The Express. — London, England, 1849-04-25 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, APRIL 25, 1849. *mese is of *Enke that the *Wow/ft Owes, rooms busidnoo end earryhig off VIOTWOM heLd is We with width Great adrift not et war onset le mimed by the law Meadow, or by the , prorbdons readers ; and that h.owever desirable it may be tepid is trade. a ecod. however eminent, &odd met be ob. then by lawful seems. 1 opinion also ; and I would, in fact, found my rinciple aanonnced by the British mid Foreign Lowy when they put at the head of all their WM remarkable words : " The extinction ot 'slue trade can be obtained most effectually *est of means of a morel, religious, and rims and no measures shall be adoptedby tbie so he prosecution of its objects cheept re In accordance with tho se p rinci p les. s the principles ta which I should wish to ad , hear.) And lamin a condition to show that m are taking * reference to Brasil is a direst w Fine** laid down is the letter of Lord 1842, and that also of the paragraph which I rel. It is necessary, l'efore I procetd to de • illegality c f our procsiediores, shortly to recite as present postilion of the treat engage ,between this country and Brazi l. In the Brazil made a eoneention with the govern the United Kingdom containing several first ankle being permanent, and the others, mid four, being of • temporary cha. first artiste was • general declaration, and iet be e mstrued Into a permanent engagement of Brazil. It was to the effect that from and tsin tlme-1830—it should be unlawful for a of Brazil to carry on the slave trade, the carrying it on, under any pretext hewer, should be deemed and treated as at was 'the declaration of the executive govern ruil. The second, third, and fourth, were to AO of fifteen years, if so terminated by notice, stained various stipulations as to giving mutual eb, mined clam lesions, and courts of adjudication, intend in the slave trade, and serious modes of inder which it was arranged that the trials of cap rs should take place. These were articles which (or a period of fifteen years the code of fev er which Enslaadmight capture Brazilian slaves, id mission of 0 rest Britain herself they have expired ad by the right of *e contracting parties. There !smote, only one single article, namely, areas which it is laid down that it shin sot be lawful ▪ time for lin:dila' to es. ry en the slave trade, each trade shall he deemed piracy. Such are of your treaty engsgenseuts with Brasil, and the I whet constt action ought to be put on the Reticle an The diplomatic construction that was pat for years by the English governtionstoo the first sr km—that the Brazilian government engsgtd to ia itislature of Brasil to pass • law which should Main subsists* for carrying on the slate s ad, and punish them as pirates, the piracy nested the slave lei* law, enacted foe the upptoisies of kat was the obvious sad only coastrestion which deratory article souk! bear; but I will take the reeding to the bones one or two shod paragraphs hat this was the coolinsetien which was considered assists of both countries to be applicable to the Is of the treaty : Bo late even as the 12th Nunn , the British minister at Rio addressed the foreign of Bruit in thew remarkable words : st ankle of the comentlon of 1A26, the Brazilian games led itself to the ensetmeit of a Ma *hereby the African 'wild be declared illegal In Brea, and any 'object of e implicated in it be deemed to be smite treated es sire the committee of which my hen. Mend the ter Gateshead is chairman, the sable laid the Seers- Pereira Affaiee said ay toys that the babe eenseraed ta the sten trade ty.mer enh' i re , s shall be deemed sod trusted as &err. conthoseit cieght to Mee post aow recardmee ingarmeat. lordship's meaning wee clearly that such woe NI elect of the engagement. Bet in the year riding that the Bresillans were unwilling to continue nutted rights of search which they** previously I, and the courts of mixed conusissien, Lord Aber it a vitally new construction on the Stat article of the He said that we did not want any of those stipule bout the right of search which lon the previous Tears had bees thought absolutely necessary. "We said his lordship, " want say mined coma- I courts ; we have got all the power we desire seder et article. You (the Brazilians) have agreed that :hiene are to be treated as pirates, and since you have to that doctrlies the Queen tf t ead has derived a to capture the subjects of la on the high mess cringed in the slave trade, to deal with them atm, to confiscate their ships and goods, in short oder them in any way subject to the criminal irjoa of this country." That was Lord Aberdeen's lotion, end an att of parliameat was pealed to terry it Ity the way It has never been explained why an act Alarmist was necessary. (Hear, hear.) If piracy is a the law of nation*, a point which no'ody num then you have a right to punish the offenders; *tin law sad the law of n ations being amply seri al, the popes. The gustiest is, did the declaration e first ietisie make the slave trade piracy ? (Hear, It is um walicitnt to ray that a man is • ydrate to las • pirate, and an o ff ence is not piracy when merely karnsi4gad by an executive government—but when it lie *0 by gie universal mamas of mankind. Robbery le high NY Is made piney by a universal law, and the mile et every country may pas** the pirate when sea find him. This is the law of napless, bet awn dsclerwi in of the minister a Bean% who kY _plus because he could net arty a law feetbie ohjee—a mere declaration does set make a man V. It is only when he is made a pirate by the podium that you have • right to try him whoa yes Ind • Who ever heard that a declaration of this dlemerigtima ldmake aelmisel law although, perhaps, I am WNW' Ilia WOW 91) mush in the protases of a lemma grade who was Attorni y-Gemiwal when the brill buns laws labs is the waste el high legal authorities me shit isle be hems ? I may be peeeniaptuous In egg an des, and should net have dose so if I were est birdied fin billtesi legal entlaciritim ha *el:rafted Kingdom, Now, lie set that hem puma ins this. I mart limbed rails-- sass lin its whole .. ...... was Lord Aberdeen's e .n- Indies oldie fit saki in the treaty. He says, " the int till& makes them pirates, and you nay newel?*with lielln Open Eke." Well, this is ea act whisk you passed =ls miler beyond all daft. You passed an ail billion en the courts of Admiralty, and is. Irtin to enohnots the ships of Bamako subjeeth a g ni id Demillen deli are to be tried by all the ruin smi regelatimm esaleini in say act of parliament, sew aloe, [hr the espoesmien of the slaw trade in British mai yes lento several acts, of whisk lit Dr= know nothing, bat which yen rag they are to Is presied by. (Hear hear.) The Con Justin of the Onison Pins, whom this set was emir di ..miss, slamtilithe progis4 fad dein& widest the eivestios jostilled Irish Within. He expressed his dashes la this beim and gam pule native that he wend take • fatessty a calla, the Midis of the insets the z efi Ails has autkerised my hi Meath* mesthee Ur to may what he would have stated had he buskers %swill, neatly,. that if he ( th e Chief Justice) had essesied a mither of tka house, he would have felt it hasiabeat apes him to brig the question trader the oonsi dentin of Vino= to propose a repeal of the act. (nest ale still retains the opinion he hell in 1116, sad has mei a essentunteation to my hon. friend. Is it peolimieillist the gliroment of this country has greater power ows the ilia% of the Brazils than over the subjects lof the Qin of Entsoil ? Because that is the ridden taken; end that is the pekeelple involved in the arguments of those who eeppirt the noble lord's view. It is monstveue , in my mid, without say sellesice to the authoritke en th: salijen-11 is contrary to th e principles of common that, lame lamenack as the noble lord, without an act of pulls aunt, wild not be able to enforce the stipulations of such a treaty ipso any Englishman, that he sheuld be enabled to edam it tapes • Brazilian. (Cheer.) I canzot help coo &lineally fortifying myself by a protest Aped by kis Grass the Doke of Wellington and by Lord Lyndhurst, in refer owe to the same peiceiple which is involved is th s qv es dem—ln mad to another act of parliiment, namely, the ie it." And the ground on which that noble daitera=then Lord Chancellor ',rousted against that law dale s same as that I am now taking spinet this Now, sir, let us consider what it is we are about. We an claiming the right to capture &ninon nisi en the high seas cringed ift a traffic which, execrable as it may be, and undoubtedly is, was carried on by Englishmen which wee once a legalised trade—and which not until alter • struggle of some 30 years the British puliament wu induced to abolish. giez l inter) We are carryin Brasiian to before tribmals—Mceign to th e m —we are trying them is a isogon* they are unacquainted with—we are subjecting nom to Moe of law and reguhlicni of which they can have so knowledge—we are trying them bane jurisdietions where • Brazilian council an have no locus stanch, and cannot be heard. (Hoar, hear.) We are doing all these things— and this to • nation whkli hos aot strived—though I believe • large antimisve trade party mists in that country, but—! where the majority of the people have not yet arrived at an opinion of the slave trade such as we now hold, but which a few years ago war a matter of controversy and difference 'wogs ourselves. Is this, let me ask you, good policy ? Is this tare way to effect tr.at object you prefess to have la view—the abolition of the slaw trade? Is it not rather the way to enlist on the side of the slave trade Callan of national in dependence? (Rear, hear.) Is it the way to WWII that joint co-operation of toe Breslin people which we know to be absolately neenzary for the abolition of this trade, to take • coarse which is protested against by the Brazils as contrary to their Secs as an independent mediae and which* denounced by year own high legal anthcatas as issonsisteat with the peineipica of international law--k this • sown, 1 say, likely: to effect the otject you have la view? Is it sat. more likely:to produce irri. talon, ill-holing, and lasting aliens: ion on the pin of the Brazils, and so to defeat, rather than scam plish, the purees you seek ? Now, what are the Sum of the case ? limn the act cams into erred in—since you have been taking on 7osasd^e to deal with Brazilian sub juts out of your jarbdietiaa, according to your notions of right sad wrong, and wording to your ideas of criminal law—the slave trade between Africa and the Brazils has be. sons ip new than ever it wee before. Why, 120,000 ni gross nen kornesa from the coast of Africa into the Breaks with in the his two years, aceordleg to the statement in the last own of the British and Foram Anti•Slayeey Society ; and amonliag to the eddies, of ray noble friend hien If, before a sesseduee, no less than 60,000 negroes were imported into the Brazils during the last year alone. The effect, then, his ham to add to, not to put down, the slave trade. Her with regard to the engagements entered into by theDrazils, I conceive is this it may be a ground of dis pels between this country and theßrazils; but, nevertheless, I tisk we are bound an d into consideration all the ch. cam e of the use, the great uiftleulty which the els cativo of the Bras& his to contend with in inducing the public once to consent to such an enactment ae would carry out the engagement into which they have entered. Wee the alave trade abolished in England by the armed bra ferenee of foreign nations i Was it put down by unix re sent by France, Austria, or Russia, or by any foreign nations setting up their own code of morals for our observance, and tellieg us what coarse we should follow and what we should avoid ? No. But it was abolished by tte slow and gradual formation of public opinion ; by public opinion influenced by that moral and religious sentiment which, I trait. will always influence the public mind of this country. These I are the influences which brought about that great and 1 glorious consummation here. But I am persuaded that if, while this public opinion was forming, you had had hovering a .cue. your coats the armed cruisers of some foreign_ e natry, seising your ships and your subjects ,-1f you had had & °outset diplomatic, reerrupondenos goiog es, sod sources of alissation sack as are now operating with the Brazilians, we should, I aes esavineed, have been at that time no more able to abolish the traffic than the Brazilians are now. It is with then views that 1 teraestly call on parliament to recoosider their decision. I arraign the set—tint. be cause it is founded on an erroneous conetruction of the treaty. I arraign the act, because it is a violaion of intonational law ; and I erotism it because it has been the subject of protest on the part of a primmest win co *pastime you desire to carry out your object in the abo- Edon of the slave trade. I arraign it because it might form a precedent for the adoption of principles that might I. used en other occasions and ender other sirl munstancee against this country, and bring great difficulties upon us ; and because, moreover, if by • strange interpretation of international law, we coma find an excuse for it, I believe it to be so unsound in pis licy—so little calculated to effect any great obi:et—that I shield neverthelem oppose it. I would ask the votes of them hon. meinbers who rea ll y may not agree with me, either sel the keel point of view, or on the question of policy. I say dist whoa the Act was passed by parliament in 1846, a die ". "igaticin t wssl alf= givesi by ter th p c iess nobla ure tla i a t n ret t i o r Pvos tha : the lisped of this Act, that he poled it with pain and re illionisrai that if the Brazilian government showed • to agree to any f r iendly co-operation for lin don of the slave tra de, he would be the first to some down to parliament to re peal the statute in question. And Hose these promises were made the Brazilian have submitted the project of • treaty C P i thsardiewntry during the time Lard Aberdeen was in lank which, I believe I am right is saying, that noble lord weal have considered a go id arrangement, and capable of morying Oat the object which kis government had in view. He mod, na I em informed (but I speak under correction, though I Wahl ant stair g pretty accurately what passed), that if ash • pospect as war then submitted by the Brazilian enkiklase was ratified, and became a complete instrument, he shanibe willing to propose the repeal of this act. The nego tisdn, I may say, had terminated, or was so far terminated that the project w hich had been submitted war satisfactory to both sides, and had only to go to the Brazils for ratifies .....Ltion • and if ratified, our act would have been repealed. I of coarse, under correction. I s p eak, never- Vries', cautiously, and on information on which I think I can rely. Bat when my noble friend came into office, in 1848 —(cheers)—be did not,—and I say so with all deference and respect,—he did not approve, as I suppose, of the proße ject w hich had been submitted to Lord Aberdeen. wrote • despatch, in which he immediately pet an end to the whole of the past negotiations. The noble Jed di I not send a treaty for negotiation, but a treaty 1 for sigiture. "It will be my business," said the ibis kid, "to send the draft, yours to sign it, contain what it may, however much it may interfere with the in terests or the lawful comment of the Brazils, however muck it may alien the rights of Britain s u bjects. These are matters I will net entertain your eWsetions to. I will drew up a Inn* "Idols you shall net be at liberty to quoin. Your basions is to sir. Do so, midi will repeal the Act of which you eighths ; bat on so Wit terms." This pat *Ade an end to the aseetiation. Tea so l% elliewsrds—(say friend, it will be sees, gave ample lime to the Brasilia authorities he m ug this camiudeation ('' hoer," sad lambi) —kis diestsh was dated imignet,lB46thi la Joao, 1847)—ten months al ower& out IMO the treaty my noble friend proposed. Is Joe, 1847, the draft of this treaty was forwarded, sad lid Rowde• received instrustions at the same tints. y- Hi hid in these instruction not to alter 1 a letter of the treaty—Hi he was Os go to the Brazilian go vernment with it end oil spa them to sign it. I will read to the house the istrootioes which Lord Hardest received Hoc Malloy' poorninnt see &skims of renionig en seeress of daemon between the as esearleta al same% lase Meassers. goverment are thity rake ilk the eisthemm el the eparation of the law of lea. The Importation of the dates burg at that time greater than ever : segAndue feat awe sealer et ablates just and impartial diddoda slave writ, Onde al Admiralty than by galled eammir• does sorb es eagle oar On esereetica. And 1 holism's* yise-Aibairalty Courts are the ono went of all tin legli liiimnalm A mein was mei the other day in reisties him, sad ft wee net ism Maid that they MOM the wad newts we hove : Tea they would soma to monainli whist tempi lithe M nein. it the iilla d MA Ini waft seethase awl of am a te - lea Ile selsesaa et slays Imam. I essea mr,.. Ireton=l s el redis ass teals amity es bet Xs itessli le kraal be Ile seism ; sad 1 Wee lame yesra It l l= evieraweees, sed le dale ea ea the sallesies Ibis( i the imee !f .. .. ter moseument wad emessawn to the repeal of the law a lea Ibis heft of treaty reelltt the sae se the treaty 'MOM IN Chi Mei nth Per tnpl in 1642, with servo kw silts in la fall to ohot it to to mod Bradt; saes it idalllas ae regehims el midis = a soy wheemseseee wilt me set milessed to her lb. is Ile tharigsts amid to Ili Mind maim oil wide y m iam's-ilea nit lt lib this Oa oseinmem sire min le mar again= Iheeim — lbelsogri ouss = to bil la inn mei h. this the midi same liselftilly eni essw/ifg jeolliel la Issomed OD piing the as Snit int emieses hied as ea the midst Or +be ... 1 "..... emi e1t patio dna in =tesillholehave mann =liies govenims if IllidW a i m ss loseWeee he that sit; hit het sighs geseremset emil Ogees MMhat Zh es s Illeitespiesmeet sit Mw_ 10 Mama lithe it site Would pranakto riot tioNeed whim t seml yea • et-aft, la teethe eat at lets ; hula teat seem shoves', mann darted as it in panned to bs by the duet; ml upon se other emiMisaubstenr ass Mr ltaiesty's go. I neement reeemmedCle melemmt to mpg the em d ilies. Now I mare Iota& that these fesleughsmd int no mead far negedatin wr hr genideretine of say dithers, of conies that might be estietansi—were in no way calculated to be lames el in °nailing a WOO bra the Brazils. Ou the erstrary. I am clearly of seinen*, were seleagstel prersest it. (Hear, bear.) Ido net Mk* the dingier die treaty whisk wee mat est wee of sash a demeseer se on Milegweideat country could well offish to. Whateener the executive of the Brazils might desire, they weld be head fault with by the Brazilian people if they were to consent to make them liable to many of the stipulations which that draft contained. (Hear, hear.) I think I know enough of what has tr anspiredi to jest* me in saying that Sir C. Balkans, who com manded the African squedron, states that the plan adopted by se for be suppression ef the slave trade has failed in its object. The trade between the two countnes is important and growing, and there is so uto which England an have a stronger or deeper interest, in maintaining such relations. (Hear, bear.) I think I have now stated nflleient reasons to induce the house to give fall and felt coneideration to the proposition I have le submit, whin is that I have leave to bring in a boil le L Mea ' l so much of the act 8 h 9 Vie. e.l22—bat per 'bps I had bettor adhere to the words of my notice of I motion to repeal the whole of the act—for lam williog to copal t the whole of the act, exalt some minor details which be useful in any future enactment twat may be pawed. Mr. URQUHART could not reconcile the Foreign Se entery's conduct with regard to the Brazils with Lk be satiety for the ex. ension of commerce ; _ and so far heaths course taken putting an end to the slave trade, it was dearly shown that it tended to increase it. girl. THESIGER trusted that the hous• would gin no encouragement to the motion, being satisfied that if it adopted the course recommended it would not only destroy all the means of 'ivies efficacy to the most important of the stipulations with Bend in 1826, but would also exhibit a weekness and vocitletion on the part of the legislature which would not tend to enhance its character in the estimation o' *snip nations. Mr. Oileon had tr.isoneentood the aim and effect of the set of 1845, and Sir Frederick gave an ex ploitation of the real state of the question connected with the, treaty tf 182 G and the pining of the act of ISO. The anal of %honesty binding Brazil to abolish the slave trade after the 13:1 March, 1830, he contended, placed us in a podded% substitute by legislation other Wham& to enforce the treaty for the Mixed Comosiiiion Courts ; and it we repealed the ace, the most important stipulation of the treaty of 1826 "meld become a dead letter. Mr. BRIGHT said—l think the house and the country will feel under an obligation to my right hon. colleague for twinging this question under the notice of the house. I think the more it is (Unease& the more it will he seen that the arguments on which this bill is supported are of a flimsy and untenable character and the mere it will be seen that there are great interests In this country dependent upon the course we may take respecting our relations with Brazil, at this or some early petted. There are two questions dependent upon the canna we adopt to-night. One refers exclusively to the intent' which this ((lenity takes in the suppression of the slave trade ands:every ; the other, and a most important question, refers to our commercial relations with one of oar best foreign customers (Hear, hear.) The question ap pears to me an exceedingly simple one, end I think the au thorities quoted by my right hen. colleague are such as to est it at rest in the mind of every member in this house not cosesrued in the carrying of the bill of 1845, or who from his official position may not cenceive it his duty to defend that bill now. The question is, whether we have the power to mums an authority over Brazilian subjects which the Bra zilian government itself does not assume, and does not and menet exercee. There is a certain article of a certain treaty by which the Brazilian government is bound to perform • "pertain act in which we are interested, but oith•r from in ability or unwillingness they have failed to perform their pert of the engagement. Then cones the question, Is the Brazilian government unable or unwilling to do that which they have contracted to do ? We have the evidesee et • gentleman of high authority on questions of this sings takes before the committee over which the hon. member for Gateshead is presiding, Bandinell, from whisk 1 think we may fairly conclude that the hmillon government have not intentionally failed in the pealenalialW of that article of the treaty, nor wished to essepe aim their honest engagement. But if the executive government finds itself unable, by reason of a strong public feeling against them in Brazil, to fulfil the engagement, that doss not justify us in passing • law which the right hon. banns' then at the head had oth• it governed to the United States, to ment would have been he lest man to propose referr France, or to any country which ranks equal in power with this country amongst the nations ot the world. (Cheers.) I have said we aginened a power by this act which the Brazilian government clearly cannot now ex miss. I suppose the hon. and learned gentleman will not are that at this moment any court of law in Brazil could punish any Brazilian subject in the way our courts of law can. What more incredible than that our courts should have an influence over the subjects of a nation 4,000 miles away, which influence is not, and cannot, be exercised by that nation halt ? A learned writer upon the subject of international law, Wheaton, says, " Piracy, under the law of nations may be tiled and punished in the courts of justice of any nation, by whomsoever and 'wheresoever committed ; but piracy created by municipal statute can only be tried by that sate within whose territorial jurisdiction and on board of whose vessels the offence thus created was eommitttd." It quite clear, then, from this opinion, that, at any rata, it cannot be assumed for a moment that because this is called piracy in the first article of that treaty, therefore this nun try is empowered to treat it as the ordinary crime of Piracy is treated amongst the various nations of the world. But, at this moment, the question is under discussion in the Brazi lian 1. gielatute. I find in the Daily News of this morning a report of a di/coin:on on a project is the Brosilian Cham ber of Deputies, and the minister of foreign affairs declares that piracy, by the law of nations, was strictly defined ' end alave.trading was not included herein; that municipal hw as make no change in it, and that England, after the pa& in of this act, would have no power which she lead not before. And the whole d'ocussion demonstrates the greet' difficulty we bare got ourselves into by this interference, by this most improper and unsound measure tha have takes t we have ca rried. Bat what are the proceeding which place since this measure of 1815 was passed ? By the act, there ought ca p tured been • return laid before parliament of the ships . I have never seen such a return, unless it is mixed up with the ordinary slave papen. But I find that not lees than 130 Brasilian vessels have been seized and condemned sines the passing of this act ; and that of 84 so condemned, only eight had any sieves on board ; the others were said to be equipped for the slave trade, an allegation easily proved before a court where the Brasilians had no counsel, and no locus standi; and, further, when we offer twenties and tamp money . to induce hese captures, I know not to what length our invasion of the rights of Bnzil may be carried under this act. Another point is the commercial part of the gees ition • and if the noble lord at t he head of the foreign department will give me his attention for a moment, I may Igive him some reasons why the people in my part of the country are anxious that the dispute should be settled. I have it on geed authoeity that not less than four or Ave millions of British capital is invested in Brazil, in various commercial undertakings. The atineal amount of our exports to that country is not very muck lees than three millions sterling. One of the results of our meddling with this slave question is that our commercial treaties have fallen into disorder as well as the slave treatise. In 1844 ear commercial treaty with Brazil expired ; the Brazilian paverament refused to renew it, except upon terms w hich *aright bon. baronet opposite (Sir R. Peel) at that time was net willing to conoodo,—unless we would deal with** duties ea sugar with some kind of fairness, such as they beg shown to us with regard to our exports of manufactures. nay were not willing to enter into a one-sided treaty with us like the former one ; and, since that time, we have had no ennunercial treaty whatever with them. Duties then about 15 per cent. have, by various contrivances and :mall changes one after another, been raised to 25 or 30 per cent., and now we an menaced with very high and reta liatory duties at the beginning of 1950. Moreover, there is • very awkward cirounstaacei as to persons dying intestate in the Brazils, even though they have part ners in this country; their property it obliged to go through, or rather to g? into, a Brazilian court, and very little of it comes out again; it is nearly all wasted. (Hear, hear.) And though there may be partners of the deemed persons living in this country, they have no means of recovering that property from the Basilian tribunals. What, then, Is the good of all the proceediap we have taken? Have you diminished the slave trade in the least ? Tear own evidence shows it has hummed. I deny allegether the statement sent round to bonourable Wilalers this morning by the antislavery committee—a neamittee of very energetic and busy men, but not the most judicious. I deny that there is proof of an increase sit the slave-trade consequent on the abolition of the sugar y in 1816. (Hear, hear.) I say what have we by proceedings which have cost this country so met at valuable life on the mast of Africa, and ni mach lemenn es we have annually mint ? We find there has am no di is of the slave-trade • nut only no diusi satin ed its horror", but an extraordinary increase of enmity wherever cruelty was before inflicted • and we find ▪ the alms time, that the great market f ori our mane hr the trade which I may be said her to re some extent —tending not less than • mil li on and • half to the Bruits, and the whole industry of the country about three millions sterling per an num, —we find, I say, oar commercial relations with this gnat customer of ours very much entangled and perplexed by an attempt to do that which is absolutely impossible, to 'dragoon a free and independent nation into pursuing muse which we ourselves never should have pursued bad any other nation attempted to compel us to it. It required many years of agitate's, and the exercise of the stroogest metal see religious sentiments of the people of this country, le nine the legislature to assent to this with regard to oar ewe dominions. (Hear, bear.) Seeing the difficulty which there was in prevailing on pulls:neat to abolish the slave trade and slain ry in our own winter, nothing could be more offensive or more presumptuous than for us to insist on the Brazilians taking a similar course before they had had the opportunity of tusking up their minds on the ques tion. On thispoint Sir C. Bothers, in a despatch dated sth December, 1848, says:—" In the year 1848 I had a con versation with Senor Cavakante, then minister of marine, and one of the ablest men in that country (Brazil). He expressed these opinions. H said, You cannot expect us to assist England, or te e consent to stop the slave trade whilst you ars seizing Brazilian vessels, insulting our flag, and illegally condemning them.' " (Hear, hear.) Let us make this our own ease. If we were th e le gislative assembly of the empire of Bruit, and a noble lord at tie heed of the government of another country should mend over his envoys, and be constantly meddling with this question ; and ir, when • mesons ,wee bine this Mee Ise petting as sad to the slave trade, sienna " Ur. 11 adios." who It nen in Brolliliend who, I Wan. mann the ei ears ghths& hart. °prone (Sir X. Peel) 14 Italy own Mews y agn--(hear, kear)--should Insist that our legielatima should take this or that shape to deem*. penmen he represented, I ma nits write that, whatever *Olt be the feeling of the house with mare te slavery, hs imilertt a spint would rise at the attempt* Waders with wee dice ; and the very last thing we should de woe* be to any Mika dos of our emestry at the Miglatin et • !Isar, aieas beer) The amble lend at the beei g if i t has • Imemelent mend ea this subject ; I believe be hes the nein ei dens • recut did of good ea the toad et Africa sad Emil; bet I ma Mum there is a very abuse enakm in this Mese and in the try on this question. Tay liser eat et dears are in fanor Oldie course we are muming. The eadennego sonsiMMe sad the anti-slavery eselwer, Minnie nememens es brow* few they may be, have OM sad ever again reseenstrated s the policy we Sr. nreising with repri to the * n had ear pennon of the slave trade is the meet et Mimi or Brazil. And, whether we ermiter the quadha with regard to the antidavery Menet, we fan eenunerdel interest, it is evident we are eserigdM tne Wante of the ecountry, and =IP . swot nwenddeti. pcsition, In malatelaleg the get Iglfi,Pon bemuse we were powerfd, against a awns MO* lam powerful. and which we should never have attemilleil to pass had Frans, Russia , or the United Statesboro in Ms place of the empire of Brasil. (Cheera.) theltawd.' AESTE T e g t er in ieg o al ppoi l'a lion of to th t e hrltersorsr , F. Thesign, aid eontendn that Lord Palmerston was the mum of ell the difficulty, by upsetting all Lord Aberdeen had done towards a satisfactory adjustment of the garden. Sir E. N. BUXTON regretted that the subject had been brought forward, and pointed to the feet that Manchester was the town represented by the hon. ,member by the trade of which that In slaves was mainly fed. Mr. RUSE wished the house to consider whether the maintenance of the African anadron promoted the object in view, slid whether it did say good. If the answer was in the negative, then let mamba's Twelket that the amount of the window-tax was paid to *bid* that useless squadron. Mr J. O'CONNELL opposed the motion, observing that there was a third party, wide. Wenn had been almost lost sight of in this debste—namely, the unfortunate awns. Si. R. PEEL could have desired that the present t ui t ion should should be postponed to another opportunity when the whole question would be brought under the °endear ation of the house. That opportunity would offer itself when the report of the oosamittee new sitting was pre sentee to parliament. He did sot think that the argumest of the hon. member for Montrose was valid when he said that beaus the slaves suffered cm the passage, owing to the ends avows made by the slavers to avoid the cruisers, Th e that the Linked* was to be abandoned. The hill of 1845 passed the Lords unanimously, and the House of Commons, which was new invited by • single vote to repeal that act, also passed it without any difficulty. Certain letters had been referred to from the Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pine, stating that certain acts of the legislature were erroneous. But the chief justice referred to was a member of the House of Commons: at the time that bull passed. He certainly offered objectless to the third amiss, dto o ted out difficulties in the way of its *ma tins ; but objection were over-ruled. If the house were to be governed, by authorities, he entreated them to consider that they themselves assented to this bill anent monsly in 1845, and that the Ho use of Lords also, without the slightest objection, assented to it. If they consitlaed that that bill were a violation of International law, let them repeal it if they would ; but let them never attempt hereafter to convince the people of England that their deciaton was an authority. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. member for Manchester mid, and as be (Sir R. Peel) thought truly, that no one nanny mould undertake to carry into execution the municipal law of another country; bat then there was one case which the right ken. gentleman had omitted, and that was the present case, where two countries agreed by con- Tuition to make a certain act piney ; for then, by virtue of that convention, both countries were bound to carry that act into effect. (Hear, hear.) It was not the case of on country undertaking to execute the municipal law another, or undertaking to substitute the courts of ens municipal kuriediation for those of another. But the ease was this. inter- Two countries perfectly competent to enter isto national obligations resolved to make &certain act an offences which they called piracy, and *neat those countries acted in manifest violation of that convention. Was there then, he would ask anything contrary to the principle of equity, in the other country underiakiag to punish that as an offence ? This c intry by doing so wee eureising no jurisdiction over the subjects of another ; but was oily acting up to the terms of. the conviction. In the present case what right had the subjects of Brazil to insist on our forbearance ? Never was there amen *grant violation of all promises and professions than had been committed by Brazil. It might be said that the Brazilians had not the power to carry out their profes sions. Then that was an additional reason why this country should step in to see the terms of the contract toted up to. (Hear, hear.) terms o f was an mount, to from the very highest authority, of what Brazil had done. Lord Aberdeen said, that with rare and short exceptions, the treaty entered into by Brazil had been by teem systematically violated up to the present time. " Cargoes of slaves," Lord Aberdeen ent t on to say. " have been landed in open daythe st e the capital, and bought and sold like eattle, without say ob stacle whatever being imposed upon the traffic. Our °Seen, sating under the d:rection of government, and influenced by the ordinary dictates of humanity, have interfered to pro tect those slaves. Our officers have been waylaid, maltreated, and even assassinated, while in the execution of their du and justice in each saws, if not actually denied, has det e r been fairly granted. No doubt much has happened during the lest 10 or 12 year, w hich Blight have called for, and would almost have jus tified national resentment; but the government had no wish save is provide for the effectual enestion of the treaty, as stipulated for by the Ist article." That wee the reason which led to the passing of that bill of 1845 ; and lie warned the house that if they now repealed that act, they would never get any convention with Bras 1, and need never hope to effect thrr object by any negotia tions whatever. Let them repeal that bill, and he believed that they would substantially proclaim to a nd he that all their efforts to prevent the slave trade, and to mitigate i t, horrors, were at an en d—(sheen ) — en d having done that, his advice to them would be to determine how they could best encourage it. Let them sanction the present bill, Ind - nd v ent the bonen of the middle passage, permit Cuba a I Brazil to carry on the slave trade to their heart's content without opposition on our part, and proclaim abroad that we were determined ao longer to interpose to rescue the African race from the miseries which surrounded them. (Cheers.) Mr. W. P. WOOD did not apprehend that any person in that house could believe that Ragland would ova retrace the steps which she had taken In the great cause of huma nity ; and sure he was that if he thought such could be the he poss ible consequence o f supporting the present resolutio n should say *Wang in its favour. He believed that the ques tion when rightly considered was one of the driest and shortest that could well be conceived; but though so dry and so short, it was pregnant with great and important con sequences as regarded the national faith, honour, and inte grity. It appeared to him that if they looked to the act 8& 9 Vic. th ey should find very great &Moulin, be cause it did not in any shape carry out the treaty, con- One it as they would. (Hear, hear.) The treaty did not rest with declaring that the offence to which i ta t referred should be piracy; hat if appointed a tribunal, composed of a mixed commission of the two nation', Parliament,al of the offence. The Ch section of the Act of however, provided that the Courts of Admiralty should proceed to adjudicate ta these caws according to all the provisions in the act for the suppression of slavery, and n ot according to the act relative to puny. (Hear, hear.) Well, there was • special tribunal appointed for the trial of that offenoe_, perhaps improperly, perhaps uncannily, ap pointed. That he would not now argue ; but who ever yet heard of the legislature of any country taking upon them selves to say that they would enforce the performance of • treaty by handing over the subject matter of that treaty to be dealt with by our tribunals, by an set of our own some long period before the treaty wm t of? (Hear, hear.) The right hon. baronet said the bill so u ght to be repealed was passed wittiest • division in that house and without discussion in the house of lords. Suggestions, however, were made in the House of Commons with regard to it, nd it wen under Protest ; bat now they were to be told that they wen seine to repeal by a eagle vote all that which had ben done—that dis were goi n g to stake/ then se e l li ve ben s, g i d Y to y endes proclaim to the world that their wee of no authority or vase whatever. In the first peen, however, under any dreatestancee, they were not going to do at that by a single vote : for the present pro pmltioa was for leave to bring in • bill, upon whin, if introduced, there must be plenty of opponenttln for dienedea. Another point to which he wished to direst the attention of the house was this. In cedidegy ;mess of sots of pediment posed by the leislature Moons degree of haste, there was some opports nityt efleseed tar the parties intended to paned petitions the hawse iftibildg their don. Ent ia this use they pond ea emisifastrat wairemisi • weedderable foreign pewee', whisk bad se legitimate mene diaterpceing intheir disonshas or et them le hoer segusents in opposi tion to the progress et Mat neeeente. (Hear.) And be did believe that on that very aseent it wee—beenes there were no means of Interposing to prevent its pregrese—that the bill passed with fink Tepidity es it did. (Hens heir.) Loyd PALMERSTON said that he wandels should follow Wm, end not re ncoramendstion of the hon. amps r e eater at large into the condos of the means far the rapped lilla of the slave trade. Els hen. teimd the member for Montrose bad launched et nee Into his tannin 'a, and he was accused by away Ma. member a having a hat project. The Ma. member kr licences must IMMO Ilia if he said that he bad a against to which he (Lord Pal -1 megaton) weld not apply the same epithet. He believed that his credits. was shared by a very hip portion of tM people of this eremtey, for the hon. mambas might be smand, however mg mit they might thiak that the public opines hat changed and that the people of *ghat mos indifferent to slavn u j ko that if the people of they legion thought the home to teem the steps which lowed is delinase Se spines el the most 'mien= they were lekeentag ender the despot mistake. He content blown as that point with saying that he totally di& fared fres the @mention that bad been made. He denied, in the AM OM% the memeeres whisk bad ben adopted had Wthldrillli entirely nikell. Thme_ked done immense good and pretend encessen eeo. Me denied, in the next place, that the Reds. of reprint had aggravated the horreirs et tin mane omega Whomever they came to dis cuss that quad.. he *mild gime Met the horrors of the middle Mom* had been peen than they were maskpreesed time. He pegged Mat b y as • matter Ile kW so be aeslt with at present, and not beinting to rte premen geoids*, bat he must be allowed to Op e whenthe les. sal issaili red's= said that he would 0100, tkue beiar 140 amens at pro- soateadod %Nat Ilk. Mawr of the Bath d WA is mord Is eke esti military then airliferersp *Mart Ito whir 6 slo ismer Aided that be lad era the ..wk el the rampage, sad TO. it lad bed asopportintty of meting I sad olstrithrs a iliery. - >e th. modsot of arida pow iss, sites the sem et Lard Genii at sass spend tile = r o t rentaad have sack e =fra sad ass. imbed that B.r J. Thoetwell, the or set boss pat n prom lowly forward lam lb* first rtrolatios bobs pat, that • Brot Whom* tzprotood th• opiates yes erellied to great credit for amni a resermosistion of the But ladia this oppeiner it of governor general, Mtn his by obligation iatoasittost aids tart Wing bad so ism. dist' ire then separately pat and agreed to. rum WITH BRAZIL. —bo, 1 have ikon* it right to bring et the hone the peon slate of the re ties the Belted Maiden and the ma p milinit to the keen some tionaiderg- Itli that subject whigh ere, 'nay opinion, ono of parliament. It is lay Wend= • of the been on what I eemigive to be eatiefainory mate of relstiSSl Si between in which they now fled dismesien, like the tense of tlus Bee" Z min as to the prt sent stated Bede that ineumber dee= red. I prenated apt titles a few Begs by el the Chamber of CAIMPOSIK• al I by tile president. The boo. menhee I un, vehicle prayed foe a repeal of lbe est which at', fa th e words of the pale% ilesatim of the lin:ills& penemignek, misat'es of the treaty en whisk Wig& ridasta rested. The speaker wastes teem to ham bees made, tad the Beide in Brasil Sr. attain, to a wane pull= of say otter csigitry, alt Ille between Bruit sad the Walled enresim, end although the" l a W WI ge that, bat fur gene special one peen the two nutria wend be of a me sl nature. (Bear, hear ) We have bad over to Brawl who ham reneged den we have had wry diplomatic cone= we lank belerelhie hone, we are Meeting dense, and therefore I lay din a hasty or precipitate step when I may t nos be semething like parliamentary kr se @salute the diploatatiats to we kin, end if possible to lii upst a Mei. I 011dIebillt of all differenme. igNrsi mey be end that the unpleasant Base tees dislike to England, 4 eon hi omen mimesis she has beta gabs of pen be no abolition of the elan .is nesalsetalte anima that this is Sot it sot Mao we are antique for the we slave trade den Mb feeling exists. 7W meet o• Bosh t inverig' ly, sad up le r, Anatol l am t mo iredes to Ale seek t, la a-opera will laity ittohrion of the slam trade. It was, gliellea py wen usable, sad sat became they etmel they fitEed to retry such laws throsili net es wen necessary for the sermilea rade. They have evinced a et' *peen .rp , ration, fenn.led on each a treaty ea tie stereos of their lawtel emceesr it. rights of their roariag treat end of their her do protest altogether wain . this country Kit • right to deal with either the per. rty of Brazilian subjetta for carrying oa id*, inept in strict strongly* with ow, and according to th • provisions 4 robeistsest b..t•ren as. (liter, hear.) tioe expressed by Lord Aberdeen, when eon a letter of instructions to the Admiralty Is • he told that department to sheep the they hay need to *vie have ty as well read It to the bone. Died Aber- not vote for the =eel= if he thought it gave the slightest in dication of a &position to encourage the atrocious erica. of slavery, that nobody was consistent in the vote which they intended to give, except the hon. member foe Montrose, who said that he wished to set the slave trade free. What would be the effect of rep: sling this law ? It would entirely exempt the Snell= flag from di eaketation:in the entreat of slavery ; even if the cant of Aida was 'merman with' slave traders of every nation sailing ender the prottotive lei of Brasil, elasisiag their visions Semi ems end of the continent to the ether Ile that the hen. mad leaned gentleman, la vs** kw . the satin Obis right hon. ied. was iving,notaa laifea that as far es Ideate could go he was wiles Wit loses the dew trade mile nest of Africa. As te - thelsw Itself, the statement made ke the right hen. lentinet spuds, sod the statement mai, by dm hon. mid homed inflemeaa esseed piss the matter en the shwa* and mug s aiddery feedag. He had lima we paste upon lealeastion In wretch he sed his prekienem were aneerned, beaded ea a jumbled Nees. en a erellea• lion of internationa l piracy, and the prenatien of phew. At one moment gentlemen a-gued this matter es if dealing with international piracy, and then they changed their ground, and tinted it es con ventional piracy, and then they went back to international piracy and the confusion of their ideas led them to think their arguments absurd. There is a piracy which, by the law of nation', is cognisable by all statique, consisting of acts I of violence planned on the high sae, which is proved by an overt act, and which when committed and the parties taken in the fact is punishable summarily without national inter vention ; but the slave trade was not piracy by the law of nations. It :Blight be made piracy by convention or by the law of any particular country. In this ewe Great Britain and Bread made a convention by which any ant of the slave trade committed by the subjects of Brazil should be deemed end treated as piracy. Subsequently the government Pre med to parliament and parliament adopted the bill by which In crime committed by British subjects was brought to the cognisance of a British tribune]. The bill became law, and had been acted upon since ' but the hon. and learnt gentleman said that he objected to the law, not because it went too far, bat because it did not go fa r enough. He Add that the parties ought to have been dealt with, and not the ships only. If be had contended that we bad gone be yond the treaty, he (Lord Palmerston) could have under stood the areument, 'but he mold not wee that not having gone to the full extent was a reason to show that they had gone beyond where they were entitled to go. It could not be esatinverted, *strewn the time of passing the law which Mes seated in Brasil, in virtue and execution of the con miliest, the government of Beall bad pursued an unin tended menu ell violation of the engagement. It was mei yes MO elenning_ power to deal with the subjects of Brasil 111111•1110er which the law of Brazil does not war rant. Many boa. members seemed Ignorant that there was a law infl ictin g punia.rment on the slave trade—they had not made it piney. There was in 1831 a law which, if carried into execution, would have had a great effect in checking the perpetration of this crime ; the vessel was con- Sweated, and every person connected in any degree with the transaction was by the law subject to the same degree of punishment. And, therefore, so far from its being true that we did more than the law of Brazil would do, we did less, because our law applied only to the ship and cargo, wheats the law of Brazil went to the extent of punishag every mar. It was said that after the law was passed, a communication was made to the Brazilian government, that i if they would wee to the slave trade treaty, a proposal would be made to repeal the law. That state ment was true, and as the late government were ready to propose to parliament a repeal of this law, whenever the Brazilian government made an adequate equivalent in the shape of the slave trade treat, so, he was ready, on the asset kotaition, to presto". the re pal of the law. But when he was told that an arrangentrut for such a treaty was virtually concluded by Lord Aberdeen, before be left office, he cld only say that that atement was new te e him. All tha t he kneir was, that Mr. st Hamil ton, at Brazil, was instructed to make a government com munication to that effect. It was true that when he came into office in February, 1847, tee Brazilian minister did communicate to him the draft ot a treaty which he said had been drawn up tud prepared by the govern ment not then in °Hoe, sea therefore ho was not authorised to propene it in an official way, so as to bo • communication of the existing goverament. That was the only proposal from the government of Brazil. That ap peared liable to great objection, and be sent to Lord Row an each a draft as would be accepted by the British government. The treaty wee not accepted by the govern ment of Brasil; they stated their intention of sending a counter project; that counter project had never arrived. It was said that this question ot the slave trade was the cause why we bad no cominercisl treaty with Brazil and he understood his eight hon. friend that it was en amount of this controversy that the Brazilian government liaised to continue the export treaty of commerce. That was not so. The forager treaty of commeree which we had with Brazil wasa treaty by. which import duties were li mited to a low amount. Teat trestywu Mt sea most irkse restraint by the Brssitivn government. They king dared it an impediment to th e arrangement of their and they were longing for the day when they s hould get free. Therefore it was a mistake to suppose that raising the duties from 15 to 25 per sent was a rega -1 illation for our anxiety about the slave trade. It was the natural re-action of a government which had long telt its resources crippled by an engagement mode many years before. Gentlemen would deceive themselves if they imagined that if they were to let 1 nes the Basilian @leve -1 trader, they would find the Brazilians willing to enter iato arrangements similar to those from which they had escaped. The fact was, that treaties of commerce, fixing mutual tariffs, , were treaties in which this country was not likely to enter, and to which other countries would feel insurmountable t objections. Practically he did not think his hon. friend would I say that our commerce with Brazil suffered under inconve , 'dent restrictions. He had only to add, that he considered this law to be perfectly insetted ; he held it to be perfectly borne out by the treaty ot 1826 Ile wee convinced that, if you abolished it, you at once sole-d the question whether the slave trade should be allowed to revive or not. If they were to revive it, they would do that against which the feelings of the country would greatly revolt ; and even those who were of opinion that everything had been done on the subject, and that we ought to retrace our steps mid rrmit the crime to go free, ought to suspend any effort to carry their opinions into practice until the commit tee which was considering this matter should have reported, and have stated whether they saw any other means better calculated than the present f accomplishing the object, and what those means, according to:tteir instructions, were. On these grounds he should resist the motion of his hon. friend, and he could not allow himself to doubt that the majority of the house would adhere to those principles to which the honour of the country was pledged, and would not now, when they had made some progress in their consummation, by votiog for the motion of his right hon. friend, sanction the opinion that this country was indifferent to the continuants of the abominable traffic. Mr. E. PALMER said that the argument of h 6 hon. and learned friend the member for Oxford proceeded on a fallacy. The government of Brazil could not complain if we pro ceeded to deal with those engaged in slavery as we should be justified in dealing with other pirates. There could be no doubt that parliament had authority to say that a pirate Tinsel captured lawfully . by ships of this country should be dealt with by the Admiralty courts. The government of Breit had precluded itself from saying that they were Bra zilian vessels or entitled to the protection of Branli in law. Mr. COBDEN said the noble lord the member for Tiver ton (Lord Palmerston) had done great injustice to his hon friend the member for Monroe., and chore who concurred with him in condemning the present method adopted to su ppress the slave trade, by assuming that they wished for a return to the old practice of the slave trade. (Hear, hear ) If there were one thing more universally admitted than an other, it was the disastrous failure of the attempts to put down the slave trade by means of armaments. (Cries of " No, no," from Col. Thompson.) His gallant friend said " No, no." He would remind him of a statistial face Did not the Anti-Slavery Society, in the little tract which they had sent to hon. members that morning, state, and prove by figures the truth of the statement, that the number of slaves now transported from Africa was more than it was in 1807, w hen the slave trade was ca rried on both by England and the United States of Ameri ca ? (Hear, bear.) If mo slava were now taken by other countries than were re required a lt o gether, when England and Frame were the two greatest customers for slaves, could there be a doubt that all their attempts to suppress the slave trade by face had disastrously failed ? In the same little paper, which was. he supposed, designed to induce them to vote against the motion of bra hen. friend, it was stated that the number of deaths on the middle plenum had increased from 14 per cent to 25 per cent. since 1807, and that the horrors of the middle passage had increased in the same proportion. (Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances, it was rather too herd—it was somewhat cool—for the noble lord to get up (the right hon. baronet the member for Tamworth put the argument on a similar issue) and say that those who voted for the disarm tinuance of the employment et armed cruisers were for that reason advocated a return to the slave trade. Why what said the Anti Slavery Society itself inthe little pamphlet whinthe, all hod in their pockets. The very first paragraph of an ad dress presented to the noble lord the member for Tiverton by the Anti Slavery S witty, and signed "John Scoble, 27, Broad-street," was a protest against these armed cruisers, as leaving been Wily unsuccessful. Did the noble lord mean to say that Mr. Sable and the Anti-Slaver( Society were in favour of returning to the slave trade ? Hear, hear.) If the argument were good as agent the on. member for Montrose, equally good was it me against the Anti-Slavery Society ; and he must say it was rather hard that those who had borne the heat of the agitation in the anti-slavery cause, from the early life of Mr. Clarkson down to the pre sent day, should be included in a general condemna tion because they were not in favour of employing armed truism. He believed that the reason why they had hitherto failed to abolis h the slave trade was, that they had relied on coercion. His great quarrel with the anti-slavery people of the present day was, teat they had departed from their own principle of attempt ing to influence nations by appals to humanity and re ligion, and bad attempted to effect their object through statesmen and politicians. From the moment when the Anti-slavery Society went with deputations to Downieg street to urge the coercion of other nations into the adoption of 231 U-slavery principles, they had done more harm than goad. Going bosh to the beginning of the system, he would asset that every drat made at the congeal of Vienna, and every effort midis et Paris in 1814, had Produced the same Lei°' nonei eeninatmoss. In letters of the Duke of Wellington.' written from Park in 1814, it was stated distinctly that Fronk newnemses and French society gave them no seek credit whienver siessrity, and that they were regarded as ing to Wave* seam saisse in order that they might carry on the selfish trate due. If they would give other coun tries credit be bang the _same power to repress moral evils =freed by *metres, and if they would content wide setting a_good example, they would do far mere eel thea they Wild effect by mans of armed anima Re would not trouble the house with one word about the legal question ; he would only add that he baieved the stasmen of Europe and the diplomatic corps of the whole world were oppoeed to the treatment which Brazil received teem this country. After a few observations from Col. THOMPSON in oppo dam to the motioe, the honks divided — The house then divided. Per the motion Against FIRE INQUESTS. Mr. WYLD moved for leave to bring in a bill to explain and amend the law relating to the holding of icquests or elute of itquiry in cases of firs in any part of tho United Kingdom. The ATTORNBY.GENERAL opposed the bill as eoa templating a waste of time and money. A fee for eac al h fir e e oa each of the 52 000 fine supposed te take phase annuly i the United Kingdom would be rather an important addition to the county rata. (Hear, hear.) The gallery was cleared, but subsequently the motion was negatived withcut a division. WAYS AND MEANS. The report of the committee of ways gad meats was brought up and agreed to. The house adjourned at a quarter past one o'clock. Mr. Richard Harris, Member for Leicester, with Sir H. Williamson, Bart., in favour of the ing for the abolition of tSe Navigation Lbws. Zile 45):31VMS. OUTGOING MAILS. The ma ries Marseilles, to the Mediterranean, Esyfit, &Mato Ceylon. India, lions.tions, ris., will be made up this erodes, the 25th of April. Molts for Brill& North Amerlee and the United Mates will be made up on the maks of the 27th April. j the malls for Vito, tiliortt l / 2 Lig." Madeira. Cadli, and filbtalta Sill be made up on the morning of the 27th of April. The malls for Madeira, Cape de Verde Wands, Mena Leone, sod Aticenaion, will be made rip on the 20th of April. Letters to be sops. daily addressed. " By her Majesty's ship:. Ile West lads Mont'Maladies Bermuda, Itivranea, Names, New Gerona and Healer, excluding those for =rant. Jaan.deiNkaragua, New Granada, Chili, and Para, will be made up on the moraine of the led May. The mails to Madeira, the Brazils, and Buenos Ayres, willbe made up en the wombs of the 4th of May. Ite matte for Gibraltar, Matta. Grease, the lonlui lolanda. Mao, Gaylen, bed* liongiKong. sad Mu% eh; Southesriten E r loss made ap on the welsher et the Seth lies. WATgR AT LONDON 111.1 DOE. DAT :—lteralsp. 27 WA .it 3, Alter owe. 48 pl. put lotAgw—llLendu, 30 els, t>♦ta 4 : Altarepaa, nada. But 4. LONDON, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 25. THERE is a question of considerable importance to British merchants, shipowners, and underwriters, to which it has b.en hitherto impassible to extract a satisfactory answer from government; and yet the question seems simple enough. It is :—Are al or any of the German ports blockaded by the Dane.? Sow 0 documents, which we publish in another part of t' day's impression, under the heading of "The Dc a r h Blockade," would induce us to answer "No." If there bo one &aline of international law blished with more certainty than another, h ciples of reason and equity, and by h reti precedent, it is, that a blockade to bo respe go re r airiest. u n r s mn _n t :Jed most be real. It is the unquestiond rigla of t rw te n w tt i l t e h tr e a it ifi h e er is or su b e th in of its tw n e at t e re il such a time, as to favour directly or indirectly th e"" warlike operations of tire one the other party. Neutrals are not allowed to traar . in contraband of war, or to have intercourse with' . a blockaded port or town. The reara of these exceptions is obvious. Neutral!, by supplying one of . the belligerents with munitions of eine, or by it traducing provisions or other commodities into a toe in or harbour blockaded fur the purpose of reducing it, or neutralising its co operation with the rest of the state to which it belongs, abandon their character of neutrality and biome a.miliaries. But in international, as in municipal law, excep tional cases require to be strictly construed. The prohibition of traffic in contraband of war, or with blockaded places, as exceptional limitations of the rights of neutrals, must be kept within due limits. The free access of neutrals to the ports of belligerents may not bo prevented by fictitious block ades. That access is properly debarred when hostile fieeta or armies hem in a port or town, with • view to reduce or isolate it, for to permit access in each circumstances would bo to neutralise a military cyeration. But when the fleets or armies are with drawn, the visits of neutrals do not interfere with the rights of belligerents ; and to forbid them is a viola tion of the rights of neutrals. When hostile ships of war are actually stationed before a port, neutrals are bound either to abstain from entering it, or to take the consequences if they try to run the blockade. Bat there is no all upon them to show the slightest re spect to a mere paper blockade—a blockade by decrees not enforced by the congenial 9 presence of an armed force. A proc'amation blockade without ships to carry it into effect is a mere sham to frighten neutrals off a ground on which it is their undoubted right to tread. Reason dictates that neutral com merce ought not to be exposed to the uncertainties, litigations, and captious oppressions for which a mere nominal blockade, or a blockade partially and inter mittingly enforced, may afford pretexts. And except during the brief and lawless interval when Botta- P aRTE with his Milan decrees, and the Tory rulers of England with their Orders in Council kept trampling with equal recklessness upon the rights of neutrals, the practice of nations has confirmed the dictates of reason. Now, the papers above referred to prove beyond a doubt that the alleged Danish blockade cf certain German perte is a mere paper blockade. By decree of the Danish government the ports of Cammin, Swinemande, Wolgast, Greifswald, and Stettin, were declared to be blockaded from the sth inst. Yet it is certain that neither on that day nor any other previous to the 16th inst. had any Danish vessels been sta tioned before the ports of Cammin or Wolgast, while' at Swintintinde a Danish frigate and corvette had only occasionally . appeared in sight. It appears that the Danish frigate and corvette are cruising in the Baltic, and taking upon them to warn neutral vessels not to enter certain German porta which are nevertheless not blockaded. It is physi cally impossible for two men-of-war to blockade the five ports we have named, and they have not taken up a permarent station before any one of them. Such conduct on the part of Denmark is certainly not described in too strong language by the British mer chants and agents at Stettin when they denounce it as " a wanton molestation and hindcrance of friendly and neutral merchant vessels on the high seas." It is of the utmost consequence that every effort should be made to keep Great Britain neutral in the northern quarrel. The interests of our com merce, the moral sense of the nation, the desira bleness of this country's preserving an attitude that inlay enable its government to prevent war or accelerate the return of poop alike call upon our government to neglect no step that may tend to keep them but of the fray. But if Denmark is left without warning to tamper After this irregular fashion with I the strict principles that ought to regulate the prate tic° of blockades, oar commerce cannot be safe from the chance of insult or aggression. All that is re gaited to obviate the danger is for our government to intimate in friendly terms to the Danish ministers that they must either enforce their blcckade, or desist from the pretext. British traders have a right to know whether there is a real blockade or not. The uncertainty occasioned by the irregular proceedings et Denmark is enough to paralyse the trade of the Baltic. The matter to which we are now directing atten tion calls for parliamentary notice. The answers from the Foreign-office to all inquiries respecting the alleged Danish blockade ha ve betrayed an nage countable reticence, or a culpable ignorance. The questionlconcerns the merchants and commerce of tile co unt ry , and these our leading British diplomatists are too much in the habit of considering beneath their notice. Lord PALMERSTON has too .much to do, holding the balance between peoples and dynasties • Lord ABERDEEN is too much the humble servant oithe le . gitimato successors of the Holy Al liance to have leisure or inclination to attend to mere vulgar matters of trade. The government at Wash ington thinks and acts otherwise • but British diplo macy is more g enteel and chivalr ous than that of the North American Union. Mr. Hurr appears to bavo been exerting himself laudably to obtain some information for his consti tnews respecting the state of affairs in the Baltic and off the mouth of the Elbe. It could be wished that he would bring ministers to book on the subject in the House of Commons. He is one of the few members who are competent to the task. Mr. HAWES his ability, and has devoted much attention to such matters, but he is neutralised by official position. It is when questions like this emerge that the want of Mr. Itoeeucit in the house is felt—but he will soon be there. ', ::-; .T .~. foundation] t '.llk:. • I • s , • • : 1 1 1 . i I • 4111.1 / 4 I tr, • • • , P. • • kw: • r : • rr`• ; 74 -h.& t:* 4 .• • A, 1 . 3 • . 1 • CP)