The Express. — London, England, 1867-02-01 00:00:00

Li IN Dt IN ; I; tnudy househo:,:,:s picked at rand nn out of a London street or si.barb and told that they were personally responsible for the deti• Meanies in the lightilq: it their district, their censor would be probably not by a smile of incre- • diditv. If the evils arising from the q uality of . the ;,as supplied, evils so coastantly and so bitterly cong.laim-d of, were laid :it the same doors; if vitiated air, unwholesome rooms, spoilt goods. and pallid faces were all charged upon our twenty typica! s..apegoats, they would cry aloud against the ain!nst and sweeping. character of the charge Yet it a at simple fact that. ;is the law stands, any vest: v or district board of works, or any twenty : inhabitant householders, may call upon the Home &recta:: to remedy defects in the quantity or 'leant.- of their gas supply. That high officiil is • boiled. within one month of the receipt of the cow: • tint, to appoint a competent person as in speet• r. who, after giving the peecant gas company i twent , -four hours' notice, shall examine works, I machinery, and system of manufacture and supply. Fines and penalties are to be enforced if facilities' are not given for this examination, and these are made heavier if the complaint is proved to be just. The Metropolis Gas Act when centirming the division of London into districts, each to be sup- plitsl h.. only one company, sought to protect the consumer from the evils of monopoly by placing redress in lais own hands, and by providing strin gent r:.ies for the government and regulations of the coe:;,:inies. Yet in spite of these precautions the ei.mplaints against our metropolitan gas arraneetnents are as helpless and vague as if we had Men handed over tied and bound to irrespon sible despots, who may sentence us to an at - phere rre or vitiated, to light or twilight, dusk or darkness, without compunction or appeal. As usual. the fault lies with the public. Outside the City it does not appear that any attempt has been made to enforce the provisions of the Metro polis Gas Act against the companies; every body'a business has met its usual fate, and :ifter grumbling sorely and suffering much we go on sullenly as we are, or take refuge in wax candles or moderator lamps. Yet gas should be the convenient, the most economic, and the most brilliant of artificial lights ; and as its advo cates tell iit it may be made the purest and most wholmo:ne, it will be useful to consider how its partial unpopularity can be remedied, as well as the va'.•:, of the schemes suggested for improving its supply. Among the most prominent of these has been the fusing the capitals of the different gas companies into one sum ; that sum to be cal culated not upon the money expended in the several undertakings, but upon the cost at which a new co:up:my could be formed, and then allowing dividends only upon the net capital as reduced. Apart :rum the apparent injustice of this proposal, it is not clear that the transfer of our gas supply from its present hands—arother item in the scheme—A ould in itself be a benefit to the public. London, we are told, is supplied with gas by thirteen companies, with an aggregate capital of six n:illions, besides the sums borrowed upon the credit of their undertakings. Up to the year 1857 these associations indulged in a competition which was ruinous to themselves and prejudicial to the public. When the mains or pipes of two or more companies were laid in the same thoroughfares, escapes of gas not unfrequently caused the pave ments covering each set of pipes to be taken up, to ascertain from which the escape came. This, added to the frequent interference with traffic and sus pension of business through laying distinct mains and pipes led to considerable dissatisfaction, and the companies nut of the City finally agreed to confine themselves to separate districts. Liverpool, it may be mentioned, had adopted this principle some ten years before, when the two companies then supplying the town undertook to amalgamate, and sell gas at a specified rate, on the House of Com mons rejecting an application for an act enabling a third company to enter into competition. There have been acts for London fixing the price per thousand feet and limiting dividends ; acts defining the number of wax candles and the number of can dles of sperm to which the illuminating power of our gas should be equal; but matters are still held to be unsatisfactory, and consumers would gladly welcome a searching investigation into the quantity and quality of the London supply. Now it happens that the principal people concerned expressed their willingness last session to abide by the verdict of a scientific commission as to the degree of purity at which it is practicable to supply gas to the public, and it seems desirable that no further legis lation should be attempted until this is done. It is maintained, too, that the existing mode of purification by per-oxide of iron is as efficient a mode as can be adopted without making the act of purification itself a worse nuisance than it is ; and that to attain a greater freedom from sulphur by the use of hydrate of lime would involve unpleasant smells, and, through necessitating alterations in the works, would raise the price of gas. The maximum of sulphur in that supplied now is said not to be more than twenty grains in every hundred feet; and the example of the South Kensington Museum is quoted to prove that this cannot be very injurious to property or life. A report upon the effect of the gas used there, and bearing the well-knovn names of Faraday, Tyndall, Holman, and others, was pre sented to the house in 1859. It was there stated that the gas supplied contained 224 grains of sulphur in every hundred feet, but that the pictures remained uninjured ; and that the mode of lighting might, with proper ventilation, be continued and increased with impunity. Accordingly, there are now some 4,000 gaslights in use nightly at South Kensington. • • • • But these arguments and examples, however con clusive theoretically, do not satisfy every-day peo ple with every-day noses and eyee,and those twenty householders would do yeoman'■ service for the rest of us, who would exercise the right given them by law, and compel Mr. Walpole to obtain an authentic report from a qualified official in spector on the condition of our gas supply, and the causes which prevent its meeting the requirements of the day. - And what any twenty Britons may do for the districts in which they live it is to be hoped parlia ment will do for the metropolis at large. Informa tion is urgently required respecting our London gas supply ; and few things have proved this more strongly than the proceedings before the select com mittee of last session. Some of the calculations it evoked were based upon the supposition that all existing forms of supply would obligingly disap war if an entirely new experiment were allowed to he carried out, and flattering siatisties were autho ritatively put forward, which were subse quently proved to be gratuitous and unsound. It is unnecessary at this time to canvass the advantages or demerits of a proposal to make a corporate body at once the manufac turers and vendors of gas and the supreme judges of its purity. We know that at Manchester and one or two other places in which the gas supply is in the hands of the local authorities it is satisfac torily managed ; but our experience of metropolitan boards and vestries is not such as to encourage us to look to them for improved or enlightened control in social matters. The remedy for existing griev ances is not a hap-hazard legislation which may involve us in evils a thousand fold worse than those it is proposed to abrogate, but a careful and skilled examination into the merits of the case. The arrangements for lighting London are ad mitted to be susceptible of improvement. Rea sonably or unreasonably, we all wish for an increase in efficiency and • reduction in cost, and our only chance of securing these advantages upon a reasonable and permanent basis is that weshould understand what our rights and grievances really are. The drawback to mere parliamentary dispu tations upon such matters asthe unebeforeusisthat they too often savourof advocacy, and are tinged with personal interest. This may be especially looked for when it is proposed to confiscate private pro perty secured by previous acts of parliament as a sacrifice to the common good ; and it is not won derful that a suggestion which, if adopted, would have gravely prejudiced gigantic interests met with strenuous and successful opposition. All this, however, is beside the broad question of public THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 1, 1867. con% etience. We want to kliow whether existing , mplaialts are well or ill founded, whether it is c.::;:.titers who are unreasonable or the companies rho are unfair, whether new legislation is needed or existing laws are only inoperative through in 'been :ice and disuse ; and no attempt at change 3111.1111 i be countenanced which is not preceded or ,c.nananied by scientific and practical informa tion, which shall be both-sided, impartial, and HONSNAN, M.P.: ON RISFoRm. Last night Mr. Edward Horsman, M.P. for Stroud, was entertained at a public banquet in that town. There were nearly 300 persons present, and Mr. J. W. littuwett presided. In response to the toast of his " health," Mr. HUH. 4131.0; made a speech extending over more than two hours. He tint referred to the fact of his opposition to the late government Reform Bill, and said that he felt that this banquet to which he had been invited was a great public declaration on the part of those who bad con vened it of their wish that their representative should be truly a representativeand not a delegate—(hear, bear)—and that, while they valued party ties, there were oc casions when great principles might override the exigencies of party—occasions when they were not sorry to have • representative who stooped even to vindicate the principles that werefabout to be betrayed, who would raise his voice against the dangers into which his country was about to plunge. (Hear, hear.) His poli tical career extended over more years than he cared to remember. He entered parliament very soon after the Reform Act of DC32. Since that time more great measures had been pealed than ever before in the same space of time by any parliament of any country, and in a period of profound peace. But now we had got • new school of politicians, who rather despised the change that took place in 1832, and the effect of this change on the legis lature which had since taken place. They told us that the parliament of 1832,created:or recreated, by the Reform Act, had done its work, and was good for nothing more—it must therefore be reformed. It wu like an old Brown Bess, an old worn-out blunderbuss, that might he cast wade. Every man who stood up or the old parliament was looked upon as a recreant to the liberal principles of the day, and the only true test of a liberal was thought to be a man who would reform the parliament then created. Those gentlemen looked with contempt upon those who stood upon the ancient ways. They were the holiday, sunshine reformers, who came forth when re form was a very easy matter, when all the great restate of reform bad passed into legislation ; and as to those who fur thirty years had borne the heat and toil of the day, they, unless they assented to and adopted the new rules of the liberal party, were passed over and put aside RI though they formed) part of the old toryuni that was eatinguishal in 1832. He happened to come across one of those unfledged liberals the other official family, and who thought it all right for the Reform League to have its processions and hold meetings in the Park indeed, was even day—a man who was of an old whig family and an old ready to head the mob, if need be. He (Mr. Herman) told him it was rather an irregular proceeding to attempt to get into the pale of the constiution by breaking down the pailings of the Park. "Well," said the young man, "you have rather antiquated notions—you were *reformer in former clays, but you are not now." He (Mr. Honienui) said to him, " Do you remember the answer that She ridan rive to • suckling reformer like yourself, who charged him with not being a reformer?" No," said the young gentleman. " Well," said he (Mr. Horsman), " it was this—Sir, I began as • reformer before you were born, and I shall continue a reformer after you are hanged." (Loud laughter.) His (Mr. Horsman's) friend was silenced in a moment, but next day came back to him, saying, " Mr. Horsman do , you mean to in sinuate that I shall be hanged I He (Mr. Hors ' man) said, " No, I don't, for two reasons ; in the first place I don't think any government would think you worth hanging; and in the second, we do not now happily bang for political offences ; but if you go on as you have begun, you will have a very good chance of being transported." (Loud laughter.) Now, there were very fewof them whocould go back for 32 years,even in pri vate life—and that was the period of his public lire— without feeling that if they had to live it over again there were passages of it which they would in somewise change. He was the hut man to say he was unconscious of that feel ing, but if there was one passage to which he could look back without reproach in his political life, it was the part be had taken in the question of parliament ary reform. He could look back upon it with comfort and pride. It was in the year 1859, when Lord Derby was in power, immediately preceding the meeting of parliament, and in that very room, that be uttered these words : " Youi government will be gone ; but will the question of parliamentary reform begone? No, it will not be gone. It will have slipped from the hands of parliament, it will have gone out of the councils of cabinets, but it will fall into other hands elsewhere; legislation you will have made impossible, but agitation inevitable and more successful. That agitation will proceed year by year with more and more party dirt thrown upon it, with ministers, and par liament, and public men weakened, and damaged, and dis credited, until a period shall arrive when the sky may not be so tranquil—when commercial difficulties and manu facturing distress may dispose an ill-employed and heart wearied population to meet the tale of their grievances half-way--and then with tumultuous gatheringsin the pro , vines, with telling references to official speeches delivered for one purpose, but now available for another—with the table of that house laden with petitions, and its avenues thronged with excited crowds—then even the hon. mem ber for Birmingham may be looked to as a preserver, and his bill accepted gratefully as a compromise against the angry passions which our blindness and folly will have done so much to stimulate and inflame." At a meeting of liberals to consider the course to be pur sued on Lord Derby's hill he advised two courses, by which they would have not only vindicated but obtained some reality for their principles. A third course, he dis tinctly told them, he would not support—that was, in stead of throwing out the bill or amending it, so as to effect a settlement of the lineation, by a factious move ment to sacrifice the question in order to bring themselves into office. That third course, however, was determined upon, and the consequence was, as he predicted, the ques tion was indefinitely postponed. Eight years had passed since that time. Had the promised reform bill been car ried, or the franchise extended? Had there not been tumultuous gatherings in the provinces? Were we not told that parliament would be threatened, that next week there would be an assemblage in the avenues of the House of Commons ; and were there not now M.P.'s telling us they were anxious to compromise the question by taking Mr. Bright's recommendation of household suffrage . Well, then, he asked, had he anything to reproach himself for in the opinions he then expressed. His opinions were very dif ferent with regard to the functions of • member of par liament to that entertained by gentlemen in the borough who had get up an opposition to him. He held that the House of Commons was not an assembly of delegates— it was • council of rulers—(hear, hear)—selected to de liberate and to decide, not because their understandings and their attainments were on a level with the multitude, but perhaps from some special advantages of early training, or study, or opportunity they were greatly superior in these respects to the multitude. (Hear, hear.) He was told that he was treated with great indulgence and for bearance. He bad supported, they said, Lord Derby's bill with its amendments, which be did because be con sidered if those amendments had been carried the question of reform would have been settled. " We forgave you that," they said. " You opposed Mr. Baioes's bill, and we forgave you that. But you opposed the government bill of last year, and that we cannot forgive—we cannot forget it; indeed it was very naughty—la laugh)—you get worse and worse." Well, he did oppose the government bill last year. Like Mrs. Malaprop, be owned the soft impeachment. (Laughter.) And if the opportunity occurred he would repeat the of fence. (Cheers.) The reason why he did oppose it was because it was a bad bill. It established the principle of the government of numbers. He heard different poli ticians give different reasons for its failure. One of those reasons was very shabby and ungenerous.. It was all Mr. Gladstone's fault, some politicians alleged. They said that Mr. Gladstone showed a greet want of tact, and of temper, and but for him the bill would have mused. He, for one, did not agree in that. Mr. Gladstone had the conduct of • bill entrusted to him which was opposed to the convic tions of the House of Commons and to the convictions of the country. If he had bad the conduct of a good bill through the house, and one that was backed by the country, we should have hoard nothing about his want of temper. But he had to fight an uphill battle ; he had to press forward • bad bill, in which his whig supporters were a good deal too cold, and his radical supporters a good deal too hot, and so going on from day to day he was beaten in argument, and driven from one weak point to another, being compelled moreover to make alliances which must have been especially distasteful to his high moral character and genius, until he was utterly routed. If he had given way to that which was but • frailty of human nature, in a contest where everything depended upon his own eloquence, all he (Mr. Horsman) could say was, let him who was not liable to the same imperfections first throw the stone. (Cheers.) Mr. Glad stone's speeecli in closing the debate on Earl Gros venor's amendment he (Mr. Horsman) should never forget; it was an unperishable record of British eloquence. (Cheers.) If Mr. Gladstone had had the conduct of a really good bill, and the country at his back, no defects of temper or manner could have had any effect in coun teracting eloquence so divine, or, at all events, against eloquence almost superhuman. The fact was that Mr. Gladstone attempted an impossible task; be attempted to carry an indefensible Reform Bill over the convictions of the majority of the house. There was once an article in the Edinburgh Reriew by Lord Macaulay, criticising • work of Mr. Croker's, which was compared to • leg of mutton ill-fed, ill-cooked, ill-roasted, and ill-dished ; the reform bill of the late government in his (Mr. Hors man's) opinion, was ill-timed, ill-conceived, ill-fathered, ill-conducted, and finally, it was ill-fated. (Hear, hear.) It had been freely talked about during the last six months. Had any one present ever heard a whisper in its favour? What bad the League done ? Every one of its proms- Mons had trampled it under foot. The members of the League said it was a contemptible bill—a despicable bill. As • settlement of the question it was not to be thought of for a moment. They would never listen to such a thing again. Out of five millions of slaves, as the working classes were termed, it proposed to enfranchise only 116,000, or two per cent. There was not a human being had one word to say in its favour. It was the extreme re formers who denounced it most vehemently. Although defeated because it was • bad bill, two fatal blunders made bytwo of its principal promoters in the House of Commons rendered its passing impossible. The first mistake was niade by Mr. Gladstone himself. In introducing the bill he said the government had to consider whether they should have a Of. or 71. franchise, and they established the U. because the 61. would have swamped the existing con stituency, but, said Mr. Gladstone, though that was an objection in the eyes of other people, it was no objection in his. That, doubtless,was livery frank and manly declara tion of his opinion, but it cut him off from the sympathies of the House of Commons, inasmuch as that house had a very decided objection to the swamping of the existing constituency. They thought it very dangerous and mis chievous, and therefore they felt at once that Mr. Glad stone did not form the same estimate as they did of the requirements of the country or the dangers of the ques tion, and from that day to this the tie between them and him, although one of party, was not one of sympathy. (Hear, hear.) But then there came another occurrence which was still more fatal to the bill. Mr. Bright wade an apology during the Easter recess for his acceptance of the bill. He said—" It is a very small bill, a very defective bill, but I accept it as a lever with which I mean to work out a great deal more." That at once cut (away from under the feet of those who called it an honest and moderate measure, all pretence for accepting it in that character. They saw it was no settlement of the question—that it was only a means to ulterior ends. A friend of mine who met one of the minister' in St. James's-street on the morning he read that speech, said to him, " Now ' what do you think of your friend Mr. Bright's lever ?" The minister answered, "Con found Mr. Bright, his lever has done for our MIL" (Loud laughter.) And so it was that confession that that bill was not accepted as a settlement of the question, but only as a lever in order to obtain something more, at mice put an end to the main argument in favour of the bill, that it was a settlement of the question, and it gave naturally a tremendous force to the opposition to the bill. But Mr. Bright's friends said, " Oh, it was not Mr. Gladstone's fault, nor Mr. Bright's fault—the fault lay elsewhere—it was the ' Cave ' that destroyed it. (Laughter.) If it bad not been for that Cave of Adullam the bill would have passed." Thesegentlemen certainlypsid the Cave of Adullam a very great and, with all modesty, he must say, a very undeserved compliment. (Laughter.) Did any man in that room really believe that if the country had been ill favour of the bill, that some 30 or 40 members of the liberal party could have stopped its progress, and defeated it? Why, all the government had to do was to dissolve parliament, and send the mem bers to their constituents, and the cave would have been nowhere. But the fact was the cave represented a much larger force behind it. (Cheers.) It represented that particular section of the House of Commons whose con. stituencies, as was the case with Stroud, wished their re presentatives to be representatives and not delegates. (Cheers.) The hearts of a very large section of the liberal party were with the government. They worked with the members of the cave, they canvassed for the members of the cave, but many of them unfortunately were hampered by pledges, or rather expressions construed into pledges, and although in a manner compelled to give their votes against the cave, their sympathies and assistance were with the cave. At that meeting, in Stroud, they were a very small party, mid everything they said was of course a secret—(a laugh)—there. He would let them into the secret organisation of the cave. When the cave was first formed, the applications for lodgings or admission to it were so numerous that it was thought by the members of it they should have to enlarge it. But they had to contend with a force of which he believed he had been informed of the secret working. He was told that there was in London connected with a particular office of a particular newspaper, which he dared say could easily be guessed without his naming it, s copy kept —an office book, containing the names of every extreme liberal in every constituency in the Empire. For instance, sup posing there should be 200 radicals in Stroud—he supposed that was rather a large calculation—(a laugh)—the names of those 200 radicals were 'ascribed in the select list to which he referred. The name of every radical in every constituency was put down . If any member representing • constituency happened to show signs —he would not say of insurrection, but doubts as to the wisdom of the particular course which government was taking—if he gave notice of an amendment, or made a speech, or even betrayed himself in conversation be (Mr. Horeman) was told there was a telegram forthwith sent to the one man who worked the unfortunate gentleman's constituency, and almost by return of post he bad a letter from eve radical elector of the borough. (Loud laughter.) T hat information brought under notice the fact that there were not less than seven or eight liberal members who either made speeches in which they indicated certain doubts, or gave notice of amendments. Before their notices, however, had been on the parliamentary paper 24 hours, action was taken, and be heard one gentleman say when he came up to parliament in February that his committee had desired him to oppose Mr. Gladstone's bill if it was in the direc tion of Mr. Bright's views, and the same gentleman after wards told him he must vote for the bill, as his consti tuents had undergone a considerable change since be saw them—be used to receive only a few letters from them, not one in a month, but now he got as many as 60 in three days. (Laughter.) But it afterwards turned out that these letters were all from one section of the constituency. He went down to his agent during the Whitsun recess, and the agent said, " There are only sixty radicals in your borough, and every one of your core spondents is a radicaL' (Laughter.) Well, what was the result of that bill being thrown out? Liberal members were coerced. They had given vague promises, and were made to vote against their will. The severe ment obtained their votes, and how did matters stand now? Why, the government of Lord Russell found the liberal party united—that party was now broken up. They found the country quiet—it has since been excited. They found the operative maws contented—now those masses were inflamed. They found parliament respected as far as it could be—it had since been discredited. They found the liberal party in office—they had sent that party into opposition. They found the ministerial leaders strong, and with a powerful majority at their back—now even the ministerial organs were dis cussing the question whether those leaders ought not to be deposed. And where was reform? The liberal go vernment had gone, but had the question of parliamentary reform gone ? No ;it bad passel' out of the hands of w liament—out of the councils of cabinets, and fallen into other hands. Legislation was difficult, but agitation was attempting to be more successful. That agitation was ing, with more and more party dirt thrown upon proceeding, members of parliament and public men weak ened, and damaged, and discredited ; and now, when in some districts—need he allude to the iron di stricts, or those districts in which thousands were in a state of des titution near London—when the sky was not over tranquil, when commercial difficulties and distress pre vailed, and when there were frequent tumul tuous gatherings in the provinces, and the ave nues of parliament were threatened to be blocked by excited crowds, the country might be called upon to ac cept the promise of Mr. Bright —to save us from the diffi culty which our own blindness and fully had done so much to stimulate and inflame. (Cheers.) Having uttered these predictions in 1859, could any one describe the events of the bat eight years more faithfully? (Hear, hear.) Had he any cause for self-reproach? (No, no.) The bon. gentleman proceeded to show how, in his pinion, the bill of the late government would have swamped existing elec. ton, especially in Stroud, and in conclusion made refer ence to a number of social reforms—education, the Irish church, poor rates, and other matters—which he and others had striven to effect, but for which Mr. Bright, he said, and others who contended so loudly for parliamentary reform had done comparatively nothing. On resuming his seat the hon. gentleman was greatly cheered. Item intelligence. COURT OF PROBATE AND DIVORCE. JAN. 31. (Before the Judge Ordinary.) AN...I.ELL P. ANSI/ELL. After the close of our yesterday's report of this ease, the petitioner (Mrs. Austell) said the respondent ordered her to leave the house, and threatened. to dash her brains out. The next day she left him. The respondent never charged her with immorality, but he applied to her names which belonged to immoral persons. Ile complained that be had lust four chains since she had been in his house. Was so ill that she could scarcely eat at all, but he said she ate as much as any ten men in her 31.ijesty's navy. For eight months she never tasted butter, because he had refused to let her child bare anything but dripping. On cross-examination she said she was recommended to the house by a pianoforte tuner named Jackson. Declined to say at what schools she had taught ; but on being remon strated with by the court she gave the names of two. Was bankrupt a year before her marriage. Had been long acquainted with Mr. Jackson. Began to reside at the house at her second professional visit. She was recom mended to Mr. Ansdell on the 12th of December ; be saw her on the 14th, and she took up her residence at the house as a visitor on the 22nd. Was engaged to Mr. Ans dell before the end of the year. Never went into Mr. Anadell's bedroom and asked him if he intended to marry her. He first mentioned the subject himself. Did not recollect where it was. He Dahl, "If you remain here a little while my daughter will see how she would like you as a step-mother." Did recollect what answer witness made. The subject was renewed every day. Did not believe that it was spoken of in the presence of any third person. Spoke to his daughter on the subject imme diately after the engagen.ent. Respondent had promised to tell her, and witness thought he bad done so. Went with Miss Ausdell, at her father's request, to get the license. Respondent had had to pay a few debts for wit ness, but they were of very trilling amount. Took nothing away from the house except her clo' hes and a chain which she had on her watch. Witness's son bad been at school at Dr. Mum's, at Brighton. Dr. Mute sold his school at midsummer to a lady, but he was not removed on that account. Mr. Ansdell said he would not spend another penny upon him. At this stage of the proceedings the use was com promised. CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT. (Before Mr. Justice Keating.) _ . Adolphe Groezer, 37, and George Sapele, 48, two Polish Jews, described as labourers, were indicted for having feloniously in their possession a number of forged Russian five-rouble notes. Serjeant Ballantine, Mr. Gifford, Q.C., and Mr. Sleigh were instructed to prosecute on behalf of the Russian government. It appeared in this case that the prisoners occupied one room in a house in Newman-street, Whitechapel, and, in consequence of information received by the police, a search was made in that room, and between the mattress and the bed • large quantity of forged Russian five-rouble bank notes was discovered. The prisoners were taken into cus tody, and upon one of them was found a document very elaborately and beautifully written, addressed to the Emperor of Russia. in which he represented that he was in a position to give information with regard to the frabrication of forged Russian notes in this country. The prisoners made a statement in German, which was translated by an interpreter, the purport of which appeared to be that they had beentrepanned into theposition in which they were placed by • Jew whom they had met in Primal'', and who had taken the lodging for them. They asserted that it was he who had placed the forged notes where they were discovered, and had then given information to the police. They both declared that so far from having any intention to circulate forged notes in the Russian em pire, they meant to give all the information in their power to the Russian authorities to detect the guilty parties. The jury, after deliberating for some time, found both the prisoners Guilty, hut recommended them to mercy on the ground thatjthey believed that to loins extent they had been made tools of by other parties. They were sentence(' to twelve months' hard labour. Jorot, &%evr, who bail been convicted of a similar offence, was brought up for judgment and sentenced to seven years' penal servitude. DINNER TO MR. DOULTON, M.P. Last eve g a dinner was given to Mr. Mal ton, M.P. for Lainheth, at the Horns Tavern, Kenning ton. Fy a number of his supporters. About 150 gentlemen were present. Dr. EVANA presided; and amongst the gen tlemen present were Mr. H. Chester, Mr. Pew, Mr. !Wien Murphy, Mr. Merritt, Mr. Cons, Dr. Mitchell, Mr. it. C. Barton. Mr. J. Barton, Mr. .1. B. Clark, the Rev. Dr. Leslie, Mr. J. W. Ward, and Mr. F. Hodges. The u-aal loyal touts having been disposed of, Mr. G. TAYLOR read letters of apology from the rector a Lambeth, in which the writer expressed his sympathy with Mr. Amnon, who he said had been illiberally treated. because he had taken a free and independent line in the matter of reform ; from the Rev. A. Murs.ll, also expressive of sympathy with Mr. Doulton ; and from Mr. C. Buxton, M.P., who thought Mr. Doulton had been very ill used. The ChAIRMAN proposed the toast of the evening. " The Health of Mr. Doulton," which was enthusiastic:My received. Mr. D„ Thine, in returning thanks, said if he had felt any doubts as his own mind with regard to the course he felt it his duty to pursue in the last session of parliament, they would be removed by the communications he bad received front numbers of persons on the subject, and by the attendance there that day, which. looked upon as a representative meeting, had never been equalled in the borough of Lambeth. He did not think it necessary to assume that all who were present agreed with him that in the course that be took on all occasions during the last session of par liament, but he thought he was justified in assum ing from that gathering that there was a general feeling in the borough of Lambeth in direct opposition to that of those who expected their representative to give a blind and unthinking obedience to any political party. And he thought he might also accept it as a protest against the tyranny of those who degraded the position of a mem ber of parliament to that of a mere delegate, and who would make membership of the House of Commons not an lionoar to be desired but a shame and humiliation to he avoided. When be entered that room he did not intend to make any lengthened observations either upon the reform bill of last session or as to the course that he felt it his duty to take in reference to it, but he had been re quested to call their attention, as briefly as he could, to what that bill was, and to what parts of it he felt it hid duty w a liberal member to give his opposition. The object of any reform bill was to give to all classes a proper share in the representation of the country ; and inasmuch as that proper representation did not, as he admitted it did not, at this moment exist, any reform bill to meet the require ments of the day must admit a large number of the work ing classes to a voice in the representation of the country ; and it should also make some provision to meet the cor ruption and bribery that now exist. But the bill of the late government did not meet those requirements. It did not attempt to deal with all of them ; it did not attempt to deal with the redistribution of seats, nor with bribery. It did attempt to deal with the franchise, but it still left out in the cold those who were the most worthy. The principle of the bill was this—that there should be one indiscriminate reduction of the franchise—that the borough franchise should be reduced from IW. to 71. In some localities, in Lambeth for one, that would not have added 2.i voters to the register, but in others it would have added 1;s h) or 2,000, and in others it would have in creased the electors three or four fold. His argument was that they could not get a fair and just distribution of political power in the country by a simple reduction of the franchise. He admitted that the bill included a lodger franchise, but it was so hampered with restric tions that even Mr. Gladstone himself said that he did not think any considerable number of working-men would obtain the franchise under it. Then there was no redistribu tion bill. It was true that a redistribution bill was promised, and if there was one man in the house who expressed him self favourable to the continuance of small boroughs, it was Mr. Gladstone, but at that period they did not know whether the Redistribution Bill was to be in accordance with the opinions of Mr. Gladstone or of Mr. Bright. They knew the result. On the motion of Captain Grosvenor, although the ministers had a majority of live, they were practically defeated, and im mediately afterwards they introduced a redistribution bill, and certainly, if ever there was an absurd bill, it was that bill. It proposed to group certain boroughs not having $,OOO inhabitants, and to give them one member amongst them and it proposed to give additional members to certain large towns. It grouped Hendon, Lyme Regis, and Bridport, and gave them one member, and took four away : but it left Tavistock, with scarcely 8,000 inha bitants, still with two nie,nbers. (Hear, hear.) Then it grouped Andover and Lymington—he would say nothing about the geographical absurdity—but it took away three members and left them one ; but it left Windsor with two. And so he might go through the whole of the bill. Another feature of the bill was that it gave an additional member to towns having 150,000 inhabitants, such as Birmingham, Manchester, and Leeds, but it gave nothing to Lambeth. The principle he would staid upon was that the large boroughs should be divided. That was the priuciple contended for by the late Mr. Cobden. If that were done in Lambeth, the working daises could return their member and the other classes their member. In launbeth, out of 24,000 electors, there were 14,000 who did not vote at the last election. He wished to obtain a full expression of the opinions of the electors of Lambeth. Well, after the Redistribution Bill was brought in a bribery clause was brought forward and inserted, and after that Lord Dunkellin moved that the qualifica tion should be a rating qualification, and in doing so dis tinctly stated that he was willing to make it lower than 71. They were told that the bill was an honest bill, but honesty was not the only element that was re quired, and it was no argument to tell him that Mr. Gladstone was sincere. Mr. Gladstone was honest in one direction and Mr. Bright in another. Well, Lord Dunkellin's motion was carried, and the govern. runt, being defeated, resigned. On the liberal side of the house it was not expected that they would resign, but though they did resign, he did not think that on that ac count he should clothe himself in sackcloth and ashes, and for this reason, that be defied them to point to any of those liberal measures which he had advocated from that latform which the late ministry would have passed. Indeed, they had either opposed them or damned them with faint praise. There was but one feeling among the liberal members of the House of Commons—that the bill ought to have been withdrawn. They agreed that it was a step, but it was a step in the dark. To show the opinions of Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Bright upon it, Mr. Gladstone told them it would admit 204,000 new voters of one clue; but Mr. Bright said it would admit only 110,000 • then Mr. Gladstone said it would admit :430,0 00 working men • and Mr. Bright said it would admit only 179,000. He asked whether those who opposed such a bill were to be politically excom municated, which was the language of a portion of the press? The hon. member then referred to the Reform League, which he said advocated universal suffrage and the ballot, and said there were now one million of elec tors, but if the league were to have its way there would be Ave millions, four millions of whom would be on one side and one million on another, a result which be was sure none whom he was addressing would desire to see. Passing from this subject to the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland, he alibi that six members voted against the suspension, and that Mr. Bright was not one of them. He then referred to a speech made at the late working men's reform demonstration at South Ken sington, and said one of the speakers, a Mr. Leicester, described the members of the House of Commons as one eyed hump-backed scoundrels, and yet Mr. Bright stood on the same platform with that man at a subsequent meeting at St. James's-hall. He went on to say that he was not one of those who thought that the agitation that had been going on in the country thell tat three months on the subject of reform had in any way advanced ,he settlement of that question. On the con trary. he believed they would find greater distrust of the working classes in the House of Commons than before ,• and it would not be difficult to point to those who had been the cause of this. It was now nearly five years since he stood in that room to ask the suffrages of the electors of Lambeth. and his conscience told him that he had adhered to the principles he then declared. (Cheers.) He went to the House of Commons as an independent member to support measures and not men, and as long as he continued to represent that borough it would be to sup port the principles he had always professed, and not as the delegate of any party. (Cheers.) RAILWAY AND °Turn BILLS IN PAILIANZNT.— The examiners of standing order proofs resumed their sittings yesterday. Before Sir. Frere :—The standing orders were declared complied with in the following un opposed cases:—The Bradford Canal, Welland River Out fall. Aberdeen Police and Water, Mold Gas and Water, Middle Level Drainage, Gateshead Improvement, Dundee Gas and Dundee New Gas Companies, Dundee Gas, the North Metropolitan, and the Easton and Church Hope Railway. The unopposed Rathkesle and Newcastle Junc tion Railway Bill was postponed. The standing orders of the opposed adjourned petition of the Hydraulic-power Bill were declared not to have been complied with. The opposed Airdrie, Coatbridge, and Wishaw Junction Rail way Bill was adjourned until the 12th February. The Glasgow (City) Union Railways, and the Liverpool Tram ways Bills did not pass standing orders. Before Mr. Pal. grave :—The following bills (unopposed) passed standing orders : —Great Eastern Railway (Steamboats), Central Cornwall Railway (No. 1), Launceston Turnpike Roads, Richmond Gas, West Ham Local Board of Health, Kir rattly and Dysart Water, Prescot Oas, Hartlepool Gas and Water, Central Cornwall Railway (No. 2), and the Fur ness (additional powers). The op d Great Eastern Railway Bill also passed standing or MR. GEORGE POTTER. The following "note" appears in the February number of Blackwoods Magazine : NOTE TO ARTICLE IN OUR LAST NUMBER UNDER THE HEAD ' WHO ARE THE REFORMERS, AND WHAT DO THEY WANT" —We regret much to find that statements in the above-mentioned article regarding Mr. Potter, now secre tary to the Trades-unions, are erroneous, and have given him pain and offence. W's have consequently been led to make inquiry into the matter, and are now anxious to state precisely what we know on the subject, and what we would have stated in that article if we had not been misinformed. Mr. Potter, we believe, was originally an operative car penter and joiner, and has always been a man of steady conduct and good character. He was not dismissed by the Messrs. Smith, the builders, or found worthless as a work man by them, or, as far as we know, by any other em ployers. On the contrary, we find that he was a work man of full average skill and persevering habits, and that he worked with several London firing, and gave aatisfac tion to his employers. It appears that there is no founda tion for saying that he was a waiter at any eating-house or hotel, that he was ever employed on any railway, or that he ever wrote for any publication other than the Bee. hire. We ay.il ourselves of this our first opportunity to express to Mr. Potter our deep regret that statements so unjust to him should have appeared in our last number, and at the same time to tender to him our most sincere ofoical." A SOLDIER'S WIFE ON THE STAGE. —A French sergeant-major named Grangier, of the 59th Regiment of the line, has just been tried by the military tribunal at Marseilles for desertion. While at garrison at Rome in 1863 be bad fallen in love with a young Italian girl, and married her without the consent of his commanding officer. The wife afterwards came out on the stage, and having met with considerable success, her family, in order to get rid of the husband, whom they now looked upon as an impediment to the young woman's career, induced him to desert and to Naples, under the pro mise that his wife should join him there, and where they were to remain until his pardon had been obtained from the Emperor by the intervention of Mdlle. Patti, a friend of the Grangier waited in rain at Naples, and findingtbat he bad been abandoned gave himself up to the French consul in that city. He has been sen tenced to two years' hard labour, the minimum punish ment for the offence. 1 CHTETAL PALACE. ONE SHILLING DAY.— THURSDAY, JAN. 31.—Admissions on payment, 1,802; ditto, by sasses tickets, 1,707. Total slaws, 3,509. THE NORTH STAFFORDSHIRE COLLIERY EXPLOSION. HANLEY, THURSDAY EVENING. The inquiry into the cause of the calamitous ex plosion at the North Staffordshire Coal and Iron Com pany's pit at Talke on the 13th December was resumed this morning before Mr. W. Harding, coroner. The inquest was attended by a large number of mining engineers, col liery proprietors, and working miners. Mr. Macdonald, the agent of the Miners' Association, attended, and was allowed to call witnesses to substantiate statements he had made respecting the management of the mine. Two of these witnesses were brothers. They had been engaged aa firemen. After being in the pit a short time they left, and declined to go down again. They considered the pit unsafe. It was gassy, and the men made a practice of smoking tobacco whilst they were down. One of them said that Lawton, whose duty it was to report the men who smoked, actually sat down and smoked with him. Another witness, who had laboured in the pit as a collier, said he smoked just when he wanted. The men did it regularly. He had a false key to his lamp, but he had taken care to throw it away. It was a customary thing for the men to have false keys. He fired shots himself, and neither Lawton nor anyone else cautioned him against doing so. Mr. Keary addressed the jury on behalf of the lessees and managers, and particularly on behalf of Mr. Nicholls, the underground bailiff. He read extracts from the rules to show that the greatest possible precautions were taken by the manager' to secure the safety of the l i men, and he contended that the explosion was to be attri buted solely to the recklessness of the men themselves. The Coroner summed up the evidence, directing, them that there was no evidence of criminal neglect. The jury then retired, and ►fter deliberating they re turned a verdict of "Accidental death;" that there was no positive evidence to show how the accident occurred ; that there was an accumulation of gas in the lower workings, in consequence of the upsetting of a train in the doorway ; that the gas exploded by unlawful exposure of a naked light by a collier; that if the rules made by the ma 'lagers of the pit had been observed by subordinates the ex plosion might nothave happened ; that culpable negligence was shown by ltesraon and lAwton in violating the rules for protection of life and property ; and the jury suggested that mean. should be adopted for seeing that the rules are more strictly observed, and they strongly urged the government to appoint additional inspectors. THE OAKS COLLIERY EXPLOSION. Yesterday the inquest respecting the explosion of the Oaks Colliery, near Barnsley, was concluded. Mr. Dickinson, the inspector of mines in the Lancashire dis trict, and who had attended the inquiry in the place of Mr. Morton, was examined at considerable length, as was also Mr. Kenyon Blackwell, the commissioner who had been specially sent to watch the inque.t on behalf of the go vernment. The last-named gentleman said that the evi dence did not enalde him to form any certain conclusion uto the cause of the accident. It might have occurred from an accidentally damaged lamp in the workings, where the explosion, in his opinion, had originated. He did not think that sufficiently constant care during the hours of work was exercised to prevent the occurrence and use of damaged lamps in the pit. It was in evidence that Bach lamps were occasionally brought to the lamp-cabin when the men left work. After a short address from the coroner the jury proceeded to consider their verdict. They found, after an hour and a quarter's deliberation—" That Rich a rd Hunt and others were killed by an explosion of gas at the Oaks Colliery, but that there was no evidence to show how it ignited." The jury added that " they thought it was unnecessary to wake special recommendations respect ing the working of mines, as governinent was collecting information with a view to a better protection of life ; but they considered a more strict inspection desirable." TRAFFIC BATUMI'S. Miles Pas- Mer- Total, Total. SAILwATS. open. *engem ehandise. 1866. 1865. Week ending Nov. 24. g Oteat Southern of India .. 79 333 439 772 638 Week ending Nor. IS. Great Indian Peninsula .. 523 7,762 12,576 20,338 35,388 Week ending Dec. 1. Bom lBl 7.Baroda,iteentrall. 306 4,503 4,873 9.376 11.251 Madras—South West Line. 402 6,1163 7.218 North West Line. 153 1,360 942 Week ending Dec 11 Bails and Man Francisco 76f 171 L 49 720 1,017 Week ending Jan. 27 1367. 1806. Belgian Resters Janctleo. !6 92 143 234 348 Week ending Jan. 35. Dublin aad3leath _ Week ending Jan. 26 -- North Eastern l=l 13,940 42,151 56,791 61,290 Week ending Jau. 27. Belfast and County Dorn 441 ns 214 t,12 601 Bristol and Easter 1341 2.971 2,700 14,671 5,667 North British THE CATTLE PLAGVE.—One attack of cattle plague is reported during the week ending 26th January, being • decrease of 10 on the previous return. This was • fresh outbreak of the disease, end occurred on a farm in the petty sessional division of Middle Holderness (York shire, Nut Biding) ; the animal attacked, a bull, was killed by order of the inspector. No healthy cattle were slaughtered from having been in contact with infected animate. The number of animals attacked since the com mencement is 253,832, being 1 in every 19 of the estimated ordinary stock of cattle in Great Britain; and out of every 1,000 attacks, whose results have been reported, 062 animals perished. 52,623 cattle in the aggregate have been slaughtered healthy, to prevent the spread of the disease. MARKET& TALLOW.—Timmua livi.snio.-1110 market closed quietly to-day. Spot, 41‘ 6d. ; Jaguar, to March, 44 0. ;{d,; Nlarch, 44a. 6d., sellers ; April to Joao, 445. 6,1., tellers ; October to December, 4rs. LEATHER.—During the pant week there has been an increased detrain.' for most descriptions of leather, but especially for light English butts, a quantity of which have been cleared at low prices. On Tuesday the supply of fresh leather at Leadenhall was again small, and a modem% amount of business was transacted. generally at former prices. Good English butts, 14 and 2.1, and F 4,164 horse bides continue scarce and in request. COTTON.—Llviutroot., JAN. 31.—Market very quiet at a general decline of id. per lb. Estimated sale. to•day, 6,000 bales, including 1,000 speculation and export, sin American, 14d. to 16d. ; 300 Perusal, 3c., ltd. to 174; 200 Marankam, 15A to 16d.; 100 Mamie An d Bahia, 13id. to 15d.; '4N Egyptian, 15d. to 2(M. • 200 Smyrna, 12d. to 13d. ; 4.000 Surat, Gid. to 13;i1.! Madras, lOid. ; Bengal, &hide, &c., SAd. to 91a. ; hi; Dbollerah, 120. ; fair Oomravruttee, 120.; fair Broach, 120. ; fair Bengal, Bid.; fair "ptisa, 1644 ; ho t Per m, 15M. ; m id Bawds, 14&d.; middli ng Orleans, 150. WOOL AND WORSTED.—BRADPORD, JAN. 31.—Th e quietness which we noticed on Monday has continued to. day, and has, if anything, been more marked. Very little wool has been sold, and prices must be quoted as de. cidedly in favour of the buyer. Bright-haired sorts rape. cially are in request, and prices are easier. Spinners are only just buying from band to mouth, and prices ars lower. Farmers in the country are more easy to deal with. In worsted yarns the flatness is considerably in. creased since last Monday. There is even lees deilian,l than there was for leading spinning., and quotations are slightly lower. Merchants are operating very cautiously, and only supplying their immediate requirements. low offers are made on the part of some export merchants, but spinners are not in a position to accept them, thoughsrices are rather easier. The piece trade is equally quiet. Very few orders have bees plated either for home or on foreign account. Manufacturers are working almost exclusively on contracts previously entered into. A trifle more bou nces has reeently been done on the part of the American merchants, but upon the whole the business doing fa that quarter is very small. Foreign merchants are pretty busy on old orders, but the new orders placed are few. Prices are rather easier notwithstanding that cotton warps are dearer, and the business of the manufacturer is one of discouragement and dissatisfaction. CORN.—Beiwrot, JAR. 31.—The weather is unseaam• ably mild, with continual and heavy rains. Our market this week is inactive for wheat ; the farmers' supplies h are been large, and the condition of moat of the sampler being very indifferent, a decline of fully 2s. per qr. WAS eats. blished. In foreign scarcely anything doing, and prices are Is. to 2s. per qr. easier. Our large buyers are all holding off until the expected fleet arrive,. Mains/ barley very dull, and fully Is. per or. lower. Stocks of grinding being reduced to a narrow compass, holden re. quire an advance of fial, to la. per qr., with which needy buyers have to comply. Fine qualities of oats maintain their value, but black and secondary white are freely offered at Gd. per qr. reduction. Maize scarce and dear. Beans quiet. Devizes. JAL 31.—Our market has to-day—for the first time for several week. past—exhibited a downward tendency, and we have to note prices for wheat from Is. to 2s. below our return of last week. Farmers arc unwil ling to submit to this reduction, and the consequence was that, with a large supply, a good deal remained unsold at the close of the market. There was a good attendance of the trade, and had a disposition been shown to do business at the decline, a considerable quan tity would doubtless have changed hands. Barley was also 2.. per qr. lower, and a slow trade was the con sequence. Other articles as last week. Best white wheat, 32e. Gd. to 335. tid. ; best red ditto, :r2s. to 33a. Gd. ; ditto new white, 325. to 335. ; other sorts, 24a. to 295. ; barley, 475. to Ms ; beans, 23a. to 25.. lid.; peas, 1134. to 225. ; vetches, 21s. to 235. ; rye, if.. to 17s. ; tine tour, 48e. to 525. ; best seconds, 44e. to 48s. MANCHEYTEIS, JAN. 31.—There was a slender atten &ince at our market this morning. Both English and foreign wheat met a limited demand, and must be quoted 2s. per quarter lower. Flour was offered at a reduction of Is. per sack, without leading to any business of import ance. Oats declined ld. per 4.51ba., and oatmeal rsl. per load. English beans were firm, but Egyptian receded La. per quarter. Indian corn was 2s. per qr. cheaper. NiWBURT, JAN. 31.—We bad a large supply of wheat this day. The trade very slow, and closed 2s. to 3s. per qr. lower than last week. Ba rley was very plentiful, and all sorts were Is. to 2s. cheaper. oats never easier to purchase. No change in beaus. UIDUIDGE, Jart. 31.—There are few samples of sort at market to-day, and the trade is dull. 'l% heat, 60s. to 720.; barley, 34a. to 485.; oat., 265. to 33a.; beans, 42.. to 545.; peas, 40s. to 425. per quarter. Emma:twit, JAN. 30.—There were in the market s 9 pa. wheat, 1,819 qr. barley 2,549 qrs. oats, and 136 qn. beans. There were sold— %heat, 294 ; barley, I,llq qn. ; oats, 1,139 qn. ; beans, 113 qrs. Prices per impt• nal quarter:—Wheat, 50a. to 65a. ; barley, 325. to 41a; oats, 21s. to 345. 61. ; beans, 375. to 47a. lid. Ascoinrati with last week, wheat was 4.. down on the top, awl 3s. 9d. down on average. Barley was la. 6d. down on top, and is. ld. down on average. Oats were lid. down on top, and 1.. 10,1. down on average. Beans were 6d. dews on top, end 2a. 9.1. down on avenge. CATTLE. -BiItiIiNGUAII,JA.M. 31.--We received a mode rate supply of beasts on offer this day, the general quality fair. The demand was good, at full prices ; in a few instances Md. per lb. was made ; otherwise the top price was 70. Sheep a limited supply ,• tr ade steady at late quota tions. Calves a moderate supply. Fat pigs in good Demon able supply ; a fair clearance was made, Beef, NI to ad. per lb. ; mutton, lid. to Sid. ; veal, 7d. to 84d. per lb. ; n pigs, Bs. to Bs. 9d. per score ; porket pigs, Se. :id. to lie. lid. EDINBURGH, JAN. 30.—The number of cattle this mom. ing was leo, there being 326, or a decrease of 131. De mand being good, late prices were fully maintained. Top price 9s. 341.; current for the best, 88. tid. to 984 middling and inferior, 6a. to Ba. per stone. The supply of sheep was 3,230, being 525 less than last market. Sales were dull, and the prices of last week barely maintained. Brit mutton, from i 111. to Bd. per lb. ; ewes, from 1441. to 7A. per lb. Fed pigs from 58. to ss. 6d. per stone. Si: to eight weeks' old ditto, from sa. 6d. to is. a head. Fat cattle, 326 ; store cattle, 49; milk cows, 31; sheep, 324 0; Pigs, 309. SERIOUS CHARGE AGAINST A Poxrm AST Great consternation has been excited at Woking by the apprehension of Mr. John Mivawell, the postm.ster of that place, who has held the office for • period of tea years, on a charge preferred by the Post-office authorities of embezzling the savings bank moneys. The prisoner was arrested at Woking on Tuesday last, and was on Wednes day brought before Mr. J. Macdonald, a county wine trate, at Guildford. Mr. Geach, who appeared for the pro secution on behalf of the Post-office authorities, said that he had • large amount of evidence against the prisoaer which he was not in • position then to produce, but if a remand till Saturday were granted, he should be enabled to proceed with the case. The prisoner applied to be admitted to bail, but the magistrate stated that the offence with which he was charged was of too g rare a character for the application to be entertained. lie will consequently be brought up at the county bench to morrow. [Advertisement,] — HOLLOWAY'S OtrrmENT AND Pikv.—Hafe and Sure.—Day by day are cases of ulcers...owl , . *ores, contractions, and deformities cured by these well c-ts ne'l remedies, after all other known means have been tried in rain. V11111'042 veima and all descriptions of sore. niC,TA.d. std 1.1 legs, which seem to defy the best surgical ►►ill, SUCCURIII w s short time to the soothing, healing, and purifying prolwrii'" l Holloway's Ointment and Pills. They operate 11.411 locally sod constitutionally; they strengthen both capillaries awl urin, and regulate the circulation of the blood. The most shwl testimonials are constantly received from person. • bom chars , has directed to Holloway* safe and certain nanelica. *huh effected a complete cure, even after the constitution wewv.l thoroughly broken down. BIRTHS, MARRIAGES, AND DEATHS. BIRTHS. BLADf)N.—Jariaart“. at Teaby, the wife of Captain Hoodoo, aLtlt Itaahoeot. of a son. DEll't . ) . l4 . S.—putaary 29, at Moray. place, Ittlinattrah. the Y. B. Douglas, Esq., of a ion. GRAY.—January _2•, at Prlnceasquare, the wilt. of J. tr Esq, of a daughter. LOtyltY : —January 29, at Gower-street. &Ilford Noun , . the •ifa of W. Lowry, lan . of a daughter. Lit it/ELL—January '..ta, at Sutton-house, Ito Myrtle.. in thy tad Riding of the county of York, the wife of G. tt . M. Li•hicli. of a um. WOW LA 1% D.—January 20, at Arrandale. Durk nal the wife of H. E. Rowland, of a daughter. MARRIAGES. BURNS— MOROA N.—January 19, at All Saints' Church, Irno' more.phwe, by the Ray. C. R. schollleld. W. II Inons..!l Sr! orb, CA., to Nary Lyman, daughter of!. S. Iton:An Prlnee's.gate. Ilyde-park. GORE— PD.:inn:X.—January 30, at St. Paul's Chapel. flask!' road, by the Rev. E. White. Y. Gore, of t'rayfonl. Kent. 1.• suphia, daughter of R. Poutlfes, Fay., of Sanely it to, ta.sates• tershlre. PorTEß—lNGl.E.—January 39, at the palish rhumb. M"" IS est-Guildford. by the Rev. Y. Paynter. R. Potter, of Surrey, to Mary Ann, daughter of W. Ingle, ford. Eut , of t. DEATHS. ADAMS.—January 39, Mary Ann, relict of tbo late 31r O. Adams, of Syrnond*s-inn, aged M. CRlSP.—January 30, Lucy, the wife of W. R. nip. Johnutreet road. GREENE —January 39, at the Ruins, Church) anl, K. Edmund's, J. Greene, Req.. aged 56 PRALL.—January 29, at Thawbaldoquare, Rachetter. r- Prall. aged 64. WELMAN.—January 30. In Loudon, N. Noel. tau " f Weiman. Fay., aged 19. YOI' NO.—January 19, at C.oabain-villa, Mackhealh.part. "6-31% Suer, relict of the late Mr. R. Young, aged W. Misted and Published by Wittint Knee HALL.. t " Lombard etreet, in the City o f L on d o n, Printer, at Ortire, in LOmbardatrest, in the Precinct of Whddi llw " . FRIDAY, FIBILOAIti MT. il.g The 01 Jr,JO. Tsldr i t t HYA: RYA: TrYA: !` 2 -__ YA: • Tsldr illt r eU s tl; Palmy oat 2S; ler( . Id. 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