The Express. — London, England, 1858-02-06 00:00:00

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Mom Omar. . lad Meg; MN HIGH WAS AT LONDON DILIDGI. TRU D..—Nerstm, 111. Mo. Trissaasv—Ximidis, IL MA. ZONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 6. le the principles of International Law are not to be abandoned as a dead letter ; if the protection ac corded by the British Crown to British subjects, wherever they may be, is not an idle phrase; if the Parliament of Great Britain is not sunk into a mere council fur registering the decrees of a Minister who having won power as the champion of English liberties seems bent upon retaining it by neglecting and surrendering them, then the conduct of the PALMERSTON Cabinet in respect of the two English engineers now under trial at Naples, must be the subject of instant, earnest, and searching Parliamen tary inquiry. The Daily News published yesterday from the columns of the Indepetsdaswe Beige, an ab stract, which we have good reason for knowing to be substantially accurate, of the despatch transmitted ea the 16th of last month by Count CATOUI to the Sardinian Chargi: d'Affaires at the Court of Naples, touching the illegal seizure of the Cagliari and her crew. The two Englishmen, WATT and PARK, were the engineers on board the Cagliari : whatever, therefore, tends to prove that the detention of the steamer was against the law of nations tend' equally to show that the imprisonment and trial of these two English subjects is by the same law indefensible and unjust. It will be desirable to state as succinctly and clearly as possible the points urged by the Sardinian Govern ment. The Cagliari was a Sardinian passenger steamer, engaged in the regular service of transporting the mails between the continent and the island of Sar dinia. She was owned by a Genoese firm, and on the particular occasion on which the seizure took place had cleared from Genoa on het regular trip to Sardinia, and thence on to Tunis, for which voyage she had all the necessary documents on board. Suddenly, when out at see, the captain, crew, and engineers of the Cagliari were overpowered by some 23 or 30 persons, who had embarked on board her at Genoa as passengees, and who, by villence and threats, compelled the crew to take the vessel out of her course, and steer het to the Neapolitan comet, where they landed, and pro ceeded to commit acts of armed hostility against the Neapolitan Government No sooner was the cap tain of the Cagliari than released from the compul sion pat upon him by the overpowering force of the insurgents than he sailed at once for Naples, with the intention of giving information of all that had passed to the proper authorities. On his way thither, when actually on the high saw far beyond the limits of the Neapolitan jurisdiction, at a distance of about thirty mile* from Salerno, the Cagliari was captured by two Neapolitan war steamers, the Tancredi and the Ettore, which brought her into Naples, where, after the vessel had been placed under sequestration, a criminal pro ems was commenced against all found on board of her, including our two countrymen, 'WATT and PA itk. Directly the Government of Sardinia were informed of the proceedings of the insurgents, they hastened, through the medium of their Charge d'Affaires at Naples, to express to the King of the Two Bictuzs the indignation which the Government of his Ma jesty Vic-rott Esist‘rat. had experienced on hearing of this attack made upon a friendly State. With equal promptness, on learning the exact state of circumstances connected with the subsequent deten tion of the Cagliari and her crew, Count CAVOUR in eructed the representative of Sardinia to demand' the restitution of the Cagliari and the liberation of the crew, " sr/tourer nay be the determine " !ion taken in consequence of the trial which has " teen instituted against them." The ground of this demand was, that, upon the facts, the seizure of the Cagliari by the two Neapo- litan frigates was contrary to the law of nations, and that all subsequent proceedings based upon the assumed legality of that 00121111, were absolutely invalid. The arguments by which Count CAVOCIt sustains this view of the case commend themselves no less to the general good sense of the unlearned than to the instructed judg ment of jurisconsults. The Cagliari, at the incep tion of her voyage, and at the time of her capture, was sailing under a friendly flag, and had a lawful captain and regular papers. She had sailed for her usual ports of destination. At sea she was taken possession of by an armed force of insurgents, and became, as long as their resistless power predoen sated. a mere passive instrument in their hands. Under imminent fear of death, and an apparent impossibility of offering effectual resistance, her crew mad engineers navigated her as the forced and temporary ministers of the insurgent force. Directly that superior form was withdrawn— directly the captain, crew, and engineers of the Cagliari were free to act again for themselvee—what steps did they take ? Did they continue to abet the lawless violence of the insurgents, who, by over whelming force, had premed them for awhile tato the service of their mad enterprise '—did they loiter on the coast to aid thaws who, entirely against th e i r will. had compelled thus to steer to it 1' Nothing of the kind. Immediately the iasurgsat fora had landed, the captain of the Cagliari set sail forNapko, to warn the authorities there of the rash attempt of which be himself, hie maw, asel his vase! had by Lad passed to the proper a way thither, when actually on beyond the limits of the Near at a distance of about thirty t I the Cagliari was captured by tw steamers, the Tancredi and • brought her into Naples, when had been placed under sequestrat ewes was commenced against all her, including our two count: PARE. .. 1 Directly the Government of Sar of the proceedings of the insurge through the medium of their t. Naples, to express to the King of ) the indignation which the Cove jesty VICTOR Ematvrat had exp j of this attack made upon a fries i equal promptness, on learning circumstances connected with du tion of the Cagliari and her crew eructed the representative of f the restitution of the Cagliari il the crew, " erhaterer may be du " tuns taken in consequence of 1, " been instituted against them." The ground of this demand 1 .1 facts, the seizure of the Cagliari titan frigates was contrary to if and that all subsequent proce .1 the assumed legality of t Aabsolutely invalid. The arg I Count CA VOCR sustains this ./ commend themselves no lees t, sense of the unlearned than to meat of jurisconsults. The Cat I tioo of her voyage, and at the I was sailing under a friendly flag captain and regular papers. Sb usual ports of destination. At 4 possession of by an armed force 1 became, as long as their resist: sated. a mere passive instrum Coder imminent fear of death impassibility of offering effectual sad engineers navigated her temporary ministers of the Directly that superior force directly the captain, crew, an Cagliari were free to act again ft steps did they take? hid they lawless violence of the inner whelming force, had premed tl the service of their mad satsrpr i on the caul to aid thane who, I will. had compelled them to s of the kind. Immediately the landed, the captain of the Cagli to warn the authorities them of which he himself, his aiw, es • 1 n. THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 6, 1858. force been made the instruments. It was in the prosecution of this design, while sail ing under a friendly flag, with regular papers on board and with a friendly purpose, that the Cagliari was captured by two Neapolitan frigates, not within the limits of the Neapolitan jurisdiction, not within range of cannon-shot from the Neapo litan coast, but on the broad highway of the open seas, where no power whatsoever is justified in exer cising the right of seizure, except in the ease of a pirate, who is out of the protection of all law, or of a belligerent, who is fair prize by the laws of war. At the time the Cagliari was thus seized on the high seas she was not a pirate,—for she had a lawful captain, a national flag, and regular papers. She was not a belligerent, for there was no war between Naples and Sardinia. She was a neutral, manned by a captain and crew, who having, by irresistible force, been compelled for a brief season to subserve the purposes of those who ►ad risen in insurrection against a friendly power, had, at the time of mime, resumed the character and attitude of strict neutrality, and were then actually taking the best and most available means for retrieving the mischief of which, without any fault of their own, they had been made the reluctant accomplices. Under these circumstances the Sardinian Government con- chide that the sequestration of the vessel and the imprisonment and trial of her captain and crew are illegal acts, and they accordingly demand the re delivery of the one and the release of the other. This is the line that has been taken by Sardinia : what has been the line taken by England ? Lord CLAILLIMON admitted, last night, in the Hones of Lords, that he was aware of the principles wetted by the Sardinian Government. Had he any similar assertion of principle to point to on behalf of Eng land ? Not a word of the kind. He limited himself to the miserable topics that the engineers of the Cagliari, although guilty of the crime of being Eng lishmen, had not been worse treated by the Neapolitan Government than they would have been had they been born subjects of Naples ; that no etepe had been omitted which could " alleviate their sufferings that he believed they would be fairly tried, and hoped they would be speedily acquitted. We are not aware that a more slavish tissue of mean and paltry sentiments ever fell from the lips of an English Mi nister. The question is not whether these men have been well or ill treated by their gaolers, but whether they ought ever to have been in gaol at all—not whether they are tried with no more harshness and injustice than Neapolitans, but whether there is any right to try them at all—not whether this great and proud nation is to congratulate itself if, after all, they are not condemned, but whether our Ministers are or are not bound to declare imprisonment, trial, and sentence to be alike a wrong, • mockery, and an insult, for which instant reparation ought to be de- mended, and, if necessary, enforced. The country must look to it, that the Representatives of the People do their duty in this matter. It can never be borne with that those who are entrusted with the honour and dignity of England, should have been less alive to their duty than the Ministers of the little king dom of Sardinia. Tar circumstances which have prompted the Emperor of the FRENCH to nominate a Regency in case of his demise before the majority of his son are such as every one must deplore. And these circum stances would also induce us to take an indulgent and favourable view of whatever measure the EM PEROR should devise for obviating the disastrous consequences, even of successful regicide. But poli tical and historic truth demand the remark, that the Regency which the EmPenoa has proclaimed in case of his demise is not one likely to command that re spect and obedience necessary for the continuance of the Imperial system. The government of a woman, in the first place, doss not suit French ideas and requirements. The arrangement meditated in 1848 for replacing LOUIS PHILIPPE by his grandpa., the Count of Pasts, failed chiefly because it implied the regency of the Duchess of ORLEANS. Every one remembers the expressive exclamation of the French mob on this alternative being offered to it. .The &apnea of the Faxmcm is an amiable and a beautiful woman ; but the task of satisfying all the hopes, and confronting all the dangers, that beset an Imperial throne in France, demands a very different ruler. lithe French, unconstitutional and politically un gallant as they are, object to the rule of woman, still more strongly do they object to the administration of priest or prelate. The nomination of a Cardinal therefore, to the Council of Regency does not add to its strength. The lawyers appointed, Messrs. MOP LONG and BAROCHE, were Orleaniats yesterday, and would be Bourbonists to-morrow. M. DE MORNY is a Russian ; but the truths, that were the Emperor of the FRENCH suddenly called away from the plus which he so energetically tills, power in France could devolve but upon one of two parties—the Army or the Democracy. Some people are of opinion that the one is organised almost as completely as the other ; but dispassionate observers are of opinion that under any circumstances the Republican So- ditties will be put down by the Army. But how comes it that the Army is so powerful in France ? As it is indispensable in France to keep tip a large military establishment, and to spend the greater part of the revenue of the country and the patronage of the Crown in military appointments and commands, the first duty of a French ruler, one should think, and the great necessity of the Government, should be to counteract the natu rally enormous influence of the army by consti tuting the civilian body strongly and independently. This the successive governments of LOMB XVIII., CHARLES X., and LOUIS PHILIPPE fully accom plished. The representative government which they introduced and sanctioned had at lout the great merit and result of making the sword yield to the toga, of paying respect to greatness, forensic and parliamentary, and of lifting the car of state, as the French are fond of calling their political system, out of the military rat. Since the elevation of the EMPEROR, however, the whole civilian class has suffered an eclipse. It has not brought forth one eminent person. Nor, indeed, is there a possibility of civilian eminence, since the Bar, the Press, the University, the Parliament, even the Ministerial Office and Diplomacy, are one and all in a state of studied discouragement. The EMPEROR is every thing. Civilian France is nothing. If we tarn our telescope upon the public stage of that country, we see nothing but the feathered hats and starred breasts of general officers, with a tierce mob scowling on all around. Bat even an Empire cannot dispense altogether with civilian eminence. In no case or contingency was it more needed than in the formation of a Council of Regency. Yet we see one named, in which can be found neither birth, wealth, talent, dignity, nor independence. These men are all cyphers, of value ea long as a unit, like NA PO LLON 111., stands before them; but of themselves, and with the task of governing France, they are absurdly and unfortunately unequal to their position. There MU no greater cause of the first NaPoLson's unpopularity than his rendering every civilian pro fession subordinate. The Restoration of 1816 really restored the non-military half of society to ea equality with the wearers of epaulette. Aad yet NAPOLEON I. did far more for civilians than NAPO LEON 111. has done. The patronage he extended to men of science, and the Institute which he formed of them, were alone glorious exceptions. There is no thing of the kind at present. There are now arising the self-same complaints so prevalent from 1800 to 1815, that the soldiers formed a dominant class, that hustled and insulted and looked down upon all the non-military as Pekin,. Some of the large garrison towns in France have, we under stand, become insupportable, and impossible for families to live in, on this account. The military, especially since the last war, give themselves the same airs, and claim the same superiority as that averted by the men of Wagram and Austerlitz. We have just had some samples ourselves of the _ . _ outrecuidance of certain French officers. It is indeed not surprising that there should be found colonels of French regiments, who propose to " walk into us," because certain conspirators against the life of the EMPEROR have passed through England. And if there are " eaters of Englishmen" in France, we have, no doubt, gentlemen amongst =seine who would not make two bites of a Frenchman. Such extraveganose will occur in the natural course of things. But why publish such vulgar malignity in the Mositeur ? The professional portion of the French army, like the professional portion of almost every army but our own, desire war—no matter with whom or on what grounds. Bat a large proportion of the French army is not professional, and only anxious to lay down its arms, its term of service expired, and return to labour, marry, and make provision for old age. A ruler of France will have the professional soldier with him, what ever be his policy or his quarrel. But to engage in war for a mean cause—to strike at England, for example, because she refuses to drive innocent exiles from her shores, when culpable men are guilty of crime--this is a cause for disturbing the peace of Europe which neither the French public, nor the French non-pro fessional soldiers, nor the French civilians would sanction. All these are at the present moment reasoning beings. They were not so in 1800. The effort now to fetter and to blind them may be as strenuous, but it is not so effectual or complete. Nor has the extinction of Parliament and Press destroyed those habits of political sentiment, criticism, and discussion that three-and-thirty years of a constitu tional government had engendered. The civilian and industrial element in France is twenty-fold what it was at the commencement of the century ; and no military tyranny can for any long time abuse and oppress it. Tax Sanitary Commissioners of the Army have established the startling conclusion, that the British soldier's occupation is almost without exception the most unhealthy of all the occupations in the United Kingdom. How comes it that the soldier's life during peace should be so short ened? No doubt the collecting of masses of men almost always generates disease. A given locality, perhaps, cannot accommodate so many, or the sanitary precautions of the district were originally calculated for a smaller number. In war men may perish by companies from exposure, from fatigue, from starvation. This is natural enough, but the difficult problem is this: why the rate of mortality amongst civilians should be just one haft the rate of mortality that is found to exist among 60,000 picked men, distriboted in bodies seldom exceeding 1,000 among a population of 28,000,000, and that in &time of profound peace, and in a country not only the healthiest in Europe, but possessing the greatest facility of communication and the most abundant sup . . . . . . plies. This question, indeed, looks more like a paradox than a serious problem : nor con we doubt that if the facts upon which it is based were not verified by official men and official documents, we should be told that the problem itself is insoluble because the facts have no existence. The Commissioners, how ever, have spent seven months in attempting its solution, and their conclusion is supported, not only by an overwhelming weight of evidence, but by the obvious probabilities of the case itself. Now there are four causes to which the high rates of mortality in the army have been attributed. First, there is night duty ; but that is common to the police : second, there is want of exercise and suitable em ployment—a cause serious in itself, but by no means sufficient to account for the extraordinary results witnessed : third, the intemperance and debauched habits amongst the soldiers, as to which, it is ob served, that though certain species of debauchery may be more common in the army than amongst young men in civil life, still there is no reason to suppose that soldiers are more drunken than their neighbours : fourth, crowding, and insufficient ventilation, and nuisances arising from defective sewage. Now, without in any degree under valuing the importance of the other causes of mortality, there can be no doubt that destruction to life among soldiers in time of peace is chiefly produced by the disgraceful condition of the barracks, which occasions the crowding and bad ven tilation complained of. At the same time, if this is the case—if the barracks are the grand agents of death—the War Minister, Lord PANMURE, has mach to answer for. In 1855, as the Report before us states, a Committee sat to examine into the existing construction and arrangements of barracks, and to report upon the necessary changes. Certainly it ap pears that the new barracks erected since that date are infinitely superior to the old ones ; but it does not appear, as the Report also states, that any important steps have been taken towards supplying the defici encies of ale older buildings, and in these some ef the most WNW evils remain still sinremedisd. The old story again ! Months of inquiry, cartloads of blue books, admirable suggestions, the Minister wearing his heart out in the public service, the evils portentous, the remedy the plainest and cheapest in the world; and yet, after all, nothing done. The t ru th is, we have no real rulers. The Government goes on just as well whether the Minister is in Downing-street, in bed, or on the moors. This automatic system is, perhaps, extravagant, but the Roue of Commons don't care ; and Joint Btu. hates change, and fears change may mean jobbery instead of reform. In attributing this cut mortality to the barracks, the Commissioners appear to have hit u p on th e right . . . . . . cause. The mode in which they have arrived at their conclusion is not without interest. It is en established fact that affections of the chest, such as spitting of blood, consumption, chronic catarrh, asthma, and difficulty of breathing, prevail in the army to an extent far greater than in civil life. The number of foot soldiers of the Line who die of such diseases ex coeds that of civilians who die in the same way by three-fifths; and taking the number of deaths from all causes in the army we find that above 87 per cent. of the infantry of the Line, and nearly 68 per cent. of the Guards, die of pulmonary disease. In civil life scanty clothing, bad and insufficient food, sedentary and unwholesome occupations, besides a vitiated atmosphere within doors, powerfully contri bute to propagate such disease. But in the army there is neither bad clothing, bad food, nor an occupation in itself unwholesome. Nono of these can be the active predisposing cause of this extra ordinary mortality. The only remaining cause is a vitiated atmosphere, and if it can be shown that the soldier in barracks breathe' one which is polluted and noxious, the excessive liability of the soldier to pulmonary disease is at once explained. For it is well known that consumption, chronic catarrh, spit ting of blood, asthma, and difficulty of breathing, are directly due to impure air. The cause, therefore, is ascertained. The only question concerns the ex tent of its operation. Now it seems that this impure atmosphere alone, aggravated in some degree by a certain amount of exposure, actually kills every year a number of men in the Infantry equalling, and in the Guards exceeding, the number of civilians of the same age who die of all diseases put together. The Com missioners conclude that "the ravages committed in " the ranks of the army by pulmonary disease are to " be traced in a great degree to the vitiated atmce " phere generated by overcrowding and deficient " ventilation, and the want of proper sewerage in " barraclui." The question remains whether the condition of the barracks in which the soldier is lodged is such as to confirm this conclusion. What say the witnesses ? One declares that a soldier never knows a healthy home as regards air and space till he commits some crime, which brings him into the thoroughly venti lated cell of a military prison. Dr. BALFOUR, the Secretary of the Commission, states that a soldier's barrack-room at present has not the least pretension to the comforts of an ordinary dwelling-house; and, what is infinitely more dis graceful, that there is not even the attempt made to introduce into it the decencies of civilised life. Sir Joule M'NEILL states that the Scotch paupers are better lodged than our soldiers. Whilst 480 cubic feet per bed are insisted upon in the Scotch workhouses, and that amount is generally exceeded,even less than the regulation-450 feet—is allowed in the soldiers' barracks. Some distance between the beds isvitsl to health, yet in barracks the regulated one foot between each bed is practically unattained. The buildings are so badly constructed that ventilation is almost impos sible. Indeed barrack-rooms are occasionally found in the basement underground, approached by descending steps, the tops of the windows, which open on one side only of the rooms, being little, if at all, above the surface level ; and in such low rooms men are crowded in beds so closely that the side of the one bed touches that of the other. But stranger still, in these rooms are persons of both sexes. Is there no separation, asked Sir Lulu CLARK of a sergeant, in the barrack room ? None whatever, was the answer. Some , times there are curtains, sometimes none. There are other details given by Sergeant Josflue SOTHERON in his evidence which we shrink from transcribing. They are a disgrace to the Government. But we ' must add, that in those horrid dens the men are ex-' petted to take their meals and to spend their leisure. The result is that the air is never purified. Even the sergeants cannot bear it, but are compelled to have the windows opened before they enter. " Thus," say the Commissioners, " the soldier sleeps "in a feetid and unwholesome atmosphere, the " habitual breathing of which, though producing " perhaps no direct immediate effects, probably lays " the seeds of that pulmonary disease so fatal to the " British army." In short, if foal air produce disease, the barracks seem to be built for the purpose. If soldiers are to be demoralised, the best way of effecting the pur pose is to drive them out into the gin-shop by making their quarters intolerable. If the public money is to be squandered, the destruction of carefully-trained soldiers is one of the speediest methods of doing so. Perseverance in a course of neglect so imbecile seems incredible. No one would object to the reform, and it would be one of the cheapest ever set on foot ; for the Commissioners declare that the cost of accom modation for the men in a barrack amounts to but one-fourth of the whole. If, therefore, a barrack, with all its appurtenances, cost at the rate of 1001. a man, only 251. would be the sum appro priated for barrack-rooms. It is only, therefore, upon this 251.—this fourth of the whole cost—that any increase of outlay would be needed in order to give that accommodation which the health of the men so imperatively requires. The additional outlay would be far more than re-placed by the diminished expenditure for procuring and training new soldiers u the old are prematurely killed off. The public will be surprised indeed, if this subject is not at once ventilated in Parliament Or the many great men, who have been stricken down by the weapons of the enemy, or by the de stroying climate of the country, during the calami tous mutiny in Upper India, there is not one whose name will be more honourably remembered in history than that of HENRY MONTGOMERY LAWRENCE. But, unlike HAVELOCK, NEILL, Ntcwomote, and other cherished military heroes, the war which cut short his life did not make his reputation—it had been made long before the outbreak ; and history would have dwelt fondly on his character and his exploits, if the rebellion, of which he was one of the noblest victims, had never swept over the land. By long and distinguished berries in many parts of India—from the jangles of Burmah to the mountain passes of Affgbaniatan and the lakes of Cashmere--he had laid, broad and deep, the foundation of a great name as a soldier and an ad ministrator, when the outbreak of the mutiny found him at his post, at the head of the government of the newly acquired province of Oude ; and then commenced those brilliant defenaive operations the glorious result of which he was not destined to see. But it is not of these things that we would now speak. Sir HENRY LAWRENCE will be long remem bered as a moldier and a statesman; but it is mainly because he was also a philanthropist that it is pro- posed to hold, this day, • public meeting in his honour—a meeting which many eminent men have signified their desire to attend, and at which the great worth of this truly " happy warrior" will be set forth in far more fitting language than we can bring to our aid. We purpose, therefore, only to says few words regarding the practical objects of the meeting. It was during his early period of regimental ser vice that the heart of HENRY LAWRENCE was first touched by the pitiable sights continually presented by barrack life on the plains. Being an artillery officer, he was brought into contact with the Euro pean portion of the Indian Army, and looking upon the soldier not merely as a component part of a bat talion or a necessary appendage to • gun, he regarded his humble comrade with the tenderest interest and compassion, as • man—perhaps, as the had of a family—and yearned to ameliorate his condition and that of the helpless ones who claimed his protection. European life in India, under the most favourable circumstances, is a struggle against climate, a struggle against disease. The dweller on the plains, even in a spacious well-ventilated house, with crowds of servants to administer to his wants, with horses and carriages and all the appliances of wealth, is but a sickly exotic. His wife languishes ; his children fade away. He is compelled to send them " home to England." But the European soldier, with nothing to counteract the baneful effects of the climate, has no resource of this kind. The scanty accommodation of the barracks, the dete riorating diet, the want of those ministrations which are neoawary even to the humblest Ewa pean in such a climate, all tell destroyingly upon the wives and children of the European soldiery. The children are unlike any other children in the world. Pale, emaciated, feeble, they hang about the barrack steps, or dawdle about the barrack square, hearing bad language, contracting bad habits, their moral and physical life equally deteriorated by the noxious atmosphere which surrounds them. A large pro portion of these little ones die in infancy. The few survivors are forced into an unnatural pm-maturity; the girls marry while mere children, to raise an offspring even feebler than their own generation ; whilst the boys, joining the regimental bands, soon imitate the worst vices of the adult soldier. Over this lamentable spectacle of the waste of European life ; the degene racy of the Anglo-Saxon race; the absence of all healthy moral training, and of religious culture—the sure attendants of barrack life on the plains,—LAw- HENCE had long pondered, not without a hope of some day being able to counteract, or at least to mitigate, the evil. He often spoke, he often wrote, on the subject, and when the reward of distinguished service came to him in the shape of high office and large emoluments, one of his first thoughts was to turn the means thus placed at his disposal to good account, in rescuing from destruction the children of the European soldiery who were sinking into their graves, or rotting into live corruption, by hundreds, on the steaming plains. To one who knew all parts of Upper India well, who had ascended the steep hill-aides and breathed the cold bracing atmosphere of the Himalayan range, the remedy seemed easy. He would transport these children to • more congenial climate ; he would place them under more salutary control; he would do all that could be done to develops their phy sical and moral energies, and to train them up in the knowledge and the fear of the Christian 00D. Full of that practical enthusiasm which was so peculiar a feature of his character, LAWRENCE determined to establish, at one of our hill-stations in Northern India, an asylum for the reception of the children of European soldiers ; and, let it entail what personal sacrifice it might, he was resolute to carry out the project. He knew that he would be supported by many English residents in India—men never backward in giving towards a good object— and he hoped, not vainly, that the Government would extend its patronage towards so worthy an undertaking. So one day, in 1846, a meeting was held in the head-quarters camp at Lahore, and the scheme, which had so long been taking shape in LAWRENCE'S mind, became a substantial fact. Money was raised; a tract of ground near Bussowlie was purchased ; the erection of a building was commenced; and in the spring of the following year sufficient progress had been made for the reception of a number of children. From that time the Law rence Asylum grew steadily in bulk and advanced in utility. The founder himself contributed annually a thousand pounds towards its support; and, as a mark of the high estimation in which GROLAS SING, the Maharajah of Cashmere, held Sir HENRY LAWRENCE, he sent a donation of 10,0001. in furtherance of the objects of the institution. How far those objects have been attained—how many children have been rescued from death, how many from perdition—will doubtless be told at to-day's meeting. It is enough that the Lawrence Asylum, in a humane if not in • financial sense, was soon a great success ; and the people of England are now called upon to perpetuate an institution which, under Providence, will prove a blessing to unborn thousands. It will be said, perhaps, that an institution of this kind is a national institution, and that it behoves the Government of the East India Company to maintain it from the public funds. The East India Company have always contributed largely to the support of the Lawrence Asylum, and since the death of the founder have directed the Government of India to make good the loss entailed upon the in stitution by that sorrowful event, and, if need be, to double the amount of the subscription. When Sir HENRY LAWRENCE left in his Will the Asylum at Kussowlie, another more recently instituted at Mount Aboo, and a projected establishment of the same kind at Ootacamund, to the care of the East India Company, which he had zealously served for more than thirty years, he knew that he was consigning them to the guardianship of a Government which, whatever may be its defects whatever its shortcomings, has never been charged with neglect of its servants, or with disregard of the widow and the orphan. But there is room still for the exercise of private generosity. It is on such occasions as these, that the community should go hand-in-hand with the State. Let them share, then, between them the duty and the privilege of perpe tuating, more worthily even than by a statue in Trafalgar square, the memory of so great and good a man as HENRY MONTGOMERY LAWRENCE. If we might presume to offer a suggestion to Lord Palmerston, it would be to prepare himself for the debate of Monday evening by a diligent perusal of Lord Hawkesbury's reply, in 1802, to the applica tion of the First Consul, relative to the English Press and Foreign Refugees. The following pas. sage of this able and dignified state paper especially deserves the attention of one who—as we were once told in the Rouse of Commons—is neither the Minister of Austria nor of France, nor of any foreign oountry,but emphaticallythe Minister of England:- 4 ' GUI GOVERNMENT NEITHER HAVE, NOB WANT, ANY OTHER PROTECTION THAN WHAT THE LAWS OF THE COUNTRY AFFORD; LED THOUGH THEY ARE WILLING AND READY TO GIVE TO EVERY FOREIGN GOVERNMENT ALL THE PROTECTION AGAINST OFFENCES OF THIS NATURE WHICH THE PRINCIPLE OF THEIR LAWS AND CONSTITUTION WILL ADMIT, THEY NEVER CAN CONSENT TO NEW-MODEL THEIR LAWS, OR TO CHANGE THEIR CONSTITUTION, TO ORA TIFY THE WISHES OF ANY FOREIGN POWER." ELECTRIC TELEGRAPHS IN TEDIA.--A new line of electric telegraph hes been put up between Cal cutta and Madras. Formerly the telegraphic com munication between these places was effected via Bombay. An alternative line is now provided connecting the three Presidencies ; and in the event of the line between Calcutta and Agra, via Cawnpore, being broken, the Government of India can communicate with the North-West Provinces and the Punjaub via Madras and Bombay. The celerity with which this new work has been put up is worthy of note and charac teristic of the energy which has always been exhi bited in the Indian telegraph department. The line, which is about 900 miles in length, was sanctioned by the Court of Directors subsequently to the news of the outbreak reaching this country, viz., in August last ; and on the Ist January a flying line had been completed and was used as an instrument of convey ing messages for the Government. In a month from beused that tim b e y thitweupuexblipl7ted that it would be ready to We read in the Cambridge independent :—" A congratulatory address to the Queen vrlll be voted at the Senate Rome to-day gistardayb and it is expected that her 'Majesty will appoint KOMI dme next weak for receiving it upon the Throne. Ilrhosever an 'adzes...from Oxford is presented to the Rem, Lord Dirby, as their Chancellor, entertains the deputation at a luncheon in St. James's square ; we may reasonably expect, therefore, that on the premed happy °minion the Royal Chancellor of our Uni versity will invite the deputation to taste the bridecake, I sad drink health awl bet:pima to the nearly troodra cowls.' EXPRESS FROM PARIS: ANOTHER THREATENING ADDRESS. 1:7101t OWL OWN 001RIMPONDNNS.) PARIS, FILIDAT EVINING. In the Morning Post of February 4, apropos of the threatening military addresses, I remark the A* lowing passage : We have reason to believe that no one has regretted to publication of these documents more than the Emperor hire melt, and stringent orders have been issued against the iy a bb cation of any farther addresses in the official organ. In the Moniteur of this day, February 5, you scii find an address, from which the following is y extract: " The army, Sire, which is ready to shed the last drop al its blood for your Majesty and your dynasty, awaits ye a orders, or those of your government,:to march against sy annihilate your assassins, or the fattious periona who s r fain them VALLERET, Chef de bataillon, commanding the companies of Maths Artillery, at Cherbourg." This address does not in terms point distinctly to the invasion of England, bat taken in conjunction with its predecessors, there can be no doubt that it represents the same insolent idea. Besides, when Maxine Artillery say they are awaiting orders to march, where do they intend to march to? Eel. dently across the seas to a foreign land. They are not the force that would be used for street fighting in Paris. In the same number of the Morn* Pod I see it asserted that "the Moniteur is a private enterprise subsidised by the government for that portion entitled the partie officielle. For that portion alone the government is responsible. The ad. dresses appeared in the non-official columns. It is to be lamented that they appeared at all, but the editor only is to be blamed for their insertion." So far es your contemporary acts as the semi-official organ of the French government, it of course accepts without inquiry any communique with which it may be honoured. I therefore mean no discourtesy to the journal in question when I say that the above paragraph is a tissue of misrepresentations Although the probably intended purpose of Deis leading some independent members of parliament on the first.:day of the session may have already been answered, it is desirable that the English public should know how the matter really stands. The Moniteur is altogether, and not as to a pottiest only an official organ. It is, as you may see is the title-page, " the official journal of the French empire." The distinction drawn between the official and the non-official columns is altogether misleading. The government is as much responsible for what appears in the one part as in the other, and, moreover, never thinks of repudiating the responsibility. The distinction between the matter which appears in the pantie officielle and that which appears in the partie non ojlcielle, consists in the nature of the subject, and not in the responsi bility of the French Government for its insertion. For instance, all decrees, imperial assents to laws, nominations of high functionaries, official accounts of court ceremonies, and other things of a formal nature, are always inserted in:the official colanus. But leading articles, even if written by the Emperor himself, and paragraphs contradicting or explaining current rumours, or indicating an opi nion on foreign or domestic policy, never are. All the paragraphs of the Moniteur which have from, time to time convulsed every bourse in Europe, have always appeared in those non-official columns which the Morning Post would have its readers believe ere ander the control of a private editor. There is no editor of the Moniteur, properly so called, but only a rub-editor, who has, at the utmost, a very limited discretion in the choice of accidents and offences. Not a line of foreign news is ever published except such u is Dent down from the Foreign-offioe. Not an extract from an English journal ever appears, except the authorised translations, which are made at the Ministry of the Interior, where, in case of need, articles in reality critical of the French government are duly mutilated and made to appear favourable, as in the case of the garbled extract from the Globe, which I noticed yesterday. The Minister of State exercises a constant supervision over the four pages of the impression, and he, if anybody, is the editor of the Moniteur. The notion that a private editor could have had anything to do with the publication of the threatening addresses in question, is perfectly ludicrous. The Morning Post speaks as if they had been sent to him in the first instance, whereas in fact they never reached the Moniteur office till after they had been presented to the Emperor. Then, and then only, were they sent officially to the Moniteur for publication, and the poor private editor upon whom the Post would fasten all the responsibility, had no discretion what ever in the matter; he had nothing to do but to have them printed. I have said enough to expose the absurdity of the statement that the addresses were "packed off to the Moniteur and hastily inserted by an editor glad of matter to fill his columns." There we. nothing hasty in the business. The obnoxious ad dresses were inserted four days successively SW it was known that the first one, that of Colonel de Castagny, had made a great sensation, and after attention had been pointed to that particular address in France by its having been singled out for pub lication by the government journal, the Petrie, as one " remarkable for its energetic language." More. over, if further evidence were wanting that the addresses were published deliberately, it is sup plied by the fact that some few of them, which contained matter not considered desirable to be laid before the public, appeared in the Moniker with points, signifying that something was left out. I have no means of contradicting the assertion of the Post that the Emperor is now sorry that the ad dresses were published. The Constitutionnel, how ever, at least equally good authority, on such a point, says, that the " rough military frankness " of these addresses which offends the English press renders them most precious in the Emperor's eyes. I dare say the Post and the Constitutionnet are very Europe p e' a nd to yielding t be tha repr e s e n t t t ' e o nn co n flicting both officially inspired. As there is probably no intention at present to go to war with England, it is doubtless the desire of the former government to allay • the words of theOlobe, to render " that difficult thevent th sli ir g ri h ta te t s i t on con th eess ere ion wh o ich n th w e cnd re d rugee tend lu t e o s p ti re- on which would otherwise be easy." Bat this is quite consistent with a desire to foment a war spirit in the ati E n n ii g ds lan tio d n. to I F t ran is ce there and fors to statements in the French semi-official organs on either side of the Channel may be equally authentic. Lord Palmerston will vainly seek to:conciliate the French government by pressing his new measure for making the English laws against foreigners more efficacious. The Pays of this evening explains that any measure which only results in bringing refugee' to trial before English juries will be alto gether unsatisfactory. What the French govern ment calls for is their expulsion from the territory— in other words, that suspected persons shall be placed within reach of the vengeance of French au thorities. This narrows the ism. The Pays asks for what England will never grant arti T c h l e sa gov t rm nfram ent uv jou ti rn 4 ale sakm havebee m n to ord th e t red bea t ng writeof ' The tralilu Thi Willis' the lei &nem& the ge Colone Mr. C. way, 1 bin Hon. i Dhula distinf logieln Barbel The for W Lad be The they , He hil4 refer felt i the I