The Express. — London, England, 1849-02-02 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 2, 1849, dem of their stinted amity. (Hear, beer.) • meat glpidease =deism (Sees, beer.) Hensemer. bee Majesty foes bees grimed to feel mehhedset se b=ang onabied M dote act " Imes is the math and meat of Hermselbe 'emending parties bus mossented to • anspesien of gime e kg due peso el associating terms of peen* Mew, deem spsemiaso are he me cm edam% mace diploma* than peritementory. r, hear.) Who sea the gestooding parties be ? Are hea , Majesty's dike ? Where en they ? Dim heard MN is the earth of Eggespe there bee been • nespension of gme, with ref=ine, to • Mato to wheoe peekkm I b i g jam jeer the hewer el calliag attendee. I mesa the valises mil I Wirt" indemitable kiegdom ef Deniaerk ; ami I believe that had Haat bees fog that sempeades llama the 'gantry wield a .w enjoy aa the committeemen of peace. But then the empegoisa et some ia the sesta of Earepe le at peeetat a a.yetery respectieg whisk we may probably be ea %kissed by some amber of the government. Has there lose a suspend= of arms between Lear • acd.Piedraoet ? Tere have beta rumours, but perhaps we shall receive kw lbw inlormadem on that head. Has there burs a anspession of erste humus his Helium the Pope and the Prince of Chaim ? (A laugh.) I thoeght at first that the simpuisient of arms must have takes piens between mons other pewees is the south of Europe, bad I mat eatecatered some piragraphe of melt obscurity that I was toettly at • loss to annex any ides to them. We ere told that " the hostilities carried on in the Island of Badly were attended with cirmunetuess ma revolting, that deo Brom and French admirals wets impelled by motives of Ineasaity to interpose, and to atop the forth effusion of bleed." Now are we to undrastend that the effusion of blood mos stayed without any instructions from her Ma jesty's coverage. at ? ( l'rotectiontet o emu) Is the poly of the Quin of Inglaud to be directed by a French nivel ? (Ehnen) lan see nothing more prepoairous, I should have added nothing more impossible, had I not reeollette4 a remarkable debate in another place list session, la which direct inquiries ware made to the ministry on this point, and m to the principles whim h bad guided the conduct of VW British admiral. I remember that • most equivocal answer was give* to the peron who made that inquiry, but I could ant Institut that alter nth inquir7 the Brit sh or Frer.ch Wades's, riding at anchor with certain open kitten of credit, without tastrutione, acting on their own discretion, could intorfete to seat rreccedings of the gravest character hetween • sovereign and kis subjects. (Hear, hear.) If this be the aureneion of arms in the south if Europe, on which we are coigratulating the throne, I, for onr, most demur to the eonorstulation. But, it I proceed, I do not dad much hies trades light. " I have availed myself of the interval that obtained to propose, in conjunction with France, to the King of Naples an arrangement eakulated to produce a permanent settlement of affsin in Sicily. The negotiation ea these matters is still pending." Now, in the first plus, I have no idea who the King of Naples is. (Laughter.) Possibly some member of the government m y have crested a new sovereignty out of recent diplomatic confusion and political change. For aught I know, some new power may have arisen. (Hear, and a laugh) But I should as soon have expected to have had a speech from the Queen of Lon donola that the King of the Two Similes should not be no tice& (Hear, hear.) Are we to have any more details to prepare us for the chi gee impending ? Negotia. dons ate still pending." Negotiations? Has his Ma. July the King of the Two Seethes agreed to any septa. *es, to any suspension of arms t Has he entered into any mediations, or consented to set under the itiluence of the Engiiila and French admirals? Them are things re. epectiog which we have a right to a frank, explicit, and in telligent statement, in-toad of a statement from which it does not appear that any one is negotiating except our selves. Then we are told that it is the constant desire of our sovereign to maintain the most friendly relations with all foreign powers, but we are not told as generally that all foreign states are equally anxious to maintain friendly re. lations with tie. (Hear, hear.) It would to h'gbly setts. factory es know if her Majesty has n t allies lett, or if the science of diplomacy has so progressed that there is not a single power left to address her in terms of amity, or to whom she might reply in the same spirit. That would seem to be the case from the unsatisfac tory document to which we are called upon to give our a& basics. (Hear, rear) lam not surprised that government have titled it necesemy to address parliament in terms so ample and so vague, so unsatisfactory, and so obscure upon the foreign relatior s of the countey. Since we met about this tims lost year there have been comederable changes on the continent of Europe, and England has taken a very active pert in the transletims which hare occurred. Tao malt hes been extremely satisfactory. (1 rooked charts.) Look at the Eats of France, look at the rive of the whole men of Europe, the hires!, must f iveured, most civilised rrl dad in Fran co a re2ublic without republicsns _ i • irmany, as empire without an emperor. (LOllll cheer) lead this is prorreg. (Loud protectionist cheers.) This the perannimet achievement of universal suffrage— this the high political consummation of the sovereignty of the people. (lieu, bear.) These are the oonatitutioul models, the political exemplars that are to fashion out a future for free and famous England. (Hear.) It would be sheer absurdity were there not circumstances connected with it calculated to create terror. There ranted but one Weiist.t to make the incantation perfectly infernal, and that wee to employ these new governments in mediating with other powers. It was the very saturnalia of diplo macy, the orgies of politics. (Hear, bear) I tad to bower LW year of warning the house against mediation, sad I thick the result has proved that a member perhament hie a right to object to these mediatians, to the MOM by which the am to be carried into effort, and peatigal-ely the parties between whoa they are to take w~lneces.~ Leek at the state of Dareauk. Yoe have had hiestde, suffering enameree, a great interval of time, and yet notbinst hea been dom. You were called in by Den mark to fulfil your engsgewats natter • treaty respecting the obligations of which then could be no doubt. Had you acted with Ammer, you might ham terminated the dia pason= proceedings then occurring. What were they ? An an and iadependent kingdar, at- Melted by an assembly sidles in • German town. Why, I look upon the Assembly of Frankfort as merely a German romance. (Laughter.) But Hannan romances may be very pernicious articles ; end nothiog could be more aajid, more violent, mare wish, (has the proceedings of the !widget Aneseady. The English government might lave had tai aid of Frame in terminating them. I should not have bean impeded if say government bad referred acting with the Trench medlars! government. I knew it had no root awns the people, sad weld pass away. But our government did retogaim it, although only provinces!. and the mowed they roterdeed it, It kIL (Laughter ) Why was not Lash Blau reeogaised ? I understand we refused ; end immediately Aar we resognised the editor of the Notional, and the WSW he empleyed to auppirt But their ambusader was Iwo kat • fortnight, and in that fortnight we might have saved Drama*. But I defy any man to tell me what our mediation has effected, or how we have aided the parties between whom we mediatised. But if our sedum towards Denmark was indefensible, our deportment town= Austria was absolutely unintelligible. On the Redraws: of dimendems between the government and the people, a sensed to be mowed here that the state of Austria meat be me of absolute decay a nd hopelets con vulsion. Our 'mediation, It has been mid. was proffered to Austria—esr mediation between her sovereign end his revolted is But who invoked that mediation ? What evidence is then to show that the government solicited it! Did the impwar ark it? (Hear, hear.) But when was Our mediati in finally in terposed in a manner that might have iodised one to suppose that Austria was wiped oat of the map of nations? At that moment, sir, when it was rendered nameeseary by the attitude which the emperor bed nonmed. She did that, sir, which she bad Wen dine beim, in better and nobler periods of her history, when her impseal power was assailed and perilled by powerful hostile combinations against her from within and without. She vindicated, again, her own grandeur and her own strength with a vigour and e Peet which has signally manifested the meter and the profundity of her resources. (Hear.) She asserted her authority in the eyes of Europe in a manner to make it more than ever respected by other nations. A short but vigorous campaign and a brilliant vic tory attained by her arms had already solved the questions on which our mediation was to be proffered when the offer of these services arrived. I mention this circumstance only to show how very satisfactory the proposition of her Ma jesty's ministers for a cessation of arms must have been to the victorious party.. Why, air, Austria had already re-estab lished herauthoritym her own dominions and entirely neon quered Lombardy, as she speedily afterwards reinstalled her authority in her own septet. (Cheer.) Well, sir, look next at the third ma el mediation in radii her Majesty's ministers have mad, Leek at Naples, gad the con diti on at this moment siia We pieties in whose behalf you have audiatiesd. The hies of Ws_ having taken arm is sea sequence et the seek et hie NeMm subjects bad made vest Epantie's., and efts awe severe fighting between Majeaty's !Veen ea them Mike Sicilians wm about to We pommies if the idea when it was deter mined that he should not pressed Imam with his deaiga—under no ate thority—for what appellee le the matrery, and for e no reason whatsoever exempt at the pleasure of th French &duke& ea our ea. Bat pea wilk siva to the island of Sift the keg did gain his eldest. Ome city alone con- Ikea to eat Naiad him, end ems that (I be lieve I am jailed saying) we ja em the pant of giving up the oenceinary mated and sarreadering to his liakety's emu whoa the fleets Wawa le prevent the aurae if that authority over • revolted plass of his states, ti the ebstraiss of which it wee sway the meet questionable apenthe at that time that oar lag dual be *Vasty. Bet ark the results of your ill-stanassedlinees. Two 9dla tely flow from them that are most Z=L assi ed . :eat fatal, because they an mock mile:nom ; yea deceive beds pasties whom yea Whet to litew=ea mean k the whale Nampo Mang of Tear mediation is UMW' 11, dipiewaeis we eiese e end they who have candid in it lad sairileed t hroug h the reliance Iky have plata gm yea. Instead of ridding the ilenkm,bewever, who bat our your bawd*. might NO this ham bees ressadied se the Wig, yew have deedmil them When Ywr asekeppeared ia Me bays( N'A isd aftenrards in the waters einlay, the Elk us espoused tasteease ; sad were drabness era sked to persist in allow; but yea leaved them as yea had already wired the Meg of Ifewha. (Seer, hear.) The d•plorable Maus of Ship niat din petals in Nagles and in Sicily ' mill tint ham been mew in asisteam but for your media tion. The hem salmi then referred to the again of La Plata, bs i t which a ion thaa six diplomatic agents W employed ammeesdolly. He proceeded : 4 : 11 aft. lipiseistis meats, in ant, there memo to be no ist dtheir dodo", They Nada use a the mysterious dynasty of the post, la Audios maw still messe emenda" imieed—dat that is d% nay the say a n don't ever pram te de. (Lig hter ter sad awing. runthis is the masa, piehipsor they e't MU aim AIM. the asks el the Plata. Whims WO *sagely mama the observation the y er who ham so loudly inveighed In their damage apse limatial sheen spinet the eerie: of war dishes* depertaient. This was • ems that surely slight have flamed a setZi k a in their heeds for a very good tract or ) IJakirtunately for there, however, Fa e m ateilisesellinas ere the only victims, u I have ben: She mod, of this enessiens conditeen of ear relations with the shifts of the Plata ; sad side may ameetat for their for hthemies em the subject of all these appointments. Her =ninielses MM. her Majesty to deliver a speech in in whisk the sovereign almost admits that she office; yet, ia the same speech her Majesty is made to deelan that in this posture of stein she les t caused the estimates foe the pablie nuke and establi !meta to be reduced to the lowest male. It is moat extraordinary that the noble lord should have "furled to this house no explanation, no tater nation of what his government may beta poster/oneself, the mums that hive determined her Majesty at the moment she has so allies, to direct these reductions. i beg to read this rangraph ;—"I have disected the estimates foe the ser vice of the pear to be framed with the most anxious atten tion to a wise emoomy ;" and I especially sell your emotion sir, to that while moose& it :—" The present aspect of affairs has sashed me to make larte reduetioce in the esti mates of last 'W." (Cheers.) Bit the estimates of last Jens were 'inputted " with the strictest regird to ecocomy." It; is strange th at this, of all cues, should be selected as that in which the position of affairs allowed this course to be taken and these further redaction to be made. In what consists the difference—whit the superiority—of the pre sent occasion over any in the last session ? Are they only temporary causes is considerrioe of which so important a seen is to be taken ? Is this auspitious rate of affairs al ined from the contemplation of the still existing disturb awes and turbulent spirit prevailing is Ireland ? Is it the condition of revolution of which I read In mother pan graph as prevailing in the Paajaith ? Is it that pro m/mg aspect of general tranquillity which is pre sented at the present mamma by the spectacle of two millions of armed men dispersed over every country of Europe in battle array,—is that the improved present posi tion of Oran which enables—which authorises her Majesty's ministers to make still further redactions in the economical pace estimates of last year? (Loud cries of "hear, hear.") Sir, when we last met here her Mejesty hod " allies"— : (theters)—not merely allies, but sovereigns of indent king dom,. who had been her guests in her eon regal castle. It was however then thought neemary that the noble Secretory for Foreign Affairs should coutribute hie quota to the royal speech by a diplomatic touch or two: and accordingly there was some mention, in that of last year, of • treaty of some kind or other wi'h &petty South American state ' about elh'ch, I will venture to say. not six gentlemen in th s house had ever before heard. Rat what have been the effects of our policy in the interval, which has so changed the force of an needing rates ? Even the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself will hardly contend that they are indicated by any such signal improvement of the revenue as was anticipred at the present paled ; and we shall look Is vain for the verification of the hopes that were founded on our extended commerce with India, which was then (it was prod eted) " tranquillised for ever." (A laugh.) In virtue of their pleasing anticipations, ministers ease forward at that time, not with prop Worm for reduced intimates, but demands for iicreand expenditure on our ostabliehments. How do you reconcile that eendoet with yourcoadu -t on the present oc cation ? What has become of your anticipations of Loomed prices from which our manufacturing interest were this year to derive profim to the extent of millions more than in the preceding one? Yon cannot, with any degree of candour or fano', call upon me or other h n. members to support the address in answer to the speech from the throne, and yet withhold from us ell information, nr the grounds you have far the directions which her Ma icily has issued touching the retina*, ' and for her Ma jesty's view of tho " present aspect of affairs," which has enabled her to issue them. It is to compel the production I of this obstructed information that I, sir, shall move the amendment to the motion of the noble lord (11. Vane), with which I mean to conclude. (Hear, hear) Sir, my own anxiety for retrenchment is not Inferior to that of any gen tleman who has:sat in this house since I have had the hon our of knowing it, but I em sure, no gentleman who sheen this side of the hones will ever vote for a great measure of retr ncbmcnt that is not ba•el on nue ao-olute ergency sris:ng oat of the circumstances of the tato a, and clearly and honestly stated to parliament, instead of being grounded on some miserable pretext, or urged on by soma species of infiue:.ce, which, in the present ease, is no. yet apparent to tho house. lout of all do I believe that gentlemen on this side of the house will be induced to g:va their support to measures of so-called r retrenchment teat shall have a va lency to impair the strength and resources of this country. I carnet think that the house—l cannot believe that her Majesty's ministers are converts to the new popetual mem theocy. For my part, if the hon. member for the West Riding of Yorkshire, or any other bon. or right h,13. geatle- I man, can devise a EMIRS by which his constituents, and mine, and those cf every other member can be relieved from the burden of the heavy taxation they now feel, I can have I no objection to such a proposition. But where are the ten to be envoi from the annual expenditure to be taken from ? I think we have a right to "Copulate for the sources from which so enormous a deScit shall be supplied. Quraus Mostar sb liib fonieentto drachma, divitnedidermat, &minium patent. So, sir, I my, let the hon. gentlemen rain his 5,000,0001. or has 10,000 COOL from that immense product that California gold region, which the hon. gentleman and his friends so confidently predicted would be our's on the repeal of the cola lam. (Laughter and cheers.) They as sured as that we should realise some two hundred millions per amnia. They talked of nothing abort of two Milieu sterling increase to our profits per week. (Hear, hear.) I realty condole wish the noble lord and the right hon. gentle men on their disappointment ; bat with their new budget they have • new device, inasmuch as the present aspect of affairs justifies theme sweeerg reductions of the estimates for the current year. It apeman that they an now about to amuse that the amount of the expenditure of this country, in • put year, should neemarily govern its ex tun in the present. But this I know, that whenever arge resonates of retrenchment have been rashly advocated by the government of the time, they have been invariably followed by largely increased expenditure on the succeeding year, whether the pretext for the reduc tion had bout " domatic tranquillity" or any other equally encouraging "aspect of affairs." (Hear, hear, for Mr. filoulbarn.) I thank the right hon. member for that cheer, one which, though he dill not perhaps so intend, I assure him is very encouraging. (A laugh.) I do not except the retrenchments to the propoeition of which he was a party. Take 1835. We had then a weak government, but 1836 was a year of increased expenditure. Look what happesed to 1830. We had a whig government than, and also • weak one, though with very eminent men in it. What was the moral of the Reform Bill ? This, that whereas it had been carried, avowedly, far the puepcoss of retrenchment, its im mediate ornesquence was an menus of the national expen diture by 10 millions per annum. The outobOshments of this country bad been largely reduced ; and so observant had other powers been of the attitude which they then presented, that they largely Increased their own • and had it not been foe the revolution of 1830, which displaced the previously reigning dynasty of Franca, there would have been an alliance between that country and Russia to extract from us what they had never natured to press for as long as our establishments remained on an affective footing. But he mu.t seek re.nind the house that whereas boa. gentle. men prose to oar trade an increase of ten millions on the repeal of the am laws, an sooner has that repeal been at compliehed than our exports have declined by ten millions. I protest, on this ground again, 'panel the notion that any reasonable ease has been shown, either in our own condition or that of our relations with Europe, or the state of our com merce, for improved " patent aspect of affairs" which is adduced in the speech from the throne as warranting the proposition for largely reduced establishments. There have been given several ramose for euttiog down our expenditure 10,000.0081. ; but is it the opinion of her jeety's inhalators, or is it the opinion of the Secretary of State, that the French nation can never as is eller d, go to war again? Tenure of property has bees alluded toes one of the reams why war may not be expected to break out, but I remember that there was the suns tenure of property forty or My peen age—that the amount of proprietors under that teem wee careellig peat as at present, and that with that teems Shod we bed wen. (Hear, hear.) This is one of the seam= aseigeml why we should cut down the expendi ng, 10,000,0001. • year. But fa it true that her Majesty's 'armament _assign that as one of the reasons why the set melee s hould be lower, or that • state of revelation, sad not of war, may exist, and yet that thee, may be so danger ? New air, first of all, as an • peopeeMs4 I doubt that. I , think a state of rev. la des is ally Mat Ws to war, and that it is • state of things that mks des tenure of property exceedingly uncertain. Bat is Mins, in mint of fact, that revolution and war are not eammedteat evils ? We had a revolution in this country in 11118-4 nal revoitition, in which a dynasty was changed, and anew amenipt pissed on the throne, yet after that revointles we sassed Mea war not the least glorious and fair, mid meet sempreheselve. but you will say probably that that was a war to make fortunes for younger erns. Resdhat, however, what was the state of France, while is not an aristocratic ocountry. I have read • week of Robespierre, delivered in the tribune ef the Convention, thd was worthy of the Pres sed* Hall of Manchester—(" bean hear," mil laingtter)— so worthy of it that I have no dents he moil be a Sages now if he were alive. (" Has, Mar" GM aintlessd laughter.) Well, this is an argument that basest innellieed se, nor will I be 'subunit by say segueing shut at re& mese to the Wart of the singllgatheel goviereints of Beeepe,,hst Wm Is no theme of woe, beaus wee les mg as yin Ai swot upon the heels of moieties. The meta Iced mulls will, of mane, tall us whether the se. r ug bee 'Mina the :Il • bat certainly I eases emu to ions se .Illinois upon sq au ue& k r Nee l rol epos with eastbie argument whisk has gm fond, sandy that no nation now will atoms a asaquass. hams during the last one hundred yeas se miss unguent • onsetry white it her not lanai to he • NOM of truism What doss lierepageter of then gam my to the .suggest Of Malta? (Hear, hem.) r i t a at a MIN of mums? What does he Mak of the of 80leis by Prsesis ? A au gust thst aneseUd Preisla. ass lets • mend rate, but into this a sem& nee power. _ (4gisese.) What dose er thidt the eignishies of the eorr provisoes by An** et et the genius= seat?tg aritiy I do not speak sew se the I believe it tobe a ewes of etressir ag reta, the 'lsth mus/ the isegwill tell stog i e e at il i aura et the onssailes, leek at the whole of lonthern Woe mg the esisletis gabbed then a wares se the greatest =lto Rada ? and yet the/ wan ell augured e e sainiiey of ear fathers. (Hear.) I cannot yield, them, to the bar merles to whisk I have alluded ; sad I will now allude briefly to another. We are told it is lavas eiMe there ma be war, became a new principle hie entered into polities celled " race ;" that the Italians, for instance, area Merest nes to the Austria's, and that they Gagnot siabonk to be matrollsel. Thi is this gehmiple, I suppose, that Manses bee Ms.sulre eavetrament in their pressat datemiesden. I is. told that &glee& and be mo unt with a ism demonstration of brat. serer. Now, I am net prepared to goateed that point, bat I would like to have a clear definition of what brew foram 1111111616 (Hear.) My opinion is, the: en Gray --a highly dkomplia4 army, impeDad by a sew of gnat slaty to ace es the defender.of disk country, the =ablaut's of ceder, the fostadation of the national honour, or the coasolidation of the nadosal strength— a body d men them disciplined, sad led by ens of the most hark., of his nee, aa Alesander, a Carr, or a Welleele)—l have al ways oonsiderid that t hat is • is which moral farm entered se malt as physics!. (,use.) But, if I lad • acre with a 'arida facility of speech—if I and a maa like that liareagaing great bodies of hi. aosatrymen, delivering lad Immatory appeals to thelr poseions, sad mining them:us swami the institutions of their await', that is what I call • demonstration of brats teas. _ ((Load cheers from the Pro tootkaiste.) That Ls what I Walt this country lanai be very well content to do without, sad which, if there be say salge or spirit left in the area of light and learning In this country, they will moire to pat down as an intoler able, in ignominious tyranny. (Renewed cheers from the Proteeticaists.) Her Medlars mtristers have yielded to " public opinion." air, public opinion on the continent has turned oat to be the voice of stout sacklike, and public opinion its Basked is the voice ofciamonr--oforganhed clubs. I believe that the Addrest we are called upon to vote does not I give a candid and ingenuous picture of the present condition of this country, and I hive drawn up en amendment, couched in no partisan spirit, giving what I believe to be • fair and basset representation of the state *1 affairs. I move that, alter the paragraph referring to the progreaive improvement of the , the following amendment be inserted however, to be compelled humbly to etymon' to your Majesty that neither your blejeety's relations with foreign powers, see no state of the revenue, nor the condition of the commensal and minufeetarlag interests of this country, ars au eh as, in our *Men, Jannis In sddrooriag tour Majesty in the language of congratula. tam, sad that large portions of the agricultural sad Menial interests of the empire are labouriug under a state of proprendes depreasioe, mkalated to nails serious appreheaska and satiety. (Applesse from the Proteetioeiata.) That the amendment 1 intend to propose. Sir, I have noticed these crude and p.rtring specu.ations that are afloat respecting rpecial Soancial reforms , _ not only because I think them very dangerous to the counter, not only became they have converted, according to rumour, the govern ment, but because they an avowedly, on the part of their promulgaters, oily tending to ulterior mea sures. (Hear, hear, and applause.) Sir, I might say of the new revolutionary movement that all their proceedings are ctaracterised by a frank audacity (Hear, hear.) They have scarcely supported the throne. They have atnouuced the ecnititutioaal societies of the realm as an an equated ma chinery net alapted to the preseat day. Well, cow they are In our presence, we shall see how they will expadite public business, but you mast know that Freeetrade Hall prostate greater laiilities fur the despatch of business then the House of Commons. There you can eairy everything b. fora you. (II ar.) There, there is no collision of argument or intellect. —no diseetmaion—(bear, hesr)—no doubt is raised abort the propriety of adoptiog the new cyst. an which ia to set aside the sagacity of matured England (Ap; lame.) But so long as this house remains& a long, I trust will the hears of the people of this country never be turned from the 'Lowe of Commons in favour of theme saw sccieties. Por my pan I denounce their politics, and I defy teen predictions, but I do so because I have faith in the people of Boglani, in their genius and in their destine. The bon. gentleman resumed hi. seat amid loud and prol .aged applemae. The amendment having been seconded and put from the chair, Mr. GRATTAN said that it was his intention at an earlier hour of the evening to 'impose an amendment upon that paragraph in the royal speech which hid refer eau to Ireland, but he had been anticipated by the hoe. gentleman who had jut sat down, and who had delivered a speech which would nuke 'simperers/on not only in the house, bat throughout the evuntry at lug'. (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Outten) regretted that he was under the amenity of proposing a second amendment, bat he felt that the hen members for Ireland who were present must feel them selves degraded by pert of the language which had been unjustly inserted in her Majesty's speech That part of the speech which referred to poor-laws in Ireland, was not satisfactory to him, and he felt assured could not be to any Irish member. Those laws had been almost universally condemned by resolutions passed at county meet- Inge:summoned by the high sheriffs of those counties, as having failed in their operation. The law which applied to England did not apply to Ireland, and the law which applied to the east of Ireland did not apply to the west. There were rainy important facts connected with its operation which a com mittee would not inform them of. It might elicit details already known, but would nut tell them of the ruin which the poor laws have caused to several deserving landed proprietors. The evil did not stop there, for the people were dying in the ditches at the rate of 20, and 30, and 60 a week, and buried without coffin or shroud, and this not merely in the west and south, but in other parts as well. Their evil effects were even begin. sieg to be felt in the north. Not only were the rents vanishing, but with the rents the best of the tenantry. They were gulag to America, not only is grief at being forced from their own Country, but with the seeds of revenge in their bosoms, which have been already displayed in the hope, openly expressed by sores of them, that their sons might return at a futon day with rid. s on their shoulders. It was the duty of the government to alley that feeling and prevent the danger it might hereafter create, by a timely alteration of these laws which were the immediate cause of the evil. England was never so popular on the con tinent as at this moment ; but her conduct to Ire land would certainly not mike her more so. Her suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act would neither make her more popular abroad nor add strength or honour to her throne at home. They might talk of insurrection ! But where was it. Was there a single paper before the houses to prove its existence f It was notorious that men cried aloud in the streets for insurrection, but could not succeed. The very day that cannons were loaded, gates bar ricaded, sad the bank secured with sand bags, in 'specta ting' of an insurrection, the City of Dublin was never more tranquil. The government, unfortunately, followed the advice of men who knew nothing of the ease or real con dition of Ireland. Men were arrested, not because they were traitors to the queen, but because they were hostile to the policy of the government. Men in America now complained of that. They complained of not being treated as freemen, and demanded the restored's of Irish nation ality, and because they did so they were followed by spies, and in self defence obliged to fly their oeuntry. He would move the omission of the thirteenth paragraph of the speech, because liberty alone should prevail in a country that had been so long wronged. The hoe. gentle man, recurring spin to the poor laws, pointed oat the ports of it which particularly required change. He wished for smaller areas of taxation, and the johns's:ilk of compelling a man to wa'k 20 miles for relief, or refusing it because he bad a quarter of an sere of land, dose away with. It was painful to be obliged to blame men who he knew had at heart the laureate of their country, but the effect of these laws was such that be felt compelled to throw the blame on those who had the power to alter them. The want of classification of paupers in workhouses was absolutely demoralising the women, while the food was such as to destroy the character for strength of the able bodied men. Those who could were leaving the country without payinshilling of rest ; and to such an extent was this taking place , that, between emigration and the poor laws, Mayo,eery, and part of Cork might be struck out of the map of Ireland altogether. On some estates only four occupiers were left, and they were made to pay the penalty for the absentee proprietors. What he comp eat of was, that the ministerial intentions as to the Irish poor law had not been clearly stated. Surely they did not mean to exter minate the people, and yet such was the effect of their mea euru and each it must be, without an absentee tax. It was said all the people wanted was senpleyment ; but if the lands were cleared there would neither be employment nor persons to be employed. He denied that there was, or could be, or ought tote, amity between England and Ireland so long as ' the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended, and an army of spies and informers was let loose on his unfortunate country. Still, he doubted not that if the Queen visited Ireland the loyalty and gallantry of the people would give her heartz e ireleonte. They wanted not sepeuthea, but fair Play ; wanted resident proprietors, and setts see whale estates le destitute. If things were allueli le mmtinne in their present state, they would not be elle es mile a thousand soldiers in case of necessity. Any man's loyalty would be destroyed by such treatment at that to which the Irish had been subjected. Alludes had been nude to the system of posed/ming Ilse clergy. Let not the government suppose that the clergy were to be gained by such means, while they were placing the laity under laws skin to those of Castlereagh. Having bullied the Protestants and b the C they were about to buy the el rgy7 gi cre: might depend upon it they would never nada , . With these views, he should move the omission from the para graph relating to Ireland of all the words after "iwarree tioa in Ireland," and the substitution of the following words:—" Disturbances in Ireland have not been renewed; but a tiding of discontent, augmented by the distresses of the penis, still exists, which it will be our duty to watch, and, as speedily as possible, to remove." Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL seconded the nmeadment The wanks and amendment having bees put heaths eheir, Mr. W. !SHAN repeseed the effintles et the hewn fir a Am mine while& be to eat spa three pins la the op* hem the theme relative to Inked. The speech de ding thel he aortas parts of that country peat distress pre vailed in annum& et the failure of the potato crop. If he were to hem any judgment of the i-Matioae of the go vernment from that paragraph, he should premise that =l abors wen about to come down to prllement sad to ask for ems relief for the mitering people ; and though he was toe who prawn& that Ireland should struggle her difficulties by herself—yet kaserns, es & e V the state of penury t hat existed throughout the pow law anions there, end that eves 20e. in the read did set lain for the relief of the distreskite would sot seism este se- Aetna Ullman offiered. Bat the ahem wee sot paid in Irelesa—it misted thromboses the length and bread= si the while lead. And es nine of it, the drab*en there had dammed from 6,000,0001. t. 4,000,0001. The asizene was else lammed by the pestles et beerffing, whielt erne zery e zershat. The next tope Is the epos& to shish he advert was that which referred to the opereffiut of the peer laws in Ireland. He dared ea this sabfeet from hie les. hind the member for Limerick. Ile al alai g as bri into the working ot the poi laws In babied ens requisite, and it would be laser dint in thus ohs last year, allied for Oh leg to my it was ad sow wanted: The very fact that a dife ence of °Poke Wend ea the &pet was pima esigeleat for sec amply, sad he scold voueh for than fast, for he was at a weaseies et masioen in Dublin at the nip*, whoa there wen fin different opinions erprups4 on the "abject of the paste-sawn. The lea. member far Wail* was opposed to ail peer law in basal. Ns (Mr. Fops) was ler stall enhancma i tinehl the system er , he maidge it seen reshot fee the teethe sad else making all the of ' Ind peg eed hue bile , b be k there et the baba. The third topic to whisk be bed to allude hots speck& abases to the am hikes the hems. If he bed bees asked what ought to be mid it the royal speech *set based, he should have replied that Imo sonestaleiles aught to have been expressed ea the telasuft sate of the gauntry, and a re goonneadailen MGM that the people should be immediately restored to • the poniesekm of all their civil rights. The nation had always bum aid that agitation was the bass cc Ireland, sad that ulna es it eased the people shield hays Justice dons them. Now ho sesame& that agitation had aimed to Ireland, emit ineend of doing th eajustser, the ministers cf the grown, lesteml efaming down to parliiunont to ash fa a fresh morales bill against them, ought to pro pose soon soothing meineres. When it was rimmed to take away the Hann Capes Act—• statute of whisk the Knalish were so justly proud, the government ought at host i t:Tro il w the reasons for so doing. He again smarted that Ireland was tranquil is those pans he woe acquainted with—eo mutt se that the peo ple were disgusted with political feeling sad agitation. He was at the tame time Moe to admit that the noble lord at the head of the Irish government had used the powers entrusted to him with great moderation. But he could never give that nobleman his confidence so long as he uphold the jury packing system in Ireland. Irish manikin had often been told by the government that the nitation which prevailed is Ireland had prevented the introduction of remedial measaree—that agitation had now ceased, and the 'overpaid had an opportunity of intro dieing any remedial measures with which they might be prepared. If the government would beadle the social evils of Ireland in a bold and masterly spirit he could promise them the hearty Nippon and amistanee of the people of that country. (Hear, bear) Lord J. ItUSSELL—Sir, the hon. gentleman the member for Beekinghamshin, who spoke first in this debate after my noble friend the mover and the sencder of the address, paid a tribute which I thought applicable to the noble lord who loag led that party with which he is connected, and where lone he most justly deplores. (Hear, hear) Sir, I could not hear that tribute without remembering that I, too, bad lost since the last onion of parliament friends with whom I also was politically oonnected ; sad I most say I think it not only 'mumble, but right, that such losses mould not be pseud ever in Slone in this house, because the lose of men of sen doubted integrity, of high spirit, of great talent, and cf lode facia able industry in public tininess, Is not • private, but a na'.'onal calamity. (Cheers.) Sir, in referring to the various • topicswhich have been raised in this debate, I will state but brie fir the remarks that I have to make with regard to Ireland, because there is no subject connected with that country which is not likely in a abort time to form the sub ject of a separate discussion. With regard to the particular amendment snick% the hon. gentleman hu moved, relating to the powers for a renewal of which her Majesty's government propose to ask, I will only request the house to gofer its opinio., until they hear the statment which my right hon. friend shall make, founded, eertaicly, upon the opinion of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland; but that opinion not only formed from his own judgment and from his own quick and saga cious observation of passing eveata, but likewise from the testimony of these from whom we are are bound to obtain information with respect to the state of Ireland. (Hear.) I will only say further that I hope this house will beer in mind when they come to this discussion how long a govern ment must pause, supposing no such power to net, alas it comes down to parliament to ask fur such power, what menaces, what agitation, what interruptions of trade and commerce, what fears, what disturbances of the public peals must occur before a government asks foe such powers. It therefore this power were allowed to expire, and agitation were again to begin, it would not De at the first m c ment of that agitation that the government could with any hope of success . ask . for a grant ol such were • but they must wait until a coarse of events 1 Po e, . somewhat similar to that which before took place in Ireland should again occur to the great misfortune of that country. (Hear, hear.) But, sit, those pricers which we propose to ask are not powers as against Ireland. On the contrary, they are powers for the prutectioh of all the well di/pored, to the protection of the great majority of the people 'gaunt nose who would turn the presect misfortunes of that emi ts., to purposes of rebellion and issurrection. ( Hear, hear.) Sri, with respect to another topic, I own I was surprised to hear from the two boa. gentlemen who moved and seconded that amendment that her Majesty's government ought to nave come down and proposed at once its bill for the amend. meat of the poor law. I have been smostonted to hear con. bowel reproache a that in our legislation for Ireland we do cot consult those who represent that country—those who know the feelings, the wants, and the condition of that country— that we rely upon our own knowledge, based upon English prejudices and English theories, and that we do not listen to the opinions of three who are themselves natives of Ireland, and are so much better acquainted with the measures that are fitted for that country. (Hear, hew.) But now that we proper e that there should be • committee in which we dealt be able to ascertain what the Irish numbers think of the modifications which the poor-laws require ' and to c in sult their uxperiencd before bringing • bill into the how' We are told that we ought to have framed our bid entirely on our own notions, that we should not listen to the opinions of Irish members, but bring Ia our bill indepen dently of any such advice or information. It is obvious that H we had taken that course we should have been liable to repos* and no doubt we should have fallen under the linini ci those who now blame us for taking an opposite anise. (Hear, hear.) At the same time sir, I must observe that we cannot see that unanimity of opi nion in Leland as to the amendment of the lour law, that upon that opinion we should be justified in forming a bill for its amendmeat. As the hon. gentleman stated, • very smell section, only nine of the representatives of Ireland, met to discuss this subject, and amongst them there were five dif ferent opinions II to the alterations to be proposed. So that if we had taken the opinion of one of those five, we should have bad bur to one of Irish opinion Nana us. (A laugh.) We have hem charged with not having brought forward any ether mann for tlie relief of Ireland. With respect to ether mummas, I may say that there were several bills Jo inineed list year, which we wan again to 'ohmic to the reasidentlea of the hoses during the present year. Cue et thosse bills was with regard to the loos ened gelation of landlord and tenant, which last year was submitted to • ocmanittee, and which we reopen again to lay before the house. Then then is the was with regard to the francS a rith respect to which my right hen. friend has a bill pillared. Mao is ales the grand jury system, a q of great difficulty, but with respect to which our *aka hue been gives, and a bill will be introduced in the course of the present session, so that we are not liable in fact to the reproach of not having attended to any other subject in Ireland bat that of restrain ing the liberties of the people. (Hear, beer.) I coin now, Sir, to some of the questions which were raised by the boo. -entleman ; and I think it right to tats into them now, raking the whole of the address, in prehrises to speaking merely to the questioa contained la the ameedment imme diately before the how. In the first ides I will observe that I think the hon. gentling= displa yed very great ingenuity in the objections which he made to the ad dress lobes us. He quarrelled with one phrase, carped with another term, found fault with the title that has been given to • foreign sovereign, and is that way, with very great ability, kept the house from the consideration of the ques tion that is really boron es. (Hear, bier.) And be psi seeded upon that to move an amendment, which, as I stall Ftly show, is of a most extraordinary character. F hear.) But before going much into the quailing of , the hon. gentleman thought fit to state to us whet was the present state of our commercial legislation mil peibry, and how much we had gone astray in that legidatlem i and, in support of that opinion he made some eleileiliel observations which, I confess, were perfectly un il to me. (Hear, hear.) He told us that when • wisfrt i importation of food was iatrodseed from Ame rigi4 the Americas growers sad importers gained a profit of An million in the troasestion. Why, what does the km. gentleman wish to later from that ? I should have thought that upon this artistica all protectionists even as well as all fees Sabra would acknowledge when time was a great iird-amy of food is this country, whether we have • tiling male, a fixed duty, er no day at ell, that ft d e s be age arg i ls that inageney to oaftet as much Uri es , boar.) And if the pries in this mentry liM l , L wigibt the pries in the predating country is lee, that the towpaths of that profit is • reason why OUT womb be he supplied, and we should Mobs that they shield be Nipplied by so large aa inportalloa. ( Hear, bar.) That Mariam groans mad merchants should =vs Want in shit leimeeiliin, nodded we had the of the hod ler the NUMMI is this country, is sot a subject of issiesteftes, but h wily the natural result of enesesrer, whisk we shed& sot by any mans de plete. I was as advents kw a toed duty on corn, sad if that And duty had beat sneelei many years ego ft would have operated most himiftehily for the country, and would at last have pain* gam way to the complete free trade which we sew haw, bat, sir. parlia ment not bevies chosen to adopt that snob, having chosen to set cant entirely fra,l do hops that airs= will think of— above all I here that no one will be imenedid—in re-impos ing any ii w aiyi: asa U7t sale artiele of seninemee. (Cheers.) The boa. having stated hh opiates upon that abject, If it meant anything, meant, as I tansies, the restintion of probeithe duties , then proceeded to enter fate the lutetium of ea Madan New, dr, all that h ented, with regard tit the n Melbas Odds country, is the Qesis's Speuph has beta put in that speech by the advice given to eseerftag to what is strictly the feet with regard to the ' time/ilw that have takes place. Ail that mino a t y lle friend sills upon this house te do is le.to thank her Ur the inkematies which she has afforded n us upon matters. There h no word of con gratulations, no weal it( meehiWei4 thaZat this Addis's of the tramestions reftered to, or *gds. puma. Ca the contrary those snootiest are en reserved, bee ne her Majesty is *seed to my in her speak that when the Public gemoe will Pulllftke Pears riling to those various treaseetioes w il l be laid before parliangink (Hear, hear.) Now, eh, it has been usual tor the House of Commons, ski* does not take upon itself insanity the initiative in thess matters, to wait for nth comainisailine—to pan for papers Has, should think It sooormy to do is, or laving wand till they are praised, to found, it they deem it se tessery to found, upon these papas some chain CC SOW resolution with rapist to the peoessding. Such, I say, has been the gaud come, sad seek appears to me to be the resemble course with regard to those ertauraitat. With newt to the state of >unntecteres, the WIN of trereibeigs, or of egriselture, the hon. gentle 4/ e a r I g esjl i ag=thls at he i ls,j a f e lie sa ti o n s ks ; proper for atitistloat ow m we haw_ s geserelly matters of a nature, loans to various COM , =l=anilin of asses subject to various l Mann e 'hams *enures of their progress. I de my them that his faa mamba to come for ' weld oa rho tot his cgs wftleist any such informs dee without eveageffifine_hr men information, and to ask the house to vete es Wens that her Majesty's relations with tousles pewees an set slosh as is our opinion jjastify us is addressise is the language of km. (ffeer.)But se hammed —no congratulation has been silted, W eamsent to the proposal of the has. gendemen weed be Bendy tos2 on that the Hone of Cem ented thank rto form its without any knowledge of the that have taken place, or any insight into the Inessealen; and that upon the opinion so famed they leek apes the matter as one, net of nagrittelatin, but of ondoleses. (Hear, hear.) So much as to the term sad thee of the hon. gentleman's proposal. But wham I beast him make his observations upon the state of ear hoolign ak z Bey if esaviand me the more that he wee wing In the knee to emu to any such eonclusioe, because the hes. guesses himself seemed to be totally' misinformed with regard to there relatives. (113 v, hear.) He seen to suppose, for instance, with regard to tee war carried os betweea the King of Sardinia, whom the hon. ggeentleman, in hie strict love for cornet natation'. deesainated the King of the Two Biddies-4 laugh)—with regard to the war carried on between the King of Sardinia and the Em peror of Austria, that we had proposed to interpose our mediation without ever having been requested to mediate by the Emperor at all. Another statement I know has been made, and is current amongst the public, that such media tion was proposed to as by the Emperor of Austria, and was refused by this country. Neither of these views is correct Toe real fact is, that the Emperor of Austria was pleased to send an Austrian statesman—a very distinguished man, a gentleman whom I have often had occasion to meet, and whom 1 have always met with great pleasure—to this country, with a proposal that England should mediate between him and the King of Sardinia. We accepted that me' diadem, but with regard to the bases proposed, we suggested certain alterations for the adoption of the emperor. When the papers are proinced it wstl be seen that the statesmen con- Mitred that we had accepted the mediation, but he demurred to the terms of our bases considering that those proposed by the emperor were the been whico should be acted upon. At a subsequent period a 'mediation was proposed to the Emperor of Austria, bat under these circumstances the King of Scruple and his advisen determined to ask for the sentence of France. A correapenden e thereupon took place between this country and the French government; and the French government at our request consented to put aide all question of oosimenaing hostilities against Austria in Italy, and conjointly with us to propose a mediation to the two towers. (Hear, hear) There the matter terminated. (Hear.) Toe hen. gentleman said in another pert of his speech that be downed whether this country ought to have acted with Fiume, with the government which she had adopted dace the revolution. Sir, I feel no such doubts. (Hear.) I feel convinced tint our acting in concert with France daring the past year has been of great ben, fit to the peace of Europe. I fell convinced that if wet ad said at once, " How ever molerate your proposals, however pa-ifle the course you prances to pursue, yet von have changed your monarchical increment into a republic, and therefore we will have no. thing to say to your prepaid' :" such an man r would ie the first plies have excited suspicion in France that though we did not profess it, we meant to interfere with respect to the form of government they hod chosen. and I believe, in the next place, that being left to take her own line without ears and without advice, she would have been driven by the violent party in that country into sudden hos tilities, by which the whole peace of Europe might have been endangered. (Hear, hear.) I do not agree with the hon. gentleman that we ought not to have bad any concert with France in these subjects. Whether France has been wise in changing the form of her government to a republic—whether it is true, as the hon. eentleman said, that there are no republicans in France, ars questions on which I do not mean to enter. Those are questions for the } ranch people ; but what I know is this—though at the commencement of this revolu tion there were words used in a circular of M. Lamar tine's conveying some unintelligible jargon with re gard to assisting struggling nationality which cer tainly appeared to many individuals calculated to endanger the peace of Europe, and which I agree might have led to great mischief, yet I must say with respect to Id. Lamartine, with respect to Gen. Cavaignae, and with re spect to the present government, that we have had since that revolution to deal with governments in France, to deal with persens directing the foreign affairs of France, who have listened fairly and candidly to all the representatims we hove had to make to them, who have stated freely and honestly to us what they believed to be the interest and ley of France, and that we have had no reason whatever to complain; but, on the contrary, have h .d reason to rejoice that we had to deal with men of high honour and of consistent and unwavering integrity. (Haar, hear.) But, air, I am not sure that I am at all convincing the hon. gentleman, when I say that our concert with } ranee has touted to the preservation of the pesos of Europe, because, as far as I collect from the tenor of his speech, our object ought to be war ; we ought to let war take its course. That was his view especially with respect to Holstein. He said, hour mediation has put a stop to hostilities sad what would ave gone on very well has been arrested by your media tion. What would have gone on ? The King of Denmark would have resisted the power of the Germans, and the Ger mans would have insisted they had a right with respect to Schleswig, which had been long favourable in opinion to Germany. Russia and France would have taken their views, but than views not being counteracted by specific mediation, war would have been the result. We did not interpose when the King of Denmark wished us to mediate. Then there is another question—a question, so far as we are con cerned, of more serious imp at. I mean with regard to the question of Naples. It will be recollected by those who heard the statement which was made last year that Lord Minto WAS requested by the King of Naples to propose to the Sici lians terms on which the would consent again to return to their allegiance. After a very considerable time spent in enhances Lord Minto, at the request of the King of 'Naples, went to Sicily and con. veyed those terms to the Sicilians. Those terms were not accepted by the Sicilians. Lord Minto was of opinion that they might have been in prudence accepted by them; but, at the same time, the ground on which they de dined to accept was the ground on which it was not very easy to shake their determination. They state that in ancient times Sicily was a free country • that in 1812 the constitu tion had been reformed ; that it had been reformed under the auspices of a British general, and with British sympathy, and that it was part of the terms of the constitution then agreed upon that the parliament was to decide with reopen to the whole internal administration, and with regard to the number of troops to be kept up in Sicily ; that no foreign troops of any kind, otherwise than Sicilians, except those admitted b treaty, should be allowed to come into Sicily. Moreover, there was an article in the constitution, that if the King of Sicily should ever reside in Naples, he should then name one of his son, or one of his family at all events, to reign in Sicily. That constitution had, after various treaties been put an end to the same year, but in 1818 the British government had declared that they should consider it an ig nominy to the British name, if the welfare of Sicily should be lees provided for. Such were the general terms. The Sicilians insisted that the constitution should be restored. When Lord Mint* returned to Naples, he found that the King would not consent to such terms. There was an end of the negotiations. It was undertaken by the British minister at the desire of the King of the Two &elm Whatever might be the case as to the jutificetion which the British government might make for any further interference, the decision of the government of this country was not to interfere any further than to give any friendly advice to the Sicilians in cases In which they might be asked. Accordingly when some time after, an expedition was pre pared at Naples for the purpose of reconqueriog Sicily an obstacle was interned to the sailing of the expedition. It has been said that a large Bntish fleet was as sembled at Naples for the purpose of preventing the expedition from sailing. That is an error, Sir William Parker having taken the British fleet there on ac count of outrages in respect to which he thought he was entitled to ask for reparation. But, sir, when thisexpedition reached Messina, there took place at the close of the siege of Minna events which appeared so horrible, t so Inhuman in the eyes of the Preach admiral, that he determined to in . There were atrocities on both sides ; the destruction of , of villein, and of unoffeading peasants, on one side, and the bombardment against a town which had *eased to resist on the ether. The tearing of the limbs of the Swiss soldiers in the service of the King of Naples. and parading those limbs with savage exultation about the streets ! It appeared to the French admiral that it was importable suet warfare could continue without such desola tion. teat no final terms of sentement could arise, and he therefore determined to take on himself to pat a stop to the farther proi ress of the Neapolitans. After he had so revolved, and had communicated with Sir Wm. Parker, Sir cos. Parker had the most difficult duty to perform; bed lads( all the circumstances together—taking our former kindly relations with the Sicilians, considering the account' which he had received from the captains of one of her Ma- Inn's ships, considering the atrocities which he had heard related, considering that the French admiral was about to e st, and it was important to the junction that the two math= should act in concen—his determination was to give 111611111elmilar to those which had been given by the French admire. I owe I stated at the close of the last session that no orders had been give to stop the expedition of the Neapolitan government, but I said that government had re solved itself to act in future as circumstances might dictate, cad I stated also that I bad a perfect confidante in the dis cretion and judgment of Sir W. Parker. I remember the right hon. gentleman, whom I see opposite, the hon. mem ber for Stamford, expressing his concurrence in that sentiment I have the greatest confident. in the judg ment and disaetion of Sir W. Parker. I do not teak, with regard to these affairs, he was a man likely to be led away by panic ; he had one of the revolu tionary mania by which some persons might have been actuated ; he was anxious for the honour cf the British flag, and was anxious for the cause of humanity, and took the fradiag on his own responsibility. The question then, thitish government, was whether they should entirely disavow Sir ;William Parker, or whether they should tell him that he had done wrong to interpose, or whether, an armistice having been estab li shed. and the King of Na ples and his genend having, de facto, at last consented to that armistice, we should take advantage of this circumstance, in order to propose terms by which the Neapolitan government and the Sicilian might-again be induced to agree—by whirl they Pi milt return to be subjects of the King of Naples, without the continuance of a rebel war. We took the latter part of the eternities; we are responsible for that. If it was right to allow the war to recommence, it was right to separate eh. British feet from the coons which was taker by the Frerech admiral. If it was right to disavow Sr William Puke 4 we have taken that coarse for which we deserve to bus bat if it was the duty of the government to en_desae,m, with rand to** two countrinewi th respect to tht,KAig of Naples, valokuraillo of e f thiste%lstryon'rhide h th bo . th Siciliaa pertir r , ' th` gi ou ati ld m egres , 4 , adul thien ' I sa y as are juteified in the am" rm adopted. The bo n. member for Buckieghamehire seems. to say that there le no megoistics. He is entirely mistaken In NM emestion. Timme have been terms with respect to whisk ea answer has been reeseived from Naples, agreeing to some of those terms as reuenable in themselves, and objecting to other', and leaving it ma matter to be treated In further Negotiation. That very negotiation still ectotimus. If ft ends in the re establishment of =nosy le t these countries, I think we shell have performed a duty both to the sovereign of Naples and to the people of Sicily, and have rendered a merles likens= to the 6111.11 of pane. If we are unable to procure sash a settlement, all we can do at present is to re gain, that due node* shall be given when the armistice is to erase but an belief is, that after what has taken place, even If war were to be renewed, it would not be renewed is the mate aphit which It was begun in the month of August. My opinion is that the honour of England being concerned, there would be, in the first place, such terms offered by the King of Naples as to make it probable that t h e war would not tend to to &seemliest, Sadden, and desolating a warfare. With respect to this subject likewise, if the hoer. gentleman would have the patience to wait, he would in no long time have had the paper before him. Bat with regard to all these ennts, although we do not ask for smogratulatioe ' although we do not ask for approbation, yet I must saon, thatll am glad to fi nd that, during a year of gr e at peril to the peace of Barope, the services of England have been of use to stay the ravages of war and to prevent hostilities, if hostilities had ultimately to take place. I believe that standing secure in ourselves, having no convulsions which other natioi a were exposed to, I believe it was befitting the country, when she was asked, to offer her good services for the purpose of remedying quarrels of which very o ft en the ground is not very considerable, but which, if once left to the arbitrament of war, may tend to as long and as bloody =tests as if the grounds of difference feel been wider and more considerable. Sir, with respect to the next question upon which the hon. gentleman dilated, vie. the expense, of mu military establishment, I think he seems, naturally enough, t be hardly better informed than he is upon the state of our foreign affairs. He seemed to sums, that we had yielded to representations which had sppeered in pub lic, addressed to the Financial Association of Levert oil by the hon. member for the West Riding of Yorkshire. Now, air, my opinion is entirely against the opinion cen ts/sod in that representation. I think, whatever reductions yen make, or wbatever augmentations you might mike, that to take the date of 1836, or any other fixed year, and to say you will secure your estimate and fix your establishes. at according to the e xpenditure of that year, would b., with great deference d the hon. gentleman, an extremely ir rational course. (Hear.) In the first piece, it is obvious that your requirements may be ye• y different. In the ere xt place, any one who will look at tile fivance sedum.' or the voies of the year will see that there have been some four or tire mil lions added to our expenditure, =grounds which have nothing I to do with any increase of our army. Therefore, if we takeoff I ten millions, instead of hateng the same establishment you would have an establishment of five millions a year lees than 1836. In the next place, lam not sure that even in 1835 the establishment was ha, d precisely secorling to the exigencies of the country. I need not debate the point, because I de cline to adopt the estimate altogether ; but It must not be as sumed by the hon. gentleman that in 1836 that is the prc per estimate to make, in the next place our poeeesaions have very much increased and altered since 1835. In one e deny dame which we acquired since 1835, there were 18,000 men of the infantry of the line. It' you take your rule from 183.5, you must have certain garrions diminished below what was their worth to supply the garrisons of the new colonies you have acquired. lam sure that any gentle. man engaged in manufactures, commerce, or farming, e mild never think of adopting such a principle. Suppoeirg a man were to say—l fild the whole course of my expenditure, in my factories is 30,0001. a year, in 1835 1 never paid more than 20,0001. Then, if he taw he had two or three new In curies since that time, or had conducted the busines s o f t wo or three firms since that time, it would be obvious to him. This is the cause of my incre ased expenditure, this accounts for part of it. I cannot conduct five or six establishments at the same rate as three or four. Such is the course a man would pursue in private life. I cannot think it wise for government or parliament to pursue an opposite comae, and to say, we will have no references to services to be pert rand or venison. to be maintained, but, because we find in a particular year a particular number sufficient for the public service, therefore we will say, there shall be exactly the same sufficient for the present. But while I disagree .in the opinion of the hon. gentle. man, I think there is a phrase in his letter on the sub ject which shows the wrong test which he would apply to these matters when he says that 10 millions is a coed sum founded on former years, I thick it shows clearly that he has formed his estimate, not upon what the exigencies of the public service require, bat upon what he thinks will make him popular. (Hear, hear.) Public meetings would be likely to agree to this when they would not listen to de tailed statements by which a small sum might be saved. At the same time, when we have to consider the question of our establishment, I think it is obvious we could not adhere to the course we found ourselves bound to take last year. Last year there were sudden and formidable convul sions in various parts of Europe, and no one could say what might be the issue of those convulsions. We did not think we should be justified, in those circumstances, in pro posing to diminish our expenditure. We asked for the same number of men for the navy and army which we had asked at the commencement of the session, although we bad not the ways and means sufficient for the purpose. This house supported us in that comse ; they declared, by large majori ties, that it was not expedient to reduce our military esta blishments. But, air, when we had again to con sider the subject, when we had again to consider the questien of estimates exceeding the amount of our revenue, et was our duty, I think, to come to cne of two conclusions, either to reduce those estimates, to bring them within the amount or the revenue, or, on the other hand, to attempt to raise the revenue to the amount of our expenditure. I t was not fitting to go our, year lifter year, increasing the public debt of the country, without a prospect of the expenditure being equalised. Now the first course is evidently the best, where tnere were reforms, which means retrenchment which could be effi cted without impairing the number or the effi ciency of our military establishments. The report of the committee which sat last year on our naval and military expenditure, for the appointment of which the hints, is i t; debted to the hon. member for Montrose, shows that w respect to the navy, there might be many useful retrenc - =mte made, without impairing the efficiency of the service. Here there is one source, but that would not suffice to bring our expenditure within the limits of our income. I have stated treat we had then further to consider whether our mi litary force could be reduced. Now, in considering that subject, we had to remember that since we had been in office we had added 3,000 men to the navy and 6,000 to the artil lery. In considering this subject we came to the conclusion that in the present state of Europe, and having made such an addition, we might safely make some reduction which would give a considerable amount of saving without reducing our forces below that which was necessary for the efficiency of the public service and the defence of our various colonies. Whether we have done wisely in that respect, whether the redaction that we propose comes within the principle I have stated, whither we have carried them too far, or not gone frr enough, will be proper questions for this house to consider when the estimates shaft come before us, and when my right hon. friends shall state their views of the exigencies of the service, and the sums we promer to ask. But this I will say, that we have taken them on the principle of what may be really accessary for the present year, and not with reference to any particular pa.t year, or any particular standard of expenditure wit in which our cetintate was to be squared. When I say that the aspect of public affairs enables us to make these reductions I should say that I consider with my hon. friend, who seconded the address that France is the most valuable friend, or the most for midablei foe, with whom we might have to deal. For many years, and under different governments of France, it seemed to be the object to increase her military armaments, but more especially to maintain a very large marine ; not for the purposes of com merce—not to protect her colonies or trade, but obviously . • navy to be used in case of war. lily opinion was, and is, that if Francs were to have very great armaments at Na, and that we were to allow our armaments to go too low, there would be the less security foe peace, and any trifling difference might Iced to war if a war party in France were able to int to England as being in a defenceless condition. Cheers.) But the conduct of the late governments of 'ranee has shown that their disposition is to curtail and re strict, and this is one reason why I think it would be safe to propose no greater estimates than those we contemplate. And I do trust that, in spite of the denunciations contained in the proposed amendment, the various nations of Europe, however they may settle their internal affairs, will, in the progress of their negotiations and in the progrem of time come to the conclusion that war is inexpedient, and that no cause is sufficient why one state should be the ag moor against another. (Hear, hour, hear.) If such pacific sentiment, should prevail, if each power is left to make its own arrangements with regard to its own internal constitution, then I should say that the reductions of the present year may be followed up in futile years, but that it would be exceedingly unwise and imprudent to make any great and sudden reduction at once. What we should attempt is a gradual reduction, made with a view to what is called in the speech a wise economy, and which should leave this country free to pursue that policy which was best for her interests, and, as I believe, for those of every E. Europe. lam far from thinking that those coun t ryrevolutions that there i n u u r t Pe c which took place last year have run their course , and that suss h fo ee r nanx.) anxiety the I pmen do not t p sta re t t e en o d f each nation is cow In a state of solid security and tren quiltity. l Aus rej u o i e , ic a art ig ra d uc .ali h y as of en this y man, that the be re empire spicuous a manner. But all the questions which have agi tated her are not yet settled. Then there is the internal ancient constitution of. Prussia unsettled, and there are questions country, covering her etren•gth, and be able to show it in so con should the at country, which the hon. gentlemen opposite M r ls an em without an emperor, of which no one can tell the ultima'm results. In feet, there has been last year an excem of apprehension caused by the great events rising up sud denly hen and there, and there were penmen, pretending to un sound speculations. Under such eiretima n t a a l ires and lie our think that the time which but tessetlilmin2lxvismigi°llahrt visionary maxims arise to disturb feu cateudl elapsed poaths") y e othafEt hap pine ss um thp un fo re seen e breaking set of those revolutions has tended to make men consider the value of peace and order as a set off against the theories of various parties, and how much ought to be surf/iced of theoretical perfec tion to procure that internal tranquillity amid which all reforms may be discussed, and gradually take their place amongst the settled institution , of the Isn o t (Cheers.) No one can deny that amidst great misfortuh. and of discussion the great principles of freedom of the from those benefits. I trust that the event may ul . but der be equal to the expectations of to; met sanguine havea mong been nt aira ol E ed urope , and warehiehEC;were°llhtithbeofto o pe rateds 11 j . ,:-~~ ..0 0 •