The Express. — London, England, 1849-07-24 00:00:00

enestrawst proposed to be amended of by this clause. He wished to know whether the terms the clause applied MI, to the immediate occupisre or to the intermediate Inesee• The Marquis of CLANRICARDE referred, in explana tion, to the 17th sod 67th *actions of the first Irian Poor-law Aet (I& 2 Viet., e. Lord STANLEY said the matter war very compleated, red he thorght it right to all the attention of the govern- Sent to it. The clause was then agreed to. On the Brut being !Mow' Lord . MONTRAOLE submitted the amendments 0 which he had Ogre notice—tirst, that all orders mad- by the Poor-law C. marniadoners for the subdivision of unions and the eeteWi.butent or new unions of • smaller size, and there fere better suPed for the effectual relief of the poor, and fur meting or providing additional workhouses therein, to- pair with any similar orders for new arraagements made la relation to the area of electoral divisions, with the view et reducing inch area, and sglop!ing, as tars practicable, boundaries more generally conterminous with property, atoll be included in the reports of the Poor-law Comtism imam, and be laid annually before perliam.w. The noble big observed that the Poorlaw Commissioners' powers Waite most despotic, and his object war to lot ebtar lordships, and the public see how those powers were emeteitod. The neat amendment Walt that it should be law- id ;srthe pior law comusimonees, upon the request of one third of the guardians of any union, to appoint uue fitting Gad proper person to act as resident guardian, for the unions so applying. in the execution of the duty of guardian for the anion to which he may be appointed, in the same manner, is all respects, as if such resident a•siatent-guardian were on ea officio guardian or elected guardian for such union ; sad that the poor law commissioners shoald be authorhed to gessoes such assistant-guardian and to appoint another from Unto to time, and, if they shout I think fit, to discontinue such appointment altogether *honorer they considered it azpodient to do so. After a few words from Lord MONTIAGLE end the Bari Of Wtcx tow, . _ The Eul of MIN TO said the ant Okada he felt to the propositioe of the noble baron (Montesgle ) was that it went is school, as it were, and cast unequivocal reflections urn the poor law commiseione re in 'reined. lle could not wil lingly be a party to any such imputations on that most meri tenon clam of public tenants. Lord MONTKAGLE said it was because he could not trust thr poor law commlesioners nor other parties acting alder their immediate authority, but really not and., their effective control, that he must press this amend ment. It was of the highest consequence that these asistant guardians should be re-appointed. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE could not understand the ground of his noble friend's reluctinee to confide in the poor law commiesioners with regard to any objects coming within the scope of this clause. The amendment, with • verbal alteration, which substi tuted the words " board of guardi • ns" in lieu of " • ma jority of the board of guardian," was then pseud. Lord MONTEAGLE said the next amendment related to , and he trusted that it would meet with their eaPPon• Lord CAMPBELL did not see any objection to the amendment, which went to secure • necessary provision for oarryiag out the proposed scheme el emigration by enabling the rats-pryer to set off 'genet his contributions towards the @barges of the emigration fued his liabilities for ratan After a few words from the Marquis of LAXIDOWNII and the Marquis of CLannictuann, who upremed their disbelief that any muck control was necessary to be exercised over the proceedings of the Poor-law Comedisionere, Lord MONTEAGLE said there was no instance on record of the Poor-law Coamiesionen complaining of the boards of their duty, or of the boards of guar ==p7llleultisimilar neglect as the part of the Par ker Csaniedesere. The sanded clause, enacting that " if in any ewe any ink an. or sums of money en borrowed on debeature as eforesaid shall have been advanced by any person who is or Iterater may become liable to the payment of pones rate within any union or electoral division en the rates of which any such d Nature is made chargeable, it shall end may be lawful for every such person, Lis heirs, executors, adminie tntors, or animas, in all ewes where such rate due elan te emed the amount due for hairiest and instalment on account of such debenture, to deduct the hill amount of interest and instalment to which he or they shall or may he entitled on anus . of any suck debenture from any peer's rate to which he or they may Income liable within such tici in or electoral division; and the payment of the IA ince of Pink poor's rate. after such deduction as alotrasid, shall be taken in full sake faction of every such rate; and in all cues when such rats shall be ins than the andiant of interest and instalment due as aforesaid, it shall be lawful tor such person to give • re ceipt for the amount of such rate as being so much received on account of the instalment and interest due and charged on su:h rates se aforesaid," was then put and agreed to. Lord MONTEAOLE proposed amendments, which wen successively carried, to the following effect, namely: Madi son. Tenants sub-lettiag against covenant to forfeit power of deducting any portion of rate from lessors. Rate-books to be open fur usspection whose names to be isserted therein. Appeal against rates. I• proceedings at quarter sessions, assistant barrister may correct errors, she. Srperior courts. The Earl of LUCAN proposed a clause by which pro prieters of land would be exempted front personal liability whenever there tom armies of poor-rote and tenants bad absconded. Lord CAMPBELL opposed the Muse, contending that it did not met this object prop end, inasmuch as it left the liability of the lent.. ner much where it was, and merely provided that no action should be brought against him. The remedy by distress upon the lard still romaine I, and that had been found to work very disodventarteousiy, fur landlords were atraid to cultivate the land or even to pu:urs animals upon it, in Cuss they should be d:strained upon. After a short coaversation, the clatter, with some modifi cations, was agreed tn. The Earl of LUCAN then brought up a Muse providing that t►e clerk to the board of guardians should furnish • copy of the rate-book, the :penes being I a'.d by the persin apply. lag, which was agreed to. The noble earl next brought up a clause saving a power of ejectment to landlords where the rate or any part of it was in arrear for one year. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE thought that such • power given to the landlord was too great. Lord BEAUMONT said that in Ireland the rate in mean might come to be the debt of the landowner, and there ought to be some means of preventing such arrears, although he thought this a strong measure. After some dis cussion the clause was agreed to, the words " having pre viously paid the rate " being added. The Marquis of SALISBURY proposed a clause to make the collector of the rats responsible fur the amount of rates received by him. The Earl of WICKLOW said the effect of the clause would be to stop the operation of the p for law altogether, and it would be impossible under these circumstances to get anybody to be security for the collector. Lord MONTEAOLE said that in Ireland the collector was not the party who was ultimately a loser by a tenant not paying the rate ; bat it was the landlord, he being the petty who eventually was made to pay the rate. In place of the Clallie period by his noble friend (the Marquis of Salisbury) he would propose as an amendment that a penalty of 61. should be imposed upon the collector instead of making him responsible for the whole amount of the rate. He would also propose that the penalty of M. be commas ily reetiverable by proceedings to be taken before the moistest barrister. The Mamas of SALISBURY assented to the propesi 'ion of Lord hlonteagle, and the amendment of the noble lord was spud to. The report was then agreed to. The Summary Convictions (Ireland) Bill and the Indict able Offences (Ireland) BEI were read a third time. Their loedships then adjourned at hall past 10 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—MoNDAT, itILT 23. The Bresnan took the ehair at 12 o'clock. THE GAMBIA EXPEDITION. Sir E. N. BUXTON rose pursuant to notice to ask a ques tion of the hon. gentleman the Under !Secretary for the Colo nies respectieg the sanguinary attack which had beta lately made under the orders of the Governer of Gambia upon ter Min savage tribes in that neighbourhood. It appeared that the governor, Mr. R. G. Macionnell, had received some real tre supposed insult from the king of a neighbouring town— that he then applied to the authorities of Sierra Leone, and to the squadron, for troops, but it appeared that he was re fused any assistance from those quarters ; and that he there upon colleeed a lone in his own neighbourhood, and went up the Gambia, and attacked a certain native town (Bers bacoo), which, it would appear, he had utterly destroyed. Theletter which had appeared in the ne • spepers contained the fallowing parsgriph 'lt (the town) burnt in all direction, and our enemy bad to bolt for it, when immense numbers were killed, both from the grape discharged from the bat ter, and the Are sad bayonets of the skirm ish ers • we reduced the town to a keep of ashes, destroying every p ortion of Me stockade and !mars." (Hear, hear.) The nest day 14/11111 they attempted. and as far as they were able, destroyed another town (Heinning); but fortunately, In that instance, they had net quite succeeded. He now wished to ask the boa. gentleman Ist. whether that attack, which was appa ready of so eztiaordinary a nature, bad been made with the sanction of the authorities at home, and 2adly, whether there was any objection to lay upon the table of the house any eorrespondence upon the subject which might ham rbetween Earl Grey and the governor of Gambia. 141 t, hew.) Mr. HAWES said that government bad received no ether inf innstinn relative to this affair than that which was . - oostained in from the governor. Whatever bad been dons rep to Ow present almost bad boon done en tirely upon the rtspeniallity or the governor. CLERGY itiILIBIF BILL. On the motion that this bill, as sanded, be considered, Mr. MULLINGS tow to =CM the insertion of two addi tional clauses, which ha dveribed as of a purely teeknisel sad legal nature, and u relating to the ease of segnemenisi /Mein By . the bill in its present turn it was eseepnbeey, toner say aretnetasees, open the bishop to NW SF sisslisn of • dergmus_who steed that he bad j but be bared that, without um limit, mil =a night, is emus where livings wets under erspou be made the mese of roasting greet injustice apes the eredisen. He happened to know, in the course of jib poskisaml prestige, that there were many osier Of emu the holden of such livings were =t ad s eld elL sete of the preuat bill, yet, ea the bishop would hove so power to nfw their napalm the creditors weal/ M deprived of the sourity which they bad spas the living. One use. for sample, bad ems within hie knowleAge when the living was under sequestration for 7,0001. The clergyman was in gaol, and if this bill poised its its present form, he might my to his creditor, " Now, unless you consent to take 24. 6d. in the pound from me in satisfaction of your demutd, I shall declare myself a dissenter, and thus your security will be rendered worthless." The object of the clauses which he proposed was so render it not compellable upon the bishrp to accept the resienation of clergymen whose estates were under sequestration, until such sequestration should be !shied or satisfied. Mr. GOVLBURN Oppollid the eIVISGS. so did Mr. BOUTEIIIII. Mr. BPOONIfR called upon his hos. friend not to press the introduction of his clauses. Mr. MULLINOS mid be was is the hands of the house, and consented to withdraw the classes.—Withdrawn Sc. cordingly. Dr. NICHOLL proposd a slight aittration is the denten- Uon of dissent from the (Irma of the established church to be made by the clergyman, which was agreed to. In clause 4, Mr. OOULBUItN proposed the omission of certain words which permitted clergymen who hsd seceded from the church to sit in the Hone* of Commons, after the space of one year from the period of their secession. Mr. STAFFORD said that u a member of the committee on the bill he could state that on this part of the clause the com mittee wire unanimous ; they agreed that it would be better to place the clergyman who had left the church of Englen entire ly in a poeltion as if be bad never belonged to the church. Mr. SPOONER advised the house to krep to the principle of the bill,that of relieving persons from scruples and doub.s, and not give them privileges which they themselves abaci. doned, when they left the chunk. Mr. BOUVERIB asked oa what ground the exclusion of clergyman from parliament was justified, incept on this alone, that his clerical duties were ineoraistent with the per formance of his pariianr.ntary duties. Then if his minis terial duties awed, the prohibition should cease also. Mr. MULLINOS hoped his right hon. friend would not withdraw his amendment. -------- - Mr. W. J. FOX said that the amendment seemed to go against the very principle of the bill, which was to allow a I clergyman to become a leymati ; it conferred on him no new privilege; it only visited him with the common privilege of citizenship. If this amendment were carried, there would be a else of dissenters ineligibl , to sit in the house, and ineligible on account of their conscientious dissent. The amendment was then rejected without a division. The other clauses were agreed to, and the bill ordered to he read a third time to-morrow. Mr. H AGGITT sug¢•sted that the hon. member should not proceed with this bill, but should bring forward a bill next session which might be free from the objections to this bill. Mr. BOIIVERIE said that he should miens* with the present SUNDAY TRADING (METROPOLIS) BILL. . . . . HINDLEY moved thM this bill be reed a second time. Sir. G. GREY mid that, seeing the number of bi:ls that had been abandoned, snd that there wu not the remotest chance of carrying this bill this 'milli, he thought the bon. member would exercise a sound discretion in not pressing the second reading. Mr. HINDLEY said that be had deferred the bill from last session, and all he asked the house to determine to , day was, whether the principle of the bill should be affirmed or denied. Mr. B. WALL moved that the debate be adjourned till Wednesday week. Lord R. GROSVENOR also advised the hon. member for Ashten•ander-Lyne to withdraw the bill, and bring forward another measure at the earliest possible period next session of parliament. Sir E. N. BUXTON concurred in the recommendation for . . Mr. LAW did not ol ject to the hon. member taking hie own emus*, bat wished he would do it without farther dim entaion. Aker an observation from Mr. Ilnenixt, the bone divided on Mr. Wall'a amendment. - . For Against Second reeding pwcponed to Wednesday week CRUELTY TO ANIMALS BILL. The house went into annotates on this bill. Various clauses having been agreed to, Mr. HENRY moved the following amendment at the mil of toe third clause : And be it enacted, that If at any time after the pawing of this set any person shall ride, or, being the owner, shall permit nay other per. son to ride, any animal In any steeple chase, or other rare ii which any hedges, knees, walls, bindle* , or other erections, or any diteies, dykes, strewn% brooks, or rin rs, are intended to be leaped or jumped over by the animals engaged in such weenie-chase or other race as aforesaid, then and In every such ease, If any damage or injury shall occur or be occasioned to such animal whilst engaged in suet. steeple. chase or other race assfixesaid, every such promo shall be de Pod to have cruelly used such anima', and for every such offence shall forfeit and pay a penalty not ens:edify lee& Sir C. BURRELL wished to call the attention of the committee to the cruelties irflicted in the case of horses which were to perform feats upon the public highways, and cur-recited the propriety of extending, the claws to such Cases. Mr. MACKINNON thought that if the clause were ins .rted it would destroy the bill altogether, and though he was anxious to put an end to all cruelties to animals, he could not IMMO either to the clause or to the suggestion of the bon. baronet. The ATTORNEY GENERAL confessed that he d;+liked the clause in it■ present torm, because it recognised steeple chasing to a certain • rent, and he was of opinion it the coalmines wished to prevent cruelte t animals in a steeple chase. that the clause should a• to the extent of forbidding omega-chasing altogether. R+sing was different, because that was neeemealy for improvement of the breed of horses, ' whereas steeple-chasing was nothing of the kind. Mr. BLLIS supported the clause, and considered atceple chasing a most objectionable and abhorrent practice. • • -•- - - Mr. R. PALMER thought the clause framed by the bon. gentleman objectionable, although he was desirous that steeple-chasing should not he encouraged. Mr. F. FRENCH had witnessed many steeple-chases, end never saw any cruelty pent:ea at them ; and he had gene rally observed that the horse was as much excited as the rider. Some desultory co.:versation having taken place, Mr. PRYSE honed he was a gentleman. (A laugh). He had ridden many steeple-chases, and was neither a brats nor a beast. (Loud laughter) He denied that cruelty was generally practised at these sports. After some observations from Mr. ELLIOTT, tho com mittee divided : For the clause Against it The clause was cont.-queenly lost, and the remaining clauses or the bill agreed to. The home resumed, and immediately went into committee on the PROTECTION OF WOMEN BILL. On the lit clam •, relating to the procuring and soliciting of women, Mr. ROEBUCK opposed it, beanies in his opini et it would be utterly impotteible to carry it out. He moved that the deuce be applied to women under the age of 18 only. Mr. SPOONER said his okintion to that wa., that it would legalise the offence as regarded every wcman above the ego et 18. Mr. ANSTEY said the bill seemed intended only to suit a morbid state of feeling on the subject. The ATTORNEY•GENERAL would vote for the amend ment if the hon. member for Sht Meld would make it 21 in stead of 18 years of age. Mr. ROEBUCK assented to the alteration, and The committee divided on the quer ivn of limiting the operation of the clause to women under 21 years of are. For the amendment BO Against it The amendment earned. Two amendments proposed by Mr. C. ANSTZT having been negatived without a division, the remaining clauses wcre agreed to with some alterations, and the bill puled through committee and was ordered to be reported to morrow. I. MARRIAGE§ BILL. On the consideration of this bill as amended being moves, Mr. OOULBUItN intimated to his right boa. friand (MS. S. Wortley) that he would not offer any opposition to the bill being passed through this state, if his right hem. friend would then consent to withdraw it. If, however, A. right hon. gentleman persevered in passing the bill through the further stages, he would adopt every means of oppoalag it that the forms of the house would admit. Mr. S. WORTLEY said that he was anxious to have the report wandered this evening, in order that it m;ght be put on the paper for a third reading this session, but attar the statement of his right honourable Mend he considered that it would bo fully in him to hope to carry the bill this session, as he under stood that it was her Majesty's intention to lease for Ireland in the course of next week. He would, therefore, adopt the suggestion of his right hon. friend. After a few words from Mr. R. PALMER and Mr. LAW, the bill was allowed to pass through a stage, and was *en withdrawn. INCUMBERED ESTATES (IRELAND) BILL. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL intimated that the House of Lords desired a conference with respect to certain amend ments made in this bill. The ocaferenTe was then agreed to, and managers ap pointed to conduct the same, who, on their return, reported that they had delivered th7r reasons to the managers for the Lords for disagreeing with the amendments of their lord ships, and bad left the bill and the amendments upon their lordships' anyndments with them. COLLECTION OF RATES (DUBLIN) BILL. This bill was road a third time. Oa the motion that the bill do pms, Mr. REYNOLDS proposed to leave out certain words and to add the following, that the clerk of the city of Dubl , a who should receive the jurors' lists, should have the power of adding c ertain names which might hays bean omitted by the igweranes or design of the sollector -general of rates. Mr. OROOAN said that the queseion which the hon. gentleman brought before the house had been disposed of oa a former occasion. Sir W. SOMERVILLE said, that as the quettion had been before decided, he hoped hie hon. friend would not perm his grotto's, particularly es he did sot think the clause was of much importaais. .. .s. .... t~• .. THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 24, 1849. Mr. REYNOLDS said, that injustice to his constituents he mast divide the house. The home divided. For the amendment Melina it 56-53 The bill then passed. DUBLIN IMPROVEMENT (N 0.2) BILL. Oa the motion that this bill do peas, Mt. REYNOLDS said he wished to know from the hon. and learned gentleman what was the clause which he pro poscd to add to t►e bill. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL Isla that the bill provided for the distribution of 6,0001. on account of the parliamen tary expenses of the Dublin Improvement Bill, and as no provision was made for the apportionment of 1,6001. to the woods and forests, which was due to them, he drew up the clause to have that omis' sioa rectified. Mr. REYNOLDS said that notice should have been given of the clause. After a hw words from Mr. IIkMILTON and Mr. GROGAN, the clause was read and agreed to. Mr. REYNOLDS proposed an additional clause, but The SPEAKER :decided that as the object of the clause might be taken as designed to impose an additional rate, it could not be moved. The clause was then withdrawn, and the bill passed. _ NEW FOREST AND WALTHAM FOREST. The house went into committee and • resolution was sorted to for appointing • commissioner, with • salary of 5001. per annum. SLAVE TRADE (PERSIAN GULF). The report on this bill wahrought up and received. TURNPIKES ACTS CONTINUANCE, &c., BILL. The amendments to this bill were consideredand agreed to. PILOTAGE BILL. This b Il passed through committee. The General Board of Health Bill puma through com mittee. The Attachments Courts of Record (Inland) Bill was read a third time. The Audit of Railways Bill was ordered to be read a third time that day three months. The bows they (at half-put 6 o'clock) adjounred to 8. The Sra +Raz resumed the chair at 8 o'clock. Mr. WART moved for returns showing what examina tions or tests of qualification are required on admission into or on promotion of officers in the Navy and Marines The tame returns as to Artillery and Engineers. Aso a return showing what examinations or tests of qualification are re quired on admission of candidates fur the appointment or on the promotion of officers by the different boards of revenue.— Ordered. METROPOLITAN SEWERS BILL. On the motion of Lord EBRINOTON, this bill was read a second time. HOUSE OF LORDS COSTS TAXATION BILL. This bill was Had a eccoad. To be committed to-morrow at 12 o'clock. STATE OF IRELAND. Mr. HORSHAM, in bringing forward the motion of which be had given notice, observed that the session was now about to terminate, and oa looking back at the topics which had engrossed their attention for the last six months, the question arose to every one what bad they done for Ireland? It had been well said that the affairs of Ire land had been one protracted debate. The course had been discussion—what had been the result? Legislation had been active—what had it produced ? We found Ireland prostrate in February ; had they raised her is July ? Having adverted at sere length to the state of Ireland, he went on to observe that he made no apology for once more bringing before the house this picture of ruin and misery ; he had done it heft re, he ventured to do it again, unpalatable as he knew it was to many in the house ; but as they could sot escape from the feet, so neither did he wish to weeps from that which parliament had hitherto evaded, viz., the investigation of the Loose . If they could epee in the perception of the case he did net despair, even in the eleventh hour, of coming to an arrangement. He emphatically denied that the famine had bees the cause of ene-tenth part of the mirery, The famine was no more the cause of the breaking down of the poor laws thin the cream was the cause of the sinking of the leaky ship. Bad legislation was the cause elan. The poor law was • bad poor law from the first, and then they applied it to parpoae., and made it bear a burden which the poor law was never meant to carry. la 1837 they determined to establish a poor law in Ireland. He would sat stop to inquire whether Ireland celled for that poor law. Suffice it to say that the subject was referred to numerous' parli imentary committers and commissions, and every one decided against it. The last commission, over which the Archbishop of Dublin presided in 1838, decided against it. The subject was referred to Mr. Nichols; he gave a qualified anent to the poor law ; he sanc tioned it on the condition of its being accompa nied with certain aids and securities which we had ever since neglected. But in 1837 we determined to hazard the experiment, and, to do so, set at defiance every authority on the subject, for what was the condition of Ireland at the time ? With a population of eight millions, it was in evi dence that nearly two millions and a half were in a state of habitual destitution and out of employment; and the extent to which the habitual destitution depressed the physical con dition of the people was shown by the fact that in 10 years previous to the famine, in the poorest counties of Ire land, the gs duration of life W. 311 reduced to 28 years. With a population in such a condition as this, to say r othieg of the notorious embarrassment and insolvency of a great part of the class above them, was it not obvious that it was always on the ',rink of some !treat convulsion ? Wu it not obvious that convulsion, at no distant period, wa. inevitable ? Upon the country so circumstanced the famine fell, and at the outset, when they could afford to be gene rous, they admitted the evil to be general, and that the im perial calamity should he met only by imperial resources ; but the system of pubic relief then resorted to was so II!. advised, the waste of public money so enormous, that even imperial resources could not long stand the drain. An army of 700,000 labourers, a staff of 15,000 superadded to an expenditure of 40,000 i. a day, and rapidly increasing, opened the ryes and alarmed the pockets of the British public, and then what happened ? The whole sin of this waste wasthen viaited on the Irish, although it was notorious that the Irioh gentry were the first parties fo protest against this outlay, to predict its mischief, and hold tneniselves absolved from is results. They were tot listened to, and we compelled them to borrow money to be laid out as directed, the main con dition being that it should he laid out in unproductive labour, and that the country should be no better. He had read over with some interest the history of our past legialatim for Ireland. He knew the folly, the cruelty, and the injustice which marked cur past policy towards that country ; but he did be lieve that, seeing the times in which we lived, and the improved knowledge we ought to have, there was nothing in the past history of the two coantries which could furnish a parrallel to the suicidal impolicy and injustice of that Poor Law Extension Act. (Hear, hear.) That act had a double effect. It made a poor law an instrument for supporting a famine, and it added the new provision of out door relief, wt ich had been previously discarded in England on :he express grounds that It would lead to a confiscation of the whole property of the country. (Hear, hear.) Last year there was collected in Ireland 1,600,0001. poor-rates out of a nett rental, which previous to the famie e was only six milli ins. Sine* that time the farmers had received no rents, the pauperism was increasing, and a great inrtion of the agricultural produce of the country had teen lest. He knew that poor-rates did net all come out of the nett rental, be-cause a considerable por. tion of it was levied on the towns, but still the nett rental formed a very good criterion of its effects on the resources of a country. (Hear, bear.) He endeavoured to show that first, at a time when there was no pressure on us, we had the virtue to affirm the principle that a poor law was not applicable to a famine, and that out door relief would tend to confiscation. But afterwards when the waste under the r. list works had irritated the public mind in England, we proceeded in violation of all principle, to iefiiet the evil. we had escaped in Eng land. (Hear, hear.) The question came, whet were they to do now? They agreed at the commencement of the ses sion that legislation was necessary, but that it should he preceded by inquity. Next, the maximum and rate in aid, , in fact, all the state expedients which had failed in England were peeked upend sent to Ireland. Hr c wild better illustrate this by describing a single case, that of the union of Salina. Before the famine the popnbtion WAS about 120,000, bat ' sow there was scarcely a robust man to be met in the union. Last year the expenses of the union were 50,000! , and the rates collected 10,0001. The debts were 20,0001., and the estimated expellees, up to October, 48,0001, which would leave liabilitiee on the union to the lomat of 68,0001. Ot 51 proprietors do Eerie elected, there were only 13 who were not paupers, 18 estates were in the hand , of receivers, and many of the mast active magistrates were in gaol or hiding. Many of the estates were unpro ductive, and 49 50ths of the land had been lying waste for the last two years. No rents had been paid, the tenants having gone off to America. These were evils which could not be got rid of in a day. The next question they had to confide/ was, how that destitution had be' n promoted. A bad system of agriculture and the almost exclusive cultivation of the potato, a system which taught men to live by wages not by land, and leg him for the greater part of the year in idleness, were the main caws,. These, while they gave the gentry factitious wealth and the labourer a precarious subsistence, kept the counts? in a regular alterna tion of famine and insurrection. From such a state of things British capital and enterprise turned away. The state of things seemed beyond human ens ray, but the mei d:nce of Gad stepped in, and casting down the old fabric, pointed out to English statesmen how thcg should build up. the new. He had endeavoured to arrive at the general diagnosis of the disease. The potato had been the great cause, that cause had abated, and it would h• their duty to continue the abatement. If any man glanced at the restora tion of the potato ss a thing to be desired, or as a cure for present evil., he would call him Mistaken man ; if any Irish proprieter did so, his crime would be almost as bad ; if sty minister of state held the opinion he wonli he guilty of treason to his country. Sooner than the potato should be come again the staple of Ireland he should say that prayers ought as be off , red up in every church and chapel for the extermination of the fatal poison. (Laughter.) What was wanted was additional demand for 'shear, which was only to be got by inducing the old proprietors to spend more money, or by introducing new cartal into the country. But Mr. Hamilton told them that after spending considerable sums on improvements, he could get no tenants for the land. He would take no more loans, being overpowered by the poor-rates. AU the proprietary asked for limited lia-1 b:lity to poor-rates, and towards that not ens step had been made in the course of the session. The present colonial unitary, when a lumber of that house, said, in 1831: ' Before any measure could be introduced for the permaneat relief of the time of Ireland, It would b 2 absolutely necessary to relieve that country from Its ettperabundant p pulatien. The transfer of our se perabundant labourers to the ellonift would be equally beneficial to all parties-to the labourers, by climb:Maine the overwhelming onn- I petition ender whisk they sow suffer ; to the settler, by afforcUnghlm the mimeo( cultivating his land ; end bo th to this country and to the colonies, by relieving much of the distress now existing in the harmer, and by adding to the productive industry of the latter. And subsequently, in 1845, his loresbip stated : He thought it of the greatest importance that emigration thoult be encouraged to • much greater extent than at present ; and be be lieved it was in the power of her Majesty's Ministers to take measures that would give much grime/. eatension to the eysteus than it now Te(V. Dorman) was sorry to say that there wss a greet difference between the noble lord'. expressed opiniths and the exemplification of them since be bad la en in Olt*. But the question of emit/ratios was by no means an exclusively Iran one, it affected England seriously at that moment The tide of pauperism which was setting in to this country was me of the worst evils they had to encounter. They bad the Irish population asking for food, while the people of New South Wales were equally anxious for labour. "At no time," says the legislative council of New South Wales, " has there been so great, so urgent, so pressing a demand for labour es at the present 'moment " " The de sire to emigrate from Ireland is intense," says Mr. Fairfield, "Everybody who can get out of the country is trying to do so." The Archbishop of Dublin's communication save, " The suffering labourers in Ireland do not desire work. houses, but they do &sire a free passage to a colony where they may have the means of living by their industry." And yet, while the cost of tending a neither to New South Wales was not beyond one year of his keep In the work house, no step was taken in that direction. Why, if slave:) were permitted and Irishmen were to be sold as slaves, all the slave dealers of the world would be competing in such a market. That systematic emigration was necessary was a question determined. It was also a matter of notoriety that the landlords were ready to pay a portion of the expense necessary for that purpose. The only question was as to the pri portion that should be charged to them. The late Mr. Charles Buller, a high authority on seek matters, in a speech made in Atril, 1833, said— A debteontreeted for such a purpose (promoting emigration) is not unproductive waste of capital such as our national debt—nor Is it to be likened to the debt of individuals contracted for the enjoyment of the mameut— it is rather to be compared to the debts which wlae land lords often deliberately contract for the purpose of giving an addl.. tional 'Woe to their estates—or to the loans by which half the enter prises of trade are undertaken, and which ants be regarded as sources of future weals h 4 not enalmumagment. And Mr. Veadetsur Stewart gave it alibis opinion that— lien, Odd as leans may be to drain off the surplus water from the lens, lam convinced that similar loans to draw off a eurplus papule. titan, which is rapidly consuming the capital of the country, would confer still grater bentht. I .llear, hear.) They bad it in evidence that the proprietors were ready to lay out their capital for this purpose, in the same way as they were ready to expend it in the improvement of their lard under the Land Improvement Act. All that was neces sary to induce them to do so was limited liability. (Hear, hear.) There could be no it!stemxtic emigration without this—there could be no improvement without it—no benefi cial alteration. He bad already quoted Lord Althorp's opini Ai that • poor-law unaccompanied by a field of employment and • test would rubs this country. They had ibis in Engiard—and to secure it they had established small &moot taxation and limited divisions for the admini- titration of the law at tending to individualise responsibility. England, with a population of 18,000,000, bad 334 union.; Ireland, with a population of 8,000,000, had 131 unions. England had 1 union to every 26,000 of population, but Ireland had I union to every 81,000. (Hear, hear.) In England the average size of unions was 64,000 acne, while is Ireland it was 147,000. In England there were 321 unions or more than masher under 40,000 acres ; in Ireland there was not one under 40,000 acres. (Cheers.) In East land 482 or Sukte were under 30,000 et population ; in Ire land only 10 (or lin 13) were under 30,000. In England the average extent of parish was 2,000 acres and the average population 1,009; in helm I the average extent of electoral division was 10,000 acres and the average population 4,000' (Hear, bear.) It was impossible in Ireland, where the workhouses were so few and for between, either to employ the poor or to apply anything like an efficient test ; and that being the cue, Ireland hieing without a field of in dustry, and without a tett, the ruin of the country would Wow. They bad taken no account of the difficulties conse quent on the novelty of the law and the inexperience of the bands of guardians when they applied a per law to Ire land. They had not given Ireland the benefit of the cirri tee which this country had obtained of the working of the law, hut had forced upon Ireland the old unanoeuded law which they hod rejected for tbemeelves. Ile admitted that in England the arses of taxation and administration might in some cases be maimed ; but, if they were to increase them to ten times their present six?, they would be then more manageable than tho eof Ireland, and when Ireland asked only for the tame nominal extent and the same nominal respoesibility, he could not conceive whit objection could be made. It had been said, that to reduce the area would con duce to the multiplication of evictions. One would think that those who a tvanced that objection had never before boarder evictions taking place. The house was familiar with what had been done in the Kilrudi union, and the reports of Coptaia Kennedy on this subject. Toe relief commis sionen themselves had said that the large unions tended to produce evictions, inasmuch as they made it the interest of the landlord to evict. Captain Ler coin said: "The tendency to evictions augment, in pro portion as the labour on the estates is burdensome and un profitable. The lencliord will not have the same motives to employ labour in a large electoral division es he would have Revery labourer whom he employed was a labourer the less, for whom he would have to pay a poor-rate." And Mr. Griffiths being asked whether the smaller area in Ulster bad lead to evictions, answered that, " He had never bend so, and that in his opinion a small area would lead to the opposite result. He said that evictions had taken place moat where the area was largest" Teeirobject should he to induce the landlord to employ the poor by throwing on him die, oily the burden of the rate and m .king him feel that by good management the pecuni ary responsibility would he lessened, while by bad manage ment it must b increased, and by preventing his shining the bunion' of the pauperism of his own tenantry and de pendents on the neighbouring proprietors; but while the obi. ctions to a reduced area were few and unimportant, the advantages of it were many and undeniable. By throwing the burden directly on the proprietor, they made it his in terest to lower the rates by good management and by em ploying the labourers in the improvement of his property ; or, if he were too needy to do this, the pressure of the burden would compel him to sell hie property to such as were more able to carry out the duties of pr prietors ; and as regarded the paurr, they gave facilities for obtaining relief worn re. bet was really needed, whip: they prevented the possibility of fraud. (Hear, her.) Beery agricultural and every social improvement in Ireland must, he believed, be preceded by a reduction of the poer-law districts. Now there was an oepartnuity for an improved fu ture. Probably there never was a better time for legis- lating with a view to that end. lie appealed to all parties in that house to unite in remnv:ng this their great difficulty. The present state of Ireland was a scandal to the country and to the age (Hear, hear.) All Ireland pleaded for was eyes to see her wrosee, wisdom to explore her resources, and to develop them. (Hear, hear.) It had been maid that his motion was brought forward as a ceneure on the government. lie did not so intend it. (Hear, hear.) What he slid was that the measures which had pan d in regard to Ireland since the famine had not carried out the intentions of parlia ment ; but for many of those measures he regarded tie late government as well as the present responsible, end the re sponsibility, when once passed, of all acts wee with the par liament, not with the f.overnment alone. (Hear, hear.) What ho asked was that parliament should now acknowledge the errors it had committed in legis lating for Ireland, and hold out a hope of im provement for the future. He called upon Irish mem bers to exhibit that unanimity and patriotism in their en deavours to improve the social condition of their country which should secure them the respect and assistance of all Reglishosen. If they were true to England, England would be true to them—for if Ireland thrived England prospered, hut it Ireland perished England must deeine. (Hear, hear.) United with Ireland we ruled the weld—separated from her we e , awil to be an empire. (Cheers.) He moved in con clusion : That an humble address be prevented to her Majesty, praying her to take into her gracious consideration the unhappy state of Ireland, representing that a crisis of unparalleled magnitude is afflicting that I mot wretched country, that the chief food of her population and the main product of her agriculture has tailed to a most dim tenets ex tent for several years, that thereby all eludes of her Majesty's sub pets In Ireland have been involved In ruin, that much of its sell has gone oat of cultivation, that the moral and physical cooditices of toe pe pie is lemeutablv degraded, and in pike of unexampled aid from England, vast numbers of our fellow subjects have actually perished from want. That it is the conviction of this house that the very vastness of the calamity furnishes a well-founded hope that a wise legislation, apprehending the peculiar epportunity hereby offered and skilfully availing itself of the elements now set free for the reconstruction of agricultural relations In Ireland, might lay the foundation of a prosperity hitherto unknown to that e-untry : That the bowie is continue I in that con viction, by the evidence given before parliament by witnesees of the higheet ince licence and of the profoundest knowledge, of the actual ellte and undeveloped rewired! of Ireland : That on a review of that evidence, Ibis house is compelled painfully to acknowledge that while tne sets epecially framed for the relief of distress elect the commence ment of the famine have not realised the benevolent intentions of par k env nt, neitner have those of a more perm usent nature been cha racterised by a true discernment of the peculiar featuees of the present crisis, and the eetabilshment of any comprehensive policy adequate to the emergency : That this house humbly prays her Majesty to three the overeat and careful attention of her Majeety's government to the evidence which has been laid before parliament, feeling vented that the ability, information, wit practical etateemanahip therein displayed, furnish ample materials for a legislation at once solid, profound, and regenerative. Mr. SADLEIR seconded the motion. Sir W. SOMERVILLE felt compelled to dissent from very much that had fallen from the hon. gentleman, but none of his remarks were more surprising to him thaii the statement that the house had during the present session shown any indisposition to consider Irish questions. (Rear, heir.) Whatever fault might be found with the house or the government for their mode of legislating in regard to Irish affsita, he thought there could be no difference of opi nion as to the industry, the patience, and the indefatigable attention with which every subject connected with Ireland had been lionised to, and every attempt to legislate for the benefit of that country had been eonsrdend and forwar led by every English as well as Irish member. (Hear, hear.) Tne honourable gentleman himself was an intent& of the truth of that assertion—(hear, hear) — who now, at the. due of a weary . session, which had been I:Leered:he would not say exclusively, but to a great ex tent in the consideration of Irish affair, en what he might call the last day of the session , came down, and super seding the funetiens and the duties of Irish representatives, withut Itemise, as he (Sir W. Somerville) believed, even visited the country whose interests he advocated—(hear, bear)—without any direct knowledge of the people or of the events, came down and took upon himself to eeneure, not the government, as he said, but the parliament, and, im hliedly,the government, on whose responsibility the measures e compldned of were propounded, and eventually con sidered and adopted by the legislature. (Hear, hear.) re had been struck by the extraordinary contradictions in' the speech of his him. friend. Allusions had been made to the measures adopted by the house—first of all, the labour- Ms and then the poor-rate act ; and the hon. member had I.ia at the door of these measures all the evils which now affected Ireland. But he had scarcely proceeded any great way in his address, before he reverted to the real Origin of the sails of the sister coun•ry Ile had depr, cued the ancient social miseries of Ireland in a way in which he (Sir W. Somerville) should not be incliaed to differ from him ; and there was warmly one of the social evils which afflicted the country upon which his hon. friend had not touched. Many of the topics alluded to would require to be separately debated. It was quite true that the famine had been a monstrous evil. In the year 1845 the right hon. baronet the memb. r for Tamworth pawed an act of parlia ment to provide temporarily for the preseure then threatened. The Labour Rate Act wee passed in 1847 as a means to stay the evil of the famine of that year. Tnat famine baa been much more intense in its nature than the tamine of the preceding year, but the measure the* adopted did not essentially offer from the one of 1845. The hon. gentle man had condemned the measure of 1847, but it was very easy to point out defects when we came to take • retrospec tive view. It was easy to say—" if this or that had been done, the results would be very different," but at the time the bill was passing through the house, not a voice was raised in ap vairion to it. (Hear) Where was the hon. gentle. man at that time? He then had a seat in the house, and why was he not present to object, to find fault, and if possi ble to improve the measure. (" Oh !") But said his honourable friend, "scarcely had that measure paned whr n the gentry of Ireland assembled and denounced the operation of the act, and called for a change." But where was the gentry at the time the act was passed? (Hear, hear) He had seen letters from members of that house, finding fault with the act, but these membi vs ought to have been present to express their complaints, particularly when they knew that the act would be proposed. It was no excuse to say now that they had gone to the Lord Lieutenant and denounced the enactment; they should have been in their places to object to it. (Hear.) He (Sir W. Somerville) doubted very much whether any measure which could have bees adopted would not have been baffled and defeated by the enormous difficulties of the crisis with which the govern ment had had to contend. It was very easy to ray that if we had the time crisis to meet again, we should be better able to surmount it, but the real truth was, that any aftt of parliament adopted to meet such an amount of pauperism at was then let loose upon the country, would have been found insufficient to surmount the calamity.' This was the fact ; and the government, finding that they were unable to stay the famine, had recourse to the R lief Act—that was, an act provided to meet the main of pauperism, by bringing to the door of every destitute person, the means of sustaining himself and his family. Ile contended that these means had been eminently successful, and that a more successful measure of legis lation, designed with the view of k.eping alive the destitute poor of Ireland, bad never passed the House of Commons. It had stayed the famine, end preserved the lives of the people. (Hear.) Then the Poor-relief Extension Act was passed ; and when he heard the hon. gentleman talking of the mortality which had occurred, and of the corpses lying upon the roads, and of the priests and the paupers dying indiscriminately, he feared that some exaggerations had been used. Mr. HOESSIAN said that be had quoted from a blue book. fir W. SOMERVILLE admitted that it was easy enough to quote from a blue book, and to uphold any allegation by extracting a portion, and a portion only, of the evidence contained in the book. He asked what reason there was for supposing that the famine of 181 G would have beencontinued in 1847, and if no each reason existed, what ground had the hon. member for asserting that the act passed in 1848 was intended te remedy the state of things existing in 1847 ? The fact was, that the Act hal r. calved the royal assent before there was any idea that the famine of 1816 would be followed by the famine of 1847. Now it was to be remembered that cut-door relief could not lie given in Ireland until the workhouse was full, and that they could not give outdoor relief, except in kind, to the able-bodied. Would the hon. gentleman say that no system of outdoor relief should be given in Ireland? If he did, then such a proposal would amount to a sentence of death upon hun dreds of thousands in Ireland. (Hear, hear.) But why had nut the hon. gentleman given some ene practical re commendation to enable the house to cope with the evils of the sister country ? The heuse had listened to him in vain for any such recommendation. There was not a part of his speech which bad not been over and ova again debated. (Hear.) Bellies had been mentioned as an extreme case. Now, the last return from that place was 23,000 who were receiving relief. In the corresponding week of 1343, there were 41,000 receiving relief; and he had lately received a letter in which a friend stated to him that he had seen a large crowd of persons assembled round the Bellies post-office. They were wailing to receive the amount of post-office indent transmitted to them by their relative., and the postmaster stated that he had paid in one week, as much as 8001. to the wives and fa milieu of thoee who bad lest the union to seek employment e:sewhere. It was, therefore, unfair to characterise such a people as idle, and in want of self reliance. (Hear, hear.) The English can was not so strong as the hon. gentleman represented it. He sail that the English system was universally admitted to be the beat ; but numb, nof per sons whose opinions were entitled to the greats at ri meet were in favour of large areas. The boa. gentleman asked' what hope there was for Ireland. He (Sir W. Somerville) was not usually very sanguine, but he could not help enter taining hopes that under Providence Ireland was rising from her present miserable condition. He could not agree with the hon. member for Cockermouth in wishing the potato crop to tail. lie trusted, on the contr. ry, that there would be a plentiful harvest even of the potato, as it would give them time to look a-ound them and adopt ouch permanent measures as might prevent a recurrence of the present evils. He did not hope that Ireland was improving without some reason, smell as that reason may apps sr. But according to returns he bad receiv,d there was, in the last week, a diminution in the workhouses of 1,000, and in the deaths of 230. lever was also din:Wing, and in addition to this fact he found, that while in May the number of outrages reported to the con stabulary was 2,031, in June they were only 1,490, showing a diminution of more than 500. The measures of the go vernment having been passed by liege majorities of that house, and they having met with the sincerest desire to render these Ole mires useful, he felt that neither the house directly, nor the government impliedly, were deserving of the censure sought to be cast upon them by the hon. gentle man ; and he must, thi refore, meet his motion by a direct negative. (ikar, hear.) Mr. STAFFORD refused to recognise the doctrine that Parliament was responsible fir the late Irish measures, which were the w rk of the government; and he resiewed, anh to some extent re-argued, several of those measure', amidst manifestations of impatience in the House. Mr SHEIL asked how it come to pan that of those Irish members by whom this motion was to be supported, not one had thought fit to originate Their backwardness could not arise from incapacity, or want of self-confidence, or from their being unaware that Mr. Horemsn had no connexion with Ireland. It was because his want of knowledge of Ireland was countereailed by his fitness to be an wean of dinatiefaction. It was not, t owever, in the use of caustics that that gentleman excelled ; lost session be had pronounced a high encomium upon Lord Clarendon, and had ex tended his eulogy to the First Minister of the Crown, acknowledging that great allowance should be made for the difficulties with which the government had to contend. And who would say that they were not entitled to such alowance for difficulties almost insurmountable? Yet Mr. Horaman now set down in his motion a censure upon them for the temporary measures they had adopted for the relief of Ireland. Faults may have been committed, bat he de nied that " the benevolint intentions of parliament " had not been realised; and if faults had been committed, they were as nothing . compare 1 with the relief which had been afforded—the ran:lions of lives saved by the generosity of Engl and. Then Mr. Horsman found fault with the perma nent measures. The government had to choose between the pony-house and the charnel-house, and they chose the former. Mr. Horsman proposed to devise a legislation that should be " at once sol.d, profound, and regenerative." He did not venture to discuss this unfathomable legislation, but he believed that the urgent evils of Ireland were such as defied human legislation, and could only be healed by an Almighty hand. Mr. O'GORMAN MAHON moved the adjournment of the debate. Col. DUNNE seconded the motion. Mr. E. B. ROCHE hoped that if the debate was ad journed, some day would to fixed for renewing it. An Hon. MEM BER.—Tias day fortnight. Lord J. RUSSELL said he had no objection to the de bate being adjourned till to-morrow (this day), but he could not give it precedence ova any of the other orders. (Laughter.) The debate was accordingly adjourned ti.l to morrow, and the house adjourned at five minutes past 12 o'clock. PROCLAMATIONS OF OUTLAWRY.—At the Sheriff's Court, Red Lion square, Mr. Hemp, the officer, made pro clamed n of outlawry in the following cases : the defend ants were severally called upon to appear, tar they would he outlawed:—E. T. Delafield, Sir W. M Stanley, Bart., W. llanham, G. A. Goring, M. H. Hart, G. Robinson, P. P. Barlqw, J. W. Pyltoft, F. W. Cartwright, 8.. Martindale, H. D Campbell, J litnneker, J. T. F. C. Cope. F. W. Sykes, P. B. Hitch', N. B. Lee, 11. Whitaker, S. Hodges, A. L. 3 Amon, J. Williams, W. We've, W. P. Henesge, W. Holmes, and B. H. Willis. The next County Court was appointed for the 16th of August. BREACH OF PROMISE OP MARRIAGE.—TATLOR BANISTER.—At the Court of Passage, held yesterday at • Liv.rpool, a cue of breach of promise of marriage was tried. The plaintiff was a young woman, aged 25, named Eliza Taylor, and the defendant was a sailor and innkeeper, aged 21. The damages were laid at 5001.—Mr. James, for the plaintiff, stated that in 1848 the de fendsnt retitled with the father and mother of the plaintiff. An attachment was formed between the plaintiff end defendant, the latter pro- mising her marriage if the would wait until he returned from his next voyage. In the course of that year the de fendant went to sea, and iu 1818 returned, when he again renewed his attentions to the plaintiff, and, finally, the mar lflags was fixed to take place on the 17th of April in that year. Defendant gave the ;plaintiff's mother 231. for the I purchase of a wedding dress, and purchased the ring and other things himself. On Saturday, the 15th. he called to tee the plaintiff, and, after remaining a short time, gave her • kiss, and said " °Athlete you, I shall be here again at seven o'clock." He did not, however, return, and on the following day the plaintiff and the family were very uneasy. The morning of the wedding arrived, and the defendant made his appearance. The first intimation re ceived of him was in about eight days afterwards when Vaintiff heard that he was married to another female. Several witnesses were called in support of this statement. —Mr. Tindal Atkinson, for the defendant, addressed the jury in m'tigation of damages, on the ground that the defen dant was but • youth when the attachment was formed, and that the wed 'ing had been broken off by his relatives as being an improper match.—The aneseor having summed up, the jury found a verdict for the plaintiff.—Damagee, 2501. Cite ;mtgs. OUTGOING MAILS. The mails, rie Marseilles, to the Mediterranean, Egypt, Ceylon. India, Hong-Kong, &a., will be made up this evening, the 24th of Jul). The mails for Vito, Oporto. Liston, Madeira, Cattle, and Gibraltar, will be made upon the 27th at July. Malls tor Whitt North ita...nen and the United States will be made up on the eveniug of the 27th of July. The West India Malls, inducing Bermuda, Havana, Nam; doodling. New Orleans, and Mexico, zed rsouwng tbass toe Madeirs. tit AMA. , viearainni. Now Graozda, and Pero, will be made up on the Ind of August. The mails ha Madeira, the brazils, and Buenos Ayres, will be made upon the 4th of August the mans too Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, the lonian blends, rant. Gerlsh. India. end China. eio .4, uthaingtou, will be mode up on the morning of the 20th of August. NIGH MATO:11 Al' LONDON IMMO& Tao. Day —2lseulap. min. pant S. art ......, SS mt.. wit 5. ri.y-110.1111az 47 Ails. peat ; Alterman. Sr t. pan 2• LONDON, TUESDAY, JULY 94. Tile news for the Hangar an cause is good, both from their own river bails and mountains, as fr m the City of London, where the most generous and Enthu siastic sympathy wssye.terdiy shown for their cause. The gallant BEY Las totally routed the Russian army, which entered the sou horn passes under Lunse.s. And not only this hu' lie, or at least a corps of his army, has fallen upon tl,s. 13 En JELLAciticir, of hoisting memory, and ecually destmed his army. Should Brief turn northwards with the forces under his command, he cannot but give a good account of the Russian corps which penetrati d by Boit ritz. The Hungarians will be thus in a position to make a for midEble stand in the south-eastern eerner of their country, a region of moun•ain and morass, admirably formeu fur defensive warfare. North of the Danube GortoEr Lad fought a series of battles against HAYNAU in front, and, it was re ported, against PASKIEWITSCII at Waqzen, which was considerobly in his rear. His final purpose, however, was no doubt to leave a considerable garri son in Comorn, and to march round, a; he did in the last campaign, to the country be yond the nein. The Hungarians will then occupy mach the same district which +bey did when attacked by liirptuisciiGnAiz. Tilt y may be now attacked by superior forces, but they also base an army double their former numbers. In retreating from Comorn, GAMEY does so, not cs a beaten gene ral, but, on the contrary, as one who has repulsed his foes. Dissension, inde.-d, ex•.te in the Austrian army, HATNAU and SCHLICH throwing upon each other the cause of their bad •ucccss. I lie itilastaua feel that the task before them is difficult, and rein forcements have been nhcady called from Gallicia and Poland. It were to be wished that more cf the gallant Hun garians could have witnes , ed the enthusiasm which their cause excited yesterday, and which showed it self as much out of doors as is doors of the great Ci'y me eting. The question was, how to aid a cause, however sacred, in a country so distant and so land locked as Hungary. Mr. Conneet spoke, we fear, the only cminnon se's-' view of the question, although we can well understand and sympathise with the generous pro:est of Mr. OSBORNE. The 2intes, whose broad sheet assisted at the con ference, and sneered at it, asking what was the use of talking, when men could do nothing, might have been answered. Had such a meeting taken place four or five months ago, daring the early part of the Huger:an struggle, such a manifestation of English feeling then might from deterred Russia from adven turing on a struggle in will h the Emperor stakes his very existence and that of his empte. His entire council dissuaded him from ittervention. A little more would have turned the scale against it; and a public meeting in Lendcn would then have sufficed. The English, however, are slow to take up even their own cause. And even in the case of the Hue:prim fl, they now com mand the wide adherence of Erglieh feeling, as much by their gailantry, pollsr, as by the righteousness of their cause. But however late Erolish sympathy, there is much that it may do. The It ingarians do not want men, or foreigners of any race to tigtt for them. Tl ey may want arms, resources, end such aprliatces as the spirit of commerce can well imply them with. They also want the countenance and approbation of a British government, which it can only give whim sup ported by the assent and enthusiasm of the British people, and which, when given, chills the confidence of despotic powers. It floes snore, in chilling the con fidence in them of the rivet holders of capital and dispent era of resources. This was the vulnerable point which Mr. Corms:sr pointed out. There is another way in which the governments of England and France might serve thelfungarian cause. It would be by insistirg on Russia's respecting the neutrality of Turkey. At present Russia not only makes Austria and Gallic:its the basis ed her operations, but she converts Nlcldavia and Wallachia into a granary and a camp, from which her columns issuo to ' , ass the mountains of Tran sylvania. 'this employs a large ptrion of the Hungarian army under Best, who. if his rear was secure, might advance to the Thetis and join in the resistance against the invasion Irdm the west. Turkey is most anxims to prevent Russia from making such use of her provinces. The SULTAN feels that the subjugation rf Ilutgary by Itussin. is but a step towards the conquest of European Turkey. And it forbids Russia to use the Danubian principalities as their own. No pilwer is so s'rergthened by the sup port of English fccing, and of the English govern ment, as Turkey. And the ape- ehes of the London Tavern will be echoed in Constantinople. Let it not be said then that sympathy is idle, and moral fovea no avail. Ttere arc a hundred ways in which it can tell. Ant though France may treachercusly desert 110 in the path of duty and of honour, the enthusiastic expression of English feel ing, uttered to-day, will not die away without profit or without result. "'lts sport to see the engineer hoist with his own petard." The Ordnance has been literally blown up by its own supe , fitions accumulation of stores. Thu much gulled public stares when it is told that the Ordnance has in store kettles for the supply of eight years, haversacks for the supply of 24 years, sand bags for the supply of 34 years. and pikes for the supply of 47 yearn. Of these articles k. tiles being the least perishable, the Ordnance keeps a smaller stock of them on hand than it dots of any of the others. These are hut samples. Everything in the Ordnance departmtnt of stores is managed on the same principle. If there is a likelihood of any of its implements of destruction being soon superseded by an improvemet t or new invention, be sure extra stores of it are forthwith accumulated. The waste resulting from th^ mere loss of interest on the money thus inves'ed in perishable articles is scan dalous. The rdomlons accumulation of Ord nance stores can only be accounted for on the supposi tion of a secret umterstanding between the tradesmen who supply and the officials who order them. 'lhe exposure of the system pursued in the storehouses of the ordnance has ruined the character of that depart ment for ever. " Ordnance foresight end economy" will become a byword, and be used as a taunt when any department or government seeks to palliate a large expenditure by such pretexts. A mere (elusion t r this subject, which, ever since Wednesday e‘ebina's debate on the ordnance esti mates, has been alternately a theme of ;cst and in dignant remark with the public, is enough to show that in the remarks on the committee's r, port which we published last Tuesday we did not exhaust the illustrations of the c xtravagant manner in which oar military anthoritie- go to work (um lied by that docu ment. We could find texts in it, cautious, guarded, and smooth spoken though it b 2, for weekly et mous on profliAate expenditure for a long time t i come. The exposures by the committee are not, however, confined to the dep .rtment of our great guns. Their report reflects in-tructive cross lights on other branches of our warlike expenditure. Our readers cannit have forgotten the memorable splutter into which some of our scribbling heroes broke out, when tho perquisites of the gallant regi mental tail re, rale4 by courtesy colonels, were assailed. Genetal NArtea, and a whole host of gunpowder writers, stormed and vowed that your colonel made the melt unexceptionable and thrifty purverrt of militery unmentionables. None such a connoisseur as he in broadcloth and bask-stitch. After reading their diatribes, one felt disposed to suggest that government might with advantage take away t:.e swords of these officers, and " hang tailors' shears on their recreant limbs." The report on the ordnance estimates reminds us that the clothing colonels are not our only army tailors. The Board of