The Express. — London, England, 1849-06-21 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY ]VENING, JUNE 21, 1849. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. meta m us tering the government forms, had tr." him= acesiderable period to iodine the'bouse below the number requisite to keep a lareseee-that, la Wit t HOUSE OP COMMONS.—eWEDEMMAY, Jobs 20. the petiole= who was technically known as whipper', The &mania took the chair at o'clock. in" bed, en this onasion, whipped the iinelmm out ofAse, house. (Lamehter.) [The noble toed .(TalledfMarese HMS PUBLIC BUSINESS. here entered the house, amidst, owl sheers and lauOtee; PETITIONS PRESENTED. and the noble speaker reiterated presence the - Amos MARNIAO.II But. —By Mr. THORNELY, from Woo that he had wad towag „awl hi m. ] nehempton ; Lord JOCELYN, from Lynn; Mr. it.WORI:- MY, from various places ; Mr. Aldermen SIDNEY, hem .._ .„ LordM. HILL begged to ism!! the n_c_b ba le ve mr t l iti tliLt u t e e Stafford; Mr. CARDWELL, from Liverpool ; the Marquis us. tak es no open meaaures whateve r to oi-DOURO, from Norwich; Mr. V. SMITH, ?ton North- "untied' ( Lend laughter .) An hon. friend of his told ben that it was his intention to count out the house, and he nee =plea • Mr. BUNBURY, from Buy St. Edmund's—in fa vours( bffi. Mr R. INGLIS, from the University of Edit"- of did not take any at pe to dissuade him from it. bomb ; Mr. C. BRUCE, ham the General Assembly of ( ta u ; o •gh , fr ... .) , _H vi s th o did hos note ( s u ay ih d tar ec . i ) ed steps to induce the Church of Scotland; Mr. NAPIER (3), from places in lambs 7 •`" Ironed ; Mr. PEEWEE, has firma:--agsanstthe measure. The IN ad of LINCOLN wished to know whether th e no ble lend did not say man hon. gentleman whom he me coming POOI4AIII 0/11CIRs' SUPERANNUATION FUND. —By into th e h e pose, Do net go in, the house is about being Mr.lbLeela, from Bottom, in favour of this proposition. counted ?. (lee' MOW.) Ceireintomns Don.—By AGLIONBY, from Attar- might have said something of that kind to nies of Keswick ; Mr. W.J. PDX, from Oldham; Er W. Lord b . eshter.) But that did not imply any BROWN, from gooneys sad solicitors of Rochdale—for the an -m• s'• have th e b ow minted. (Laughter.) abolition of the certificate duty. attempt on his pot to SUNDAY Taalnice.—By Mr. W. J. FOX, from Mr.et • hazd and cruel Case. Mr. SL A NEY deegeowled, th aw of counting oat Deem, a hair-drover, Clerkeewell, against Sunday the house, which he th i s h oo itading. had a right to DO as neon attended (Laughter.) But he elm ht, 112 " tilnadtiaas to d as tlM a working classes DUBLIN Reyes BILL.-•E y Sir W. SOMERVILLE, auestion relating to Vancouver's _lsland. (Hear.) hem the Dublin Chamber of Commerce, in favour of tide bill. Eng oat the bone had been so mach Mr. AGLIONBY as whether it would not be rights' this BANKRUPTCY Law CONSOLIDATION But.—By Mr. M. atasae osyste m nad of f , to o " mo w committee to eee how it could be GIBSON, from the Alucbester Chamber of VODIMOTCII, and ead 7;;; ente d . (e. bh,") Althougliquesions affecting the the Society for ilia Protection of Trade, in favour of this colonies were of the highest importance, they all kuew that withnolice referring them to the 'neat acannkna ae ""_ there was a particular portion of the evening n hen few mein ihe tannin. ben were present, although in an hour efterwaods 80 er 100 AIUUTRATIOX TRIATIES.—By Mr. BRIGHT (2), from members might be present. On to. occasion of the count out Beeidale, in favour of the adoption of arbitration treaties last night there were three times more members on his side boned et war far the settlement of international disputes. of the bone than on the other. (Hear.) Mr. ADDERLEY said he could speak to the activity of the noble lord in getting the house counted out last night. Mr. V. SMITH protested against the doctrine of the hon. member for Coelormounb, that they ought to abridge the privilege of counting out. For if colonial subjects did cot create that interest is the house which should prevent the house when discussing them from being counted out, It was only by having recourse to that means that the con stituencies could know that fact, and thereupon insist on Emir representatives attending better to such matters. ( Hear.) Rte thought the noble lord would only keep alive the laugh egainet bun by taking notice of the matter and by affecting surprise at what the noble lord (Marcus Hill) had done in the performance of his duty. (Loud laughter.) Wby it was a very usual thing, when little interest was taken in the subject of a debate, or when the speech was not attractive enough to keep a house, to kayo recourse to a count out. (lieu, hear.) It was not the business of the government to keep a house for an adverse motive, and if that gallant party which sat below the nut le lord had not good will enough to remain, and if bin own tollowers were ton numerous enough to melee a house, he did not think he was justified in blaming any others. Mr. HAWES declared that he knew there was any intention of a count out, and he could only express his great disappointment and diem:Troy-1 of it. (Hear, hear.) But he must my that for nearly two hours of the noble lore's speech there were only from 25 to 30 members present. (Heir, hear.) Mr. HUME thought that no liminess should be proceeded with unless 200 memoirs or more were present. (Laughter.) If that rule were adopted hon. gentlemen would come there to attend to the business of she nation, mil not for other . (Hear.) lie denied that the noble lord, because of Pli r ia ptnition, had a better title to ecmplain than others at balgonated out. They were all equal in that house. (Hear.) wee a general practice with bon. gentlemen to rush out of the house when the estimates of the public ear niiture came before it. (Hear, hear.) If on these occasions he used the power weich hon. gentlemen did at other times, he might put a stop to many a mote. (Hear) He thought it a power that was frequently abused. (Hear.) MARRIAGES BILL—ADJOURNED DEBATE. On the motion fur resuming the aojourned debate on the second reading of this kill, 1 Mr. NAPIER said that though he had fully satisfied his , own mind as to the inexpe iency of this bill, he admitted it ' was one of c oniderable dittiotPy, and that ought to be approached in the m rat calm and dispassionate manner. He would avoid ill the collateral topics wiriest had been ihtroduced into the discussion, and which only served to embarrass the question. The three propositions which he thought the ' suppertms of the bill were bound to sustain, and on which he thought the bill ought to be argued, were these:—first, ' that the prohibition of these marriages was not required by I the Levitical law; secondly, that it wee not warranted by , the principles and tenets of chntienity ; and thirdly, that the general interests of sociley would be promoted ' more by the allowance of these marriages titan by their prohibition. These were the three propositions which I the supporters of this bill were bound to maintain. ' Now, it he was fight in the view be took, he was in a con dition to displace all these, propositions. It would be enough for him to displace any one of them, butthoee who Emptied I the bill were bound to snstsin them all. (Hear, bear.) It was said that the Lenient liw was not binding en a Chris tian community. He would not dwell much on that ' meet, because the commissioners themselves, far from adopt ing such an argument and repudiating that law, referred to it as sustaining the allowance of these marriages. The first proposition turned of courts upon the construction of a passage of scripture. The injunctions in Leviticus were set merely pisitiv • regulations, but re gulations founded on ' the wide basis of social expediony, and were no binding on ehristiana es en Jews. The house must look at the general bearing and scope of this chapter, and consider it as having sisierence to marrimr, to family, and to srciety. Reason and revelation united in showing the necessity for restriction. Ow of the wituesees had assumed that the whole argument widest the marriages under considerauna was founded on lbe 18th verse. He (Mr. Napier) thought the 6th verse was the meet conclusive, being a general prohibition of mar demo between persons who were nearly skin. (Hear, hear.) That verse embraced cases of affinity as well as cases of consanguinity. (Hear, heir.) If the argument on the other side were rtglitoso marriage could be condemned which was not expressly prohibited ; yet there was no externs prohibi tioo of the marriage of a father with his daughter. The omis sion of express men'ion anus to which the general prohibi tion er i lently applied only showed the extent of the restricti on. (He ir, hear.) In reciting all the attempts to get rid of the chapter there were admissions of the very principle for which he coutended. It the principle of those who were for abolishing the restrictions under diecuseien were correct, it must be carried out to all its legitimate consequences. (Hear, hear.) The niece and the daughter were not mimed, and according to the argument used, therefore, they were not excluded. It was said that persons ought not to be de nied the right of private judgment ; but while he admitted that, be maintained that they were bound to follow sound demons of criticism. The translatiou of the 18th verse was esmewhat d i sputed. But did that verse in any way apply to the 6th verse ? Polygamy itself was not expressly forbidden la the New Testament ; it was oaly forbidden by implica tive lad by considerations connected with the object, unity, end sacredness of marriage. They were now asked to remove the corner-stone of society, and put in a new one. He called upon the house net to place its leg'elstion in colli sion with the religious convictions of the community. He considered that the feeling of the cetunry was almost unani mous against this proposition ; in Ireland it was perfectly so. In Scotland, the entire body of the church was ranged against it ; the church of Ireland and the church of Scot land were pledged against it ; wen a few individuals then, who in giving way to their personal passions, put at naught the word of God and the law of man, to setup their will suc cessfully against that law of God and of man ? Sixteen interested panne, who had wilfully violated the law, tau professional men engaged by them, and three stay clergy men, who had peculiar views of pa rticular texts of Scripture, seemed to be the entire force on which, out of doors, the advocates of this measure in the house had to rely. (Hear.) He denied that it was a question in which the poor were in terested. The hon. and learned gentleman said that in a social point of view the success of the measure would be moot p r eiders ; it would wholly destroy the pure sanctity which now honoured and blessed the relation between a man and his wife's sister, and would subject the latter, in whatever delicate attentio n she proffered, to the imputation of catering for msnisge. The WED-ADVOCATE mid that in • religious point of view the house was warmly the fittest arena in which to discuss this question, but this point of view could not be omitted from their earnest consideration, sines, were it clearly esteblished that the measure was arrainst the express word of God, there was an end of the matter. He had him self felt it to be his duty to inquire most diligently into this part of the question, and he bad come to the clear and dis tinct conclusion that the union contemplated was not con trary to the word of God. (Hear, hear.) The church of Rome had never declared the union to be cannery to the express or implied word of God, although it had, for political purpose., condensed it. The church of England had not declared it a void marriage, but merely voidable—voidable at the instance of particular parties, by a Particular form, in particular courts, and under particular leircumetaacen. The statute law of Scotland denounced any marriage within the degrees set forth in the 18th chapter of 'Leviticus as incest, and punished it with death ; and he had himself known cases in which persons offending against this , law had been punished, not, certainly, with death, but with Ireneportatiou. There was in his opinion a growing conviction every day that this union was not ma teary to the word of God. He was hilly aware of all the objeastions to the measure, but he weld not Dea nne to leghing as the pert of a very smell minority, and he Wool when were the impediments which God had pissed hi the wog et these marriage.? He, speak ing as gee Of the mmelialitaten, mast say that thins who I were exandeed hare Mal, lied who inked for this =am% gene net penuou of dim or irregular habits; the =K, they wen of chaste and religious hang, need that woe with them, but that man was against them. However, putting aside the religious and natant view of the matter, he asked were they justified in ps~t ' in laws which the great metority of the Teeple ei upon unjust, impolitic, and nowiseMeer Mr. GLADSTONE admitted that this mesure might be of assistance to the upper and mids'.ie darts; bat he denied I that any advantage would scents to the poorer class. Out of 1,848 marriages, eases collected most carefully by the to. vernment, be Sound that 1,604 b e longed t o the ;i odate { D am, 106 to the upper, and oraly 40 to the lower, whe formed tbe great balk of the cOmmaunity. This was not a men q *wino of civil liberty, then. He might imagism the ' Roman catholic. or other bodies denying the right of the I state to beetatooe the issue in certain Wes; bat be did ob i et to the tegelisies of marriagesSeeerding to the law of Dte church, were not lawful. The principle of this bill Mr•li to alter the law of the church as et present Web liehtel. The mat-sr was not at all anel%otas to the marriage tel priests, ',high ova merely an neledustical prohibition ; REGISTRATION OF MARRIAGES (SCOTLAND) BILL. Mr. HUME, ea this bill going into committee, to move that its farther consideration be adjourned till there be laid bakes the house al estimate of the expense which would be thereby incurred. The same ben. member to move, on Wednesday next, for a aeries of returns, the subject of which was not heard. VANCOUVER'S ISLAND.—THE "COUNT-OUT. " The Earl of LINCOLN said, that is eamequernee of the bowie having been counted out yesterday. through the In eizeunentality and in meserquence of the active extract= of persons commuted with the government—(Hear, bear) — especially of one who was entru,ted by the government with the duty of mustering up their forces on occasions of that bled, he should resew his motion so cut short yesterday. (Hear, bear.) Mr. TUFNELL—Does the noble lord allude to me ? The Earl of LINCOLN said he did not allude to the hoe. Nentlesnea in retereau to the counting out ; but he begged is my that the hon. gentleman did all he could to prevent the house being made at 4 o'clock. Mr. TUFNILL begged to contradict that, and to say that he had done all he could to get a house, and that, but ter him, the house would not have been Made. He was Wto leave the house from indispnaition before the Word concluded Lis speech, and could not, therefore, have had anything to do with the counting out. The Earl of LINCOLN said that when he entered the bows, at a few minutes after 4 o'clock, an hon. friend bad ladeemed him that he had only just ems in in time to make the fortieth menhir, and that only one member con nested with the government was present when the house was made. Mr. HUME bore te.timony to the hon. member (Mr. Tamil) having complained of ill health end left the house is consequence. When the motion for counting the home wee made, he certainly was not in the house. The Earl of LINCOLN begged to say that he did not al lude to the ban. member (He. Tureen), but to the noble lord the member for Ensheru (Lord Mere= Hill). (Hear.) The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that for a consider able period during the aseire‘s of the noble lord, which had eesapied about four hour", there were only four or five mem bers= his own side of the bout. (Hear, hear.) If the loose was to be counted, it was obviously highly inconve nient that it should be so after the noble lord had male his address, and when his hon. friend (Mr. Hawu) was about rising to give what he believed would have been a moat satisfactory answer. When the noble lord made his com plaint, he ought to have calculated en whet was likely to be the effect of so long an address. (Hear, bear.) After a few remarks la a ocieverrational tone from one or two other boo. :umbers, the subject dropped. __ _ _ PALACE COURT. ___ Kr. ROEBUCK faked it the pirWiSices of the bill re• Wing to this tout would also apply to another court (the name or which was not hoard) ? The ATTORNEY•OBNERAL replied la the affirmative. LITERARY INSTITUTIONS. Hr. BROWN ;Zed tieA 7 toen ei:General whether he had yet considered the edentate 8.-eietlea' Exemption Bill re hared to his consideration by the noble lord at the head of the government, and if so, when it would be proceeded with? The ATTORNEY GENERAL raid he had considered tie measure alluded to. It was a measure for simplifying mad carrying Into effect the taimption of mechanics' institu time and hterary and scientific institutions generally from rates. The gentlemen who had the confidence of thorns aseleties had ropcsed to him a bill for that purpose, *deb he could not altogether approve. To two of its provisions he entertain. si great °N. ctiou, one being the creation of a new °Mee in that of the Sec retary of State, to be paid by fees. He certainly should not accept the bill if this provision wire persisted in. Mr. M. GIBSON asked if the hon. and learned gentleman *Med is the principle of the bill, and whether he would consent to trier in inch a bill without the clause appointing the new °Meer ? Mr. BRIGHT put a simile question. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL declined to pledge him self to bring in such a aware. AFFAIRS OF CANADA. Mr. llllRRllii,after reaii•gesne extracts from a de spatch of Lord Elgin of the 12th May, 1848, asked what an swer had been made to the representations of the American government thou transmitted ? Mr. LABOUCHZRE said be bad not fully understood what the question was when the notice was given ; he hoped it would be repeated to morrow. He knew that represent'. dons had been received as ti the advantages of having a free coauser.ial intercourse between the United States and our American colonies. The United Bates government, he be lieved, would give all the facility in their power to such com munication. He hoped to be excused stating in detail the mode by which the governaent hoped to promote this ob ject ; but they should lose no opportunity of doing so, whe ther by representation to the Austrian goveremo at or other. wise. NAVIGATION LAWS. Mr. GLADSTifilliarkeciMiether there had been any communication with foreign powers, u to the effect of the alterations now In the terms on which their goods and vereels would be itted, by the alteration of the navi gation laws. Mr. LABOUCHERE said that the government bad cow muniested to foreign powers generally the altered aerations of the navigation laws. Mr. GLADSTONE said there were a number of specific treaties, with different powers, which would all be affected in a different way by the alterations ; and these powers would be entitled to hold us to our definition o' a " national vessel" —ens manned with three-fourths British seamen. He wished to be snored that foreign vessels might not thus be brought within the definition. Mr. LABOUCHERE declined to answer legal questions of that kind across the table. The operation of the new bill had Undeterred ter some months, to gustiest) for the Deem amp arrangements to be made with foreign pewees. ECCLESIASTICAL COMMISSION BILL. Mr. HORSHAM asked if the government were sincere in their intention to carry through this bill in the present sea aim. Should they fail to do so, it would be a violation of their faith with parliament, and he hoped the house would express iu opinion of that breach of faith. Sir. (3. GREY was understood to say that the next stage tithe bill stood for Monday, when some statement would be made on the subject. Mr. HUME moved for a copy of a despatch from Lord Metcalfe, dated the 28th of October, 1837. Mr. WILSON said there would be no objection to produce such a paper if it existed. But he doubted if it existed. Mr. HUME said be would then postpone the motion, though he had the paper in his own poraession. (Laughter.) GUIANA. - - On the motion of Mr. kings ;;Pies and extraets of dee patehee relating to British Goias& wen laid on the table. THE COUNT OUT. • - Mr. GLADSTONE sold he woe quite sure that there wa_ no Winston on the part able right hon. friends, the mem bers of the government, to get rid of the motion of his noble friend in the manner that had been done. The impropriety of getting rid of such a question in such a manner was so obvious that be wished the hon. baronet the member for Sunderland, to whose intenrention they owed that occur rence, had been there to state the motives by which be was a/tasted in exercising on this occasion that privilege whkdi le admitted to he sometimes a useful one. (Hear, boar.) What he would now suggest to the government was that they should name a day for the renewal of the debate on the motion of his noble Mead. Mr. LABOLICHERE could nut undertake, in the ab game of his noble friend, to say that any arrangement of that kind scald take place. He regretted as much as any one the 'Mimi, end which this thermion had come to. - (Lasokter.) He sincerely regretted that the house and the egeantrp had not an opportunity of hearing what he believed • would have been a sufficient answer to the speech of the noble bed. But he must protest against the dorrine that the government were bound to keep a house. (Hear, hear.) Be believed there were seven members of the government priest when the house was counted out, whilst of the *Ode lord's Mends there were scarcely so many present. (Seer) Considering the ration and position of the noble Toed In the house, he should have thought that his own in fluence am , npt his own friend. ought to hays been euth enist to tare kept a house.. (Hear.) TRELAWNY laid that f r wine time that be wee in, the noble lord (Limier) was not himself parent. The Earl of LINCOLN admitted that he was accidently absent for a few isimite:. H had sever said dial it wee the duty of a goverment to keep a house. What he did my was, that sere was an attempt made to prevent a house being made. When the home was made, the poly member of the government who was ;Dreamt was the hon. sod gallant member for Greenwich. lie alio uid, and be now repealed if, that the noble lord to whom was en- but he believed it would tend to destroy religious freedom, and to corrupt religiose liberty. The right hoe. gentlemen • AL algebra& had referW to and laid great stress lusts Illikehltiltee of UPWIND,' c.intendeff, however,thet the while of Mal t e n d o n e that akaftarYal in a control. 'affection. •Um chapter lastly teat no one 'hood appeases to Go that was owe of kin, and at the same iso uus th a e if t,,s illki abowtauan down dearly sad that the ogion mother'esister was the unapproachable. The nature of marriage was more elevated under the Christian than It was under the Jewish dispensation, and the degree ef relstkeship being increased, it justified and re• gaited thirmaintenanee of the prohibition ; bet he held that this was serried over literally in the New Testa men by t sjsree of the spanks themselves. The 16th chapter orActs distinctly stated that a certain portion of the Jewish institutions were to be carried over and form part of the Christian law, and amongst other institutions that of marriage was described by the general terms. He did not attach any great weight to the authority of the 'United States in this matter. There were certain states of Anseria in which the unlawful intercourse of a married man with an unmarried woman was declared not to be adultery. This showed a most extraordinary state of the community. And tes with regard to protestant states as the continent, be was not disposed to accept them as an authority. This was not the time when they ought to travel to the continent to see how the sanctity of marriage was to be maintained. He now came to the Church of Rome : the law of Rome was still against these marriage. What was her practice ? Where a small number of Roman catholics were mixed with others of a different persuasion, she was disposed to allow ctnsiderable latitude. Amongst Irish Romattieta the sentiment of the commuaity was distinctly adverse to the formation of these marriages. There could be no doubt that at this moment 6-61hs of christendom observed this prehibl• tion. With the exception of the early periods of the church, this law had been observed continuously. What was the argument of stela interest? The record which the pro moters of the bill had furnished would pot an end to the assertion that it was on account of the poorer claws that they were called upon to act. It was said that it was unjust to interfere with natural liberty ; but they would only be doing left-handed justice it they relaxed the divine law to enable parties to make contracts which they considered to be for their interest. There was but a small portion of persons who would be affected by the change. The more they went from a small to a larger class, the more the reasons against change applied with stronger force. The house had been appealed to on the ground of the interests of the children of the first wife ; and on the g,oand of that appeal be refused to assent to the chao t ic. Whet was the effect of mixing with the natural relationship —a relationship contrary to nature? To add to the cha racter of aunt that of stepmother, which was proverbial for giving rise to jealousies, was not a way to increase the natural affections ; on the contrary, the new re tionship was more likely to vitiate the affection which, under the present law, would be likely to arise; it wculd taint the whole atmosphere of society, and lower and impair its parity. Brotherhood by a ffi nity ought to be practically th^ same as bro. herhood by blood, and he spoke a truth to which experience bore testimony when he said, that brother hood and sisterhood in law in this country was not a mere frAion of the law, but was realised in practice, and did, in a vast multitude of cams, approach to the tendentess of natural relationship. If .e, it absolutely required the exclusion of the pce ability of marriage. Recalled on the horn to recollect that the law of nature depended upon the law: of Chris tianity ;• when his right hon. friend went to attack the law of Christianity, be went to attack the law of Nature. If thy allowed this bill to pass, they would be assailed with a series of changes. There were 36 prohibitions in all; 17 were provided by Scripture; 18 were provided by the church interpreting, according its functions, the letter of Scripture. Believing then that it was vain to talk of the law of nature, or to set it up as a distinct staudari 4 , he hoped the house would not hesi tate to reject this bill; that it would be so far diapered to respect the unanimous sentiment of a large portion of the country, that it would not infirct the penalty of introducing anarchy amongst its members and on metal grounds he hoped they would do all in th eir power to maintain unim paired the obligations of the marriage tie. • - - • air. 8. WORTLEY deprecated tie attempt to defeat this ' bill by delay. An opvrtunity had been given for taking I the opinion of the country, and the resnt had been most I satisfactory. Notwithstanding mcst urged appeals had been I made, and the whole machinery of the church set in motion to get the country in opposition to this bill, what had been the reeult By the last return it appeared that , whilst there ' were 13,000 who had petitioned ag ainst the bill, there were I above 30,000 who had petitioned in its favour ; and since that report had been presented, 7,000 or 8,000 more persons I had also petitioned in its favour. In some instances, no tires to induce persons to sign petitions awainst the bill had been delivered from the pulpit. What said the Bishop of London in 1840 One peti Lion from the University of Cambridge had been much I dwelt on, but even that petition did not pretend to aver that the authority of scripture was against the bill. Be sides, in Cambridge five heads of houses were ir. its favour, *moil others a man well known for his attainments, Dr. Philpotts—no relation to the Bishop of Exeter. (Loud I laughter) The hon. and learned member for Plymouth had avert% dth all the witnesses examined by the corn guinea were p none who were themselves anxious for the change. That might be true, but the parties opposed to it , had equal oppertunity had they chosen to avail themselves of , it. Even Dr. Pusey had received an invitation to attend. ' In answer to fears that had been expressed relative to this I bill being only the herald of greater innovations,he begged dis tinctly to state that his views went no fur iher,nor did he believe there was the slightest danger of any further proposition being , made. The principle upon which be went was this—that ' in the year 1835 a positive prohibition was rashly intro lured satinet marriages, which ha believed to be not only per mitted in scripture, but expressly enjoined. (Hear, hear.) I His object was to repeal that prohibition, to withdraw the question from the legislature altogether, and to leave it alto gether to the church and the conscience a of individuals. What he would say was that if it could be proved that such marriages as he proposed to permit were proved to be die tined, prohibited by the word of God, then, in the words of the commissioners ecedit questso, he should be ashamed to stand at the table to advocate it any longer. They had the authority of the word of God for toying that those whom he had joined man should not put asunder ; but this bill of 1815 had put asunder those who believed conscien tiously that they had been joined by God. (Hear, hear.) Another assertion which he had to rebut was one which had been extensively circulated, to the effect that the object of this bill was to compel the clergy to celebrate marriages with a deceased wife's sister. He held in his hand a pam phlet, in the first and second editions of which this fallacy had been propounded. The rev. writer had set the point right in the third, but without any marginal note or refer ence to indicate that he had been wrong in the former edi tions. He was sorry to add that the writer was a man of no less distinction than the author of the " Christian Era." The bill provided no coercion upon clergymen. Let the house par the bill, and the position of the church would be the game as if the bill had never passed. The object of the bill was, in fact, a very narrow one to restore the law to its state previous to 1835. It was admitted that there were only two questions involved in its consideration, the scriptural one, and that of its probable 8048(41 effects. He understood it to be conceded that it was extremely difficult to oppose the measure on scriptural grounds, but he believed that in the social point of view it was still safer. The right hon. and learned member proceeded to make some observa tions on the theological portion of the question, but the im patience of the house, and the continued cries of " divide," rendered it impossible distinctly to catch his meaning. We understood him to argue that if marriage with a deceased's wife's sister was held to be unscriptural and an abomination, then would the lineage of Christ be tainted with such t.bomi nation, seeing that his mortal ancestor Jacob had married two sisters, Rachsel and Lash. If they held to the principle of its impropriety, they should fro the length of the Greek church, which prohibited two brothers marrying two sisters, or the Roman, which carried the prohibition to the seventh degree, He had received letters from various clergymen concurring in this view of the case. In conclusion, the right hon.i learned member regretted that he had been forced to being forward this question on a Wednesday, but trusted that now the house, having heard the case fully segued, would trams at once to a decision. (Heat, hear.) Col. THOMPSON row, amid load cries of " Divide," and craved one minute for annacienee sake. He was anxious to support the second reading, but could not do so except on an undemanding that all those words about marriage with a deceased wife's brotker's daughter were to be expunged in committee. (Hear„ bear.) The hones divided— For the mend reading Against it The bill was then read a second time. The other orders wen postponed, and the hone adjourned at 6 o'clock. MR. W. CHAPLIN meld bate voted in favour of Mr, Wortley% bill yesterday, but wu unfortunately abut out , though In the outer lobby of the house. Lord and Lady John Rowell left town at half-pant 11 o'clock yesterday monies for their resident*, PembrAs Lo Riehmend-park. The answer girea yesterday at dge, Lord John's residence in Chesham-plans to the very nume rous inquirie• after the state of the noble lord's health was, " His lordship is quite well." _ _ Her Majesty's honourable corps of Gentlemen-ht- Arms were inspected yesterday by their Captain, Lord Foley, is Rt. James's Pekoe. The mem of the honourahle corps dined, together at the Trafalgar, Greenwich, in hoaour of her Majesty's accession to the throne. FRENCH PLATB.—TRBTIMONIAL TO MR-MITCHELL. We attended her yesterday afternoon en a very intermit* t oecusian—tiie presentation of two pieces of plate to Mr. Mitchell by the patrons of the theatre. Certainly if ever impresario deserved the gratitude of all connected with him in his undertaking, it b Mr. Mitchell, who has sot only ounrasaced each melon with the impulses of a generous libkrality, bet has fulfilled its course throughout, whether meessefelor umwseessfal in kis operations, with the exact per ?anuses of geed faith—a eireumatance of much rarer occur rence. The plate eonsistad of magnificent oendelabra of silver gilt, ample in dimension and millilitre in detail, and of a large silver salver, en which wes this inscription " Present d to John Mitchell, Bsq., of the St James's Theatre, by the patrons of the theatre, as a testimonial of his liberality, and faith, in the management of the timers." , Rood , he Duke of Beaufort, who was accompanied by Lord Chesterfield and a number of other no , blemen and gentlemen, presented the plate to Mr. Mitchell, in a - brief address expressive of the high sense he entertained of his conduct as manager of the theatre during the pest eight years, and of the hope that maws ; would, in future seasons, crowa his energetic efforts. erprefio. OUTGOING MAILS.' WO kit DM& Mirth Americo and the United Mates will be ands up as the ewsling of Jane IL The sulk Ihnelltel to the Medit opon erranean, Egypt, (lefts, inale. The 2:212,4".and • Gibraltar, WO be weele up en the mowing cd the 97th el Juno. Mr West Ms Malk linalnding Osnsula, Havana, Navas, Honour. New sad lissiso, and minding those for Madeira, M. MIA& 11* %Mad% Chili, and Pero, will be made air on the wank( at lad July. The mans is, Illahks, the are" and Bawls Ayres, willlw made op on the evening at the 4th of July. MON WATIR AT LONDON N Tors D. —Nondar. 2W. mat t. Aftemoes. SO oda. peat 2 . To Mosso w—llonalag, 66 WA pot 2 Memos, 22 W. post I. LONDON, THURSDAY, JUNE 21. RESPONSIBLE government in the colonies achieved another triumph on Tuesday night, the House of Lords having then rejected, though by but a small majority, a proposition submitted in the same spirit and with the some purpose as Mr. RERRIES' meta tion, repudiated by an overwhelming majority in the House of Commons. It was evident from Lord BROUGHAM'S speech that he got up a one-sided case in a vet y great hurry. He was as much as'ray in his historical review of Caned% as in his statement of co+emperary facts. His oratiuu prezented throughout a singular medley of knowledge and misconception of his subject. In dis tinguishing the population of Canada into the two classes tf loyalists and non-loyalists, and pm posing to deal them as such, placing the whole of the French Canadians in the in vidious category, ho reverted to the error now abandoned by the Colonial-office, but so long per sisted in by it to the detriment of the colony. He forgot that the Canadians in this controversy do not stand alone, being supported, as they are, not only by a portion of the Anglc-Saxon population, but by the greater portion of that population. In aspens iug the habitant. therefore as constantly and incurably disloyal, he giatuitously maligned three-fifths of those whom he commenced by eulogising as loyal. lle also overlooked the fact that even were the French Canadians left entirely out of eight in this instance, and the contest were exclusively in the hands of the British population, the loyalists is hom he patronises would still be in the minority. He likewise "run a muck" against responsible govern ment in a spirit singularly incousistent with his former opinions. Being thus at fault both in his l'ets and principles, it is no wonder that the noble lord failed to make out a vise sufficient to convince their lordships of the propriety of interpoeing between the Rebellion Lo see Bill and its final sanction by the QUEEN in council. On the whole, we congratu'ate both the country and the colonies on the debates which have taken place. Their result has been to establish, beyond the possibiFty of recall, responsible government in our North American provinces at least. Once established there, no good reason can be assigned for Hithholding it from such other colonies as are already in possession of the semblaece of melt ut imtal go vernment. In short we seem to have turned a corner in the administration of colonial affairs, and we trust that Lord GREY will steadily pursue the new direction which the depart. ment appears to have taken. Nor is it responsible government in name, but responsible government in reality, that has thus been distinctly recognised as the right of the American provinces. All parties are agreed as to what the term really means, although all are not equally prepared for its acquatified exten sion to our American fellow-subjects. Mr. HERRIE4, MT. GLADSTONE, Lord BROTOHAM, and Lord STANLEY, all defined it to be the giving to the people of the colony the entire control over their local affairs. The gutstion during the late discussions has greatly turned upon the pint as to whether the Rebellion Losses Bill was or was not a local measure, not as to whether, if a local matter, it should or should not be interfered with. It is thus defined that responsible govern ment is henceforth to be the rule in Canada, and, consequently, in the provinces adjoining it. The concession is now made beyond the possibility of recalL It has had the sanction of the ministers, and, inferentislly, of the leaders of the opposition, and has been finally and deliberately approved of by both houses of parliament. Uneasiness is felt in some quarte-s, as to the effect which the late divisions will have upon the future destinies of Canada. Some, and amongst Clem, we are sorry to reckon many liberals, are inclined despond. They fear that whist t'e small majority in the Lords may excite false hopes amongst the Canadian mal contents, the large majority against them in the Commons will drive them into still greater exaapera tion. Bat there is no rest ground for such apprehen sions. They arise from a persistence in the old blunder of taking all one's views of Canada and Cana dian affairs from the provincial tortes and their emis saries. The " delegate," are yet busy at their work, abusing the public confidence, and poisoning the pub lic ear. They represent themselves*, of course, as loyal, but express very dreadful apprehensions of what their fellow-loyalists may be di-posed to do. Should anything untoward happen, they will, of course, deplore it ; but then they will have the consolation of knowing that trey had warned the public of the danger. Such is the language held by those whose interest, in truth, it is to keep Canada still longer in a state of excitement, and to represent that excitement here as being much deeper and more wide spread than it is. But there is no cause for tear. The mass of the people are loyal and contented, and will hail with the liveliest gratitude the course which par liament has pursued. "Annexation" was a tory bug bear, held up to frighten us here. Should it hence forth become their aim and object, four-fifths of the Canadian people will rally round the cretvn. Amongst these will be found the mach-maligned French Cana dians, than whom the crown has no more loyal sub jects, if it only deals fairly towards them. The tories may extemporise a riot, but they cannot organise a revolution. It appears from the latest accounts from Canada that the orange press has not moderated its tone. It has got a new cause of complaint against Lard ELGIN, quite as well grounded as those in which it has already indulged. It formerly blamed him for what he did—it now attacks him for what he has omitted to do. The new grievance is that he did not pro rogue parliament in person. But in this, as in all other cases, his coarse has not only been constitutional but it also has the sanction of precedent. In Lord SYDENEAM'S time, the commander of the forces, as in this instance, prorogued parliament instead of the governor, in person. It 28 quite true that it was on account of Lord bviattriffsm's indis wsition that the duty was devolved upon General Curuntoit. In the present case, indisposition is not pleaded, but it by no means follows that very cogent reasons did not exist for the step taken by Lord ELGIN. The disaffection now existing in the pro vince is chiefly confined to Montreal. The malcon tents there keing a portion of the British inhabitants of the city, are forming themselves into clubs and secret societies, a coarse which will find but li.tle favour in other Rarts of the province. Tneee clubs and secret societies are disposed to take an early occa sion of making a violent demonstration, a fact which does not militate against what bas already been said as to the security of the general peace of the province. Lord ELGIN is determined that if such a demonstration is made they will not have the excuse to offer that it was directed personally against him. This would be their excuse, should he, by his public presence, give them the opportunity of proceeding to further acts of violence. He is resolved that, should they again I create disturbance, the real charart'r of their mien tines will be disclosed. He hes, therefore, very prudently abstained from enabling them, as he might have done had he prorogued parliament in person, to plead any justification far their violence. The crisis will come when the new. of the decision of parliament is known, and the local government is prepared for the worst. We repeat it, there is no ground for apprehending any serious disturbance to the peace of Canada ; certainly none for dreading any immediate change in its political destiny. The present excitement, once allayed, it will_present a most tempting field for the capitalist aa well u the emigrant. Nor the least gratifying feature of the meetings which the financial and parliamentary reformers are now holding is the evidently growing disposition on the part of the working classes to join in the move ment. The interests of the industrial classes—whe ther above or below that line (the exact position of and destinapnrcthoebehs,; whic would be easy to discover) supposed to di- by other claims, vide he middle from the lower classes —are identical. lions. The man who depends for subsistence upon the It is not pretended in any quarter that the P wages of his daily toil has, if possible, a greeter in- jaub will be a financially profitable acquis iti on. 211 ; tenet in the meintenance of peace and order than the contrary, it is corifeseed in India and in England, O the capitalist ; and the capita li st has as great an iate- that the extension of our frontier from Lo o dl iu rest in the reduction of taxation as the labourer , and Ferosepore to the left bank of the Ju de,, ln wad Cheap and efficient government is the great bring with it a new and large demaed upon te desideratum alike for the middle and the lower sources of the East India Company ; classes; and as their common interests prompt question in dispute concerns the magnitude ° • and ths them to combine, so the results of a frank and cordial duration of the new source of loss. union between them is indispensable to the attain- In forming any est;mate of the revenue of sa ment of their common objects. Whenever rash and Asiatic province, when the administration is in the selfishly ambitious demagogues, or insidious aristo- hands of a native authority, there are three ve le crate, have succeeded in sowing di ssens i ons b e t ween diffi cu lt thi ngs tr b e consi d ered. First of all, e a ' the middle and lower classes, they have for the time important to know tow mach money, or how mash paralysed their energies ; whenever these classes have produce is wrested by the collectors, or the fa rmer , coalesced to obtain a definite object, they have been of the revenue f o om th e cu lti va t ors of the soil, old successful, from those who arc subject to assessment ; it is siso u It was the union of the middl e an d lower chases important to know how much of thi s gross taxatiss that carried the Reform Bill in 1831. And let not is actually paid into the central treasury ; and lastlr those who now justly proclaim th e i nsu ffi c i enc y o f h ow muc h o f th e l an d o f t h e country is legally exempt.' that measure overlotk the importance of carrying from taxation because enjoying a rent-free tenure, or it. The vices inherent in the Reform 811 system because held in jeghire, or in fief, by come adherent have not struck such deep root, they are of the existing government. ' not clothed with the same prestige of here- The estimates and statements of the revenue of the ditary establishment, as those of the old rot- Punjaub under RUNJEET SINGH are almost as name. ten borough system. Men are more ready to roes as those who have undertaken to write upon the , judge by the rules of right reason wh a t lithe work subject, and allowing a reasonable latitude for the of their own hands than what they have inherited influence of the elements of uncertainty just described, , from their ancestors. If the Reform Bill efforts did it might not be difficult to set up a plausible de'enee not erect so shapely and comfortable an edifice as even for the mad extreme of these cumputatioes, could have been desired, they cleared the surface of The real truth, however, has now been pretty well the ground of a world of rubbish. Since that struggle, ascertained, and after the thorou ,h investigs. and in consequence of it, the work of reform has be- tions of Colonel LAWRENCE, we apprehend that few come comparatively easy. The united middle and people now reckon the income of the Punjaub really lower classes carried the Reform Bill. Toe levier available to the state, and excluding the jaghices in classes were the first to f e el exp er imentally is inade- force in 1846 at more than one million sterling. Com (limey ; and, too impatient to wait till experieace had pared with these apparently plausible statement! impressed their former allies with convictions similar which give the revenue of HUNIEET SINGH at two to their own, they moved on without them ae.d were millions and • half, this is certainly a very poor defeated. The middle classes have sow also die- result. But it is in the highest degree doubtful that covered that the measure of reform obtained the country ever paid much more than Colonel LAW. in 1831 was inadequate. For a time the working REIMS'S estimate. It is true there was a prodigiously classes, indulging in a (midge at having been of late imposing assessment, just as there is a magnificent left to themselves, apps ared disinclined to renew the looking assessment in some of the most wretched of union; but wiser councils are prevailing, and as soon our own provinces ; but, between a tax assessed ands as the old concert is re-established its old results will tax collected there is in India a most material differ again be witnessed. ence. Even so late es January, 1848, Major. Ler. In more than one of the meetings in the metropolis RENCE describes a land tee assessment in the Punjaub at which district associations for the promotion of where 22 per cent. of the amount went in remiss parliamentary and financial reform have been inati- sins, and 15 per cent, in various other abatements, tuted, working men have declared their readiness to and the final result of the operation yielded 47 rupee co-operate. At the late nesting in Finsbury four of coin out of every 104) rupees borne upon the avowed chartists give in their adhesion to the move- nominal roll. We ere not sure that a million Waling ment. Already the teries are availing themselaesof this is not mere than the country will readily yield to frighten the middle-class reformers. The attempt under the conditions we have suppesed. Is March, will tail. The middle-class reformers know right 1818, Major JOHN LAWRENCE, the acting residentat well that the political principles of the chartists only Lahore, in one of his last despatches written in that differ from the political principles of the radicals of capacity, rays disticely, "the whole revenue of the IikNRY HUNTS time in their having received more Punjaub, exclusive of jaghires and rent free Linda distinct and systematic expression from the document cannot exceed 94 lace of rupees (910,0001.), and it whence the chartists derive their distinctive denomi- will probably yield lees than this sum. nation. They know that the Reform Bill was ear- The question then turns upon the amount of neatly and honestly supported by many radicals of revenue procurable from a resumption of all or nest the HENRY HUNT school because they tnought it, if of the rent free poi tons of the soil. It most be borne not a complete measure, yet a measure that prairie( d in mind that any wholesale process cf ejectment practical results worth struggling for. The alliance and resumption in the appropriation of these later of the honest, intelligent, and peaceable members of is not feasible ; such a course would in'roduce one the chartist body with the financial and parliament- of two evils—either the country would be filled with a•y reformers will be entered into in the same spirit a lawless and desperate banditti, or a numerous clam and on the same understanding. of the population would b 3 rendered literally dead. There can be na mistake as to the principles and tu'c. At best, therefore, the resource of the jaghires objects of the parboil, ntary and financial reformer,. can only come into gradual operati Tteir programme is distinct and unequivocal. It Still, what is really their value ? can commit no man who gives it his support to more One of the concluding acts of Lord HARDING', be than is expressed in Laying down as the ground- bre he left India, was to direct Mr. ELLIOTT to draw work of the movement the proposition that financial up a memoir on the revenues of the Punjaub, and in reform is indispeusable, but cantle t be hoped for from transmitting this dem:meet to the directors in Decem a House of Commons constituted like the present, it ber, 1817, he very clearly expresses its geueral eon recommends a change in ti'e constitution of that body, elusion in the full. .wing senterce:—" In all probabl not upon mere theoretical, but upon practical prin- lity the revenue of the entire kingdom of the Nehru!, ciples. It does not propose a theoretically perfect leeis- derived from land, cannot be estimated, even lature, but one which is calculated to work much better for future years, at more than 1,500,000/, and the than the one we have. Men, whom theories of inference to be drawn from the data collected government differ widely, may honestly and usefully is this, that en the most economical estimate of the combine to bring about this prat tical change. The civil and military administration of the country, the defective constitution of the existing House of Cora- expanse of its occupation would exceed the revenues mons, and the advantage of adopting the modified by more than half a million sterling." electoral system proposed by the financial and paella- This is an official opinion, it must be remembered, mentary re formers, were ably and impressively ilium- and these are the results. At the outside the revenue treed by Mr. GEORGE Moravec.; at tho Finsbury nut!, be 1,500,000/. ; it is 1,000,0001, and the cost of meeting. occupation is 2,000,0001. Slow the East India Coin- We are glad to observe that at all these meetings puny intend to manage the difference is a question, we tic practical importance of the movement for extend- are hippy to say, that they, and not we, have to ing the 40s. franchise is recognised and earnestly in- determine. slated upon. That is the only method by which sincere iractical reformers can hope to bring such a number of allies within the pile of the exist ing franchise, as will render them power ful for good within the walls of the House of Com mons. The conservatives try to discredit the move ment by alleging that the mode of increasing the 40e. freeholders proposed may hereafter be liable to abuse. That is not impossible ; there is no human institution that may not be so p. rverted. But when it has been so abused it will be tor the generation which suffers by the abuse to apply the necesscry reform: that is no reason why the present generation should not make use of the yet unperverted means. The historyof our small representative boroughs presents us with a closely analogous case. Latterly they did become an inde scribable nuisance ; but at the commencement of the great constitutional struggle between the people and the first STUAUTS, they were of vital service to the popular cause. At that time the great landlords led up their re•pective "tails" of freeholders to the hustings to vote as they wished. The middle class had little chance in the county elections. Seeing this, the popular leaders set themselves to exsmine the records of parliament, and wherever they dis covered a borough which had once returned members to the House of Commons, and had ceased to do so, they exerted themselves to get it restored to the list of electoral constituencies; and thus they augmented the number of popular representatives. It is only by thus availing themselves of existing constitutional forms that the people can peaceably and legally defeat those who systematically convert these forms into instru ments of oppression. We must work with the ma terials we have at hand, and leave to those who come aiternetonlOChi; ;Ind improve them when they have been rendered mischievous. INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION. LETTER FROM MR. COBDEN. Since the debate on this que.tion, Richard Cobden has addressed the following letter to Joseph Storge: Izamisn, Jute 15, 1849. MY DEAR STURCE,—The fienls of peace ought to be very well satisfied with the result of Tuesday's de bate. A close scrutiny of the division lists shows a very gre a' preponderance of public opinion on the vote of the minority of 81 (tellers included), which com prises the representatives of nearly ell the largest con stituencies. For instance, not one of the county • members for Middlesex, West Riding of Yorkshire, and North and South Lancashire, voted in the majority ; they were all with us or absent. Those constituencies aro generally admitted to be fair tests of public opinion. Not one of the metropolitan members voted against use excepting Lord John Russell. I never knew a ques tion which made such rapid progress in the house. You will recollect my telling you in February and March of the jeers and laughter with which the first petitions for arbitration treaties were received. All that was changed into serious and respectful attention to the subject, by the efforts of your peace patty out of doors, and the flood of petitions which was poured in from all parts of the country. If you feel out& cieut encouragement to persevere, 1 have no doubt that success will crown your efforts at no distant petiod, and that the government will be authorised by a vote of the house to hold oat the olive branch to other nations, inviting them to a mutual pledge that under no circumstances will they go to war. When such a pledge shall have been enteredianto by this country with all the governments you will have taken the best possible means for se curing universal and permanent peace. Ido not pre tend to say that even then no wars would ever occur, but at lerst we shall have done our best to prevent them. - IT is exceedingly fortunate that amidst all the un certainty and contradictions of oar Asiatic politics there is at least one fact, plain, notorious, and in structive. It is abundantly obvious that whatever other motives may enter into the foreign policy of the East India Company, the time has now come when all questions of new territory must b' considered as questions of finance. It may possibly be inconvenient or annoying to tolerate upon the frontier a prince or a tribe of whose friendship and pacific disposition there is good reason to entertain a doubt. But the alternative is as short as it is simple. Assuming, for the sake of the argument, that we had the means and the right to accomplish a forcible occupation of the obnoxious district, the recognition of oar autho rity would only settle half the problem. Unless the new acquisition paid every farthing of its own ex penses the paramount power would be in the position of an ambitious landlord who extends the circum ference of his estates by still further increasing the deficiency of his income. The East India Company have already more territory than is profitable, and they are already conversant with a deficit which threatens them with the most serious consequences. If it were not for the surplus revenue procured from the Gangetic provinces, the empire of the English in the East would presently disappear amidst the crash of a financial catastrophe. The revenues of Madras so barely suffice to liquidate the expenses of even that peaceful, and, in some treasure, obscure portion of India, that a surplus balance of account seldom re lieves the dull uniformity of the financial bulletins of the eastern presidency. At Bombay the case is very much worse, for instead of an equilibrium between the income and the charges, it is a very rare occur rence for the expenditure to be met under a lees penalty than a contribution of half a million sterling from the treasury of Bengal ; and what may be the new and unwelcome extent to which this deficit may be carried when the whole of the expenses of Scinde are added to the Bombay account, we will not presume to offer an opinion. Surrounded by such reasons for circumspection, it is difficult to imagine the over-ruling motives which have led to the annexation of another bankrupt state. The directors are surreanded on every side with the most impressive admr.mitions to calculate, first of 7.11, the cost of any new lire of policy. They live under a daily obligation to remember that they have not the means of pursuing any object which, for a distant and problematical advantage Writ up an immediate and formidable demand upon resources already absorbed I am afraid that some of our friends will think I took low ground in the arguments I used in intro ducing the question to the house. I did so purposely. No other appeal than that to reason, facts, and prac tical experience, would have secured me a &bate. The disposition of the house was from the first to " pooh pooh" the matter as Utopian and impractica ble. I felt that my first duty was to make it a prac tical question. That being now secured, we may in future elevate our tone to the height of our great topic, by appealing to the nobler sentiments of hu manity and justice. It will be with this qucst;on as it was with that of the corn laws, the longer it is dis cussed the greater it will become. I fear also that some of the peace party, who advo. cate a congress of nations, to arrange a supreme court of appeal for the settlement of international disputes, will be disappointed at icy disagreeing with them. Whatever may be the future state of the world, I am quite convinced that at present it would be to the last degree inexpedient to bring the representstives of the different nations together for the purpose of in ducing them to agree to anything. They would be far more likely to sow the seeds of war than to plant . the olive-tree throughout Europe. I know that many members came down to the house to oppose me, upon the assumption that I was going to advocate a congress of nations, who went away without voting, when they found that my plan merely meant a volun tary pledge of arbitration. Upon the whole, however, I trust our friends will be satisfied with the position the question has so rapidly gained in the house, and Li which I attrioute entirely to their persevering efforts ' out of doors. _ _ _ Believe me, faithfully yours, RICHD. COBI)EN. To Joeeph Stnrge, Esq. LA PLATA.—There are dates in Liverpool from Buetos Ayres to the 14th April, but the letters do not am nvgnieste any it( we of Importance. AN ESCAPE FROM BURIAL ALIVE.—The cholera is r Iglus severely in the village of Arlingham, Gloucester• shire. A singular incident occurred there on Monday last. A child named Phillip', who was supposed to be dead, was laid out with her mother, who had died of cholera, and the bodies were about to be buried. The father, however while bearing some burning tar through the house, said the child moved; it gradually recovered, and is now living.