The Express. — London, England, 1866-03-13 00:00:00

• THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 13, 1866. to originate a policy, stated that it was twenty years sines the Reform all had been passed, end he pledged him self that if the hio. member for Bast Surrey would with draw his station governmeet would itself introduce a re farm bill. Tile hoe. member was not satisfied ;he divided agaisst the government in • thie house sot having much I Interest in the question, and the government were defeated by 100 to 52, them beim only 156 members in the home. Bet that was on the motion for leave to introduce the bill, one which was utually minted to as a matter of form. But the hoe. member having carried his motion spinet the government, the house saw that the matter was pthiug serious, and as the second readies tee numbers were, for the bill 83, stalest it 299. (Opposition cheers.) Mr. ALOOCK rose to exploit', but was immediately called to order. edneatione, sad moral condition of the working clews of the country, tile whole number of the borough eleeVrs was not more than two-thirds of what it was in 1832 He did rot rifest* ester trio any gaug ugumeet noon the subject of reform— (hear, hear)—but I N uprise his be lief that on that side of the house then wee •s You °mai derable measure of satisfaction with the bill. (" Hese, bear,* and laughter.) He blow well that that tee Mali wee not unusual at that girls of the houee---(epposities cheers) —but as far es he bad bed se opportunity of conversing with hoe. sosenbere is whose attachment to reform he confided, he gathered that a cessidereble measure of satisfaction existed. (" Hear, hear." end " No, no.") He did not himself consider it perfect, but for different reasons to those attuned by the hon. member who had last spoken. He (Mr. Beings) doubted the accuracy of the right hoe. gentleman's (the Chasosilor of the Exchequer's) calculations as to the proportion of the working Muses that new passes the franchise, end that would possess it if this bill became law. The pro. prietore of beer-shops and small tradesmen we re included in the returns smug the working Maws. he should As an instance of the result of this proceeding, state that the lint return of working men made for the borough of Wakefield gave the number of 80, whereas in a subeequent return which included that class, which he con tended ought sot to be included, the number was stated to be 120. The number of working disc electors for the borough of Oldham was set down as 315, but he was as sured by the repregeotat;ve of the borough that not more than half that number halonged exclusively to the working classes. He also doubted the accuracy of the calculation as to the numbers to be admitted by the sholitios of the rating clauses, sad the clause in the bill relating to com pound occupiers. as he believed that a coniederable rrooor- Mon of them did not belong to the working clause, strictly speaking. The Chancellor of the Exchequer cal culated that if the bill passed there would be 330,000 working clan electors. He (Mr. B ines) believed that 250,000 would be much surer to the fart. Notwithstanding the objections that bed bees taken to the bill he held that there was much that wet very excellent in it. (Hear, hear.) So far u the extension of the franchise was concerned he entirely approved of it, but he did not us that sufficient ground had been shows for receding from the position with respect to the county franchise taken up by hoe. gentlemen npposite.and from the decision of the house when it adopted the propositioe of the hon. member for Surrey (Mr. L. King). With reference to the borough franchise, he believed the governmeet might safely have gone to the extent of a 61 . franchise , co nsistentl y with the bill introduced in 1860. The lodger and the savings beak franchise, the abolition of the ratepaying clauses, sad the pro position a to tbe disfranchisement of Misgovernment working men in the royal dockyards, met with his approval. He was glad that time would be give , for the consideration of the details of the bill before the second reading. ----- Mr. HORSMAN begged his hoe. Mead's pardon. He was retelling to the speech of the Chancellor of the Exche quer. The bill was defeated on the second reading by • majority of three to one, and yet the Chancellor of the Exchequer said that it was the determination then shown by the House of Commons that made the government iatroduce the reform bilL (Opposition cheers.) However, the bill of 1852 was introduced in consequence of that divi sion. He was n t surprised that his right hoc. friend should pets over the history of that bill in a very cursory manner, because it did happen that bye very curious acci dent they possessed the secret history of the bill of 1852, which they were informed was brought in in con sequence of the pledge given by Lord Russell. The house would recollect that Lord Grey ob tained permission to state what occurred in the cabinet ; and his lordship's statement brought to light the fact that io the cabinet of 1851 there was only one reformer. (Oppo sition cheer..) There might have been, perhaps, two or three reformers, but he (Mr. Seaman) believed that reform watt represented in that cabinet by a unit. Lord Grey stated that Lord Russell had pledged himself to reform without consideration for his oolleagues and without their oonseut. They were very angry, but although they dis approved of the pledge given by their colleague, they showed more coopidention for him than he bad shown for them. Arcordiog'y the bill was introduced with a great flourish of unanimity sod reform enthusiasm, and as if the reform cabinet thought of nothing but the bill. (Opposition cheers.) The house might stop to inquire how a whole cabinet could stoop to accept • hill of which they disapproved ; but Lord Grey was also painfully communicative on this point. He had only per mission to speak f himself, but he said they knew the aiSinet w•s doomed. that its days were numbered, sod that no harm could happen, beam= it would be impossible to pass the bill. (Opposition cheers and laughter.) Now (coo tinned the right hon. gentleman) this was the startingpoint io the new agitation, which Lord Russell has kept alive ever since. It has served as the peg on which to hang the disgraceful end otherwise incredible history of the reform bill for 13 years ; foe, in face, each successive bill was the work of one man, and tended to the same end. Well, sir, I need not detain the house by going through the history of the other hilt 0 1 the bill of 1854 no minister got permis sion to tell the hinny ; bat we know that it was passed In • re'uctant cabinet, against their united protest, and amid all the excitement of the Crime= war. But the house would not have it, the country would not have it. and the advanced reformists rejected it as thoroughly worthless. Theo comes the Queen's speech of 1857. Bat although the government were turned out, Load Palmerton confessed that the bill had not been prepared. Thee came the bill of the Derby satinet in 1359, which rather took the liberal party by surprise, and was nearer legislation than we have been since that time. And it is only fair to say that regarding the bill itself it was nisi venally admitted to be a better bill than any Lord John Russell's cabinet ever produced. (Cries of " No, no," and conservative cheers.) But while we are now considering the past as a guide to the future, I feel bound to speak of that bill with the same freedom that I have spoken of those that have emanated from this side of the house, and the real mistake and the real blot of that bill was not merely that the country did not want it, but that it was notoriosely against the feelings sod against the opinions of the great majority of the party by whom it was introduced—(cheers, and "No, no")—and therefore it was that the country lookedealmly on while by an abstract resolution was inflicted upon it that penalty which was prompt and signal, and has been enduring. (Loud cheers.) I do not think it is for the interests of those who intro duced the bill too much to recall it to the reoollectioe of the house. (Laughter and cheers,) The opinion of the country may be summed up in a single sentence—they did feel, whether rightly or wrongly, that the opponents of the Reform Bill on that occasion rather put reform up to auction, and bad no right to complain if it was knocked down to the highest bidder. (Laughter and cheers.) Theo came the-bill of 1860, to which my right hon. friend referred to-night, and as to which the country, sensibly alarmed, felt that it had so geospe, for there was an mpled conjuncture of leaders in its favour. Lord Palmerston, Lord Derby, Lord Russell, and the right hos. member for Bucks were all ro deeply committed to the bill that it passed the mooed reading without debate. The nation was in despair—(" Oh. oh," and laughter and cheers)—and its reel and strong feeling made itself known throughout the house, sad broke out too strong to be re sisted. ("Oh, oh." and cheers. )Why, the Housed Commons rebelled against its leaden. Abandoned by the front benches, the rank and file stood true to their defences, and, cheered oo and supported by the public out of doors, they bombarded the treasury bench with such inexhaus tible round shot of rhetoric, that they fairly wore the government out, and almost Lashed the bill out of the house. (Loud cheers.) And so the question remained down to the close of the last session of parliament. But the history of these bills would be incomplete unless we borrowed an Musks tioe which has been very opportunely furnished by the hon. member for Birmingham. We have described the acts of the ministry, but the hon. member for Birming ham has given a portrait of the actors, and with retains= to the bill of 1860, in • letter written in September, is which he declined the levitation to the reform banquet at Glasgow, in an allusion to Lord Palmerston, which I need not reed, he gave this opinion of Lord Palmerston's col leagues, who are now sitting on that beech. He said, " His colleagues preferred their pieces to their honour as public men--(laughter, and conservative cheer) —and they consented to the greatest political fraud of our time rather than leave the treasury bench even for a season." (Cheers.) Well, now, that is rather strong language. (Laughter and cheers.) It is a specimen of what termed the hon, member for Birmingham's pure Saxon. (Great laughter and cheering.) But is it true? That is to say, is it true in the sense in whic lit is to be construed as contrasting his conduct with that of the minister he denounced? Why, sir, if I made complaint that ministers had abandoned their creed, that would have been consistent with me. I have always expressed the opinion that when they up the bill which brought them into office they t also to have relinquished office. But that is not the opinion of the hoa member for Bir mingham, and with the circumstances so fresh in my mind I could hardly believe my eye* when I reed his letter. What were the circumstances! On the day when Lord Russell was about to withdraw his bill there was an un usual bustle on these benches, and when I came down ex- Mpg the adjoursed debate to go on, I was told that Russell had communicated with the hon. member for Birmingham, and afterward. that it was his icten-1 Sea to withdraw his bill; and it was genera 'se believed that he had taken weasel with the hon. member for Birmingham, and was withdrawing the bill by his ad vice. But whether that was true or not, most undoubtedly he withdrew it with the hoe. members's knowledge and concurrence, because no sooner bad Lord Russell and the right hoe. member for Books reamed their seats than the hon. member for Birmingham got up expressly to state his concurrence in the withdrawal of the bill. He justified that withdrawal, and for five years afterwards while the government remained in office he gave them his undi minished support, and on the only opportunity that was offered to him he honoured them with his vote of confi dence. (Conservative cheers.) (Mr. Bawer —No.) I can only say that during those five years I know no steadier supporter than he was, and undoubtedly on the vole of omafideece, the great trial of strength between the parties, be voted in the majority. ' (Cheers.) Now, sir, I ask if they committed the greatest political fraud known to oar time—(laughter and cheers) —was he not so accomplice and an abettor of that fraud ?' (Cheers.) And if they sacrificed their honour to keep their plane, I ask if be did not, to some extent at least, sacrifice his honour to keep them in their places? (Loud cheers.) I do not ask whether it was just, whether it was generous, I may almost say whether it was seemly, that after the old agitation, the hon. member should hold that ministers were not to be made responsible for their acts, and that he should now coin, on the eve of a new agitation, political capital at their expense. (Cheers.) But there was comfort for the ministers in store. The hon. member for Birmingham can inflict • wound, but he knows also how to apply the soothing remedy. This was the picture drawn in Septembe - , but they gave him another sitting in November, within, three months afterwards. Then we have another sketch slightly varied. Hear what he says= the 30th of November : "Speaking of the administration, which somebody bad said is very much as it was, I venture to say it is very different, aid I think I know almost every member of the adrdinistration, and many of them with that kind of intimacy which comes from long attendance in the House of Commons, and I can ray that it is composed—of what ? pledge-breakers, dirhour able men, who sacrifice their honour to their places? No ; it is composed of men more entitled to public confidence than any other administration of our time." (Laughter and cheer'.) That is portrait ter No. 2. But shthe wind changes again. ()Laugh.) And itshows how deeply my honourable friend is in the secrete of the cabinet, and how be knows the fluctuations at all their meetings, for within one short month he again changes his mind, and those dear and intimate friends of whom he spoke so affectingly—the old whip—he proposes to inter with all the symbols of national respect in Westminster Abbey. (Laughter.) As to the speech of the Chancellor of the Ex chequer to-day we shall probably have another change. It is always varying—to-day black, to-morrow white, and next day neither black nor white, but dingy grey. From 1852 to 1865 this question of reform bad been agitated under the most favourable circumstance. ; it had been taken up by every administration, and supported and relinquished by every prominent public man. It had three-fourths of the press and all the patriots of one side or the other in its favour. It bad public meetings innumerable, and active agitation founded upon the undisputed fact of 6,000,000 of =en franchised operatives. Yet then cabinets were all de feated, the ministers more or lees discredited, the bills were all rejected, the agitation was a failure, and the more the question was stirred the more vividly apparent it be. times, determined to come before parliament with another reform bill, without any allegation whatever of new cir convalescee or new strength. There was one novelty, and one only, connected with this new undertaking, and it was a chivalrous determination to stand or fall by their intended bill. I confess I have never been able to see or appreciate the chivalrous nature of that determination. Sure I am that the country is determined to have no more trilling with this question of reform. Sore lam that the country is sick—heartily sick—of the insincerity and hypocrisy that have made the very name of reform a scandal and reproach. (Hear, bear.) I mistake the character and temper of the new Moues of COMMON if it will suffer another ministry to trade on the reform cry, and ietroduce and abandon a bill, and yet to remain glued to the seats of office. (Hear, hear.) Therefore it was imperative on the government to stand or fall by their bill. and it needed no wise prophet to foretell that whether they stead or fall must depend en tirely upon the character of the bill. I think the house will agree with me that there are three great essentials to the success of any government attempting at this time to deal with the question of reform. The first is that it should be a strong government, because Earl Russell him self told the deputations that waited upon him that the passing of a reform bill would be a very difficult matter, because the opposition to it would be very formidable. Therefore a bill should only be introduced for the purpose of being carried. It should be an instrument of legislation, and not of imitation. (Hear.) The smodtessential ix that it should be, for a generation at least, a settlement of ' the question. (Hear, hear.) The third is, that a govern ment introducing a bill for the settlement of the question, in the jam of a powerful opposition, should have the power of appealing to the country by means of a dissolu tion. I want to ask the house bow many of thee* mu- Rale are found or combined in the treasury bench. Now, let us take them one by one. In the first place, is it a strong government ? Oo this point I can only apply a very obvious but a very easy test, to which it is impossible any member of the government will take the least excep tion. I can only compare the present government io point of strength with the last government which attempted and failed to carry a reform bill—that of 1862.1a,0f that government there were no less then ten members of the cabinet who had 'vita in the) House of Commove. I Six of them only remained when it was determined to intro. duce a reform bill. Six remained without one single midi- lion to their number for weeks after they had announced their determination to introduce a reform bill, and within a few days of the meeting of parliament. Four have gone, and who are they? Were they insignificant men, not missed and easily spared? ? Sir Cornewall Lewis. Lord Her bert, and Lord Palmerton were the very Sower of the cabinet. (Hear, hear.) They, with one or two exceptions. might have been said to be the cabinet itself. To compare the cabinet of 1860 with the present cabinet—(laughter)— the men who were there thee with those who remain, is almost like tempering a living. sod moving, and sentient Wog with his own skeleton. (Laughter, and cries of "Oh, oh.") And when the task in hand was six years ago too mighty teethe strength of giants, what miraculous virtue do we find in a now notorionalyeliscordant cabinet! (Hear.) Now, with respect to the settlement of the question—how is it to be settled ? And here I must take leave to unde ceive my right hon. friend upon a delusion which he showed he was labouring under along with his colleagues. He raid, "We have at least done something." But the country doss not wish you to do something. What the country wants is that you should settle something—(bear, hear) — sod if you don't, you are not doing, but undoing. (Hear, hear.) You are unsettling everything. You are unsettling the act of 1832: you are unsettling the administration ; you are unsettling legislation, and the thoughts and occupations and all the great interests of the country (Cheers.) I hold there is nothing the government can do so militates and mischievous se to raise greet banes they eaenot define, and lee loose s force they cannot guide. (Hear, hear.) Consider how yon con admit the masses to a share of political power without giving them the monopoly. How does my right hoe. friend attempt to settle that ques tion ? There is only one mode of satisfactory settlement of any great controvern, and that is to found your settlement upon reoegeised and intelligible principles. What is the principle of your hill? L it the old principle of the representation of property? Is it the prin ciple enunciated the other day at Manchester that representation and taxed= should go together? Is it the principle of intelligence advocated by the hoc. member for Hull? Is it the principle of abstract right two years ago enunciated rather rashly and withdrawn hastily by the Chancellor of the Exchequer? It is nose of them. There is nothing in his speech or in the bill that we can dignify by the title of principles. It is nothing but a reproduction of the old state and discredited device of the first downward movement in the direction of govern ment by numbers—(hear, hear) —and he hopes we shall take it as a bill on that principle. If that is to be the principle of the bill, I ask what difficulty do you solve?— what agitation do you silence? Because even the 61, bill of last year was only taken as an instalment. Then there was a portion of his speech to which I list/tied with both astonishment and regret. He said "We do not attempt—we do not profess"—he even said—and the words coming from him surprised me more than they would have done coming from any other public man—be mid, and I took down his words, " Circumstances are so varying that we must look to the future itself for proper opportunities to deal with these important subjects." (Hear, hear.) Now I was sorry to bear the right hon. gen times give expression to those opinions, because coming from him they derive great weight, and they go forth with great authority. Dealing with circumstances as they now am and leaving the future to take cam of itself may be a' very good commercial maxim. It may be a very good rule upon which to carry on the badness of a large establish ment at Manchester, but I beg to say it is not statesman. I ship—(cheers)—and lam quite sure my right hon. friend, with all due submission, feels that he has committed him self to a dogma which is not only untenable end unsound, but coming from a ministerial bench is as startling as para doxical. (Hear, hear.) There is no doubt we can only deal with circumstance. of our own session or of our own parliament and generation • but if we deal with them as principles they become precedents to the next generation and we are not leaving them to take care of them selves. No doubt circumstances are shifting and variable, but principles are enduring, eternaL (Hear, hear.)4We in this house are slaves to precedent, and is it not a mis takes principle to light a conflagration for our summon to extinguish? (Hear, hear.) If the argument of my right hon. friend is carried out it means this :—that I every government if it finds itself weak is at liberty to have a hand-to-mouth policy—to keep things square exactly for its own time, and to take care of itself, if need be, even at the expense of its sncoessors. (Hear, hear.) That is the argument of the Chancellor of the Exchequer carried to its legitimate result. If that is to be our rule of conduct, I would suggest to him to advertise for tenders, and I vea -1 tare to any that within a given time he will have offers from more than one joint stock company to carry on the business of the country—(cries of " Oh, eh.")--on the hand to month principle quite as well, and much cheaper than it is carried on now. (Hear, hear, and "oh.') It is quite evident that gentlemen feel that the Chancellor of the Exchequer went further than he intended in enunciating that doctrine. lam rue the right hon. gentleman, if asked to describe the functions and cha racter of an English statesman, would have said he is the man of all others whose special functions it is not only to look to the present but the future—the man who of all others is supposed to have stored his mind with all the riches of historical truth, political science, and consti tutional law, in order to soar higher than other men, and, so far as the limitation of human faculties allow it, foretel and oommaed the future. (Hear, hear.) Our right hon. friend is the very last man from whom I ahould have expected such an apology, because although we know that in some foreign governments a minister of state is milt separated from the herd of politicians by the fussy consequence of office and the arrival of quarter day, no one knows better than my right hon. friend that that is not our measure of an English statesman directing the destinies of his age. He knows that we place him on a loftier pedestal—we try him by a higher standard—we gift him with a higher vision and a nobler inspiration—and while in his own time we honour him as a guide and example, it is for after generations to pay the real tribute to his worth, and bless him as • benefactor. (Hear.) But I wish the house to observe the inconsistency of my right hon. friend. Sue how differently the Chancellor of the Exchequer deals Captain GROSVENOR expressed regret that his first Tieing in the house should have called for a remonstrance from the leader of the opposition. He begged to apologise to the chairroari, to the house, and to the hon. gentleman (Mr. Baines), for the want of courtesy of which be had been unwittingly guilty. (Hear, bear.) He should have been loth to trespass upon the indulgence of the house were it not that he represented a great constituency which was always notorious for its attachment to reform. In the course of the month of February he listened with great interest to two preliminary discussions upon this subject, end be derived an impression which had that evening been more strengthened than otherwise. It bad strnok him that many hon. members in that house did not appreciate the position in which this question stood before the ociuntry, for they bad taken noon themselves to support a reform bill which should raise the people and not floor the ministry—which should admits portion of the working els sees and not admit right hooonrable gentlemen opposite to official residence in Whitehall. (Laughter.) Hoo. gentle men were aware that this question bad been before parlia ment in some definite form or another for 14 years ; but they did not seem to appreciate the fact that during that time the position of it before the country had been mate rially changed, for prior to ten years ago the discussions were confined more oriels to the statesmen upon eecb side of the houre; but doring the last lOyears, in oonsequence of the educational progress in the count ry, this question bad become the study of the people, and an extension of the franchise had been demanded in a firm and determised, bet moderato spirit. (Cheers.) It had been said by right hon. gentlemen opposite that there was no agitation in the country, but there was an agitation, though carried on in an orderly and peaceful manner. (Cheers.) While Lord Palmerston was alive there were reasons personal and political why the people should acquiesce in the temporary postponement of their claims ; but now that there was no danger likely to arise from our foreign politics, and that it had pleased the sove reign of the realm to call into existence a government pledged to reform, it would be highly dangerous and im politic to trifle with the question any longer. (Hear, hear.) Although the measure might not satisfy all the political aspirations of the people, yet it showed them that they were not for ever to be excluded from political power. (Hear, hear.) He was not sure that the met eors propounded to-day was the beet that could have been deviard—fronical cheered-4111 he should cordially support it (reamed ironical cheers) because he thought it fairly embraced the chief points of a long promised concession, and he would remind the house that there was no greater advantage to achieve than that of re-establishing the confidence of the people, which had been impaired by • long Dowse of promises lightly broken and pledges wholly unredeemed. (Cheers.) Mr. 1110P.SHAN—There was one subject of sincere eon gratulation which had come home to them that evening for at last they had the long expected reform bill of the government, which was ex tremely satisfactory to the more advanced reformers. The boo. member for Leeds had oome before them in a hopeful state of mind because the government had repro duced his single barrelled bill, which would not go off last session—(bear, bear)—and he had accepted the measure of the government as a settlement of the question. The hon. gentleman had, however, very much mistaken the arguments of the hon. member for Wiok (Hr. S. Laing), for that hoe. member did not say that there were no anomalies in OUT representative system, but what he did env was, that much greater anomalies existed in reference to the representation of boroughs than as regarded the amount of the franchise ; and he also reminded the house that the government were proposing to deal with the smaller anomalies first, and therefore, instead of settling they wen in fact unsettling the whole question. (Cheers.) But he (Mr. foreman) did not intend to enter into the provisions of this measure. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had reminded them of the paragraph in the Queen's speech, sod of some former para graphs of a similar character, and he had told them that this was an historical question which was asso ciated with obligations evaded and with the defalcathion of former cabinets. with royal speeches that mocked the nation and with parliamentary pledges which betrayed their constituents, end in reference to which there had been so much failure end as to which there had been great discredit incurred. The right bon. gentleman bad spoken in • tone partly reproach ful of the House of Commons not having re deemed its character or fulfilled its obligations, which bad been too long diagracefully delayed. (Cheers.) He should not follow his right bon. friend throngb his statistics, but confine himself to the constitutional ques tion. They were not dealing with details, but with prin ciples ; let them first settle the principles, sod the details could then be discussed in their proper place. He should begin by dealing with that portion of his right hon. friend's speech in which he defended the government for interfering with the question at all. The retrospect of hie right hon. friend was most valuable, as enabling them to take a survey of the history and character of this measure, and seeing whether it was a fair and well-o , naidered pro posal, free from the vim of its abortive predeoessors, and one commending itself to the country as an honourable and intelligent attempt to settle the question; or whether, divested of the rhetorical embellish ments of his right hon. friend, it was neither more nor leas than another bid for power, another promise made only to be broken, another hope raised only to be dashed to the elrouncl, another in that long eerie@ of poli tical frauds and parliamentary juggles so transparent as to become instead of an honour and a success, merely an exhi bition of weakness, incapacity, and hypocrisy. (Oh, oh.) His righthoo. friend began by a reference to the history of the What did that history remind them of ? Five times M iL the lips of royalty been stained with a delusive pro mise, and five times had a minister given • pledge which he did not fulfil. If was very true, very sad, and very discre ditable, but, to the minister, not to the Hones of Com mons, which was never a par ty : to these pledges, was not bound to whitewash a ministry of whose acts, whenever there was an opportunity, that Imam disapproved. And when his right hon. friend told them that no less than four cabinets were committed to reform, he forgot to explain that although not nominally the same ministry. Lord Russell was • prominent member of all four cabinets, that he, and be only, insisted on these bills, and that they were introduced, not to meet the exigency of the nation, but the exigency of a partied's minister. nay, that all these bills were opposed both to the opinion of parliament and the sense of the country. (" Ob," and opposition cheers.) That made an important differentia, there was agreatdifference between four ministries supporting a bill, and one minister in four cabinets insisting on its necessity. But his right hon. friend had said that parliament, not the ministry, were responsi ble for origineting and compelling the action of govern ment. How did he prove that? He said that in 1851 there was • discussion and a division on the bill of the bon. member for East Surrey, that in that division Lord Russell was defeated, and that in consequence of that de fest the House of Commons forced ministers into legisla tion on the measure. His right hon. friend inferred that affierefore the House of Commons, and not the ministry, was responsible. He thought he .ta'ed the OM fairly, this much at ell events wee certain, that his right hon. friend said that all the attempts at legislation originated in the motion of the hon. member for East Surrey. end on which the government was defeated. Lord Russell being the only minister who opposed it. This, then, was the foundation of all the subsequent action of the government ; and if he (Mr. foreman) showed that that foundation was rotten, all the superstructure must come crumbling to the ground. He would advise his right hon. friend that whenever be made a statement the founda tion of • great speech he should verify the facts for him self, and not take them from a clerk or a secretary, because the omission of such a precaution that night had led hie right boo. friend into one of the most serious blunders he (Mr. foreman) had ever known tobecommitted by a pro minent public man. What were the facts? The bill was intro duced by the bon , member for East Surrey ehut Lord Russell. whospoke in the debate, so far from allowing the hon. member with a question he really understand' and really loves— how differently he deals with finance. Why is he tor turing his brain and straining his faculties to reduce the national debt! Not, sir, to meet the requirements of a 4 : n eo Pu L la. ,: r eo Pc' e Ir ouesened ial " , peli but muse d.wa res b"sm al a eisti:l:rialts:; that the peeteseed Amapa were see sailed to the • Pletimilar sermon i% a Imilleciar radiomen% er a Pertimder 4 4 alre Amer is hod and weeder is heath th en th em is LABOURING CLASSES' DWELLing my , eras weals end tamper ese the time- (Cheers.) And the cream gtheretion, because we know eery well that th e Metre. pleas who anted se iseendiaries. (Chun sad cries of M t. CHILDERS, ie moving the meo w "`"le try, watching, listeeing, reading, judging , was brought meats of our own time would rather lead us to keep the " oh.") Bat the agitation failed-foiled ridieolusly, 104 m ad o we tee re allig ef ge, slowly but sorely to the eouvictiou that these changes were money in our own pockets sad hand over to another gees. ' failed igertinisiously, sad as the unwelcome truth broke on moo t t o m o m t esb ......... was tt a tr g i t lr a ble the ma.... - "? not founded in reason, that they were opposed to justice, ratios the dabs we have inherited; but in inure the right those popular leaders of the platform that they were with. L oos c omm h m i enum - 1 4 7, - theaa ......_ Jae "ip= end Hoer , hear.) that they wove fetal to the growth of liberty. (oe, A, hoe. gramma does look forward. It is his shady ;itis ' eat ezmution the most unpopular section of the political for t i t , „ d a m doieme. It W 7,4 "s Tbat they wore the creed of a small his pride and ambition. Upon Somme be intends to ! community - that they were discredited, that they were and D eis, section - ( seghter) - of politicians of extreme opi• found a repetation, and therefore ia flumes be is distreeled , that they were shunned-why, thee, sir, their poem 0, t hat won momitable o ,_ .___ use e we 0 .,_ nice who °bleated en amddental sad misehievoes importance maul. winsesentioce, logical, and fareesieg. But as to ' demands for a larp end comprehensive reform dwledled mid ohemetm. of the btu wee eieZilatu• meef( ma ii; from g ibe fact that the two peak political Parties is the redertn, that. for a mind hike his. lea mere hustings ne I dwindled down, "oseallbydegreesendbeautifullyless."ungl state w so vesly balanced that rival chiefs vied with creation. He only began to think of it, se we koow, gr aph climax of their discomfiture being reached by that posse 1 set hem snarl i n indent With _ hi s t each other in i bidding foe the support of th at small wino. namely two years age. (Laughter.) It was • sudden ' in the Queues speech, they were reedy, lake my boo. , there was pewee &heady pug th em la . ,r_ ligi. lis% •ty. (Oh, oh, and cheers.) But the general intelligence, freak two years ego. It is almost like that visit we have trend the member for Leeds, to express their unbotroded . otm o w omanis e &wh or . eo g M e •" set of van, I..ght sod education of the country, the morality, the read of of the casual to • workhouse. (Laughter.) He sew i satisfaction fee snythieg, however unpalatable it was in ; tended it There t lge en statemnaaehip, the patriotism of even WOOS from the Hetes% the dark, muddy pool before hen, be plunged beadloug is, I quality, however infinitesimal in Quantity, which the 1 oomm i t a,,, e t woo would thtt some ameadaseg e le to the lowest. clung with icatinetive fervour to thee institn. and he bas been soiled and shivering in questionable corn- genuity of the government m i g ht g oy i m t o p ros e their fans ; 4 per peat, sad the repayments spreeg 30 he het at the capital in that tim• P"due tires which they sew approached with an uefriendly hand, piny ever shwa (Laughter.) Now, I think that it will .by enabling them to boast, in the consolatory , words of their! hog been l oo m th e e th a t worm involve oo .,..Y ee lle__, :WY and with on will and one voice forbade that t hat old be admitted that thisgoverement is not strong. It has been ' never.failiog friend the Chancellor of the Exchequel t that l e i isi per coo t op the capitol kat it hog bash MYStee tree of English liberty -( ales ri "Gb , oh," and cheers )- admitted also that there is no attempt at a settlement of they had at least done something. (Laughter.) well, I ; that such property did not pay more than 3 r Wrweets4 which had been the slow growth of ages sod the admire • the question . In a few words I will deal with the question . bare treated this metiers at a gnernment measure, but we it wee proposed that the per Net. ma von of satires should be transformed into the burnt image of dissolution. Nothing mu justify the dissolution all know that it la a government measure only b y courtesy, Ile 40 i s a we aOf 30 years. whiett 's%"7: o 77 4 o , -- 1. of the bill of the bon. member": of ignorance and intolerance which the worshippers of of parliament on any particular question except the um , teat, however the finishing-op may fall short, e original 1 mot Nod repay T sitlantio equality wanted to set up. (Loud cries of , meetly of ascertaining the opinion of the country upon it, i conception end designers not,of Downingetreet , but of , B no. ir- T of he t fi l' rs li t o bi :PM:to di t E ha e t rell bi 6 ll was its s hat ss . th: ~ "Oh, oh," and cheers.) Thtt is my answer to one conch'. ! with some hope that the response of the country will be 1 miogham, and it is to the hon. member for Birmingham purchase the dwellings eider compulsory sloe that might be drawn from the historical portion of favourable to the government in office. (Hear, hear.) But 1 that they owe . their origin. (Cheers, and cries of would cost much more than the teal value of ---. the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that this ' the natioual opinion n reform hes been unqueetioe ably as- no.") There is sot &Than in this house who does not knor question had been five times recommended from the throne; ! Pertained on two most recent magus. The dissolution of I that it is the hoe, member for Birminghae, be the spell thno. wou o id ylfiab ha ro v oile e ittoorhothsompay:tolt.iroahouren.ghidawopmeibblyeeabb,abylubaed rLaees bau bor reottiami..7 and undoubtedly be might say with truth that there is no :1859 was expreesly on reform, and the new parl ament thrown over Earl Busaeli, who has been the ruling sprit white the charge on the locality would be sev i te ll' previous instance , at least, in our time , of any question being refused to legislate. (Hear, bear .) Again at the close of of this movement, and it has been a revival of the old five times recommended from the throes and not peening the last session of parliament the member for Leeds (sr. battle that has been going oe for fourteen years into an act (Laud cheers.) But what is the ra t ion ? ' Baines), by his U. bill, on the eve of • dimolution, put a the honourable member for Birmingham and Earl Russell If it was their object to discourage perem ' f" The reason is obvious. There ism previous instance of I very strap g screw on liberal members ; but they, with !against the majority of the cabinet andspinst the ountry. dwellings that wore Millepede they n ' ill any ministers five times pressing upon their sovereign sad I vitione of the beatings before their eyes, laughed at hit screw . (Chean, and " No, no.") Everybody knows what has been have the power of compelling publr r blid -- t o t. - j - i arge number of houses, which would i be a We g orp , k — """ the parliament an important question which wee opposed to • and demolished his bill-(laughter)-and of all the liberal the ascendancy of the hon. member for Birmingham, and el Mew under .....,__ ey should sot • oese --- ves re powers, soda f Damen ' the well uoderstood feeling and interest wands, nation. 1 members who assisted at that praiseworthy work of demo- lute this ascendancy hes been so ostentatiously sod so On all former occasions great satirical de founded lake I cannot put my finger en one who lost his seat on am alarmiegly displayed that it has created a very profaned on rogue and Justice. prevailed over Darrow, selfish, sad j count of that bill. (Hear, heir.) But, thedivestere that betel eseeation in the country, and it bas created a sensation in poll nen u y as well ee fiseeoielly. inunincb, b exclusive interests ; but in this case the national demand I those enlightened and independent liberals who voted for the liberal ranks both above and below the gangway. The was patent that many dwellings weir I all • " 4 ". 1114 was to be left alone, and it is Berl Russell that is to be the bill may be told by scores-(laughter)-and they fell question has been asked dull the last three weeks by libe • ee to become ee t emoes, power thet - 0 - c i b : .r Turk serk warned and after the houses had been inspected , - a ""' treated with uampled patience and forbearance, which most grievously on the bench immediately behind me,among ral memben, one of soother, What are the priaceples and ~.. down tied erect other , at a cost not Piet ; r o P i dl thlll happily are et last exhausted. iChem.) Now, one would what may be tensed the body guard of the hoe. member for aims and titles! to our r , confidence and support yr the mot tow,. Persons having ma beadles - 3 'l wa oto y b t . suppose, with thou facts and this experience before us, Binniegbam. His favourite aide-de-camp was swept away, the new ruler that Lord Russell has determined that the government might have been deterred from spin and had it not been that my hon. friend the member for to set over us ?" The question bee been asked, in the A sp , el a court , after a judicial . bv. ba ,„, d taking up this question ; but nevertheless Berl Russell Rochdale fortunately survived the fray, the great repub- "Do we endorse his principles ;do we support his projects ; have power to undeme them. If the t hoe. l t„, ed his colleagues, who have already broken down four leen !melee wotild . have lost even his trumpeter. (Laughter.) is , hs really the right and proper person to reform our in- Finsbury cosseuted, th e goveremeet would mee ts -* . - .. . . _ -- • -A ren we safely tie- his guidance? „ On • - • -- - -- -- !I...tithe . - Theo. I ask, what more can the government want with dissolution? Dissolution bas already shown that the fur ther a member goes in reform the more precarious becomes his seat —(allaugb)—and another dissolution, under the pre sent circumstances, would not only be uoconstitutional, but let me tell my right, hon. friend it would be suicidal. 1 (Opposition cheers.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—No, no. Mr. HORSMAN—It is barely p ossible that some old and feeble politicians might have been prepared, in their des peration. to play the game of pirates, and to set fire to the ship before they left it; but no minister with the future before him woeld dare to offer such an affront to the country, for the country would place snob a mark upon him as one decade of years would not be sufficient to efface. One would suppose that these three essentials, viz., the strength of the government, the settlement of the question, and the legitimate power of dissolution—might have de terred the government from impaling themselves on this question of reform. But there is • fourth essential which, according to Lord Russell, the Chancellor of the Exchequer,' the hon. member for Sirmiogham, and the hon. member ' for Leeds, and all who attempt to legislate or sgitate on the question, is more vital than all the others combined. That is some strong public opinion out of doors, the certainty of an irresistible popular support without which they one and all said that any ministry attempting to deal with the question would be highly censurable, and would be so helpless that in the phrase used by my right hon. friend, they would only make themselves ridiculous. (Hear, hear.) Remember the re mutable words io which Lord Russell recorded his desire forsgitation when he said the next administration attempt ing to deal with the question mast be supported by a popu lar breeze, not only sufficient to carry it through the House of Commons, but strong enough to carry it over the bee of the House of Lords. But when Lord Russell and the Chancellor of the Exchequer laid their heads together last autumn there was no indication of a popular breeze. Lord Palmerston had left the country in a profound calm. It was contented and prosperous at home ; it was at place abroad. He wee a statesman who had deeply studied the English character, and English institutions. He knew that it was the first law of political life that we should govern by the voice of the educated majority. (Hear, hear.) His keen sastacity had told him that the educated majority . in England were in favour of tranquillity, and era of egitation. (Cheers.) He had bequeathed to his successors the ex staple of his wisdom and its fruits. He had a parliamen tary majority recently obtained at the elections go con siderable that wisely employed it would have secured his successors a strong and enduring parliament. (Cheers.) Now, under these circumstances, one would have thought that the path was so plain before them that no amount of folly could have led them astray ; but in an evil hour, and my hon. friend will excuse me for saying so, they summoned the hon. member for Bir mingham to their oouncils—(laughter)—and if he gave them the same advice in private which he afterwards re peated on the platform, and circulated by his organ through the provinces, he would appear to have guaranteed the breeze that was to carry the Reform Bill over the bar of the House of Lords. (Laughter.) He must have told them that the calm which Lord Palmerston bequeathed was artificial and deceitful, that it was only the precursor of the storm, that reform was not dead, but dormant, that it pervaded the whole nation, that the teenage of the ooustry were dangerously pent up, and that the people only waited for the speedy return to power of that great , moister, reverentially termed the father of reform, who ' had already been the benefactor, and was destined spin to be the eaviour of the nation, which was on the brink of re volution, and could only be saved by • single-barrelled re form bill. (Laughter.) If any man had gone to Lord Pal merston and talked such nonsense tohim as that the country was bursting for reform, be would have been laughed out of the room. (Laughter.) We remember what Lord Palmerston said on the buntings, in answer to Kr. Roweliffe, who asked, " Why have you not Introduced a reform bill?* " Why," said Lord Pal mentors, " bosom we were not such geese." (Laughter.) Lord Palmentoo's colleagues received that answer both as a witicism and as a compliment. (Renewed laughter.) That answer was characteristic of Lord Palmerston. It went straight to the understanding of every English. man. (Laughter.) It told more than volumes of writing, or hours of speaking could have done. Lord Palmerstoe's most striking characteristic was sound, strong, maaculiae English common sense—(hear)—which we all know, for the guidance of men, or the management of parties, is infinitely more valuable than all the other gifts and qualities com bined, that a minister can possess. (Hear, hear.) Lord Palmerston would never have been weak enough to have been persuaded that Englishmen would be governed by Lancashire —(hear, bear)—or that the English party would be domi neered over by the hon. member for Birmingham. (Hear, hear.) But the man who would have been a pigmy in the bands of Lord Palmerston was a giant in the hands of his secoessor. (Laughter.) Lord Rummell at once fell into his toils, and was easily persuaded that he was the idol of an adoring nation, with a !lessee-directed mission to the ful filment of which be was to be guided. The die was gest, • large and comprehensive reform was to be the cry, agita- Bee wee to be the means, the wise and tranquil policy of Lord Palmerston was to be reversed, and the days of truce and compromise were over. It was to be the ruin of the majority of moderate liberalism behind the Treasury benches. The real liberal party . was no longer to be found there where formerly it was assoc iated with names of historic renown in great perty conflicts and liberal triumphs. The true and trusted liberals were mainly fob" found below the gang-way—(laughter)—in that minute section which acknowledges the leadership of the hon. mem ber for Birmingham, and only his nominees were to be preferred as the heirs and occupiers of that bench, and the future governors of England. (Laughter.)' The cry was to be, " Agitate, agitate, agitate." It was proclaimed trumpet-tongued by all their organs ; simultaneously and together in every town and every dis trict ; petitious, addresses, deputations, leagues, and all the machinery of turbulence were put in requisition. The boo. member for Birmingham was himself to rush into the pro vinces, "to ride the whirlwind sod direct the storm"— (cheers)—and when the giant spirit of the nation was fairly roused, when this great council of the rulers of the nation was graciously to consider how they would be pleased to carry out the redistribution of power which we are aasembled this night to discuss, we know how that plan was intended to be carried out. We remember, after those two first mouths of democratic delirium, before the bubble of their popularity burst, how the instruments of the government spoke, bow they wrote, how they babbled, blustered, and crowed of how those benches on the opposite side of the house were to be cleared, and bow these were to be purified. (Hear, hear.) Why, sir, democracy was upon us ; for two months we had a fore taste of its sweets, a foreshadowing of its delights, and little was left for the imarination to conceive of the sort of liberty to be left to this hones when those new patrons of liberty were enthroned in peewee (Cries of "Divide,' and opposition cheers.) I observed that there was one topic usually urged on these occasions, which the Chancellor of the Exchequer most carefully avoided to-night. We were generally told to remember the advantages of legislating in a calm, and I certainly was surprised to find to-night that that advantage was not dwelt on by my right hon. friend. Could it be that he found that some, at least, of his old colleagues had not availed themselves of that ad vantage ? There were some of them who during that agi tation, by the countenance and favour of the bon. member, for Birmingham. did not scruple to assist in letting loose the furies of agitation and the demons of disturbance. It was in their name and on their motion, as their auxiliary and ally, that the bon. member for Birmingham went down as their plenipotentiary into the provinces to lash the people into fury with a recital of imaginary wrongs and fabricated grievances. (Cheers.) And, sir, if we have not had to-day what was threatened in more than one ministerial organ—if we have not had 1831 revived—if we have not bad the excitement of Birmingham, the burning" of Nottingham, and the riots of Bristol—if the Chsncellor of the Exchequer, under a pressure he could not resist, has not submitted to our acceptance to-night a very different bill in a very different tons as that of a master who has a power at his command that we should do well not to brave, and if the hon. member for Birmingham himself, who would then have towered as a dictator over the government, has not been enabled like a second Cromwell to stamp his foot and cry to the refractory members, "Get you gone, you are no longer a parliament. Lord Russell has no longer any . . . . his bill ;You'd also a second time sad he uhf to a select committee. He did not propene that %l ab mot bill should be so referred. Sir M. RIDLEY asked whether it weed sot b si, visable to engraft the powers o the Local Govsniessethg cm this lOU Mr. POWELL tholight it would be convenient la ob print the bill, so that the alterations should he Wort lig boom. thitutions,. and can we saielj saispt .._. tut this point, however unpalatable it may be to some gentle. men on this aide of the house—l am speaking in the pre mime of the hon. member for Birmingham, and I am speak hug with the certainty that be will follow me in this dis cussion. (" No, no." from Mr. BRIGHT.) I am going to I rive my honourable friend something that he will reply to. I am told that even now we ate not to have any declaration of his opinions from my boa. friend the member for Birmingham • bat if the house will give me its attention for ten minutes, and if he will give me his attention, I will venture to say that I will place something before the booth which I think he will reply to. I do not deny that the hoe. member for Birmingham sin cerely desires the changes he advocates ; I do not doubt that ; but I am about very briefly to show that he does not desire them in the sense in which we desire , them—namely, with a view of reforming, strengthesioul and perpetuating what we admire and value. (Cheers.) In England the title of reformer is only understood in one sense, as that of a man who is honestly sod 'World, an adherent, a friend, and an upholder of a form of government which he wishes by reforming it to render more perfect and enduring. But if a professing reformer is a paselosate ad mirer of republican institutions, it be °peaty avows that our English institutions are faulty on those points in which they differ from the republican institutions—and that the changes which he would make should be after the mode, and in the direction of gradually but inevitably mak ing them republican, sad it he publicly depreciates and decries not the defects is our English form of government itself, in those very speeches in which he unfolds the changes and the reforms be advocates—why, if this be the case, sir, and 1 do not know that any man in the house will be bold enough to contradict me, be cannot be a sympa thiser with oar views, he cannot honestly co-operate with oar objects—he approaches the task not in the spirit of reform but of revolution ; be is not a friend but an enemy of the institutions which he sets himself to change. (Cheers.) Now, air, in a few moments I will enable the lions, to judge out of his own mouth whether the hon. member for Birmingham does sot fall under this disqualificatioe, and on this point I promise the gentlemen behind me I shall be extremely brief. What 1 DAY to state will be very short and very conclusive. It happened that at the time the Derby cabinet was in aloe the ad vanced reformers determined to have a reform bill of their own, and at a reform conference, at which the hop. member for Hull was in the chair, various resolu tions wove moved and seconded by honourable mem bers of this house, sod among them it was moved by the hon. member for Sheffield that the hon. member for Birmingham should prepare and take charge of a re form bilL He accepted that commission. He prepared his bill and explained its provisions at a merles of pahrts meetings in the provisoes, but principally in the large tows of the north of England, and in explaining the bill he expounded his own views and principles on reform. He said he had been very much attacked sad misrepresented by the newspapers; that they said be was going to email the monarch y sad the House of Lords, and it was to vindicate himself from that imputation that he made • speech to which lam going to refer. Itishould be remem bered that these speeches were made is an official character as the representative of those who had asked him to prepare the bill, and they were afterwards revised by himself for pub 'footle°, and therefore they are the most authoritative, the mart literal, sad the most solemn declarations of a public political faith which any Eaglishmaa could make in the face of the country. The honourable gentleman then read extracts from Mr. Bright's speeches respecting the crown, the House of Lords, sad the House of Commons, and proceeded :—W hot becomes of the free constitution? How far are we removed from a republic? Why, sir, if there be any meaning in words and force in language, the political principles of the member for Birmingham—l doe% presume to judge his persons' sad individual feelings—but I say his political principles as publicly propounded in the face of his countrymen are the principles, not of an Eaglishman, but of an alien. He is not a believer in the British constitution. He most be as thorough going a republican as President Johnson himself. (" Ob, oh ; ' and opposition chem.) And this is the mod deutial adviser of the head of the cabinet—the director of his policy, and, inasmuch as Lord Russell is prime minister, the director of the liberal party. That liberal party, only six months ago, followed - Lord Palmerston as its leader. Is it to be supposed that the liberal party has no care foe its character, for its consistency ? It is a greater change of policy than has ever, in our time, followed the trans fer et governments fr om one front bench to another ; it is as complete a political revolution as could be 'coml. plished. But it has not been accomplished—l do not think it is likely to be accomplished. But the nation bas bad a great escape. The death of Lord Palmerston brought on a very serious crisis. Two months ago the member for Bir mingham had apparently the command of the situa tion ; every moment of the noses was fraught with peril ; but at the opening of parliament, when , members had an opportunity of meeting and conferring together, the danger panned away, for no sooner had mesa.' bees oompared the situation that owe a/secet universal feeling pervaded the house, which will be known on the, second reading, if ever we come to a wend reading. (A laugh.) And now, sir, let me say—("Oh, ob," " Time," and cheers)—l do not admit that true sod trusted liberals sit only below the gangway, but what I do say is. that Dow this most imminent peril is over it is for the liberal party calmly to reconsider its position and duties as to the future. It has seen that a succession of whig ministers have I been driven by the necessities of their po'itios to give a small minority of extreme opiaioniate an importance utterly dim ' nate to their nimbus is this house, or to th r influence out of it ; and the consequence is that the whole liberal party, against its convict:thaw and still mare against its interest, has been drifting towards democracy. Nothing could be more unfortunate tads character ; nothing more fatal to its stability, as many liberals of oderate opinions are now beginning to discover. (No, no.) Two gentleman say " No, DO." (Loud cries of "No, no," and laughter). We have now before us the peeped of a suc cession of short governments sad frequent dissolutions, all tending to that confusion which every moderate man must deprecate as meet surely contributing to the themdeecy of extreme opinioes. Therefore it is that in my heart I believe that much of the future of England must depend on the spirit with which this new House of Com mon.' realises and rises to this charge of its first and most responsible duty—(edieers)—end 111 tell my right hon. friend what that is—to vindicate the supremacy of conati ttheal opinioes ; to spurn the dictation of wn 'intolerant minority ; to make it the first condition of the occupancy of that bench that the ministers of the crown shall be men of unquestipnable attachment to the principles sod the policy that arecdothply implanted in the convictions and cherished in the hearts of educated Eoglishmen ; those principles of freedom which have been too successfully defended spinet the encroachments of monarchs and the passions of multi tude' to be now surrendered at the feet of a more ignoble tyranny—(laughter)—that policy of sound and peaceful and constitutional program which has bithertorefiected thegrow log intelligence of the nation, and can only be resisted or fatally driven back by the successful machinations of those who would trade alternately on the weakness of ministers they despise, and on the presumed igoorence of the masses, whose contempt for the abortive agitation of the last four months has troved how deeply sensible they are of the blessings of the institution under which they live, and that they have become too enlightened to be de luded, and too distrustful of demagogues to be betrayed. (Opposition cheers.) Mr. LOWE moved the adjournment of the debate. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said there could be no objection to the adjournment under the present circumstances of the discussion, but it was exceedingly de sirable the debate should be proceeded with this evening. If his boo. bleed the member for Kilkenny would postpone the motion of which he bad given Defies, he would under take to provide him with an opportunity for bringing his motion forward. Sir J. GRAY said that if the right hon. gentleman would undertake to find him a night before the second reading of the Reform Bill he should be happy to give way. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER agreed to do so, and The debate was accounted adjourned till this day. SUPPLY. The report of the committee of supply was brought up and agreed to. MUTINY BILL. TM CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER Rid Ilus would be no objectioe to that emus ; but that, rlb result hill had a digerati seope, it was desirable 4lea. seed with it. The two hills were quite distiliat is this I[r. Y. TORRENS told ha choodally adopted tie le► pawl to rotor his bill to a *elect committee. , __....--. Hr. KINNAIRD observed that sot osly the rodevpdh bat the whole country was backlog forward to there* lof the bill. Mr. MORLEY expressed a Lope that the mom* would advance the neoeseary funds under the tall Maio rate than four per oast, Sir M. FAX4IIHAR thought that the govenamil ought to be referred to a select committee, irhe have the MIIIIIIO/0 proposed by the hoe. memb er t o H ui r. bury before them. AYBTON odd the people could build beam let themselves better thee the House of Commons add by them for their use. Mr. ARROYO aid his experiesee was that the ell. of buildinp for the people wee set a profitable opeethis He expressed his einesse e►tisfaotioe that the gereowil had gives more thaw a positive anent to the measure his the house. Out of the two mesons ► very wept* as could be framed. Mr. LOG/LE said the priociple of the bill was eleitlys‘ mined. It would be absolutely steensiry that tien should be some intervention on the part of the gemmed in order that navy wretched abodes should be Wield rad others of a more suitable character erected. The motion foe the snood reeding was agreed to. need of yon"—(ministerial odes of " Oh." and "Question") —if all this has not °penned tonight, it is not to the colleagues of my right hoo. friend that we are indebted for our escape, but to the good sense and the loyalty of those SUPPLY.—REPORT. The report ci the committee was brought up, and M resolutions were agreed to. THE ARTISANS' AND LABOURERS' DWELLING! RILL Oo the motion of Mr. foitimrs, this bill tar mai a emood time, and ordered to be referred to a aged comsdalas This bill was read a third time and pawed, the Chancellor of the Exchequer informing Mr. D. Gri ffi th that is future the bill should be printed, and should be accessible to hon. members. .2C.) ;~,:-~ . ;; ; 11* — O6 limu J mn DM_ Las 1 tood6ll =ll4 I~R t PA!. .. I; Pim ants' libb, 4 art . itift; WIN liar, 1 gad Valve IX --4•- 4 WM 4 ink 1 sad i ti n . los% a lOW a L' 144 la Nan ripe** Ida u n: POWs belh al 7 41). eek id ma k seat be bsedee m e. mad b e 1 1 . 1 , 0 a 0 peen ; I el si intsl tome. .• IV on Totil nined , 6 ••••• Per Getz dee !weld • bes slig nig C. 11ehe ague hm elcorj P. . " t • SSW D I s they 'l l: l 4 • elms. le g trior d bone.* ot ir .t 4CKI e2 th r i tt half ; ess . heed ' This d rimy % ma . • • Nil hie* • 5 1 1 11 4 I" Mhos ens enha W % N M • ..41fil b bodies Is hem . Lassa& • mat As o, b ""le. We giriTT in seeli 666, 1 dr TAUS se to pen Iw o an tem ly 3 Ms ntseede z rituP woold 214:" 9 Is% Ida. a hand s e a prefers lidatissoieedd she has e. member tes —roe e Id corset the MGM" ' * sad be w o w • we that the pa a 7 eg odd .<4 b 4 fetes loyeeneest het you's I • '„r , meantime es s bit bie Id be between IS • UR said time • ••••,;w rut thet, r re o we leenable be ere. mr a dittnest is tote se. gr d dopted tie 6 the toeieepm e PIO but tor dto tb Mil a aeorona of the the gems* a Xllllolal4te SU 14 Iss • goverment . ! 0 4 C ttee, she sea • - amber far Flue nild here le eanide noes could icy hat** ensile *Me seellelis • the gorsorut , le mews Mine I ' eve ocuphie as ..... ll was taw / el. leery that en 1 the g•overassi - old be dahspd I I set F. Doted. . ash he greed to. tem thl ght up, and ell — . o gee% . toms o 3' DWELLING! Bator+ bill wu • mien eeteadilit of t ' NAILS& IV was gives to Ishi Iditioeal oohs orb s lawless ird ."". MANDL is , DEMI care, lease gm . they wen reds I ist entice of bet isistrsties of Is no Junkier dill itorosry Premien Lion Alleges's h d in tie Bad , Item ot WON, id, end to mei =1 LAND TAX COMMISSION - ERA' NANDI. On CaiLnuna leave wee Onto* in a bill for the purpose of appointing ',Milieu] are @jolters for executing the acts f-r gnuning a lead tax ed other rates and taxes. TRIIBTt3' ADYLNISTRATION (SOOTLAND), la g BILLS. Os the motion of thi Loan ADVOCATI, leave int given to being in the following bills, and they were reds Int time : A Bill to fscilitate the Administration of Tent In Bootland ; •WI to improve the Administration of Is Law se respeets Summary Procedure before Justices del Peace in Bootisad, sad to emend " the Summery Premien Act, 1864 ;" a Bill to provide Superannuation Allman ti Moan employed In perishes in Soothed in the Raid d the Paw ; and a Bill to improve the system of Begletew Um of Writs relating to Land I. Hoglund, and to oral the law relating to Inhibitions sod Adjudkaties• LOUTH ELECTION PETITION. The DEPUTY43PEABER acquainted the home Anti was not the intention of the petitioner to mass& lit Louth Election Petition against the Mare el tr i A ! Hoc. Ohichestee Fortescue and Kr. Tristan (Hear, hear.) DUMBARTONSHIRE ELECTION. The DEPUTY-SPEAKER also acqnsintad the Wei that Mr. J. Stirling did sot intend to &aim his slat let Dtunbertonihire ; and on the motion of Ir. MMUS di Clerk of the Crown was ordered to appear at the bad ths house to-morrow, and amend the return made at the Irt election for that county. The bones adjourned at ten minutes to one. PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS. HOUSE OF COMMONS—Toe Da. NOTICE OF MOTIONS. Sir S. NORTHCOVe—To ask the Secretary of State* , the Bess Department whether it N the intention of the governor le Introduce any bill in the present semi= with referees NMe public schools. Mr. C. Elmo) —To ask the Lord Advocate whether, is ram (Perm of a recent decision of the Noose of Teets ea: practice which has prevailed in several parochial in times of general distress, of granting at their own sostetanoe to able-bodied persons. to be illegal. it le his WOO to introduce such a measure as will render those presnell lawful. Colonel W. Pstnea—To ask the Chancellor of the whether his attention has been directed to private i bll= duced during the prment merlon, giving powers to correle bodies to establish saying@ banks on the security d Mamas funds ; and if so, what are the intention, of the muses, with respect to them. Sir Hone CABE—To ask the Attorney-Omega to why the vacancy in the senate of the Queues Toles:8111V, land, has not been fi lled up, and why the summonses heed • fix a day for the convocation of the university to bold as di for such vacancy were rescinded . whether the goveralseit MF pose to ask the senate or the ma vocation to eartfeast Oro 'sting charter of the university ; and, whether he that it is intra vires of the senate to make any such arreste Sir P. I max—To ask the ChanoeLlor of the latioff• whether he is able to inform the house at what thee 111 0 poste to bring forward the budget. Mr. Butcn—To wit the Secretary to the Treemory OARS Is the intention of government to increase the Wails set dm the clarification of the outdoor ofdcers of mikes, al bi bm recently done in the instance of the darks of the rise 1 10 partment Sir J. Entsr--Church Establishment (Izeland)—That Os Mon of the established church in Ireland is a jut cams of defection to the people of that country, and urgently EEO the consideration of parliament. Mr. (Moony —Church Establishment green/it—As sserrb went to Sir J. Gray s motion, to move that the reform el OP Irish church establishment is necessary, and demands Ur pm* attention of parliament. • TRAFFIC RETURNS. —e--- RAILWAY& Mnks IRA. Ye~ VAAL 1 461 1i _ E singers. dead& am r Week ending Feb. I& A II 4 Ottoman dok 166 as 41i On Do. Feb. 26 — Ui au 96 1 40 Week ending Ranh & Belgian Western Inseam 111 124 107 sa 111 I Week ending Wareb 10 London, Deletion, and IL Coast OR 11,116 RIES 102 3 1 %Li Booth Reilone — 11,318 6.861 19.07 7 17.," BIRTHS, MARRIAGES, AND DEATHS. BIRTH& BRISTOWR—Mareh 10, at Herne-hill, 8., the wife of W. Bit Lowe. Ray., of a daughter. CLARK.—March 10, the wife of A. Clark, Addison-PAO Booth Kensington. of a son. 11NLAY.—March 9, at Donegal-awnare south, Belfast, the will of F. I). relay, Esq., of a daughter. HOLMES.—March 10 at Harwood Hall, Corbetater, Fsies. the wife of IL Holmes, it, of a eon. RA NDALL. —Marsh 9, Clarendon Villas, Belem-road. S. the wife of E. J. Randall, Req. of gen. d TARLZ MR.—March 10. at Bei a a -road, LW., the wile Captain Tarletoa, C. 8.. o a daughter. MARRIAG&S. BALAAM—DAVIZB.—March 8, at Mel hteC l eh e . 1111 Rev. A. B. Bowers, Mr. J. Balsam, son of the at hen of Wellingborough, Northamptonshire. to Ann. daughter B Davies, Esq., of %nightrider-street, Doetoresommon• TARVIS—BILITIRL—Marth 10, at St. James' ClaPhee2_,.. - P en4 a w ttr ia. P.r. A. C. Prim )17. J. 8. JarT4 of the t-l ee " — ;" -common, to Mary, daughter of the late Mt. Harter, of Wlsbeacb. DEATHS. MENHIR—March 9, at Woodrlile Vllbu, Navarino-road , MUSA Mr. W. Deli aged 79. Gl7Doll.—Mareh a; 10, Karp, relict of the late 1. Cadge, MI. 11 Blackheath, aged TO. PUGH.—Marsh 9, Mr. W. J. Pugh, sun of Mr. C. Pugh. man-street. 8.R., awed 27. ROL—March 9, at Cheltenham, Hired, wife of P. Roc. Yee" aid. 82. a WILLIAMSON.—Marsh at New-col, *tact 0. f teDie -- T. Williamson, Esq., aged 86 Printed and Published by WII.LIAM IMO HALM of ilt W Lombard-street, fn the City of Lend" 'elder. ''' Naos to Lombard-street. in the PTOOLDC4 Of Wal ! italilf TUMMY, Maack Is. ISM % I' A ~~