The Express. — London, England, 1849-02-03 00:00:00

I blew up, in an lawns, eke wry grate ammo whisk he had peenenneei eggs the Maid seeretay •; bat, ff the hen. gentlemdm amid Mesa hen. M isle wbk tabs fag sett the present see earn. he (Mr. Stella) misebesnW that his esacissau, if he ahead be a wise sen, wan Sig net the esisain were too mash fet a limb Waster to and if he should be a bold ewe, he week set kwl Me obis : avow it. There wassail ether peat get te whisk be to refer—tt was the marked all essOm of the eirlealea. rat interest in her Welty% speak (Hear, hear.) Ile conceived that when other imams& were ineedemsd, Ike =kit and the largest Interest aught not Ina been emitted. Sir W. SOMINVILLI said it was sat his feenilisa have taken mg part la the debate, sad be low INNI merely I. earaegesue of the meth embeesdialay spark el the hes gasiiknas who beeps. eat lows. He weals ally Welk the bee" berever, with wry Om semeelw, *see 1 holes =Was= to Iltesehlsel state Irish per The boa. losegts r asisittisa spinet tie gsvaraniat Cavherillesmandid Why be mummittes opus dr Irish pesslaw. Why be c a w ls=sevillel ram=hwed that last arias. whoa his be. sad glint kind (Celled Dense) hese& Armed a seed= bessiim—sue same law, great 'bleeds= were =he which the goveenatent them mesa The peening= were .crawl et resisting slant the ensneasee Opinion of the Irish members; and who. they asked the bee= to wait ant.l they should receive lb=of one eamaksion only, that they might have sores as to the working OW law upon which to yenesel. that was not admitted to le a valid excuse ; but still =Were taunted with as lad/position to meet the of Irish members upon a question vitally the interests of the seentry. Well, the =le gentleman odd that the govern/um had got the iskrmstiem new upon whisk they might art—that there was the report of a cam- Weskit sow lying spa the table of the hMse, which gave them all the inkresation they could require upon the ques tion of reducing or enlisting the area of taxation ; and that therefore they should art without the tideland= of a eosamittee at all. (Hear.) But be would remind his hon. friend, that that commiedon was vomited at the very time the when his boo. and giltant kind moved for his committee. ri i i i izmise of . governm.st howent, that that rem should b issued, and , every possible inform-tion collated, was not at all taken to be a valid reason why the mama of his how. and gallant friend should not be seseleel. On the , his boa. and gallant friend presesel his mare, sad still refused to wait f , r the eoramoelon. The bets jentisau who had last addressed the house, staled that Ze (Sir W. Bomerville) had alway abases for a very large area of ta s been wee xstion. He sertaia/y was not aware that he had ever expressed such • asa p he certainly had resisted a motion tithe has, • :or a townland rating. (Hear, hear.) Hs kerbs. front entering at pre .ent further into the question of the Irish poor law. Thu g ,vernment were determined to keep the prumbe they nude at the end of last session, that at the commencement of the ; rant session they would avo cado the appointment of a ecmmittn. The government did not intend, as his hon. hien f supposed, to throw the whole question as he said, Uwe., before that committee. It was with Warprias that he had 11 , and the speech of the hon.member for Meath (Mr. Grattan) upon the opening night, and be sincerely trusted that the house would not be led away by the exaggerated statements which it contained. The boa. and learned gentleman stated that he wee a ruined man. (A laugh.) His hon. and learned friend stated that if be were a younger roan be would go away from Ireland altogether— that he mu ruined by the poor rate end that then was no staying in the country. Then his hon. friend stated that the government were demoralising and ruining the country, and he added that there were 400,000 ab'e-bodied men at present receiving rations of 14. a day throughout Ireland. Now, in opposition to that statement, he (Sir W. Somerville) could mature the house that at that period of last year, when the maximum number of able-bodied men were receiving relied, they did not exceed siztrave thousand. (Hear, hear.) He knew that his hon. and leaned friend made these statements without sufficient knowledge ; hot that wu j oat what he complained of, and what he wished particularly his hon. friend would guard Mr. GRATTAN explained. He thanked God that he was not an Irish secretary. Sir J. WALSH raid that they stood now in a very dif ferent positiot, with regard to the Irish poor-law, to what they did last year. If they wsra in the same petition now as they were last session, the charge of the right hon. gentle. man might be well founded ; but the circumstances were not the same. Ireland was not in the Nome con dition, the experience of the poor-law was different, and the feelieg of the country had materially changed. A strong feeling prevailed that there was a necessity for some measure of relief, to stentothe progress of growing evils. He wished to take this opportunity of addressing a few words to the house on the subject of the Sicilian and Neapolitan question. Questions had been pat most palatally by Lord Stanley and Lord G. Beata& to her Majesty's government, and they bad been requested to Mate what were the intenions with which the British fleet appeared in the Bay of Naples, and whether it was in the contemplation of government to inteekre by force of arms or is a hostile manner between the /Mg of the Two Sicilia and his revolted subj ,, e s. The noble lord at the head of the Foreign Deportment, shrouding hirowlf in that reserve weld. was A.m. to ht., gave a most dhinet refusal to impart the least information. He (SirJ.Walsh) had therefore OM ratio* of a motion that the house considered that the appanage liit W. Parker's dart in the Bay of Naples called for eapik sttion at the ban 'a other Majesty's government. lie hod brought on th notion es an am-ndment on going into sm. mattes The noble lord, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, was not is the house, but the noble lord at the head of the government had met the motion by explainiogthe ground upon which the appearance of Sir W. Parker's last took place. Not being satisfied with this he had put oth, r questions and understood . = lord to answer that r William Parker had net vio lated neutrality. It appeared that Sir W. Parker Wad no objection to the sailing of the expedition. If there bed been any valid cause why we should have interfered, then was the moment in which we ah'uld have interfered. The came for Interference had not ari-cn, and neutrality had not, up a that ;triad, been departed from. The expedition to Mesdna was sucamefid. Messina re Tuned, the authority of the king was meatared, and there appeared every probability that his authority would be istabluhed over the whole of Sicily. Under what eircumdances, than, and with what pretext, had this iaterbronce taken plea ? If he andentood the noble lord, it was !wattle certain revolting atrocities had taken place, and the French and English admirals thought it necessary to interfere to atop those atrocities. By whom was they committed? It was said that some of the milit ants soldiers of the Neapolitan army were killed and esters. If such storks were without foundation he hoped they wouli meet trom a competent quarter a complete natation. He admitted that a discretion ought is be pissed in the noble lord, the Secretary of State for Foreign Aias, but the noble lord .ppeared to strain the doctrine to a melt extravag eat length. The noble lord was the great Maude of liberal and representative institutions throughout Befeepe ; he was dedrous to extend popular and free %al lude= ; but there was one branch o affairs which he withal Is arry en precisely on the principles on which Illentelade sod Metternich had always acted. The priml y's@ whisk be =sib t to introduce would let aside all antral es the pert at the people. As to one or two ether gebjeati cooneeted with the address snd the ameauseet. The seble lord was prepared to afford a very large memere elsetreahment; and he (Sir J. Walsh) was sure that if Ids mann of retrenchment could be safely carried out—if the wale bled, in the exercise of his responsibility, could madam Is make a large reduction of our forces in t pre sent Oft Dram Weirs of Europe, we should have every ma nn to *eke. There was one part of the noble lord's speech to whithhe (Sir J. Weigh) mat give his unquelilled adhs. des. The male lord had ermiesseved a high inalegium ea Lard Clarradoe, bat not si ntt r than was deserved. Illet ewe was one point in in Lord Clans dlateeedut whisk had elicite d his (EfirJ.Waish's) appraise- Silk and that was his determined resistance to, and constant illepsesailem of, every form of political agit ation. (Hear, Pity that each gad counsel could not take effect on this safe of the water. But it appeared that what was ca ntata to produce unmixed evil is Ireland was perfectly and wholesome in Manchester. (Protationistasers W r at u it ainemazy to pat down agitation in Ireland, with *estrous hand, while in Babied everything wee to be headed over to the tender mercies of club law ? Yes, he meant the law of the dubs. He should give his cordial support to the am'ndment of his honourable friend the member for Breklankasash're. Mr. U. WILMA'S deprecated renewed Mammies on the earn laws, but at the same time begged to make a distinction bourses roue , ion and revenue. As to the Irish per law , ite;trusta that it would receive the early and careful at:- talks of acreeratasat, and that the universal feeling of the Irish members would be attended to. He eats next to cien eider the amendment of the hon. member for Basidattram• Aire. The hon. member bad quoted OIANSta•7II . 6 saying se to the little wisdom with which the world was gemmed, bat might it not be altered to suit the hon. member's ant ease ova he bad given proof of how little information enabled a man to make a violent attack upon a government. (Cheers.) Never had the hon. member drawn so largely upon his ima gination, mso sparingly upon his facts, as in his long speech of the previous evening. (Hear, hear.) The chews made against the government appeared to him (Mr. Wines) to (solve themselves mainly into questions of foreign affairs as what the hon , member had said about domestics mat ters rested on mere assumption. The hion. member bad assumed to give important information to the effect that our exports had not been affected by the tumults on the continent, but had been daring the last year as large as in any former period. How could the hon. member have ascertained that bet, geeing that no return upon the subject had been laid on the table? Sorely he must have some man= sources of Information, or else he most have Montana as a most rea lm assertion. (Hein, bear.) Nettling use be ego any justi fication for the hon. member's attacks on the foreign policy of this country. The conduct of Admiral Parker in the Meditensawm bad been guided by • met tint hasaae, and enlighkesi policy, quite unilieNVlnlr Um bee. mew ber's censure. he, avulse bad Odr a = to that part of her Majesty's speak whisk the hews on the MOM of Gams is the ninth and seuth of Europe, re el seam to the awe! Austria and Piedmont, and of and Zeisteia. Now, without going into details, he (Hr. Mess) felled upon the house to beware how they eoadsseesd, in the selems intoner proposed by this amendment, the pesested 1"11.1 of her Majesty ' s government. (Ham, War.) In his the conduct of the noble lord the Sweeny for F rsip Vino had been one continuous and successful egad t o prwethe peace of Europe during the most puns= lima, oar was such as certainly to entitle him to the of die and of that house. (Rear, hear.) 4 1 h a lt muitte nt: Buckinghamshire had sneeringly a s k e d „wh ir the go vernment were about to join the universal posse salwt a N ow although be (Mr. Milne.) did net go th e of that society,, he believed that there was grow- de a snag o in o g avaset a ri e tke t = 'fiba enateyandaation et rim (Cheers.) I. Winn On the movemeat fa bran el bandit mass bid his promesed by that Ming. • Wisp mot air al hannlip, bat a simian bat with a inn band mans ism essanmen thamefrarthe et tie won of wield night have been mini (Hear. MIL) US belong •dhis anis kind, the Senteny for Faesiga Atkin had sank *Winn le nal balm at th bat he Ida tenon sidik avow' Mir mkt v e bola snide& fano War Ket in limn ban = ha hid. Pelmet Ant biedini is a awe when en tit e = if imesnity wend ea have bees dill Me and the Nunn= rimiessalas.sol who amid tell where gab b. tunings amid have essled;? (Ken' hear.) Thsa.!as la the inn albs Austrian army en the nation of floe dbla by the Rodin sod French some, If the Lesbian army bed mesohed ie Turin, could any an dent but that they wend lin boa met by a Wein essay paring dna Hoistthe AW (Hear, hoar.) Mike gainer sin tbst en Mad see all the enthusiasm of Osman math been restaimmt from afloat Inva d e, by the policy of the not.!, bed ? He believed emedentieusly that haste historians would rank those acts among the wisest lint bad ever been informed by statesmen. Men ben.) It was very peesible that hostilities might be rearmed be tween Sie ly and other countries, and therefore he might be permitted to say that with the very uncertain appreciation which foreigners had of British affairs, it was not at pr- bible but that the conduct of the opposition lest aft& ht be the means of preventing a settling* of the Sicilian question, and that it might lead' to an internecine war. At a time like the present, when the Neapolitan court was hesitating whether they should yield to the justpropushi of the British empire, when that court saw a party In aid out of the louse maintaining that the policy of the noble lord (the Secretary for Forage Affairs) was founded In error, hew did that opposition know that upon their heads weeld not rest the guilt of having forced two haps joked imam into an extensive war 1 , He had seen that a magma wee about to decide the affairs of Italy. From that le entertdan no great hope, and he did so beau. M saw on the part of almost all the political men ate infatuation to regard the power of Austria and Italy as something which it would be hardly ad visable to remove, and which the great power of the Austrian empire made it extremely difficult to gee rid of by any possible means. He had the nsidocise• to differ from both these eentlusions. He bad welded many yams in rue mantrim in question. and he had suns , away from the Lombardo•Vsnetian kingdom with the alb. Viet that the military occupation of those beautiful Mentrille by strangers and unsympathetic and ungeniel goverameats could not remain very long without causing dissension sad tumult. Admitting the fact that that military occupation was in itself a right thing , he had very little .c harge bring against the Austrian government. The Marisa fvernment of Lombardy had been made the hewn ebbe t of eulogy in that house ; but he must expels his lOW viedoe, and he wished to do so in the meet serious manner, that, so long as the Austrian or Venetian kingdoms lasted, there was no security for the peace of Europe. (Applante) Nothing was more certain than that the Lombardo-Venetian kingd m was determined to get rid of the Austrian government, and that that feeling was equally shared by all classes in the community—by the aobleman, the gentleman, the peasant, and the artisan ; and the difficulties . were now much greeter than they had been. He doubted whether any means of eowilktion ware possible between these contending nations, for a most cruel and iron rule had kept down the people, and Austria was now carrying out the principle of establishing a snood Poland in the midst of Europe. It was by emilecat big the property of the great noblemen, and declaring that force and force alone should be the maxim of the government, that Austria now retained power in Lom bardy : and, therefore, it was that, under these circum stances, the peace of Europe would not be enured so long as that state of things continued. (Hear.) Poland was sur rounded by uogenial powers who remembered their in justice to her. There was no reason to suppose that those powers would rise in her defence. The case of Lombardy was different. On all sides except one, she ha 1 a sympathising and homogeneous population ; and therefore he did not think, under all the eirzumitinces, that the proposed congress would lead to any good advantage. (Hear, hear.) The questions of foreign policy were, he knew, so little regarded in the house that he should not have ven tured to enlarge upon them at so much length if he had not felt it right at the present moment that as many hon. mem bers as porible should try to prevent the prank:sterile which he feared might result by the adoption by any large majo rity of the amendment of the hon. member for /lacking lianshire. That honourable member had a peculiar way of regarding ell them subjects ; and considering how largo a field there was far discussion, and how little the be. member for Bwokingharashire was in watt of subjects for display, it would have been more gratifying bed he taken up soma other subject for jest besides that of the Brat watitittional struggles of large portions of Europe. The hen. member for Buckinghamshire hat also indulged in mirth at what be called sentimental matters• con nected with "ram ;" but was there no such motive in the sympathies of human life as race ? Surely those members et the house who had read the literary works of the hon. member for Buckinghamshire, wherein the predominance of ease was made the sole motive, or cause, by which the world itself eteVeil on—( hear,and laughter)—must feel that thathos. gentleman was, under premed eiernmstanoes, at lout guilty of a little inconsistency. (Hear, hear.) In referring to the conclusion of her Majesty's speech, in which she intimated her readiness to make considerable reductions in the expenditure, be wished to allude for a moment to the hunts thrown out in that home and elsewhere that the quads* of financial reform had been forted on the attention of her Majesty's government by the Financial Association of Liverpool. Now, it would be in the recollection of the house that her Majesty's government had not only acknow ledged the aseenty before for very large financial reforms, — that they had not only expressed their perfect willingness to motile loan practical financial reform., but that commit tees of the INlebets of the bons., upon whose judgment the utmost mama could be placed, had been appointed in for eleg gnaw kr the coosideration of questions of financial WIN& Ter gonna her Majesty's ministers, therefore, for sateging Ma • question now solely under the influence of the MUM has without came with a very bad grace from the gnalinion apposite. No doubt great support had been gives to bit Majesty's government by the agitation of the wins eat of doors; and he certainly was not one of *INS whet could agree in the sentiment exposed by gentlemen ineseke, that public agitation on this particu lar question hid been either detrimental to the interests of the country, or Inimical to the principles of the British con stitution. (Loud applause.) The house, on both sides of it, had got a way of calling anything they did not like uncon etitutional, and on this question the pressure from without was considered unconstitutional, beets*, the people were taking an Interest in it—(hear)—and meeting, as they had a perfect right to do, peacefully to i argue and petition in its fa vour. (Applause.) Thepeophe were ntelligent enough toknow that order was cheaper than physical form, and the principle adopted by the League of meeting and diosessin wee, after all, the eateet means by which any umbers could be carried. (Renewed applause.) By curling out this meth' pia ciple on all meadow, and exercising the moot period right of public meeting, discussion, and public order, we would more and more recognise the blessings we enjoyed, living all we did under a blameless sovere*n, with an unoppreedm church, and a parliament in the main obedient to the desires of the people. (Applause.) Lord MANDEVILLE addressed a fear *narrations to the house which were quite inaudible. He was understood to support the amendment and to demand protection to agriculture. Mr. HORSMAN said be was unwilling to give a vote upon this question without distinguishing between those passions of the address to which he assented, end to which he objected. The hon. member for Buekinghamahire had entered at great length into our foreign relations and politi cal condition, and had gone so far respecting the latter, as to assert that the experience of the last three years of free-trade mammas had fully verified his predictions and justified his denunciations of them in 1846. The hon. gentleman, after going through a quantity of statistical details, and proving, no doubt, to the marisfaWou of his party, that his pre dictions bad been telly verified, consktently concluded by moving an amendment in acoordaaes with his statements. The lest paragraph of that amendment cieclated that " a brie portion of the agricultural mad colonial interests dike empire were labouring under a state of pro gressive depreenkm, calculated a excite serious • and eadaty." Taking the paragraph with P ga gss speech which baredneed it, the tabines must be that the Mate of depreseion dined to, styptallai it to exist. wee sonseted with, it. Indeed, it did Wet neolatcly spring from, them free trade leteleffes, the nil results of whits rte bas. nabs, pradisasilin 1663. Now for him (Mr. Hem mem) Ile vats in that paragrat ia talan in seannirm with the bin gentleman's remar would be to recent the psiadpies he had professed in I , and that was certainly a amens he wen not prepared to take. (Hear, basil Sub ennui entwines had esnimad him that, poitically spiallis, Ile leghlailea of lin bad, in the course of the last =ill us from wet appalling perils, and that, In • point of view, we were deriving from the flee bade measures of that year meat ad- =mat(Hear, bear.) Another paragraph in the slid, " that • neither our relations with Actin powers nor the state of the revenue, nor the condition of the manufactures or commerce of the country were such es to justity . therhouse in addressing her Majesty in terms of eorigratulition." Coupling this paragraph with the bon. gentleman's spew* in which he regarded with serious sp. faadia thin prepoekb of retrenchment which her Ma y% alma bid indicated, and in which he condemned that what of wise maacray to which her Majesty's minis had saamenced theses/Ins adherents, he (Mr. liorsman) is ad tote for it, lest he might be supposed to orient to this della= that the desnmetanees it enumerated did not *iffy An in amening to a schema of red ;tied expendi ture. Air= fa titi rSe boa. gentleman did not disguise what was fa his Wad, sad that his amendment was to be labia a r t to be with his speech, and that the waft el OW latlon were regarded as boss agents he had hisbetted and sfaiwinelj es to (Mr. Kim* End sot insistently with bis gibni vete ths hen sens aingnment ry beirlibi it Ink s fa onsinion He, ca ber' the =nary, hail car ed with inisbilisa pieseise of redwood nspontiture. In the al the seek lord them was earbialy little that eeali wain the din of those who were . sefl to a »du ties af eignitine. Bat it was siseartheWiratifying to him (Mr. oreneet), beans it .sanded the principle, and whet owe a Wands was .maid, It mu* event ally be ended oat, at laid to eine Meat. (Hoar, hew.) In Ms °pintos, the aspect of affairs on the continent justified reduc tion. List year France was a volcano, which threatened to lay Europe In ashes; but now, amidst a conflict of theories, they saw one, almost one only object , sought for by all, and that was a reduction of the national expenditure. A political movement, gradually sending into grader In patine, was going min favour of a reduct , on of the army THE EXPRESS. SATURDAY .1 • --midis sway =.114, the mesident down to the lowest 111Sneared painless T r, was a de him, to ellessilimat sad enallial of E til" billialforassfieg .to afat io ansy of ansdkird miff amPlbeselh. el the Allitem save an& lot ounfilmeshal Seennnoienis la°l : ennssialag the peeing Isollwi is boyar slim Hat Ise did met tro=ise is Int o risr Whig in es speakng ; ha IS was shot sea rather followed this oAed tisra lin being wpm that subject. If the yen lea be es a 10111111 srabri, he still hoped thd thsPet sCinmili most se be peepmed by the govern mosM lis real and eflonvo, asi oat en Malsient pie, Peollisd by seavinisaalitios and imam (Hear, Mar.) la a Om had lam from the his. maim in Beitingbansbne ear foreign relations he quits sonswered. En ems, be weld say that *ems relations were mals ihstsep; Int amid not allow the blame of the an ft la be east entirely upon the minister, ... l ist a deal of ft lay at the door of yerilament itself, those relations to be curled on with a degree sway irresponsibility whisk that the doors of the P against all inquiry. They knew as little of walf:iitg* el m. reign Secretary was doing as they now knew what wield* at our antipodes. If questions be put to him in thee Yew oar Amiga relation, they were met by the t re .a rtta g " the pablio interest required that the should be kept ignorant on the subject." If adios loo ms@ wee randsred Impossible by ma an capalsiss se nok platy imagabc:r V ans in Spain Whin our minas ems Masa out of and minatory document snot be laid bents par meat, then they made the discovery that the badmen of the Pon Am was carried on by two sets of calsieb—eme !s the minister abroad, the other for I run the lIIIIMIIMMIS of were ent at home. They la het obliged to such explanation se the minister to give shy—sometimes amounting to a few , that woad be withheld had they not already appeared la the public newspapers. The hon. mem ber for Pontefract alleged that tee English people t,ok no interest in foreign alls. Tons were two fatlecies con nived in that allegation. When could there be found a set of men who continued to take an interest in any subject on which they were denied all kneel:age ? As well might he expect a man to be content to spend his life looking through an iron dor at a locked up treasure which he dare not touch. But it was a mistake to may that the public were indifferent to foreign affairs, fur Englishmen were proverbi ally indifferent to nothing that affected their pocket—(hear and a laugh) — and they knew that taere was a great affinity between fordo.. affairs and imposts at home. They had learned rein experience, that the most terrible invasion was ' that of the tax gatherer. There was a more remarkable eerie don in her Majesty's Boesch of this than the last two or three sessions. Formerly her Majesty received assurances of amicable relations from foreign powers. Last year, when there was discontent, her Majesty told us she was confident of pe w ;at the doss of the elusion " hope" was substituted for ' confidence," and:at the commencement of this there was neither hope nor confidence, bat a " desire" to znair.- tain peace with other nations. Now, that was a paragraph in her Majesty's speech which, unless eecetally so worded, although one which ought to have been prepared with care,wasedculated to produce great uneasiness. Ile was lure he would not find a member of that house to sty with confidence, that with any court in Europe we were on terms of friendly Metiers. He thought it would be found that if ;he terms of diplomatic civility were not altogether broken up, these relations were main tained with difficulty. We had meddled everywhere; and. taking the feelings of the population int 3 amount, we were disliked everywhere,. and where we had meddled most, we were most disliked. In other departments ot the govern ment that most necessary and wheleeome reform had been latroduced—they bad been exposed to public view, and to those restriction which the public and parliament were able to place upon them ; but this reform had not been carried into the foreign de/unspent. There was another department in which this system operated to a greater extent and far more injuriously—the Colouireoffice. (Hear, beer.) Dlaladministration of our foreign affairs might annoy our continental neighbours; but colonial misgovernment ha rassed our own countrymen. In one cake, it might risk our foreign relations ; in the other, it hazarded the alleaiance, while it sacrificed the interests, of our own fellow subjects. (Hear, hear.) It was to him a matter of surprise—if he could feel surprise at anything in the Speech—that it did not contain the smelled allusion to our ciloniil align. It might be supposed, from reading the 'Tisch, that we had no colonial possessions at all, or that they were in such a state of blessed prosperity, as not to require even a passing re• mark. Me doubted if ever there was a time when the colonial possessions of this country were in a more unsatisfactory, and, in some res;.ects, in a more perilous state, (hear, hear),—when there was more distress in some, more discontent in others, and in others a recline worse than discontent. (Hear, hear.) Knowing the vast interests that were involved, the manner in which the subject had been brought before parliament, the labour that had been bestowed on it, and the discussions that had arisen— with all these Lets before us, at the commencement of a maim immediately succeeding on 3 in which colonial inter. eels sad distresses had engrossed so much attention, the whole subject was passed over without a single remark. (Naar. beer.) And yet there was scarcely a paragraph in the lipeseh by which the framers must not have been re minded seemantly of the condition of our colonies. Toot' were told that everything in her Maiesty's dominions was in a state of progressive improvement Did that apply to our eolonial possessions ? (Hear, hear.) It wee stated that commerce was reviving. Did that apply to our colonial possessions ? That while there had been discontent else where we had tranquillity in our own dominion. Had there been perfect tranqutility in our colonial pone:aloes ? Retrenchment and economy were promised ; but was not that limited specially to our home expenditure ? From the first paragraph of the Speech to the lest there was not one iota on the condition of our colonial poseessioes ' • and he maid any amount for the Speech being so worded on the =lleof the colonies not being considered part of her s s isatinions. And at what time, and under what circumstances did this omission take place 2 Not only while such distress and ruin prevailed, but while the correspond ence between the colonial government at home and the colonial governors abroad exhibited a mass of confusion, strife, and blunders, almost without example. (Hen, hear.) They had Governor Grey in Jamaica, scolded by Lord Grey in Downing. street ; while Lord Grey in Downing street was coa -1 ',feted of ignorance and temerity by another Governor Grey in New Zealand. (Hear, hear.) They bade threatened stoppage of the supplies In one colony, martial law and mill. tary execution to an appalline extent in another, and a wide spread ruin and distress in all. (Hear, hear.) Yet, amidst these appalling circumstances, the whole subject war paned over. Prosperity without f :caption was everywhere de imibed ; or if indeed the Monies were an exception, it was so trifling and insignificant an exception, that it might be wifely left to the wisdom, the attention, and the justice of the colonial-offices, m being the department with whiek we had nothing to do. The hon. member for the West Riding was charged with undervaluing our solo. nisi pesseedeas, and it was said he would not bs say se see this disisther lost to this country. But, in the Fast dreassleasse it the colonies, no enemy to the Brink commies led &own inch blindntss or such contempt for them as the mishair who, at this moment, in the Queen's Speech, , not only mmapted them from the royal sympath, but abso lutely, by implication, excepted them as por ti ons of the royal dominion . (dear, hear.) Other pimps of the Speech might tempt remark, but on those two questions of foreign and colonial administration he wished to guard him eel; and to record his prated against that system of secrecy as ingsmonbility which was fatal in both to a right admi nistration of affairs. He hoped that parliament would feel sailed ea to exarreise a more constitutional vigilance regard them. in a constitutional government publicity was the ea/y guarantee for good government ; and unless parlia ment enforced that publicity, it neglected its duty. (Hear, Ms.) Mr. F. SCOTT was astonished, after the able arguments of the bon. member who had last spoken, that he was about to give his vote in a way opposite to what every one mast have 1 r. Foreiand colonial policy were the two main is on which were about to vote ; yet the hon. moto , after giving the house the benefit of his speech, bad emied them that of his vote. (Hear.) It was to be re gretted that no member of the government connected with the Colonial-office was prevent, to state how matters were conducted there, sad why all reference to the colonies was omitted from the royal speech. He trusted this would he explained to the house, the country, and the ca nes. It had been mid that the Colonies cost OM mantry be tweentimes and four millions arias, an expenditure which was mainly incurred by giving up their management to a sort of " Star Chamber " council in Downing-street, over which man agement the Monies or parliament had as little control as if no parliament existed. Some colonies had their leg'slative assemblies; but these bodies were so crippled in their functions, eo restricted in the management of their own affairs, that they had only the right to complain, without the right of reddening complaints. Moreover, it wield seem that the title to a representative system was a selesllioa on their part and an outlay of two millions on ours. (meer, hear.) A rebe ll ion, or something nearly approaching fs. fa Canada, and the expenditure of two minium by Great Niche* gave to Canada her repremetative assembly. There Whim a rebellion at the Cape, and an outbreak in Guiana; 1 la the former, the Boers had sought to cape from our rule,• we had already paid a bill of upwards of one million, and ' ware likely to pay nearly another; therefore they were en titled to a representative assembly. (Hear, hem.) And, if lie was not greatly mistaken, the fern in Downingstreet, me having a constitution cut and dry, had sent out the Oasolion constitution, thinking that what was adapted to Mas hinds of Goons was equally suited to that of Cape Sans. (Hear, hear.) How it had been received he was not ales* awes; but he knew that that part relating to the winvists had not met with all the favour that was imposts& In New South Wales, they had already received Moir representative government, but coup'ed with an ' asesent of 1,0001. a rear, entirely taken from the control of the colonists. If this was the way in which the attach ment of our colonise was to be promoted, we might well ex pest an expenditure of three or four millions a year. The Mbithel ought to be governed rather by bonds of affection than by links of servitude. (Hoer bear,) Let them sot be allowed to suppose that the y were disregarded, by being left unnoticed in the speech from the throne—that May were treated as British subjects not worthy the &nen -1 thin o sia =stent, and loft solely to the management of the (Hear, hear.) On these grounds he should the amendment. . Og lislig %Mit t EP said he amid not content himself with • Meng nes in hies of the amendment of his hon. a. , M washer fox begidashamakire. He had carefully the Sepal speeskand he desired to speak of it wake due mime seem much of the sovereign; bat, in hat, ft was not Ile Rena of the sovereign ; it was a mere malleemp, an eashas pie of her Majesty's minis- Vtighter any minister who dared to plan such a in the wads of his sovereign ought is be impeached. U s ifted the good from the bat, he ventured to soy that NING, FEBRUARY 3, 1849. asedwe•447lll.l3Ligttartittieytithvg6".4llll9=l - aeonnnt. .) t was a speeds toll of Imm4l sad Wray. . is tr isis t e o him to auks use efolowoglanineijo. (boos lot ke wed& met has the esposellek of . Ho hol lmos Ilmd fee mew poen, nothing weld induce Its VINO ampolormr,os ressissee like those contained to 1•11=1Ilse ealbiestse two to be " framed with a meet I. lllllaline to a wise oeseemy." Nothing could be •Worniesetee Ore I voinelies either in the army or in the may. Doane lint time bo • rellmation of the overgrown sa beim of tiro tee tat„ tee highly paid, and too key alekters. Eakessehment bad been long premised by the whlgs ,• but, sifts:mitt they _same into office on the pdaeiple of retrenchment, they had never carried that pia into prude*. Sir DI LACY EVANS raid that last session he tolled the attention of the ight hon. geatleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to the strong feeling which existed in the cosatry on the subject of a repartition of taxation, and more especially as regarded the legacy duty. He did not complain of the omission of any allusion to this subject in the speech from the throne, because it was impossible that the Queen's could n into every topic which interested the pub- Irip e r m but he thought it due to his constituents to remind the right hoe. gentleman of the subject, and to express a hope that he would be able to give some satisfaction to the country upon it. He would not say that injustice was done, bat there was very strong appearance of it. There was a very strong feeling In the country generally is favour of a reduction of taxation, and he was glad that the noble lord at the head of the government felt himself enabled to make very large reductions. The hon. member for Cockermouth ex pressed an opinion that the foreign affairs of the country ought to be transacted in a more public manner than they were. And the hom gentleman opposite followed up that observation by making an application of it to the colonial office also. Ile was sure there were persons who thought that the foreign &Fairs ought to be transacted in Manchester, that, in fact, Downing-street ought to be transferred to Manchester. That was a theoretical question on which he woul.l give no maiden now, because It was not the subject before the holies. The hon. and gallant member who spoke last charged her Majesty's government with growing fat and bulky in their situations. Now, if there was one charge more than another on which they were unim peachable he should have thought it was that of which his hon. and gallant friend accused them. He would cot be acting in accordance with the principles which guided his public life, if he did not declare that he thought the policy of the noble lord at the head of foreign affairs was moat suoreasful in obtatnink these great and important re sults—the maintenance of the peace of Europe, and the sup port of the liberal principle in every country in Europe where he could support ft. Cape. HARRIS said that he regretted he could not vote for the address, as every paragraph seemed to him to have toe founiation in fact. When he boiled that speech read, he was astonished at the e ff rontery—he could use no milder term—of those who composed it. He could not understand the absence of all Chalon to the state of the West Indiesand to the agricultural interest at home, although the mioisters could not but have heard the cry of despair from the West India colonies, while he was aware that means had been taken to make them acquainted with the distress in the southern and western, end many of the midlan 1 coun ties of England, arising from the unprecedented deluge of last year, which had continued for six months. The corn laws were gone, and, as he firmly believed, for ever; there was no chance, as it seemed to him, of resusci tating them in opposition to public opinion. (He. r, hear.) He would therefore advise hie friends around him not t waste their energies in any futile endeavours in this direc tion, but rather to apply themselves to the obtaining front government relief from those burdens which, more especially now that protection was taken frnn them, the agriculturists had peculiarly to complain of. He must confess that he did not perceive in the tables of revenue before the house any indications of that general improvement in our financial affairs which the government tole credit for, and acted upon. Cotton was the only article of our manufactures in which any improvement was perceptible. In all the other branches of our manufacturing industry there was a falling off rather than an increase. Free trade, as advocated by hon. gentlemen opposite, he considered wholly incompa tible with the present condition of England. Unless duties were raised for revenue purposes, tee inevitable result wooed be national bankruptcy. The reduction of the army and navy appeared to him a preposterous ides, to be enunci ated in the came speech which shadowed out (linger abroad and doeiectly proclaimed rebellion still rife In Ireland. The disbanding of French troops which was pointed to us ea an example and security, was in point of fact no ex amp`e at all ; for whereas the French soldiers who were allowed to return home would be drilled from time to time, and so maintained in effective discipline, ready to be called together at the shortest notice, our own troops once dismis,ed, there would be the utmost diffi culty in getting ready another army fit for service. With regard to thernavigstion laws, he trusted that the gevent ment would 'be very careful to avoid any such sweeping measure as that of last year. He should wrongly tesist any endeavour to tamper with those laws which bad created the supremacy of our commercial marine. Mr. B COCHRANE could net agree chit the hon mem ber for Pontefract was a fit judge as to the importance of the influences that might bas seamed upon the destinies of tbie country by certain socieies, cr clubs, ss the hon. member for Buckinghamshire designated them, Peeing that the hon. member for Pontefract gravely applied the term " con stitutionil struggles" to the miserable events that had for the last year been disturbing the continent. The fact was, teat the hon. member had clearly sat himself down on the steps of the Mountain. (War, hear, and laughter.) To proceed to the speech before them : in that speech he saw distinct indications of a submission on the part of the govern ment to be influenced by a pressure from without, to be in fluenced by the menaces and intimidation of a club. (Hear, hear.) Why did he thus refer to the association of which the hon. member for the West Riding of Yorkshire, whom he was glad now te see in his place, was the prime mover ? Because having traced the hon. member through all his speeches he had become thoroughly convinced that there was :something contemplated by the honourable member far beyond mere retrenchment (Hear, hear.) The hon. member meant to organise a power in the country which should over-ride the government, and which should also dictate to the House of Commons. He had farmed these opinions of the hon. number's intentions from his speeches on several previous cc:miaow. He would refer the house more particularly to one of these speeches, wherein the hon. mem ber had warned the landlords of this country to beware— that there was a blacker spot in their hip:ory than even the corn laws, and that they must take care lest, when the corn laws had been swept away, there should be another league oreanaei against them, which would have the effect of com pelling them to contribute more equally to the general tax ation of the empire than they now did." There wu another speech made by the hon. member, on a memorable occasion at a meeting held at Manchester in January, 1848. The hon. member, referring to the Duke of Weilmgton, then said " His Grace has passed the greatest probable duration of human existence, and we may say, almost without figure of speech, that he is tottering on the verge of the grave. Is it not a lamentable—a most lamentable spectacle, that that hand which is no longer capable of wielding a sword should devote its still remaining feeble strength to the penning of a letter—and that letter may passably be the last public letter which he may address to his fellow countrymen—which is more calculated than anything else in the present day to create evil passions and animosities in the breasts of two great and neighbourly nations f" And that was the excuse given by the hon. member to the people of Manchester for the opinions he had expressed con cerning the maintenance of a military force. He (Mr. B. Cochrane) therefore argued that the house had a right, when they saw a new league springing up in England, to examine and inquire who were the men that organised it, what were their opinions, and what their ultimate objects. And these considerations had impelled him to refer in par ticular to the boa. member for the West Riding. What, also, did the hon. member for Manchester say on one of those occasions when he addressed his constituents ? The words uttered by Mr. Bright were to the effect that "he wished to see the people so represented in p arliament as to be able to control the House of Lords. What they bad already done had rendered nothing unattainable for the future, if the same means were only adopted ; and the people of Englaad had now found that fact out." Leaking at these declara tions made by the leaders of the present movement it had become his Ana conviction that the government, in giving way to their views and in coming down to the house with the expressions contained in the Speech from the throne respecting economy and retrenchment, had acted with great imprudence, and had given encouragement to the organisa tion which they menaced. The outcry for disarming and retrenching the defences of the country was very ill-timed. It reminded him of what occurred in 1792, when Mr. Pitt came down to the house and proposed a similar reduction of the forces and retrenchments of the same eke racer as those now called for. But in the following year, 1793,ahat war was declared which lasted for so many years— such were the deceptive appearances by which Mr. Pitt had been guided. The motto which hid been adopted by the Ctto whom he referred was " pesos and retrenchment" ietto he wouldsubetitute wee peace and armament." Eh object in rising was to express the deep regret which he ihle, that under the circumstances In which Europe was at regent pistol, the government should have been led into such a measure as that announced in the paragraph of the alai Speech referring to retrenchment and economy, and if he stood alone in the house he would msintaia the opinions he had expressed that the league now organised would lead to as much misery, if it effected its objects, as followed upon the unfortunate events of the year 1792. (Divide, divide.) After a speech front Mr. Byt=es, Mr. URQUHART spoke amidst loud cries of "divide, divide," saying that he wild not give a silent vote in rapport of the amendment of his hon. Siena. Lad PALMERSTON—She—I have three objeetirms state to the amendment which we are now ' the first is, that it protegees to give an opinion on ea which no opinion has been asked. &gamily, it less she x opinion on two other matters on which eldest with the fast. Thirdly, it eadeammie, by a aids wind to extract from the home an opinion ea matters of great importance, in which the opinion d the majority of the how is adverse to those who framed the address. In the address, as some time happens in letters where the pith is la the postscript, the important part of the matter is contained in the last paragraph. The laid paragraph in the amendment which makes an seention of our ookelas is dexterously avoided, but I think we have an admission made elsewhere, or if we had not, the amendment itself is sufficiently indicative of the real abject of its mover and sarporten. The real meaning of the para graph to which I have alluded, and of those who moved the amendment, is to record their opinions against the doctrines of free trade. (Cheers and counter cheers.) Against the repeal of the corn-laws. (Continued cheering.) Axs.inst the removal of disaimisating duties. (Hear, hear, and cheers from both sides of the home.) Sir, that intention hu been amply acknowledged is mother place, but I say it would be more fitting for these who entertain this opinion— it would be more respeodul to the house, and fairer to the publie—that these opinions, it such be entertained should be brought fairly and distinctly before the house by a substantive motion instead of endeavouring to trick the home out of in opinion under the mere pretence of an amendment to an address. (Hear, hear.) In the next place the amendment state', it proposes to the house to State that they can find no subject for congratulation in the imprevetnent which has commenced in the revenue or in the =big revival of trade. But I can easily understand that who lament and did strenuously oppose thou im provements which of late pars were introduced into our commercial system—l can easily understand their regret at the non-fulfilment of the predictions in which they indulged on every movement in the direction of free trade. I can easily understand that these who entertained sash opinions can find no subject of congratulation in an improving revenue and a reviving soramerce. became an improving revenue and a reviving commerce negative all the predictions they had made of the emesequencee of an enlightened legislation. (Cheers.) Then, we come to the first paragraph in the amendment in' which it is props d to the house to state that it cannot con gratulate her Majesty on the state of our foreign relations, Why, sir, my answer to that is, who asked mu to magneto late her Majesty ? (Loud cheers and laughter.) When you say you cannot congratulate her Majesty on the subject, I say, welt until you are asked. (Cheers.) It would have been highly improper fer government, or those who moved and seconded this address, to propose to (the house to express an opinion on tho foreign Mad° of the country. (Ironical cheers from the members of the opposition.) An address is always studiously framed in such a manner as not to commit anybody—(aughter)—as not to commit any one in the house on the subject of our foreign relations, and it would be highly improper to coda veer to commit the house on subjects which may form matte , for grave and prolonged discussion in the course of the session. Why, it would be a departure from invariable usage, and a gross breach of propriety, to ask the house to congratulate her Majesty on such matters when containtel in the speech from the throne. But I would say, when hon. gentlemen opposite state that they are unable to congratu late her Majesty on the state of our foreign relations, in answer to a royal speech which announces that papers will be laid before the house explaining is what conduits those foreign relations really are, that the house would be stulti fying itself, if we were to say that we were unable to press an opinion, or rather to congratulate her Majesty on matters upon which, until we receive the information pro mise], we must be comparatively deficient in the means of forming en opinion (Hear, hear.) But I would go further because I would venture to say, that even on the information which is common to those who attend in the slightest degree to what is passing in the world, we might boldly maintain an opinion in opposition to hen gentlemen opposite, and fairly congratulate her Mejeoy on the state of our foreign relations. (Cheers.) What is the great cbject which the people of this country have at heart? What is the great object which next to the main ter inns of the interests of the country—the tint and pra m cunt object in every British heart—what after thou is considered most important ? Is it not the maintenance of p. ? (Rear, hear.) First peace between this country and the rest of the world, and next, if passible, the 117'011110M of war between other nations. (Loud *ten.) Have those objects been accomplished? They hare been accomplished, and I say that in that fact, if we are to express an opinion, there is matter of congratulation for this house. (Hear, hear.) I my that there is matter for c metratulation, in so far as that this state of things may be aeceibed to the government of this country. For I have it from the mouths of our accusers that it is in consequence of the caution which government has exercised that we are able at this moment to say that we are at peace with all the world, and that those hostilities which have from time to time broken out in other parts of Europe are at last suspen de I bf armistice and arc in a fair train of final adjustment. (Rear, hear) Sir, we have not exactly heard the true testing' and opinions of thole who have been our smarm on the present occasion ; but occasionally they peep out as they did this evening in the speech of the hon. member for Donetahire. There, the true cause of annoyance nerd out ; and it is, that we are rot at this mo ment at war with somebody or another. (Cheers.) One grave offence which we have committed has been that we have continued on amicable terms, and maintained a good and retending with the republican government of France. (Hoar, hear.) There are those, no doubt, who think that the government of a republic is not sufficiently geed com pany for the government of a monarchy. Our lest of fence was our recognising the government of General Cavaignac. We have been accused of sending an ambans. dor pest ha to to Paris. Why, we hold that the relations of a country are relations between nation and nation, but that the government is the organ of the nation. It is only throueh such an organ that nation can communicate with nation; sod what business have we to inquire us to the organ which any foreign nation may chews, to employ ? (Rear, hear.) What business is it of ours to inquire whether the French nation chooses to have a monarch, or an emperor, a president or a consul? (Cheers and counter cheers.) Our object and duty is to cement the closest ties of friendship with our nearest neighbour, one of the greatest powers in Europe, that neighbour of whom it has been justly sail that in war it is our most dangerous enemy, but in peace may he our most Ireful feiend. (Hear, hear.) There is nothing, I am convinced, in the real interests of either England or France that can stand in the way of the most cordial friendship between those two nations. There may be pre judices, there may be passions but reason and mho reflec tion most teach the rulers, anti I believe are beginning to teach the nations themselves, that there is nothing in the real interests of the two countries that need ungraciously clash, and that it is for the good of both to cultivate the most friendly relations. (Hear, hoar.) I feel it due to those public men who have been at the head of the government of France since February lest to say that their conduct towards this country has been marked by the most perfect good faith, by the greatest frank. nets, and the most friendly dispositions, and that they hare evinced not only the most anxious desire to be on friendly terms with Englend, but have also expressed invariably and sincerely to us that pacific disposition with regard to the rent of Europe, which, regarding as we do the great im portance of maintaining peace, must be the foundation of a good understanding between England and France. (Hear, bear.) We did not withdraw our ambassador from France when the revolution first took place. We could not give him the usual technical credentials interchanged be tween govemmeats permanently established, because the first government was, as its name indicated, only provisional, but the moment a government of per manent character was established, those credentials were exchanged, and relations proceeded in the ordinary and regular manner. (Rear, hear.) Has that contributed to maintain the peace of inrope ? I say it bas. The French government was sincerely anxious to pursue a pacific policy towards all the other countries of Europe, but if England had rejected the friendly overtures of France, if we had scowled on the republic, if we had given countenance to other' to do so who had a dislike to the peculiar form of government which the French hail adopted, and by that means supported an influence hostile to the government of France, I will not undertake to say that the government of Francewould have been able to carry out its honest and sinners intentions to maintain the peace of Europe during the last year of events of infinite and paramount importance. So much fur our relations with France, and I humbly venters to think that there may be on that subject reasons shown why this country may congratulate itself, although hon. members opposite may not choose to congratulate the crown. Then as to mediations, our mock mediations as they have been termrd. Why anybody who has heard what occurred here and elsewhere during the last forty eight hours, would have imagined that never before the last year had such a thin as mediation been thought of; they would have I magined that it was a newly invented opera-' tion destined for some mischievous mystical purpose, and for which the government deserved impeachment. But I must plead guilty to this charge before the present year. It was my lot tote engaged in mediations many years sego, and frequently with considerable success. (Hear, hear.) The government of which I had the honour to be a member was able by mediation to prevent a rupture then imminent between France and the United States, and also to make peace between France and the republic of Mexico. Other smaller and less important mediations I do not mention, but those two were at least events on which considerable consequences might have turned. Further, in these sweeping censures on mediation, my pre lamer, Lord Aberdeen, must come in for his share of the blame of hon. gentlemen opposite, because he undertook to mediate, in conjuction with Russia between Turkey and Persia, and in another case between Denmark and Sardinia. I say nothing of that mediation which has been so often alluded to, and which is still going on, respecting the affairs of the River Plate. (Laughter.) Of that we have both bad our share ; and I trust that there will be a paragraph inserted in the amendment, dividing the blame fairly between my predecessor and myself. But—mock mediation ! One would suppose that It was a sort of poli• tioal drama, got up for amusement and leading to no result. One would suppose that we had imposed these mock mediations—for that is the sort of impression that is at tempted to be created—(hear, hear)—that we go about Europe, God knows how—(laughter)—with some mystical power that cannot be explained—(renewed laughter) —my " Now, we will mediate you and you, whether you will or not ; we do net mean it to come to any result; there is mediation, and that is enough for our purpose? (Hear, hear.) Now, take the mediation between Danmark and Germany ! Was that a voluntary mediation of ours? Per from it. It was a mediation which the government of this country was asked to undertake; and although that mediation has not yet come to a final close, it has had the advantage of putting an end to hostilities— ' (hear, hear)—it has had the advantage of establishing peace —(hear, hoar)—it has had the effect of putting an end to that interruption of commerce which at one time produced the most @emus embarramments—(hear, hear)—and I trust ft has bold the foundation of a satisfactory and honourable adjustment of differences. (Loud applause.) Well, bat the born. member for Buckinghamshire said last night, " You ought to have left that alone. You began that mediation when Denmark bad much to gain, and, if you let it alone, you would have got all she claimed." Why, that is true. We ought. (Hear.) But what is that in other words except that you have dine wrong ? For what is the me fling of that ? Why, the meaning is this—thtt here was Germany CM 000 side, remain wild after a particular doctrine—that here was Denmark on the ether side, strong in her opinion as to her tights; that here was Denmark, supported by Russia and by France—that ;ere was Germany, supported by other powers ; that war was going on—that Denmark was wor,ted in theileld—that she was to weld to Russia and France, and that the armies of Russia and France on the one side, and that the troops of Germany on the other, were to meet on the plains of Schluerig-Holstein. Why, what is ----. that but a general European war (Hear, hon.) Abi are blasted be preventing it. (Applause.) That te s ii; article of our impesehment—theit by accepting the medlimh t between Denmark and Germany we prevented the R a l. stainers of Bekbeserig frost involving the Holsteinan of Ow limey ea the one hand and the inhabitants of Dem o } the other inhostilities. I feel no alarm as to that. (Appla,Z) Then comes the mediation between Austria and I:mew; Now what was the history of that ? We t in May tke Austrian government sent over here gill*: statist, who before was elsetrgé d'affaires to this asking the good of and mediation of England bete l : Austria and her divided suhleete. That diplomatist geo, posed certain terms. I will not go into details, for the ram to be laid on the table will show the particulan, bat he m. posed that we should mediate on certain conditions. -We said, "We will mediate with the greatest pleasure—it will afford us the meet lively satisfaction to be of use to Awe& between when power and that of Bushel(' there has exteki such a long and friendly alliar.ce, but to propose that wieet we have reason to know will not be accepted by th other Tarty will he a waste of time ; that would piece us h t strange position ; hat, if you will add so-andon to your pro, wo think that will be accepted, and that we will m e ,. coed in establishing pesos." What was the an,wer of the Austrian diplomatist ? He said : "I am not authorised by my instructions to accede to 3 our proposal ; I have no ache. city one way or the other ; I do not feel mystlfjustilled is rejecting it; I will go with it to the Austrian government and ask their opinion." Well, sir, I believe the nev oi d which the Austrian minister made was efiereards nee e . upon made directly to the Lombard government; that it was not accepted ; and that the measure • fell at the time to the ground. (Hear, hear.) Well, vie, lite r down, things took a different turn in Italy. The Austrian army strain appearen hostile. Application wan the n ma d e to the government of France for neststance, and the govern m. nt of France stated to us, in pursuance el those nlateons of confidence and good faith which existed between as, se u yea can join us in offering mediation betwcta the put* and in an endeavour to settle by a nigotiation terms of pass between them, wit you do it ? If you refuse us, we shall be unable to p military interference is their affahs." We are blamed for that. (Hear, and cheers.) And that is tie real fault. It is because we prevented that war in Italy, which would have led Infallibly to a penersi Europe. war—it is by joining France in her siucere ar.d racifiecerene of frienely mediation which prevented a general RIAN peen war—(loud cries of hear, bear)—that is crie s the second ; and upon that I do claim your arquieal. (" Hear, hear," and great applause.) For it is said we elm imposing terms en Austral". Totally untrue. (e. H eir , bear," ar.d renewed applause.) We did not presume to h► pose terms on Auntie. We stated the reasons, which eis thick part'cular reasons, of arrangement cenducive to her well-understood interests, end such as would conduce to her pacific domination. It is for bar to say whether she will accept those tenia. I hope and trust she may. If she tin net, she is as free le refuse them as we cocci Itr ourselves free to offer tliem, (Hear, hear.) Then comes, sir, our mediation between Naples and Sicily. That mediation, in the first plus, was asked, not once, or twice, but repeatedly & d u g, by the person whom the e bon. member i.e Buckingeamihne called—and, following his example, I may call—Bing eg Naples. (A laugh.) _ Mr. DISRAELI—It was you called him Wig of Naples in theme.' Speech. (Loud laughter.) Lord PALMERSTOOL—Now, that negotiation was re pests dly asked ; and, when that mediation was repeatedly asked by the Neapolitan government. Lord Nieto was sent expressly from Rome to Naples. When Led Mine) west to Italy, he had no instruct ons to go on to Naples. Thst formed no fart of his instructions; but the Neat:oaten minister came to me by order of hie government, me asked whether Lord Minto was to go en to Naples, and to express a promise that if he went, he would he meet me& ally received. My regly was, " it is no part el his iceme. tans to go to Naples, but, in canto quenee of what you say, he will have credeutille for the Neapolitan government, sad the moment he receives an intimation that his roes:oast Naples is wished for, he will go to Naples." (Bear.) went there. At Naples he was to coustant commentates with the Neapolitan government. At thee express daze and request, he was urged by them to go over to Sidlora oommun'eate with the prone onal government of Body, with a view to an arrangement. That arrimgeteent nue tunetely did not succeed. In the meantime, we a:Maid:l news of the revolution at :Paris, which altered the state of feeling in Sicily, and Lord Minto mantel to Rome. And mentioning Rome, I must aduc to what fell foam an hon. member oppo,ite, who, in the course of this debate, was pleased to advert to dinner alleged t have been given by Lord Miuto to L Strabina at the time of the lamentable events there. I us insure you that it does so happen that Lord Olii to did ex receive M. Strabina at Rome—that so far as Colt imafiuty dinner is concerned -(a laugh)—the eveots oceureu4 st Rome pre vented it from taking place, and that Lord Hate is whet blameless. (Applause.) Well, sir, FO matten maned. We withdrew from mediation , retainiug at the mine time a great ',interest in the al!sairs of Sidly, because those who know the danger and the way in which the British government was can nected with the establishment of the cote titution at lE2 —those who know the tort of encouragement ttneliottralmou once which the ministers of that day gave to the &diem that at least the good offices of England ;could be offend them to maintain the constitution then given, must see that any government of England could not avoid melee a lively interest in the affairs of that country. (Hear end applause) But then, air, comes the question, whether the expedition which the King of Naples was about to send into Sicily was, or was not, to bo stopped. That questica was asked a this house of my noble friend and myself. We stated that itwu not the practice, and that it would be very inconvenient, as a precedent, to state what instructions am asked, or what instructions were given to any efficen,unl or military, on such a service. (Hear, hear.) But, is paint of fact, n - a instructions were given—no instructions to rent or offer say interference or obstructions were given by et admirals when that expedition sailed. It reached Messina. It commenced operations. I have bear it said somewhere that the Neapolitan troops gel hold of the stronghold of Messina. God bless mywal —(laughter)—the town of Messina a stronghold! My, the stronghold of Messina was in the hands of the Nespe Mans. They had been driven out of Palermo, but they bel not been driven from the stronghold of !destine; bat fees that stronghold of Messina, after the flags bad been head down, and every symbol of a cessation of hostilities had ben given, they continued for eight hours a savage bombardi meet , destroyino houses, palaces, churches, publee beadier, in short, anything that could offer. Tracy did after tut land a body of troops, which were to complete the dater doe on what the bombs, and shells, and cannorebills took not an effect. They laid waste three miles of suburb, plunder ine, murdering as they went. Well, the admirals, learnfee this, and seeing what passed, and accustomed only to a wet carried on according to the practice of civilised nations, get disgusted with it. (Hear, hear.) But they felt mots. They knew that the town of Palermo was doomed to the same as was inflicted on Messina, and when they saw hue deeds of thousands of those wretched prole flying kr safety to the ship, and across the fields t e get out al the way of their pursuing marauders, why, they said, " We me not permit the scene to be repeated in Palermo, and, al. though we have no instructions on :he subject, yet upon oar own responsibility we will stop this atrocious proceedmg—fl lent until we see the decision of our respective getters aunts on the subject." They did so They a* blished an armistice. A line of demarcation we traced out. The Neapolitans were to have the cast ern part of the land. But what were the guest meats of England and France to do in a cue of dist sort? Was it fair that civilians sitting here in this rain, and men who never saw a shot fired or a drop of blood shed —was it fitting that they should be sterner than thole admirals who were used to all the herrees of war? (Hear, hear.) Was it fitting that wo should say—" Let Palermo share the fate of Messina—l. t the Neapolites troops go on and destroy the first city, as they have destroyed the second city of that land." Why, I am we that even the gentlemen who support the amendment , that even they wouldnot be guilty of such conduct. (Chum) I am sure that no British statesman would, under the cio cumstances, have taken any other decision. (Hear.) Thus it was our duty to follow it up by negotiation, one that sego tiatien is now going on. I tract—though it is a hezardose thing to speak of matters of the kind, and of men animated by hostile feelings ; still, I am not without hopes that tbie ' negotiation may be satisfactorily concluded, and Cutting interposition of the admirals mac lead to an honourable ud satisfactory aejustmant of the differences here: en the KA of Naples and the poopie of Sicily; and if that negotistim be accomplished, I shall feel no regret that the eidmirak took , he part they did on the occasion. (Laud appla u r) Time WA of great value in this as well a other reseed , . If that arrangement had been proposed at the moment who the smoking ashes of Messina were before the eyes of td Sicilians they might have refused the terms which now the/ would accept without difficulty. On the other hind, de Ring of Narles might now consent to an airangemett which, in the moment of victory he might possibly hsto been induced to refuse. At all events, we hays the Fades ; tion of thinking that the mediation ot England and Frame ; upon thet occasion has prevented great calamities in Sicily; end I trust that while on the one hand that meiliat one secure the happiness and constitutional freedom of the Sidi Bans, it will also lead to the permanent settlement of tb crown of Sicily and Naples upon the head of the same and narch. These are the crimes for which this house is eilledups to take the unusual step of pronouncing the c.edemeat'oe , the government upon the first night of thqo ersion—ol.. „rP flouncing their condemnation, too, without the papers tam are announced to be given. That is a poident step, oa doubt, on the part of those who can anticii ate full vrellthet when those papers come their censure will net be revived, and who think it good policy to obtain a vote before the grounds of that vote can be laid before the how°. I should have thought that the a ninon of the mover of the amendment showed it ' elf en tax spud of the hon. member for Dorsetshire. That ht . member said that the Spanish government had eon last year an affront to the government of England, and f took more credit then I am disposed to allow him in ing that it was in consequence of something ho had said teas the government had prevailed on Isturita to return to Sit owing to the dismissal of Sir H. Bawer. I can assure that lean entire error, and that he had no shore wheteler that dal. (Loud laughter.) Thegentler's! said Hon e are so many months mused since an Insult was offered to this country, and you have obtained no redresse: where can be the dignihy of a govornment placed ?" The hon. gentleman, in fact, means that we °of! to have gone to war with Spain. We took the ster d irr i were appropriate to the necessity of the aloe We %ice the minister of Spein to go back to Madrid, in ann ie V of the minister of England being sent from Mobil Allood I feel that some reparation is due to this country on seeuennt of that step, and believe that the Spanish govt . rn-neat, orb. they come calmly to reflect upon it—(a laugh) —will ate t 1 , 1! lnsudl.iency of the grounds on which they acted, and may "° 1 flu ha el • asi th ,