with the belief that their lordships' minds had not undergone any change since the present subject was last before them. (Hear.) The Archbishop of DUBLIN raid he took a different view of the measure from that taken by many of his right reve rend brethren. The question was not whether the Jew was • fit or the fittest person to sit in parliament, but whether the electors should decide that point according to their judgments, or whether the hands of the electors should be tied by restrictions. (Hear, hear.) Persons might entertain different opinions on such a suij ct without being indifferent to religion ; and so far as he was concerned he would not wish to impose re striations on the electors upon whom the choice ought to rest. He came forward now, as he bad done 16 years ago in a similar case, not as the advoette of the Jews, but to remove Christian disabilities—disabilities which lay on the great mass of this professing Christian nation, and which were a stigma upon the Christian religion. It was at variance with the principles of that religion that we should consider it either nec.ssaty to its flourishing or consistent with its great troths to impose my sort of disabilities or penalties upon those who did not conform to its views. He we old appeal to any person holding the argument, that by ad mitting a man not a Christian to parliament the lelealature showed an indifference to Christianity, how would he meet the position that by admitting Roman catholic' they showed l eo iuslifforence to the protestant religion ? (Hear, hear.) For his own part, he could not understand how those who made this charge of indifference to Christianity, in reference to this bill, could themselves escape the charge of indiff-reuce to the protestant church in having admitted those who were not only not of that church, but who were its open and avowed assailants -(hear, hear)—and amcngst whom wen some who, he believed he was correct in saying, used their position as members of the legislature to the disparagement of that church. If they had been wrong in admitting Roman a a gingiee, he did not mean to contend that they should take another wrong step; but what he held was, that they must do the one thing or the other, either to undo whet they had dope or go further—they must either go backward or forward. For himself, he was for the removal off all religious disabilities; but it was m-st important ) that having gone as far as they had in the removal of such restrictions, they should go' farther acd remove this last, precisely because it was the last, and in order to show that they were not proceeding upon the principle of indifference to ell religion. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the propriety of returning Jews or any other class of persons to parliament, that was a question which should be left to the electors to decide. The Bishop of EXETER observed that the argument of his most rev. friend seemed to proceed on the supposition that those who opposed this bill had been anxious to admit all who differed frum the established church, except the Jews. That they had Seen their arguments set at nought and their principles trampled upon from time to time was too tree, but that was no reason why they should volute. teeny surrender this last security. The Jews were in a very different position from all Christian secs. His most rev. friend had said, and surprised him by saying, that there were members of that house, amongst those who professed other religious doetrines than those of the established church, who exercised the political power they had acquired as memb'n of the legislature to the injury of that church. He felt bound in justice to say that he knew not of any melt, and thou gentlemen who had solemnly pledged themselves not to use their influence as members of the legislature to the injury of the church, as by law established, he firmly be lieved were men of honour, and would keep their pledge. (Hoar, bear) His most rev. friend bad spoken of the great care their lordship" should take of the interests of the elec tors—but in his opinion the electors in this cue had very little claim on their lordships' consideration, inasmuch as that knowing the law of the land laid it down distinctly that certain persons shall not be eligible to sit in parliament, they nevertheless elected • proem so by law disqualified. and now made such election the ground of endeavouring to form from their lordships the abandonment of this. as he con sidered it, important and necessary restriction. (Hear, hear.) Ha had listened to the speech of the noble earl (the Earl of Carlisle) with deep interest, but not without tome pain. That speech appeared to him to be marked by a Crtiuty, in which it stood forth prominently singular. i eras a bill professing a certain rineiplee—sed the who proposed it told them, this professed ple is not the principle after all. The real principle you will find contained not in the preamble but in the last page. We are attempting what we tied lest year, it is true, bat we are anxious to succeed by putting forward a mock principle to web stray votes for the second reading, intending to alter the bill in this respect ash: afterwards ia com mittee." He knew hie noble friend (Ear l of Carlisle) w superior to such a trick , but he did sot think those who IMO the authors of the measure were equally free from the charge. But there was a still more striking and important peculiarity about this bill, which was, that by it their lord ships were invited silently and secretly—for it was not avowed—to repeal the Bill of Rights. The oaths quietly disposed of by this bill were in fact those very oaths which were aide the condition of placing King William and Queen Mary on the throne of these realms. Hit were necessary to introduce Jews into the legislature, lot it be done by a bill like the one of last year, without trenching on the Bill of Rights. The noble earl (Carlisle) said it was tyranny where there was no equality of or joyment while there was equality of burdens; and asserted the etiolate right of atimiesion unless sufficient reasons to deprive them of it could be shown. Now he (the Bishop of Exeter) held that whatever might be the rights under a republican farm of government, they had no each right in this country. In a republic every member bad equal right to admission to all distinctions and all office", but it was not so under a monarchy. Then you must consider who were the parties who would serve that monarchy faithfully. This, too, was a monarchy of • peculiar nature, bound to certain duties, and resting en certain conditions entered into with the nation. Since the restoration, it rested on a con tract which was expressed in the coeonation oath, by which the sovereign was bound to maintain to the utmost of her power the laws of God, the true profession of the Gospel u well, and, more particularly.. the protestant reformed religion, as established by law. No one, therefore, under such a monarchy, could claim a constitutional right to the franchise, unless they mould show that they could serve the crown in that particular way, and in furtherance of those Particular objects to which the oath referred. (Hear, hear ) The parliament of this country was not a mere congregation of 400 memb•re in one, and 500 or 880 members in another house, without specific doles and without specific qualifications being required from them. Parliament in this country was the great oonneil of the crown, and every ore admitted to that council should be willing and able to give faithful homage to the awns i 4 the other Melee of parliament was receiving a gradual increase— it would be well for their lordships to c insider whether the amegigle, es far as they could see and anticipate, could have I hnit see termination ; and if this were so, whether it was not 0111/ desirable that that straggle should not be embittered by a delay which seemed certain to be unavailing. (Hear.) It wee not as legislators, it was not as subjects, it was not as Englishmen, it was not even se churchmen that they felt constrained to rotate what otherwise he was certain it would be ratifying sad amseptable to their lorashipe to grant. If heellglill ventage lioably to interpret the feelings and mi lk= by_whioit he conceived them to be actuated, tl ey stilt na if It would be a failure in their allegiance to Him they wcrabipped were they thus, by any deliberate to show • MIA meek of tr ust and distinction towards those whom they might look upow as bistlemeltre and essendes; end they felt that in proineting the Jews to the high cases of rule and power they might be doing what in them lay to sully the Isertre of that crowe, which it was their highest aim and beet hope to lay at the feet of their Redeemer. In the remainder of his observations be would address himself to the religious objectifies, and would endeavour to show why he thought, even upon religious grounds, that they ought not to refuse the object of the present bill, or the prayer of the Hebrew people. He haled not the introduction of such topics, even in that house of parliament, which was com posed of lords spiritual and tempral. But, knowing that religious scruples were entertained, and wuuld be peacefully marshalled against him, he could nut refsse to state, he hoped in no light or irreverent spirit, why he conceived tbs., on religions (rousts, those scruples ought not to avail. He might refer to the terms of distinct disapprobation with which all who opposed or slighted the Jewish peopl^, and to ' the terms of distinct spprobation with which all those who assisted in befriending them were er.ken of in holy writ in every period of their history, not only when they were in favour, but when the countenance of heaven seent‘d to have been withdrawn—as much in the house of bondage as in the land of promise—as much In the great wilderness as in the sunny slopes of Palestine—as much in the busy scenes of Babylon as in the midst of their own temples. The alkali ties which betel them were, we were told, on account of their misconduct and their rebellion to the supreme rale, and yet it was in the midst of that eniseon• duct that the language of warning was addressed to their oppress are when toll to remember the children of Ursa. They seem dto be like the tree struck by litanies& seated and blighted ; but which it was worse than sacrilege se remove or cut down. It might be said that the rut notional grimes which fi xed these destiny in all waseedhf time had net then taken pine. Their self. stwght area divinely ratified doom had been fearfully worked set in the subsequent condition of the Jewish people; but was now, as in those times, for us to consider what line of duty devolved upon us. With whatever clearness and di ci sion we might interpret the course of unfulfilled prophecy, he thought we should leave its fulfilment to divine agency. It was for us only punctually to obey the principles and pre empts framed for our guidance. Formerly every state, as well as the church, thought it within the scope of their duty to take a put in those sufferings which created the burden of prophecy amengst the general people. But their bad ceased to do so. We had long ceased to do so. We no longer burned them, nor pulled out their teeth, nor levied extor tionate fines upon them. Nevertheless, might not the notions and feelings whieb led to those gross forms of pees cuts against the Jews still lead us to persecute them, thrugh in a more refined manner—for such must he considir it, when there was inequality of priviiew a and enjoyments, and equality of liabilities and burdens. (Hear, hear.) A 9 for any danger to the state from tile admission of Jews to parliament, he put it gravely to their lordships, viewing the question fur a moment apart from principle, whether they conceived, if this bill became law, and allowed • Jew to represent a constituency which thought proper to place trust in him, there would be • mu of men to parliament with more dangerous views and tendencies to radicalism, republicanism, or socialism than could be expected from any other quarter. He thought It might on the contrary be fairly contended that there was no quarter from which there would be less danger. (Hear, hear.) With respect to the repose and safety of the church ' he did not think there was any class of men from which a spirit of meddles, with the discipline, temporalities, or ex ternal concerns of the church would be Ices likely to pro ceed. (Hear, hear.) Then came the qucition as to the duty of their lordships as Christian men ; and whether they should refuse this last measure of emancipation to the Jews in order to make the legislature exclusively Christian. He did not think that was the tense and spirit in which they ought to interpret the oft-repeated phrase of their's being a Christian legislature sal of Christianity being the law of the lend. A Christian legislature he humbly conceived it would remain after the admission of one ter two Jews to parliament, just as now we considered our selves • Christian people, notwithstanding that there was a c maiderable admixture of Jewish subjects amongst us. No doubt Christianity was the law of the land; but it was only as far as blasphemy or violuoe ag tins: her rights, truth', or mysteries would be punishable by the law of the land; because the law of the land did not prevent persons from professing what faith or disbelief they pleased. The object originally was to create a uni form established religion, but that object had been entirely abandoned. We still, however, retained the words in the oath "on the true faith of a Chris tian;" and he referred with confidence to the right rev. prelates for concurrence in the opinion, when he said that the taking of an oath wean be no se curity for uprightness of conduct and purity of heart. (Hear, hear.) The way to secure those was by so personifying the pervading principle, so impreg- Dollen the atmosphere with Christian habits, as to make it the means of successful, because unfor.vel and unbought, in fluence in bringing others who differed from us into amocia- Iron with and approximation to us. The noble earl con cluded by moving the second reading of the bill. The Earl of EGLINTON said that the bill although in another term teas to all intents and purposes the same as that which their lordships, so much to their honour, rejec'ed last seseion. (A laugh.) He opposed it principally on reli giose but also on political grounds. He saw no reason fur passing an es post facto law because the citizens of London elected a gentleman who they knew could not sit in parliament. He objected to the bill, because the Jews were a separate nation, and had no patriotic or family ties in this country, although they had considerable possessions, which they were strongly de termined to take care of. But if they admitted Jews to par liament, ha could not see upon what principle they could ex clude Illahonsedans, or any ether race, until their table would be covered with a string of oaths, from which any somber might select, as he would his kat or his walking stick. He objected to it, because it proposed to decree that it was unnecessary to invoke the name of Christ, that name which should be their watchword in all their doings. It was said, that as a Jew could vote for a member of parlia ment, why not allow him to become one ? But there wee a great difference. The Jew as an elector, however opposed be might be to the religion of Christ, was obliged to elect a Christian representative. But admit him to parliament and he doubted if they could preserve the same spirit of Christianity even in their language. New, the slightest erpoesek to impiety or blasphemy would be at emu mooted by their lordships ; but If this bill pawed they would kayo no guarantee that such weld be the ease, because that which in a Christian weed ha horrible would in a Jew be praiseworthy, because egeosiestious. If a debate arose upon the better observance of seta et the great Christian ri-uals, what would he the Mitre of their lordships to he told that it was founded on a argasles and a mockery ? What would be the feelings of the right reverend bench if they were to hear the Christian tell ' gloss reviled and the name of Christ blasphemed ? They were advised not to reject a bill that had been twice sent up from the representatives of the people. He did not believe that it was desired by the people. (Hear, hear) The noble earl then moved that the bill be read a second time that day six months. The Duke of CLEVELAND mid that he was desirous of explaining why he would support the bi'l, having opposed the lest measure, he having changed bb opinion he felt only one regret, that of differing from those with whom ha gene rally acted; but in all assemblies of men there must be different shades of opinion, and if they were observable sometimes even in the cabinet they were the more readily justified amongst • larger number. He fully agreed in the opinion expressed by the noble earl opposite (the Earl of Carlisle) that religious opinions should never interfere with civil privileges. It was upon that prin ciple be voted f.r the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, and for the emancipation of the Roman eatholres in 1829. In 1830, however, he voted against the bill, then for the fint time introduced, for the emarcipation of the Jews, which he did u he then thought, upon very strong grounds, one of these rounds being that Jews did not embrace the Christian faith; and although he felt that to he still the case, his objection on that score was greatly mitigated. But thus reasons now assumed a different aspect. He might remind the house that in the year 1830 the very flexible government and parliament of that day turned sud denly round and came to a vote the direct opposite to what it had previously adopted. Ever since the great political *pastas:, of 1846 few divisions took place in that house in which the principle of conversion had not been exemplified (Hear.) He might also state that in the year 1833 a quaker had been elected for • large town, although he himself and those who elected him must have known perfectly well at that time that, without some thongs in the law, their votes would be thrown away, and that he could not take his seat in parliament. That was very nearly a similar case to the election of Baron Rothschild by the citizens of London in 1847, because it must have been equally well known at the latter period that the baron was debarred from taking his mat. If, however, a special act of parliament were in Medusa to admit the baron to parliament, ► no new prece des* weld thereby be established, Inasmuch as the rashers had Wm admitted by allowing an sfarsatios to be taken in their Use WIWI of an oath. In fact, every denomination of dimesseses, imploding the unitarians, had been admitted, endue desks clam, as a clear, were now excluded with the of the Jews. He thought the hardships s afa l l i t i rnstice of making this exception were apparent.. Had the Jews ever proved themselves to be dan gerous to the state ? Had they done anything to stigeselige other religiosists ? Thera was no elms so few of ▪ Issi leen ~Wei of listesiors and criminal offences. He Walways looked epos them es a harmless, industrious, and momey-making pupa Their were %moue, indeed, for driv • hard Iberia sesuiona ll y—(a laugh)—but he did notthaw that that wen a characteristic peeoliarly belong ing to atom; ma the outrary, many Christians were re. multelie Is, driving cruelly hard bargains. (Hurl The onl reel objection urged against the admission of Jews ince t was that they were unbelievers, and that, if we admitted them, we threw disgrace upon the character of our Christian legislature. Now, we bad never yet admitted any one into parliament who did not al himself a Christian. The Quakers, for instance, celled them. selves Christians ; and es be lived amongst them, and know theists be a very conscientious sect , he bad not the slightest wish to say s single word effensivs to them. Bat it was im possible to deny that they held very realist religion discharge of lie own duty to the end it had sworn to cirri out. Though he f. It it painful to cite scripture in the heat of debate, he felt Wood, especially after what had fallen from the noble earl, to call their attention to the command, • Remember that whatsoever ye do, in word et in deed, ye anti to do it is the name of the Lord Jesus." Seeing that this was their plain and express duty, it appeared to hi m cha: they could not consistently admit Jews to assist in the dischae-ge of it, and he earnestly hoped that their lord ships would reject the bill. The Earl of SEREWSBURY.—Notwithstandiog all the assertions to the contrary, he could not but look on the mea -1 sue more as a political than a religions question. It was nothing more than the natural development, the necessary carrying out of the great principle of civil and religious liberty which was now so intimately woven in the constitution. Ile knew of object more important than to conciliate and to attach to our institutions all classes of our (slow-subjects. His chief object in rising, however, was to point out the short contiags of the bill, and to proud against the irjustice and inoonsistency it propcsed to perpetrate. From the very title and preamble of the bill to the last clause it was but too clear that its principle was the emancipation of the Jews and the restriction of the astbolies. (Hear, hear.) The quaker had been relieved by being allowed to substitute a declaration for the oath. Now the Jew was to be relieved by the oath being altered to suit his conscience, and he hoped it would be so. But the Roman oath , lie was to remain where he was, subject to the conflicting interpretations put upon the meaaing of the oath he was required to take, and must either cease to exercise the func tions of a member of parliament on some of the most im portant questions that came befogs the legislature, or must do so by what some charged upon him as the evalon of his ~nth. (Hear.) The quaker, the dissenter, end the Jew were declared much more trustworthy than the Roman ea. tholic, for they might deal with church questions without let or hindrance *bile the Roman catholic, if n3t absolutely re. *vitiated, was liable to reproach, and to the charge of availing his oath, if he exercised his privilege as a member of parlia ment to speak or vote on such questions. - - -- • The Earl of WINCHILSEA opposed the bill. He eon• eeived their lordships were called en, by this measure, to renounce opealy, in the face of the whole world, their atria. tiara character, for the purpose of admitting into the legisla ture of this country a people who denied our Saviour, and stood forth as a warning to all the nations of the universe. The noble earl besought their lordships to beware of the consequences of passing such a bill, and said he would give it his unqualified opposition. The Duke of ARGYLL expressed his high respect for the noble earl who had just sat down, and trusted the noble earl would extend to others the coosideration to whit h he was so much entitled himself. For his own part he must at once avow his opinion that he was most anxious to sweep from the statute-book every vestige of a d's'inction upon account of religious opinions or tenets of any sort. He had in his own person experienced what such distinctions were—(hear, hear)—and be should ask their lordships to consider the pre sent question by their judgment as well as by their f• flings. He did not assent to the position that religious opinions might neser form the ground for political disability. There might be instances in which religious opinions might warrant political disability, but in his opinion the preponderance of argument wee in favour of the measure now be:ore the house. There was a great distil ction between judgments of law and p olitical disabilities. The noble duke then referred to a case in which a young man of character and respecta bility had recently been ordered by a learned judge to prison for tux months, for not consenting to be sworn, on oath, con trary to his conscientious opinions. Would their lordships say that was not persecution ? Yet what distinction could he drawn between that non-juror and the non-juror now before their lordships? There was this d.fference certainly, that the latter was one of the representatives of the first city in the world, and he was also the colleague of the present ' prime minister. He supported the measure, and con eluded by assuring their lordships, if their object was to secure the Christian character, either cf parliament or of the country, they must work lower dawn and begin by educating the people. Earl NELSON oppcsrd the bill upon principle. The Jews were essentially au antichlistian people, and ought to be excluded from parliament as long as they were se firmly attached to their present religious principles. They were not excluded from municipal rights. Ttey were not dis franchise& They might hold the cams of sheriffs, aldermen, and msgistrates ; but there was a vast dis tinction between making the laws ana administering them The noble mid again declared his intention on these and other grounds, to oppose the further progess of the bill. The Earl of WICKLOW considered that the argument on that part of this bill which related to the oaths to be taken dad been so fully gone into by preceding speakers that if he could view the subject in the same light with the noble earl who had moved as an amendment that the bill should he read a second time that day three months, he (Lord Wicklow) should have abstained from offering a single word on the present occasion. But it wee not es a Jewish Disabilities Bill alone that this bill was to be regarded by their lordship'. The very title of the bill — a bill to alter cer tain parliamentary oaths and its preamble sufficiently established this fact; and there was but one clause in the whole bill which related specially to theca/. °flew lab subjects. (Hear.) Theprinciple that excluded one class of her Majesty's subjects from a privilege which was now conceded to every other elan was one, undoubtedly, that it was of the highest moment for their lordships to reconsider; but he we* anxious that the other—end, in effect, the pervading - principle of the measure should also be carried out into full effect (11-ar, hear) Now it would be perfectly competent to noble lords to give to the bill, involving, as it did, ibis other important principle, a second reading ; and yet to reject, should they be so minded, this sth clause, which, alone, regarded the' admission of the Jews to seats in parliament. For his own part be had long been anxious to give his support to a bill that should go, as this did, to the revison of these parlia mentary oars. (Hear, hear.) If noble lords would per mit him to call their attention for a moment to the nature of the oaths to be taken in order to qualify for admission, not into the oiler house ef par liament, but into this—he would ask them whether it was. ither fair or just to require peers to take certain oatts, in terms to which they could not conscientiously subscribe. It was, indeed, competent for individuals on taking their nets in that house to take these oaths in the particular sense they attached to the terms in which those oaths were con solved. Bat there were among noble peers some who hadbeen born such, but who, on conscientious scruples as to their own construction of those terms, objected to take such oaths. It had always been matter of Zgto him (Lord Wicklow) that the oaths with le the bill now before their lordships proposed to deal should have been allowed to remain so long unaltered ; and be therefore hailed with great satisfaction the appearance ef this measure. He now begged seriously to put it to such d their lordships as were opposed to the admiseion of Jews Into parliament, to allow this bill, notwithstanding, to go to a second reading, seeing that, as he had remarked already, sae clause only—and that bat incidentally, regarded tne ratter of such admission, whereas the preamble, principle, and general text of the bill went to repeal those oaths, th his own objections to which he was Persuaded that a large msjority of noble lords would b 3 found to c. neur. The Earl of DESART, however absurd it might be thought for one who objected to the principle of this undue to hue his objections hit none of the grounds which had been alleged in its support by the noble earl who had brought the messure forward, must be permitted to express his s t rong oNections to the oath itself. The noble lord proceeded to argue that the house was called upon to interfere with that oath of supremacy against the alteration of which the noble and gallant duke (the Duke of Wellington), no l,ter than in the month of February last, had moved an amendment upon the bill introduced by government to repeal the statutes pro hibiting all communication between the serums hf the crown and the age of Rome. As everything which fell from that noble and gallant duke war entitled to the best attention of eke house, he trusted that the analogy which the principle of his amendment bore to that of the objection be (the Eirl of Desert) sow took to the oath contained in the big at pre sent before them, would have its due effect wi.h noble lords on this occasion. The real object concealed by the oaths and forms which enveloped it was, in facto the extinction of the exclusively Christian character of our legislature. For that reason he should give the bill his strongest oppoAtion. The Bishop of OXFORD having so recently, by their lordships' indulgence, been permitted to exprev his opinions and sentiments on a measure somewhat analogous to the present, would not have again troubled the howe but for some observations that lead fallen from the noble duke (of Argyll), and a noble earl who had followed him, that rendered it impossible for him (the Bishop of Oxford) to give • silent vote on this occasion. Re thought that the arguments which were adduced in favour of this bill were not so convicting as the sentiments which were expressed by those who supported it were allur lag. The firstargunent on which he would touch was this— tlum, inasmuch as they had admitted the Jews to a great deal of social and civil power, they were bound in consistency to go on and to admit them into parliament. He would call upon their lordships to consi ler that between the course which they had already adopted and that which was now proposed there was • fun damental difference, which was a difference, not only iu de gree, but in kind. They had already gilen the Jew the right of sitting in a seat of justice aa a magistrate, and therefore it was contended by the noble earl who moved the second reading of this bill that they shenold give him a right to sit in the henna of legislature. It was argued that if you believed that he was an honest man in his own conviction, sad tb at he knew the law of the land as • matter of intellectual acquaintance, in fact, that he is one who is able conecieMboludy to act en the com mon principle of justice (in its w,ministratinn, you ought to intrust him as well as a Christi/on with the forming of these laws. It was just the same ma if they asked a man to sell out goods by certain weights and measures, and afterwards ctnaidared him entitled, 0.1 account of h's honesty in so doing, to the adjustment of such weights and measures. In this case the Jew would be called upon to make new laws, instead of administering old ones ;_ and ha would ask their lordships whether it was expected that a Jew Could, confidently with the ta-1 ef which he held, legislate with the best view to the inumeats and welfare of the adios. In this instance, the Jew was not to administer any rule made by another, but to make the rule hinss.lf. (Rear, hear.) They were calling on him to do a thing which was not only different in degree, bat in kind from that which he bad been up to the present time asked to perform. The noble duke who had addressed the bond, said that it was due to the Jews and to Chris tianity that the former should be admitted into parliament but he did not give any reason why they should superset that Judaism was less opposed to Christianily at the present day than it was 1,000 years ago. The noble duke 0113 said that it was time that they should now remove that stigma which rested upon them from their being excluded from parliament. He begged leave to remind the noble dukethat the clergy belonging to the Church of Englnud were net admitted into opinion of the how house of mummies, sad that i t was not eon . I Lord J. RUSSELL objected to ni t i he:o b is e . b th a e ro le f d or a a laa par d ti i c e tilac ed—it's Mend to be a stigma on them. 11 it was no stigma on questi .ns in committee which had been already decided Meem why should it be held to be such on the Jews? when they discussed the principle of the measure be . be th eir proposing to make it possible for Jews to be returned them. (Hear, hear.) by a Christian Constituency they could not expect them the committee ea to the question of the area of taxat to have much myropsthy wi.ll the interests and concern- did not think the committee would be inclined to adopt ba of those whom they represented . The moot dprelate propoliban of the hon. baronet. The hon. baronet said b e roe Mr. few words f,rommr.hlcr.oSs.oHLLEyn,aulimaT, AiSier.Js..PecieuttewM. ( w th h e ie t r h el o b ee is se hop eo of the D ei n h b v lin i l ed wi . th toi th d a eh t s e u ie btl le a r t as y hofi"mitnhdeefoier clause. a us a e fraid ie h w is ee pr h o o poe t h itio l n and lig ed ht e c b i t hee cal , divisions, would be :e s : was not to serve Chriatianity, boot to remove a stigma from class of landlorile only would be benefited by it. the Jews, that he would give his vote for this bill. He, however, urged upon them that tho meting of the measure would be productive of the utmost injury to Christianity. FORD, the amendment was withdrawn, Mr. STAFFORD said that the house having last emu question cow to .d sett led was what no decided by a large majority that there should be • " If they passed the bill they could not calculate upon the number of men t h at may b e re t u r ne d for different can meaattinigaiuembesheOualealt. be I a maramil most advisatie course to levy eea the 7e. who* had been nth. stituencies. They well knew what the po wet of moneLw with the di ff erent constituencies of this country . The V cited at once, sod from the electoral div t h could not measure the power which the Jew s would obtain by being admitted into parliament. They were ER knit to - proposed under the clause, to levy fits from the I gether in different parts of the earth, that their that 1111 i division, and any further sum that . might be re e.e ct ete uired e" from the union . It was extremely advisable that the culth interest would be very great; and the same thie g wh ich made their interest great would supply them with what was raters of . land and the rate-payers should kno w M ot necessary to procure seats in the legutia'ure. A peat evil w w e o hi ul t d b s a h r o in uld f b rre eepee th e e en p ted rin i ci nd p e le pen be de i n n u g y ca hf rri eu eo o,. o b u ee t words e i "five shillngs " the words " seven shillings," :act position. He, therefore, moved to substitute fir te considerations. It was a special danger to than who tang lit that they should not increase the mono) power without in - Mr. GROGAN seconded the amendment. creasing with it those things which ought to direct and moo prelate who q uestion just suggested by the hon . seconder , where, after m e Lord J. RUSSELL said thet those who ouppcoted the ie. were spent, any rating out of the electoral division mug. dify the money power. (Hear.) come. The hon. gentleman pointed to the consolidated hon. g •ntlemen opposite must certainly all put the lama Lord BROUGHAM said that the right rev, fund ; now the supposition of the government was, that had just sat ,:own first dealt with the argument made in fa taking the electoral division rate as propos- ti, and the union your of this bill that, inasmuch as they had admitted Jews rate together, there would be no need at all of such addl. to the judgment seat and many other civil otficts, they would Clonal resources. Take the example put on the precedim now be acting inconsistently is refusing them admittance to night by the hon. member for Caren of a union having tio **legislature. In controverting that ugument the right rev.. potato said that in a judicial capacity a judge charge the particular electoral dion with St., and divide had nothing more to do than to administer laws according to rules which were laid down. He (Lord the other bs. among all the electoral disisione, the particular electoral divisions, one of which is charged with a rate of Brougham) would remind the right rev. prelate that if he division plying, say le. additional, main; Gs , another 103. in the pound. Here, in the fi rst place, you would were in the habit of attending courts of law, and dealing 'Ls ~ and so on, according to theme:armee, whereby the with grand and petit juries, he would soon be convinced that it would be Oftener] for him to do more than ur der the propositii,n of the hon. member for Northampton. to measure out certain *lee. Ia fact, that he would soon discover that a very inconvenient degree whole rating required would be met, which it could not be electoral division rate of 5e., and he woull still more with 1 of discretion was vested in him. Judges were not as the right rev. prelate seemed to think, mere instruments shize ' I ph tß eed Eß b T hh ea d i l d y t te hat ad E e n p g t lis g h oe m een em m be eh r:ie e e i ond .m for administering the law. It was also argued that under Colonel DUNNE abould certainly support the m a ximu m this bill the money power could be exercised. At present, however, that power could be used to have supported a rate of Is , tig y eta fullest f f ran allea ch t ise e , ale an a d t, co a u a ld tb e e saily jew b.co w ni a e s a ad c m onVitten t t o . multiche. H. HERBERT Money could °illy operate either amongst their fellow mem. on this subject berg of parliament or amongst electors ; and they had already Sir G. GREY said, that the speech of his hon. f • given it scope amongst the electors. Some twelve years ago member for Hull was directed against a friend the a great stir was made about Israelitish money employed in distinct from that now before the the touseprcmosition quite promotion of a Christian election. (L tughter.) If such name ly, o f th e n o bl e mem b er for Aylesbury , propootion, for a national things were allowed was not this a great step towards doing instead of a local rating, a proposition whieh the n o bl . e lord away with the impassable boundary of the right rev. pre- himself admitted to be destructive of local management. late ? Not only were the laws of this country influenced by Mr. E. B. ROCHE said that it had bee n members of both houses, but by every person in an official all sides that the question • of the are undentood on a of taxation should not station, and above all by the electors themselves, who now be raised during toe discussion on the • but, • might be Jews, Turks, infidels, or heretics. (Hear.) And s tand . bill; notwoli. mg, every hon. member w ho had spoken had gone into what was more, any person who was determined to hold a that subject in all its de 'ails. • d 'ail s. seat in parliament, provided he was not afraid of the words "on the true faith of a Cho Wien," which had no real mean- Major BLACKALL was of opinion that if it wee de ing, had nothing to hinder him from doing so. Though he eirahle to encourage the investment of capital in Ireland the should support the bill, he rather preferred that of last year, maximum rate of 6t. was tro high. If the bill were which came openly before the house as a measure in favour ' to be taken as a temporary measure, coeval and ca enduring of the Jews. la reference to the objection about the with t'e Rate iu Aid Bill, then he might not entertain such Christiani y of the legislature, he denied that the strong objections as he did to it; otherwise be must oppose it. wards "on the true faith of a Christian " had any Mr. SCULLY thought that both 7s. and be were tso high other ohj: ct than to show that the . party taking as maximum rates; but, undo , actual circumstances, he the oath was the holder of certain political opinions ; should support the original proposition of the government, it had no reference to his religious emit ions, but Mr. P. SCROPE swiveled the original clause. was simply tantamount to a declaration that he abjured the After a few words from Mr. Ceemewre, rights of the heirs of James 11. The Earl of CARLISLE, in reply said it was for the Mr. S. HERBERT expressed his intention t 3 support the house to act in accordance with the course which con- amendment ' mended itself to their reason and their conscience. He had After a few words from Mr. SIIIEL and Mr. MONSELL, pointed out, in the outset, that the bill c int ain. d other Mr. CALLAGHAN hailed the proposal of the government clauses than those which related to the Jews; and he did as calculated greatly to advantage the country. Hitherto not think that on th's account it was has eutitled to their the small tenant farmers had been rapidly falling into the lordship,' favourable consideration, for it merely modified condition of paupers. But this measure would give cool the oaths uf supremacy, allegiance, and abjuration, in the deuce to the landed proprietors and the homers by telling case of those members who were not Roman catholics, Jews them that there was a maximum rate, beyond which they were already admitted to an o ffi ce Lot less important in its should nut be taxed , (Hoar, hear.) influence—the magistracy; for it was well known that a Mr. S. CRA.WFORD supported the amendment on the Pilate on the bench might do greater berm than a Nita- ground that be opposi d all rates is aid, believing that they demos in the council. The right rev, prelate (the Bishop of tended ultimately to the utter confiscation of property. Oxfool) had gone at great ler gth into the religious opinions Mr. HENLEY said tha real question on which the nee of the Jews ; but was he sure that the religious opinions of mittee was about to decide was whether the blank should be many Christians wculd bear as severe a scrutiny ? A noble filled upwith 53 or 7s . but ; the question being in end a lied behind him (the Earl of Shrewsbury) Lad alluded to form , 1 'a th a t • the oath for catholic' as settled by the act of 1829. Ile btli -veildifficul • ' ho it p ace el to a m a very te e altogether, Pea the disposition of the other house was not to disturb who e was w e o e f e o . yli p iO ) that opinion he had a n a nli u g a ht :O a fix amaaum that oath ; but he should he all times ready to give rate, and he ' asked what were the plans to be adopted b his, and for placing all classes of Christians on the came foot- the noble lord to n lieve the poor when he should have by is this respect. His noble and learned friend who spoke haunted both his Ss. and his 2s. He sup p . se i there would last had tightly said that, the admission of catholic, had then b e w h at h a d b een termed another Y " puII at the Enloe- not been attended by any danger to proteatantion, and the quer." (Dissent from Lord J. Russell.) He Wog glad te admission of dissenters had not been attended with danger see that the noble lord shook his head ; but he asked what to the established clitucb, so their lordships might con- then was to be done, for he was quite sure the noble lord fidently assume that christitnity, that faith which was would not allow the people to starve. (Hear, hear.) As founded upon a rock that would never crumble, could not, between the question of 7s. and 55., he should vote for the be endangered by the a imiseioa of two or three Jews to amendment; but he did so on the principle of ti • rin either house of parliament. (Hear, hear.) maximum at as high a rate as possible. Their lordships then divided— Sir A. BROOKE, who spoke amidst general cries for a Contents 7O division, supported the amendment, believing that a maxi- Non-conteuta 95 mum rate of be. was far too low to be of any avail. The committee then divided, when the numbers were— Majority against the bill 25 For the amendment Their lordships immediately adjourned at half-past twelve Against it 125-77 o'clock. Sir G. GREY you proposed the insertion of certain verbel _ _ ameedmento not printed. Mr. STAFFORD objected to so unusual a tours?, and recommended that they should be first printed, and then dies:used. Sir G. GREY told be merely proposed the words now with the view of having them printed. (Hear.) Lord J .RUSSELL said se it was now tour o'clock, he would propose that the Chairman report progress, and pro- ceed with the further consideration of the bill on Thursday next, at half-past four o'clock. The CHAIRMAN then reported progress, and tke house ad journed until halcpast five. The house at that hour resumed. ROYAL COMMISSION. Mr. Prooms, the deputy usher of the black rod, ap peared at the bar, and eummoi.ed the house to the House at Lords, to hear the royal assent given to several bin (for which see Lords' report). SMITHFIELD MARKET. Mr. MACKINNON gave notice that he would, on Tun- day, the 17th July, call the attention of the house to the 1 report of the Smithfield Market Committee. IRELAND. Mr. HORSeIAN gave notice that on Tuesday the 17th July, he would call the attention of the house to the general state of Ireland. BRITISH G U lAN it. Mr.'IIUME gave notice that he would to-morrow move for certain papers relating to British Guiana. ATTORNEYS' CERTIFICATES. Lord It. GROSVENOR postponed his motion on this subject till next union. THE IRISH STATE PRISONERS. COLONEL MOUNTAIN. Sr L. O'BRIEN said he wished to put a questicn to the Mr. F. Mature at the instance of Sir H. ' H VERNEY, ex right hon. gentleman the Secretary of State for the Home plained the reasons wh y Colonel Mountain's name . did not Department. It had been reported that cholera had appear in the Gazette amon g st those of th e othe r India, recent battles in spread in the convict ship in which the state prisoners were who had received honours for the l _ of the Order of the to be conveyed. He wished to know whether any steps had which reason was that the second c see fat Bath was only given to commaneers of divisions at Goole , been taken in consequence ? of which C.lonel Mountain was not one. Sir (1. GREY said there had been some cases of cholera he believed; but other arrangements had been made for the BRITISH GUIANA. state prisoners. Mr. HUME wished to know from the noble lord whether received from British Guiana by Sir L. O'BRIEN said that that statement would tend to any despatch had ten Governor Darkly, having continued allay anxiety on the tut jest . He heel opposed the bid for legs- which it appeared that .__ _ .. _ . nst the opinion of the court rot relic), had tieing the transportation of the prisoners, but now that it had taxation . agai . l brought in • bil for the extension of the suffrage, and if if, paned he would not impede the course of public justice. whether ft was in the power of the governor so to change POOR RELIEF (IRELAND) BILL. the constitution of that colony which had been so long es- The house then went into committee on the Poorß e lie f tablished. (Ireland) Bill. •amend- Lord J. RUSSELL said it wee quite true that Governo r Sir J. WALSH then nee to move the following Bandy, following the example of other perooe.s et home-- menta, of which he had given notice : I (lanehter)—had brought in a bill for the extension deb Clause 1, lines 12 and 13, and subsequently throughout chums _ __, _ h and 2, to substitute the words " rating district" for " electoral dist- suffrage. With regar to the other question , not having ed sion." Clause 2, lines 27, 30, 32, 33, and 40, to substitute the words notice, he was not able to answer it at present. When he "electoral division" for "union." In the event of the committee was in the Colonial-office he took the opinion of the law adopting the words " rating district" in the first clause in place of officers as to the constitution of that colony, but be did not ePetoral division," to wove the following clause : And be It enacted. . I know how the question stood at present with regard to the , that from and after the ;easing of this act it phalli and may be is for the gnaw law oomminimsers, and they are hereby required, to di. power of the crown. vide the electoral divisions of the several unloes In Ireland into Pliell Mr. HUME said he would repeat his question tomorrow, and PO many rating districts as to them shall seem fit; and when the ,„ ,cause considerable alarm had been created in the colony— • said division of such electoral division shall have s ham duty '.'.;: e (1 hter)—at the circumstance of one person doing th*at by the said commisrdoner, each such noting di u non- which it was believed hitherto required the sanction of '.he ) statute • separate rating dlltrict for the relief of the poor now re sident within the mine, and no pauper or destitute person shall be Court of Policy. entitled to relief under this set or any set for adminiaterlog relief COLONIAL GOVERNMENT. to the destitute poor of 'retold, save and except from and on account of the rating district so to be formed us aforesaid, in re- Sir W. MOLESWORTH then rose and begged le are to aaa tspe to which his legal claim far relief arises ; and such electoral di- move that an humble address be presented to her ?haat, Menlo, ao divided lino rating districts as aforesaid, shall continue to praying that her Majesty would be graciously please lto are be an electoral division, for all the purposes of election of guardians point a commission to inquire into the administrate,* of her and of representation at the board of guardians of the union within M 'est 'a colonial possessions. He made this =Wein beans which same shall be situate. Provided always, that in forming each el 1 ~ =districts the winnentoners shall, as far as c i rcu m s tances win he shared in in belief which now prevailed that our system have regard to the boundaries of the several properties within of colonial government was, in many respects, friary and ill midi *Wore division, so as to form the property of each proprietor suited to the present state of Great Britain an dof the colo la suet electoral division (or in such unlace if they shall so think fit,) met. Therefore he maintained that it ren_uired revision; late a separate eating district , If such pewit) , shall amount in rated an d f or t h e purpose of revision he asked tha t a searching el -1 onus to the rem sma of 1 msont 4 000 t L; t a d *: If tbe i r t a s t i t u eLl u t e e : d %r Laug qs . rf i should be made into the colonial policy of the Britoil rl anY coninticalomme tombs sash mil se many of the adjoining pro. empire, With the permission of the hoose he would sate polio aa to them** seem tat, se as to form • separate rating dim- aa briefly as he could what, in his r,pinion, should be trio foe the penmen of this aet. And provided also, that no rating the smears of the inquiry, and te, what objects It district, to he hissed under the authority of this act, shall exceed in shoal' be directed. But first, in ordt.r to satisfy the hones rated velem the amount of 3,000/. per annam. And provided also, that there ought to be an inquiey. he would endea vour that atoingbeeein contained shall be construed to limit or prevent produced the general convictita Me add scenraiseloners from forming any rating districts of any to show what had our colonial mann extent than I,ooof , rated value .Per annum, if it shall seem that there were grave errors ante defects in . , expedient and nowesary to them so to do. policy. What he meant by tb'e term " colonial policy oh . The hon. baronet proceeded to say that it was the pressure Great Britain " was of recent date, not more than .tn o hh! of the poor law on small dames of owners in Ireland vu quarters of a century old. For when we began m eel rendered it necessary, in his opinion, to diminish the and of the government had had little or nothing to do with le o sad, ts taxation. He had proposed a rated value of 3,0001. it year strictly speaking, there was no colonial policy. Our col e c t . _ as the maximum area of taxation, and his object accorded were planted b y adventure.rs,who left this country for m a n is als rs to with the view of the Boundary Commissioners, that the area reasons — some in enrol.. of the precious met . 0 . _ of taxation should be 1111 near,y as possible identical with the escape from intolerance. at home, others to enjoy int l . _, 7 area of estates. The people of England objeeeted at abroad ; the y . settled on the shores of America, wltl c eel present to the application of public money, because nominal sanction of the crown. Fortunately for them, i'' left they felt that it would only stave off the evil. The conflicts in Englarea, and the weakness of the execu tive,_ T ...., plan which he proposed would tend to remove that ob- them for many sears unmolested in the enjoyment oh ecf l e rneie jeot'.on. It would, perhaps, be said that this was a landlord's independence ; they flourished, their numbers i w ,... s an oeetation. It was his firm belief that th e great fault in the rapidly, they became wealthy and powerful. Meanogthiiil;tel; whole of the policy of parliament was founded on the fallacy executive in this country gradually acquired thee celonie i s ; that it wee in their power to unifies the landed proprietors attentiwa was directed to the prosperity o in_ _._ _., of Ireland without injuring other classes. The results it *tempted systematically . to interfere e _ ..e ;n ois e) . 7,... of that fatal policy were meeting them at every vewoment ; the colonies resisted. Some r bell a and the infe turn. When he was told that this was mere l y tame independent ; the remainder submitted. d _ or. ~ e __.:.,. a landlord's question., he replied that they could not injure sent system of colonial government was fonn ed te po to rti r o 'r of proprietor* without injuring the teat of the community,. r o d of our old colonial empire. By far the grew, usrtion : all of that they coul I loot benefit 'proprietors without talle*ating our modern colonial empire was of recent . acq _ es _ who, all other chine 01 society tAnstera ll y, it, with the exotption of the plantations ill the w ; HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TUFSDAY, JUNE 26. The SPEAKER took the chair at 12 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. REPORTS CONSIDERED.—Airdrie Police and Muni cipal; Great Northern Railway (amendment of acts, de viations and enlargements at and near Boston, Bentley, Lincoln, and King's Cross); Helms Reservoirs (increase ot rates and amendment ot act, No. 2); Shrewsbury and Birmingham Railway Acta Amendment, Branches, and Mentions; Stirling and Dunfermline Railway (deviation of branch to Alloa Harbour, diversion of certain works, extra sin of time for completing line and taking land, and amend ment of acts); Bills. THIRD READlNG.—Eastern Counties and Norfolk Railways Amalgamation Bill. PUBLIC BUSINESS. PETITIONS PRESENTED. - PROTECTION or WOMEN BILL —By Mr. HENLEY from various places in Oxfordthine; Mr. ROUNDELL PALMER, from Plymouth Sir C. LEMON (7), from places ie Cornwall ; Mr. SLANEY, from Shrewsbury, in favour of Ibis Bill. INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION.—By Mr. G. BERKE LEY, from Gloucester, in favour of this proposition, COLONIAL REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENTS. —By Sir W. MOLESWORTIL, from Wellington, New Zealand, in favour of the adoption of this system as regards that colony. SUPERANNUATION FUND POE POOR LAW OFFICERS. By Mr. STUART, from Newark, in favour of ths formation of this fund. its.