The Express. — London, England, 1846-11-23 00:00:00

..... --- ---------- • LEATRE ROYAL COVENT GARDE:N.— POSIMVELT THE LAST WEEK of K. JULLIEN'S COS- I 1. MUM% DENT.TIT. M. SIAM lop art reaprellWas eantansee that MS mem 1 Po Pikea• TIM =papa moan), wovgabisr 33, bras Wog Pommy doe aa NOV: i t A,.upar*g• Oa this coma , did X, Alba MEW* the to (may Lady Thither *Orals Rem masa Ode a CriFela-gednely PEW POLKA, gPiErtatir biaellif MS g . l 6 ll3l . l7 l be CaZ ille-" ft r l it . restaithe am. Dog km r d ratterA, mi la umu illor - - Pam 1,--Oweleetkpea .Preisk"llfitheSitV*Zemwigew. 21 .: .lallaa.-Tba Owns Mammas aaa Ciaselas laika.-- , The Allare aol Mara Aran the Pagleall _ b --asla.Olgasa Beer Loa& The Weeks. Iliremik WO 't , Albet.--New Pal. =debit oliadavias. “ amelsEll i f lir t ilbleseeselea, Jellilm-ads, Mak "The Miallerd Pia wrigeage4lll. SehileaczOMW/We MEM kip ( try the Pear Greeli Paw IL-CZ= * 1 1 : Fermi Ileisedis.lF kb Saw 03r OWE& =sail Camele4-111" porterage by IL Prgi mid Iff Warr LEAN ail dme Om* Bar. . Men lambs; kb* Ord Iv ilima•anopyi at Oa Omen • ail ow Pm am' lorry sob, lielieb--Amilwas t 10 : ' ~ eb l ik TherAe l t4/ot llol lis aZ ' diga, lbe Grilled Othimembeg 0/14=61;1111117trhilaws nage& The bum PS garehatte ea mat AY, Ninuaber 30, with out cassio_____-- 1 ----1110. 'wow& - iti 'fblibientE. MR AL CROFTS 14 voceu. mei TiIIeTRUMENTAL PROMENADE COCERTS. -Kr. DISTINS BENEFIT UtIS EVENING (Monday), Nov. 23. Plowman's :-Part I. thiartere, . Iftialliona." Polka, " The Vie. torie-Albert.* QaWille, *Ft %lain and hie foar moos. New Waft, .- TM Neale SeßeSe lir. Sinaloa. Thlks, " The Gnome NW' Sid Wag. Theillaist Omeerdste, 2/r. Biamom. Duet, "We mare he Ihes ib liewsey, It =al Ulm it being their tirst so lidi deg " The Slap as The '' and Wa".6".-121111n. Operas Seagram tram *. Doe Quixote." Tniapet, II& Dads gmebrila, " The Neapolitan Car. aleto New The Jaye MO" ~tem •• Peeekaa." Vocal Duet, "M es ca.* Vi e " Horimg• th Wo eliorn." - 0,0600 r, Y. Negri; Ladoll. Thletwell Nei Thomee.- M ato PecaagAe, end Upper A le.; Lams ante, b. 6d.; One Guinea. Fame end Meets Beam ha be had at the Bass and et Mr. AllegMft, 13, New Boralatreet, and 62, Ott erPrefso. MAni. Ilea risitood dosed nidloa m iii Id a sort,, to the Mediterranean lifful. Ado. stints. mode up on the wilding of 111:VNTZier sa bo t row). ' The sib the 10. o=o Midair', Cadis, sod Olbraltsr, • will Imo node dp ea - the - et Nth Nosember. TM didle tar Ned IMO dm, Pm Diessit'es=wead New Imaime vil bp mmit i v the mein et dr Ma The Wed Dodd smeledoit thole tsr link% liarkints, sad the lidessidi, will be mei ird an the marodi at the Idd Da= lb" owielead wale Ihr Oitendir, Midin, Odor, the looted /CA MI" OttilesYsesaktif-Nood, aid Mims, vim Saattaiseps, dm so nub up ea las Nam* of the 3rd Detenber. The mils tir DAM North America, Berdwida, and the United Medolr wit bond Up ill the eved.ig of the 3d December. The della ke the Broil% the liver Plate, Monte Video, Person- Doh* liaddes. told Boom Ayres, will be dispatched on the = nit at dr 40 DlSuulsr. TO CORRESPONDENTS. We moist mdse. la my way, any communication thatla mat to as ; bat OM art; choose to sadism loin confidence will Md~tSria saisasted. NEITHER CAN WE UNDERTAKE TO RETURN ANY MANMIIIPTS WiIATEVER. o.• Advertintateata ler The Express, London e v en in g P a r r, must be at the Mee by Two &clock on the day e( publication. HIOR WATER AT LONDON-BRIDOE. TIM DAT. Monalm, 23 min. put 4; Afternoon. 46 min. past 4. T owtoaso w.—Mnenine, 9 rain. pest 3 ; Afternoon, PI min. put 3. LONDON, MONDAY, NOV. 23. m A VERY hel pair of sovereigns seem to have been installed British arms upon the thrones of the Punjaub. British troops have occupied Lahore since the great battles which routed the Sikhs, and thus protected the court from the soldiery, and the government of Lahore from rebellious vassals like the ruler of Moulton. Weakness, however, seemed inevitable in the capital with an infant monarch and a corrupt Queen-Mother, the necessity of respect ing whose rights, and the difficulty of replacing them, excused Lord HARDINGE. But when one half of the Sikh empire was lopped off, to be given to a chief, not of the royal blood, it might at least be expected that this prince of new choice would parses, talent military strength, and the power of self-subsistence. In this expectation we are disappointed. Goo Lin Sum cannot, it seems, march from his capital to sub due his refractory vassals without our garrisoning it. Neither of these princes can war without our being drawn in as an auxiliary. It is most mortifying thus to find a second SHAII SOOJA in GOOLAB SING. SITAR SOOJA, with all his imbecility and unpopu larity, had at least-legitimate rights, which command due respect in the East. GooLAB SING has none of these. Respected formerly in his hill, as a lieutenant of the Sikh empire, and a brother of its vizier, he now MR to command the same respect as an independent sovereign. The other hill chiefs, and the important province of Cashmere, refuse to acknowledge and determine to resist him. A brief sketch of the modern history of Cashmere may throw light on the nature and prospects of the war. This province, at the commencement of the cen tury, belonged to the Affghan empire. When the family of the present ruler of that empire had risen on the ruins of the older dynasty, they were unable to recover Cashmere without the aid of RUNJEET. He granted it, but being denied his gaerdon, resolved to conquer it for himself. This involved him in wars with the Affghans, whom he defeated in two bloody and decisive battles. Yet all conqueror as he was, Cashmere defied his p9wer. In the very year when his great prototype, NAPOLEON, marched to subdue the Russians, RUNJEET meditated the conquest of Cashmere. But the chiefs of the mountains, all Mahomedan, leagued with those of Cashmere and Aff'hanistan, to defy the Sikhs. RUNJEET, irritated and confident, pressed on in the summer of 1814, forced his way through the passes, but weakened by the difficulties of the road and the weather his army was compelled to retreat, and the Maharajah retreated to Lahore in discomfiture and disgrace. It was not until 1819 that RUNJEET recovered con fidence and force to avenge the disaster. He began by winning over to his support the powerful Mahom medan chief of Rajoaree, whose country occupied the side of the Cashmere mountains, next the Punjaub. By his support, and with more ample force and precaution, RUNJEET succeeded that year in rendering himself master of Cashmere. One of the results of the con quest was the despatch of the present GOOLAB SING by RUNJEET, to the court of this useful ally, the Rajah of Rajoaree. GOOLAB repaid the sup port of this chief during the war by seizing him and extinguishing his family and power. This feat was the origin of GOOLAB'S rise, for thereon RUNJEET gave him as a reward the Jagheer of Jummoo. It may be judged from this story, how little love the Mahomedan chiefs of the hills bordering on Cash mere bear to GOOLAB or his rule. On the other hand, the possession of Cashmere is absolutely necessary to render his monarchy strong and wealthy. Cash mere was the mine, the great treasure of RUNJEET SING. BURNES says, it paid him up wards of 300,0001. annually, independent of one third of that sum spent on its defence. GOOLAB, a man of noted avarice, cannot but use every effort to re-seize this prize. But it is to be feared that there is a Mahomedan league against the Sikhs, and this league extends from Cashmere over the Kangra country throughout the hills to Affghanistan. Goo- LAB, therefore, and consequently the British, his allies, have once more to do with our old friends, the Affghans, to whom we hoped to have bidden an eternal adieu in the Khyber and other passes. This gives a most unsatisfactory aspect to the Tory policy in the north-west of India, and assimilates it very much in the way of hazard and insecurity to that of their predecessors. The curse of these Indian campaigns and their consequences seems to be, that the more resplendent the victory, the more difficult it is not merely to profit, but to avoid being crushed by it; and the greater the glory, the more embarrass ing the bearing of its heavy laurels. WE regret to find that Mr. BRIGHT has, in his recent address to the electors of Manchester, set forth some errors on the subject of national education, too grave to escape animadversi on. He stated that every one was in favour of national education, meaning the education of the nation; but they were not all in favour of this education being conducted by government, by act of parliament, by municipal authorities, or by any other mvolunta7 effort." But no one has ever proposed that national education should be confided exclusively to the government, — should be wholly directed by act of parliament,— t h ou ld be entirely managed by municipal aatho rities—or should in any way become an involuntary -systapi. What we contend for is, that in the education of the nation, government, and parliament, . anfaicipal au thorities, have specific duties to per *. t other bodies, and even p nvate individuals, . Weill° their duties—and that all should fulfil their • • ewer& proportions of obligation. The State is no more bound to educate the people than to feed the ; but it is bound to take care that the people t e e ° educated, and that they be fed. Parliament is al y required to provide adeq u ate means; iewidiNEMl a pthcee means to their ends : and the intercennue ofmunicipal authorities is merely sought to prevent tke misapplication of means in their several localities. We are as anxious as Mr. BRIGHT can be that there should be as much voluntary exertion as possible; but we are anxious to suped such organisation si will prevent these exertions from being wasted. The hon. member went on to say, " He must confess' that his leanings—and it might seem an Irishism to say so—inclined him both ways at once. His lean ings,would at first sight draw him towards any sys tem which would seem to offer the chance of edu cating the people, but his leanings in favour of the voluntary principle would incline him to say it would be better that the people should educate themselves." Now there is nothing anomalous in a mind being inclined "both ways at once" when the ways are n ot opposite, but as nearly as possible coincident ; but, suspecting antagonism where none really ex isted, Mr. BRIGHT falls into the error of asserting that the voluntary principle involves the education of the people by themselves. Beautiful as such a theory of mutual instruction may appear, it has the great fault of being physically impossible education is conducted. and must ever be conducted, not by the people generally, but by a ss class of persons milled teachers, schoolmasters, profsors, lecturers, &e. ; and for this reason we insist that means should be adopted to ensure the proper qualifications of the members of this class for the important functions they have undertaken to discharge, and that they are willing as well as able to perform them. In fact, Mr. BRIGHT'S inference from the voluntary principle would involve the condemnation of all voluntary exertion. The Lancasterian schools of Manchester are in direct opposition to the principle that the people should educate themselves, for they entrust that education to persons nominated by a private society. The interference of a committee is as much at variance with Mr. BRIGHT'S rule as the interference of the State ; and the cheers with which such an aphorism was received only prove the truth of what we have laboured to inculcate, that the subject of national education is much more talked about than thought about. Mr. BRIGHT declared that " the voluntary prin ciple was sufficient to found schools adequate to the increase of the population." If we eves grant this very doubtful assertion, we must still assert that founding schools is a very different thing from giving education. The report of the Statistical Society of Manchester, on the state of the schools in their own borough, with which no doubt Mr. BRIGHT is well acquainted, shows that there are schools which are seminaries of vice and academies of evil ;—that there are teachers who not only do not educate, but who do far worse—that is, mis-educate : and if the voluntary principle leads only to the multiplication and exten sion of such schools, then its application to education must be considerably modified. Mr. BRIGHT speaks as if national education meant nothing mole than gratuitous instruction. It sounds very like what he is pleased to term " an Irishism" to call that national which is in truth most limited and partial, or to suppose that the education of the nation means only the education of the poor of the nation. We know that this is a very common and a very mischievous error; it has led us to provide for the poor, and to neglect the class immediately above them, by which the poor is employed, and the conse quence is that the children of the employed are, in in ninety-nine cases out of the hundred, better edul cated than the children of the employer. The advocates of national education do not ask for a gigantic scheme of gratuitous instruction, including all classes, which is the chimera assailed by most of our modern Bellero phon; they do not ask " that what voluntary effort can effect should be placed in the hands of Govern ment," but simply that Government should come to the aid of voluntary effort and accomplish what it is unable to effect, the responsibility of public func tionaries for the discharge of public duties. Let schools be built and let masters be endowed by pri vate benevolence, but let care be taken that the schools do not degenerate into nuisances or jobi, and Mr. BRIGHT need not go very far to find examples of schools that have become both one and the other ; and let care be taken that competent masters should be chosen, and that their duties should be efficiently performed. It is our opinion that more money frompub lie and private funds is perniciously wasted in non education, and, what is infinitely worse, in mis education in England, than would defray the ex penses of a sound system of education twice over. Before Mr. BRIGHT further indulges in his visions of voluntary optimism, we should like him to examine some of the cheap boarding schools of Yorkshire, and a few of what are called the private commercial schools of his beloved Lancashire. If ho is satisfied with the average state of things he will find in these establishments, we can only say that he is more tolerant of abuses than we have ever taken him to be. It may be said that we have construed Mr. BRIGHT's propositions too literally, and have evinced somewhat of a spirit of literal and carping criticism ; but it is of loose and vague habits of talking o:i the subject, that the friends of national education have most reason to complain. Can anything be more vague and loose than to commence by rightly defining national education to mean the education of the nation, and then to reason upon it as if it meant nothing more than the gratuitous instruction of the poor? Of course, a speaker who does so, naturally falls into the error of objecting to that which no one has proposed, and confuting that which no one has asserted. He finds antagonism where no opposi tion exists, and suspects himself of " Irishism " when he only listens to the dictates of his own common sense. When we ask the Government to do anything, he replies that the State ought not to do everything, and represents the issue as between all and nothing. We repeat, that the only practical question before the public is one of limits; all have duties to perform, and the matter to be settled is, how each should perform these duties without disturbing the functions of the others. Let not the State interfere with the voluntary system, nor the voluntary sys tem interfere with the functions of the State; each has enough to do in its proper sphere, and we would rejoice to have assurance, that what each has to do I would be well performed. To the friends of the voluntary system who have taken extreme views on this subject, and to Mr. BRIGHT, as the most dis tinguished of their advocates, we recommend a con sideration of the following aphorism of JOUFFROY "Principles are true only within their natural limits, and those who endeavour to render a dogma absolute in all its applications, are really impressing it with ; the character of falsehood." of I THE monopoly of the salt trade, exercised in Bengal by the Company's government, is, upon economical principles, utterly indefensible. It is an ungraduated poll-tax, by which the same sum is exacted from the Roorest and wealthiest members of the community. So long as a salt tax existed in this country, the family of the Duke of NORTHUMBERLAND and the family (equally numerous) of the poorest peasant on his estate, paid pretty nearly the same amount into the Exchequer on account of the salt excise. The peasant in Bengal, under the pressure of the salt mo nopoly, has to expend nearly one-sixth of his earnings upon salt for his family. After all, the consumption per head of salt in Bengal is a little less than half the consumption per head in the United States, and a little more than half the consumption per head in Great Britain. Yet the insipidity of rice, the staple food of the Bengalee, would naturally prompt him to use the universal condiment in larger quantities than either the Englishman or the American. The salt, too, which is used by the peasantry in most parts of Bengal is of the worst quality. The humid atmosphere and muddy soil of the shores axe unfavourable to the manufacture. In some districts the stranger can scarcely recognise salt in the black and filthy article presented to him. The monopoly, productive of so much privation, discomfort, and even , loss of health, extends over forty millions of people; 1 and by the vile poll-tax it establishes, more than a I million is annually squeezed out of a very poor people. To protect itself in this extortion, the Anglo-Indian government excludes the best and cheapest salt of the world, by a duty amounting to about twelve hundred per cent. on the prime cost of the article. The salt of Warwickshire contains only 12 parts of impurities to 988 of pure muriate of soda, the common salt of Cheshire only 164. and the rock salt only 102. The next salt in point of excellence is that of St. Übes, prepared by solar evaporation, and it contains 40 parts of impurities to 960 of pure muriate of sods. The supply of salt in Cheshire seems quite inex haustible. Some alarmists have calculated that in two thousand years, or thereabouts, the supply of coal in England may be exhausted, but no one has yet , ventured to fix a term for the exhaustion of salt. yea * intiseigi _ iouthampton. With fair play - he salt n` -, . "' through the good quality and cheapness of their salt, and the activity of English merchants and ship owners, could undersell the native produce of any part of the world accessible to them. Until very lately the duty upon English salt in the United States varied from a hundred to four hundred per cent. on the prime cost. A large quantity of excellent salt is manufactured within the Union, and yet the averse annual export from t his country to the Mates between 1838 and 1841 was nit wards of four millions of bushels. This fact will enable the reader to estimate approximatively the restriction imposed upon British commerce by the exclusion of our salt from the markets of Bengal. If twenty millions of people in the United States, with large manufactories of excellent salt, took upwards of four millions of bushels off our hands yearly when it' was subjected to a heavy duty, how much would forty millions of people in Bengal, who cannot pro- duce any palatable salt, take off our hands, supposing no duty, or even a moderate duty were imposed upon it ? The importance of obtaining access for our salt to Bengal cannot be adequately estimated by confining our view to the quantity exported and its value. The salt would be carried as ballast. At present our total annual export of salt averages above eleven millions of bushels, affording employment for shipping to upwards of two hundred and ninety thousand tons of dead weight. It is only on the part of the company's government that any sultana opposition is to be looked for to the abolition of a monopoly so oppressive to the natives of a great part of India, and so restrictive upon British commerce and navigation. We are not in clined to undervalue the arguments by which it has hitherto resisted the abolition of the salt monopoly and the opium monopoly, which must stand or fall with it. With all its defects, the com pany's government is immeasurably superior to any that ever existed in India before it. The necessary condition of its permanence is the maintenance of the finances of India. The company's government must derive an income from its subjects adequate to maintain its civil and military establiihmen endts s on a liberal footing, and pa r t/ of dvid of the holders of India stock. Ihe capital of the East India Company has done little for the com merce of Hindostan, but the expenditure of that capital has given Hindoetan an efficient and stable government The Company's stock is the funded national debt of India. We perfectly understand how the Anglo-Indian government, with such expen sive establishments to maintain, and such large divi dends to pay, should be averse to experiments in taxation. The peculiar system of taxation which it inherited from earlier Indian governments, was part and parcel of the constitution of Indian political so ciety, and not lightly to be tampered with. But the plan of raising revenue by monopolies in certain large branches of produce, is becoming obsolete, even in India, throughthe natural course of events, and can not much longer be upheld. The mediatised sovereigns of India are one after another subsiding into the rank of mere private subjects; the capitalists of India are assimilating their modes of conducting business to those of Europe ; the relations of man to man in India are becoming European. New tenures of property, new forms and channels of commerce, new modes of industrial enterprise, call for new modes of levying government imposts. Government mono polies cannot long co-exist with indigo and sugai farms, banking companies, and railroads. The only remnants of the old monopoly system are the opium and salt trades of Bengal. The latter we have shown is destructive of the health and happiness of the Bengalese, and restrictive of English commerce. The former is injurious not only to Patna and Benares, but, as the payers of the pass-duty on Malacca opium can testify, has at times brought on commercial crises in Bombay. At no time have the arguments advanced by the favourer:, of these monopolies proved more than the advantage of a cautious and gradual abolition. And now the altered interests and feelings of India have rendered these arguments inapplicable, by rendering a speedy abolition inevitable. WE beg to call attention to the letter of our Lisbon correspondent, in which the true state of affairs in Portugal is fully depicted. The nature of Colonel WYLDE*B mission seems not that of a mediator between contending parties, but of a diplomatic agent empowered to see treaties respected. A portion of our treaties with Portugal renders us guarantees for the security of the Queen's throne aad person—a sti pulation to be regretted. The best guarantees for this should be in her Majesty's own wisdom, conduct, and popularity. The royal decree, declaring Lisbon bank-notes a legal tender, though circulating at 20 per cent. discount, and enforcing the order by heavy penalties, is merely a sample to the commercial com munity, both in Portugal and in England, how abso lute authority is to be exercised in that country, and how far it is likely to agree with public credit and financial honesty. The fact formally announced by the ministe.. papers on Thursday, of the absorption of Cra cow, engrossed all minds in Paris on Friday and Sa turday, and raised one consentient shout of indigna tion from the public and the press. To this feeling there was no exception. The journals of the right, the centre, and the left, the representatives of the fal len royalty of the elder Bourbons, legitimists and democrats, dynastic ministerialists and dynastic oppo sition, anti-dynastic and republican—all joined in one common cry at this audacious violation of solemn treaties and contemptuous insult to the national dig nity. The journals of the party, which has for seve ral yaws been uniformly adverse to the cultivation of the English alliance, now bitterly reproach the Guizot cabinet with making shameful and unnecessary sacrifices to the maintenance of that alliance when no adequate benefits arose from it, and wantonly sacrificing it to mere family interests, at a moment when its maintenance would have preserved the last vestige of Polish nationality. If the entente cordiale, so dearly pur chased by France, say they, had continued to exist, the courts of the north would never have ventured on this audacious measure. Some of the journals of Paris, including one or two that are usually well informed on lussian affairs, affirm that M. Guizot was aware of what the absolute courts contemplated, as far hack as September, and yet with his eyes open to the coming catastrophe, he wantonly broke the only instrument by which he could avert it. The cause cf this striking change in the politics of Europe (stye the Constitution net) is understood by every one. It is true that it is a formal violation of the Treaty of Vienna in the face of Poland, of France, and of England. It is the first usurpation of territory which has taken place in Europe for thirty 'eats, and Russia, Austria, and Prussia have seized, for its perpetration, the moment when the good un derstanding of France and England was broken. A long time must have elapsed before the annexation of Cracow could have been an accomplished fact, if that good under standing had continued to command the respect of the powers of the north. We have never dissimulated the incon veniences of the English alliance. We know that the interests of France and England are often different —sometimes opposite—but we know also, that in the present position of things, the good understanding of the two countries is after all the only sure guarantee of peace and freedom in the world. Since the year 1343, we have thought and have said that the English alliance, cultivated with intelligence, would be beneficial to France. While the Tories were in office, although these benefits were only nerrative, they were nevertheless real ; with the'Whigs the alliance might have been active, liberal, and glorious. With what sacrifices has it not been preserved, when it was com paratively of little benefit under the Tories, and at the moment when its fruits were about to be gathered, it is violently broken The attitude about to be assumed by the Guizot cabinet is clearly indicated by the article in the Journal des Delbats of Thursday, quoted in our cor respondence of Saturday, and still more unequivocally by another which appeared in the same journal on Saturday. These articles are regarded in Paris as ministerial manifestoes; so much so, that the Bourse was strongly affected by them, as will be seen by reference to it. We can add nothing, says the Dantts oa Saturday, to the force of the expression used by M. Guizot and Lord Palmer. ston on this question. It treaties were of any avail, if there still remained in Europe any other law tnan that of the bayonet, we should say without fear of being oontrarlicted by any public writers of Russia, Prussia, or Austria, tha tthe free city of Cracow had all the guarantees which the letter, and the spirit of the most solemn treaties could confer upon it. And why were these guarantees violated ? What crime did this iudependtiat city commit? It was invaded by refugees from Galicia, an Austri in province. It is not wilt aßp warrant praettree—otr the - left - b cities of Oenoa or Basle. We ask," says the journalist, " by what mark we can know in a treaty the articles which may be abol ished at pleasure and those which must thbe doctrine main tained. We fear much that, according to e of the Northern Courts, no articles in treaties are obligatory, save 'those which the strong are interested to support. As to those which protect the weak ve, the in y arerest su tf o fered to exist only so long as the powerfid ha no te violate them. It has been said that the demoralisation of international law in Europe began with the French revowithlu tion and with Napoleo n ; this is a arose error ; it began the partition of Poland in 1772, and is sustained by this mea sure of 1846. The faith of treaties and the sanctity of European right sleep in the tomb of Poland, but we believe as little in the death of European right as we do in that of Poland. All the Paris journals, without exception, have republished, most of them at full length, the speeches of Lord Palmerston and M. Guizot on this question. A courier was despatched by Lord Normanby to London on receiving the communication from the Prussian minister and another by M. Guizot to M. de Jarnac on receiving the communication from the Austrian Chargi d'Affaires. The answer of M. Guizot to Lord Palmerston's last note, which in our former correspondence it was said would be forwarded to London on Saturday, was held back until th the affair in tentions of the British Cabinet respecting e of Cracow should be known. M. Guizot is reported , on receiving information of the steps taken by the three northern courts, to have observed, " C'est peut-etre un pont pour repasser la Manche" (it will, perhaps, prove to be a bridge by which we may repass the channel.) Another on dit, ascribes to Marshal Soult the ob * servation, " Old as I am, I may yet have to organise another army of the north." Such trifles, true or false, show how the wind blows. Count d'Appony, the Austrian ambassador, has just returned to Paris. The Frankfort Post-Amt Gazette of the 19th states : " Since a fete hours the republic of Cracow has ceased to exist. Cracow has been incorporated to Galicia, conformable to the resolution taken by the three powers of the North, and at the express desire of the Emperor of Russia." A government courier was immediately despatched to the Austrian Ambassador at Paris. PARIS, SATURDAY, FIVE O'CLOCK. Notwithstanding the menacing tone of the minis terial journals to-day, the condition of things on the Bourse was on the whole more steady than for the last two days. The Three per Cents. fell lower at one period of the day than they have yet been, having been done at f3of. 90e., and were done even a shade lower in the morning in the Passage de l'Opera. Still they left off a shade better than yesterday, and busi ness on the whole was considered more favourable. Great confidence prevailed among commercial and money people, that the Cracow affair must lead to a rapprochement of the two countries, an end so devotedly wished by all. A conviction prevails that in the present excited state of the pub lic, a change of the cabinet here which would restore M. Thiers to office, would almost inevitably lead to war, especially if the belligerent turn of that minister were seconded by the Foreign Secretary in London. PARIS, Nov. 21.—Three per Cents., 81 10 ; Free per Cents., 116 40; Four-and-a-Half per Cents., Ill; Belgian live per Cents., 1840, 991; Do., Fire per Cents., 1842,1011, Naples acmes, 102 dingo,an Loan, 991. Exchange on London, (30 dart), paper, 23 45, (9O days) piper, 25 95: cash, 28 921. The Madrid journals and private correspondence of the 14th and lath were received in Paris on Friday and Saturday. The intelligence they brought from Portugal was not so recent as that already received in London, and in other respect their contents were uninteresting. The Progresaistas had issued a manifesto, in which they asserted that there were dilapidations in the public revenue, in consequence of which M. Mon, Minister of Finance, ordered the parties signing it to be prosecuted. The 13th being Sunday, the Bourse was closed. LISBON, Nov. 17. The departure of the Polyphemus for England gives me an opportunity of sending this: After the portentous tidings which have been recently transmitted to England by some of the London correspon dents re.ident here, it will perhaps be regarded as a disap pointment when I inform you that not a single shot has been exchanged between the belligerent parties in the field, with the exception of a few cannon and shells which were dis charged against Evers (where 13omtim and some 1,400 regulars and irregulars are in arms) by General Schwalbach, who, after amusing himself in this manner during the 10 th and 11th of this month, without producing any result, re treated to Estremoz, whither the Count I3omfim, it was said, had followed him. After the affair at Viana, in which Schwalbach dispersed the force under Celestino, Count Bomfim collected the men again, and marched with them to 0 Toroa, where he now is organising measures for keeping possession of the Alentejo. Some surprise will naturally be telt at the retreat of Das Antas into Santarem, after the exaggerated accounts that were so industriously spread of his determin lion to march at once on the capital. The fact is, that although he has, numerically speaking, as strong a force of regulars as Sal danha, and as well disciplined, he is deficient in cavalry and guns. Whereas the Marshal has a park of 12 pieces, admira bly appointed, and an effective squadron, or rather a regi ment• of horse. Under these disadvantages Das Antes could not have done • wiser thing than to take pos session of so admirably situated a fortified position as Santarem, and in allusion to his position he said to a gentleman who was in conversation with him on the subject " Mons. le Mareehal (Saldanha) m'a fait un joli cadeau en me laissant prendre cette ville. 'the Queen's troops, under Saldanha, are quartered around Cartaxa, in the chateau of which place he has taken up his quarters, being the same house which he occupied during the war of succession of 1832-4. Colonel Wylde proceeded thither on the 12th, and on the following day despatched a messenger to Santarem, demanding an escort from the outposts of the Queen's army to the headquarters of Das Antes. The re quest was promptly acceded to, and an interview took place at Santarem, in the course of which the Colonel distinctly reencethetoCotrlnet inviolabilityte undirstan d of that e hl t s o ;n a issi r o e n hnad and d that the principal object of his seeking au interview with him was for the purpose of impressing on the chiefs of the movement the determination of the British government not to suffer the throne to be menaced in the most remote degree. It is understood that Das Antes professed to be actuated by sentiments of the sincerest loyalty to her Majesty ; that he regretted in the meet earnest language the painful necessity under which he bad been placed of taking arms, a necessity occasioned by the acts of persons surrounding his sovereign, to which acts be expressed his belief her Majesty would not have given her sanction had she been aware of their tendency, or of the general sentiments of the Portuguese people. The Count further stated that he had risked the success of the cause on which he had embarked, by not at once advancing on Lisbon, which he might easily have done with the greatest proba bility of success ; his motive in aostaining from coming to a collision with the Queen's army being, to spare him self the double pain of coming to extremities with her Majesty and of shedding the blood of his old com rades and countrymen. When the Count was reminded of the violent and even treasonable language which had been made use of in the manifestos and other documents issued by the Septembrist partisans in his name, and that of the Junta, he emphatically denied having sanctioned their publication, and protested that the only desire he entertained was, to see his Queen released from the thraldom in which her brie and incompetent advisers had ea long held her, and to afford her the means of governing the Portuguese people according to the spirit of that charter, in defence of which they had formerly shed so much blood. In general, lan• guage of this description must not be interpreted au pied de in kttre ; but the consistent and thoroughly honest charac ter of Das Antes, renders it more than probable that he spoke his real sentiments. That there are persons engaged in the same cause—Aguiar for instance—who are personally and violently opposed to the Queen, and who would dethe_ne her if they had the power, there is no doubt. The firmness and candour with which the British government has ex pressed itself on this point, however, will, I believe, be found ultimately to have quelled all such hopes or intentions. The difficulty, therefore, of reconciling the professions of loyalty made by Das Antes with the overt acts and the widely avowed declarations of his more violent partisans, and of the peasantry who form so large a portion of his supporters, vanishes when these circumstances are well considered ; and the asseverations of the Count deserve serious consideration, and even a considerable degree of respect and credit, when it is recollected that he bears the character of a frank and brave man, though not possessing an intellect of the highest order. Bandeira and Albuquerque also partake of this loyal f eling to the fullest extent. Before I proceed to the other topic to which I. have to draw attention, I must state, with reference to the so much talked of, and so positively vouched for, Intervention, that such an act has not for a single moment been contemplated at any period since the present crisis arose. It is perfectly true, that, being in some degree misled, if not wilfully de ceived, by the court party here, as to the 'cavity of the c r• ' and the safety of her Majesty, our government was induced to assent that the experimental squadron should anchor in the Tagus during the first ebullition of the movement which preceded the seizure of the Duke of Terceira, and whilst the intentions of the junta of Oporto were yet un known. But as for landing a single marine, or taking any active part in a struggle which has resolved iteelf into ,:'. . --- ,- , - .. .., iitug Bulimia, .mcel y,. ~ , NO.yEDIZENIR' 4 at, 'IMO. . 9f error*. * that Tki . d Oromplaint. ;Lit I the 0. . has . If tel 7 lll6o ' i f 3 1 11 : 1 " friiir essiturhed, a4d As. y ism 1 ierr, 6 • .' d diplostsiv__ s. s t ielipi: . ~ delity b . iifstifelt salt - itt • of the wolf Win. Ion). of the • distance from the Mersey ; and railroad thin - ape - ft has Such is the lang ua g e of the official organ already brought them as neat -te the -estuary of -the French eabinek-whieh goes On'fitrfher . to affirm that Ct'ewe rti t anti will in a few peas to the water of theimme right which justi fi es the seizure of Cracow • • ' v • ..flPeauallr warrant Fiume in seizing the Prus sian •._--.2...Am..• •••• wkar-Phioins awe 4radtitsn of party, no person possessed of any political tortaggli could believe thet either the British or the Portu guese nition would tolerate so dangerous and so useless a proceeding. The military intelligence which I sun able to send amounts to the mt re fact that nod ostilities have taken place between the two principal corps ornde, and it ia probable that some time will elopes before a move is made on either side. •On the frontiers of °aids the Spanish government is col lecting ammunition and provisions in very large quantities. There is a provisional junta established, in the Queen's name, at Vigo; and in conjunction with this fact must be cited another of very considerable importance. The Baron Canal, who, with 1,100 men, is hemmed in at Chaves, has applied to the Spanish authorities for permission to cross the frontier, and to proceed with his force to Valence, where he will be at once able to get into the relief the movement part at Oporto and in the north. The answer of the Spanish gov ernment to this application hall not been received, hit there cannot be a question al to the character of such an interference, if the request be granted, and recollecting the jealousy which all classes here entertain of the Spaniards, al though the immediate result may benefit the Queen's cause, the consequences may prove very serious. All these various items of military news, though not altogether insignificant, fall far short in interest of that which I have to communicate with respect to the financial and commercial affairs of Lis bon. By a decroe published in the Diorio do Gooerno of yesterday, dated the 14th of November, the Queen, acting in conformity to the power which she has assumed of per sonally directing the affairs of the kingdom, orders that the notes of the Bank of Lisbon be accepted as a legal tender for the full amount which they purport to bear, and the penalty attached to the infraction of this decree is a fine of from 131. to 1301., at the will of the judge, before whom the offender is tried, and also the punishment of civil degrada tion, a sentence which involves the possibility of being sent on a trip to Angola; or, as a milder discipline, of being chained to a convict and sent to the galleys. A very pleasant prospect is thus opened to those gentlemen and others who refuse to confide in the honour of a bankrupt company ; for such I do not think it can be questioned is the actual position of the Bank of Lisbon. To add to the character fur truth, honour, and sagacity, which the framer of this edict must be allowed to claim, the sth article expressly gives its retro- active effect. It may be necessary to explain that the notes of the Bank of Lisbon have recently been circulated at a discount of twenty per cent., and even then few would take them in payment. In connexion with the bank there is another speculatiro concern termed the Company of Confidence, one of the principal operations of which consisted in buying up the claims of the government officials and pensioners (who, owing to the state of the treasury, were in arrear), at an enormous discount, and then offering to lend money to the government, a considerable portion of which loan being paid in these claims, which were allowed for to the full amount. One or two of such operations might be tolerably successful, but at length the Company of Confidence lost its credit, as might naturally be expected, and the only resource to am it from bankruptcy was to amalgamate it with the Bank of Lisbon, which accordingly was done at • meeting held on the 10th of this month, an account of which appears in the Diane of the next day. The effect of this ill.judged and utterly impracticable decree will be to paralvse to a still greater degree the com merce and financial affairs of Portugal, for there are few who will enter upon transactions which involve a certain loss of one-fifth of the capital employed ; and although there are some merchants and traders in this place who would scorn to avail themselves of such a decree to escape a just payment, there are not a few who will gladly evade by its means the satisfaction in full of their debts. The disfavor and general apprehension with which this decree has been received by the Lisbon commercial and mer cantile world suffice to prove how extremely impolitic it is, and it cannot fail to occur to the most unreflecting reader that the personage whose sole act it purports to be, and by whose single will it has been promulgated, is utterly incapable of appreciating the extreme gravity of the crisis to which her decree will give rise, or, on the other hand, of judging properly the motives of those by whom this danger ous step has been devised and recommended. It is one of the mi-fortunes incidental to the regal position that the per sonages occupying it are wholly dependent on the good sense and sagacity of their counsellors for the estimation in which they are held by their subjects. In the present case, it is greatly to be feared that rashness and ignorance constitute the characteristics of her Majesty's advisers, and it is to that cause so many of the recent dilemmas are to be attributed. To pass to other subjects. Ever since the Septembrist party took arms and assumed their present menacing attitude, their political organs in Lisbon have been suppressed : in ander to obviate somewhat the inconvenience of being with out an . y . means of communicating their ideas and the alleged state of affairs to their partisans, they have adopted the plan dprinting desultory secret bulletins, which are privately cir culated in the capital and elsewhere. Three of these pap< rs (the latest issued) have come into my possession, numbered respectively 23, 24, and 2.5, and bearing date 11th, 13th, and 15th November. Of course the statements which they con tain must be taken cum grano sails, but in so far as public documents are concerned, the decrees of the " Provisional Junta of the Supreme Government" may be accepted as genuine. The bulletin of the 13th Nov. contains amongst its official notices a decree which, after premising that the great mass of the Portuguese nation had recognised the Supreme Junta and acknowledged its authority whilst even the capital was only partially possessed by the Queen's go vernment, ordains and commands in the name of Donna Maria IT. that the following regulations be observed : I. That all loans made to the actual government of Lisbon are null sad void.-2. That the parties concerned therein shall be considered and deemed to be mutually engaged with the government of Lisbon in keeping the Queen under coercion, and in oppressing the people.- 3. That all the employes of the Treasury shall, under severe penaLies, resist the disbursement of the public monies, and that they inset transmit all monies received by them to the central treasuries of the districts occupied by . or in the power of the Junta. This decree is signed by Jose Passos, vice president, and three other members of the Junta. The same sheet asserts that the island of St. Michael pro nounced on the 30th of October in favour of Das Antas—a very questionable piece of news. Desertions from both armies to the opposite party's forces are said to be very fre quent. Balancing these statements against each other, as they are to be found in the Diario and the Buletin, the re spective numbers will remain in states quo. The last of these Boletins asserts that the Duke of Pal media has requested the Queen to erase his name from the list of councillors of state, an act which this nobleman must be presumed to have committed with the express view of marking his entire dissent from the measures taken by the court. Amongst the floating intelligence which will bear sifting, but which, nevertheless, contains some truth, may be mentioned a report, that the Queen has received remittances from Spain of 00,0001. and of 17,0001. If money has reached the palace of Necessidades from this source it is most assuredly not from the Spanish treasury that the disbursement has been made, hut from another quarter, in which the occasional value of a few thousands dispensed judiciously, during political crises, has more than once been experienced. It deserves a memorandum that Gonzales Bravo is at present in Lisbon: he was accompanied as far as Cadiz by Costa Cabral ; but it is said that the Por tuguese ambassador at Madrid was given to understand that, if he attempted to enter the dominions of his royal mistress he would be at once placed under coercion, and compelled to return to his post, on which Senor Cabral abstained from proceeding further than Cadiz. His brother is said to he here. The Duke of Terceira still remains a prisoner at the Fox, near Oporto. The Royal Tar, on her outward passage, touched both at Vigo Bay and Oporto. At the former place 21 officers of the Portuguese army embarked on board of her in order to return to L'sbon. At Oporto Gen. Prim and two aides-de-camp landed, with what intention, or whether to join the Das Antos party, was not known. Much stress his been placed on the appearance of a II iguelite party in the field, but it is most probable that those who use this standard to call the peasants out and to induce them to take part in the movement only seek their own self-aggran disement, and have not any intention of reinstating their former chief, or even entertain a desire for his appearance during the present struggle. Two o'clock, p.m.—The English merchants resident at Lisbon have presented a strong remonstrance, through their consul, on the subject of the Bank of Lisbon decree. They avow their intentions to close their establishments ; and if this threat be carried into effect, the result will be to deprive the government of a great part of almost the only source of revenue yet remaining to it, namely, the customs, which yields 7001. a day, and of which more than half is paid on • I British goods. ll* to a BELGIUM.—BRUSSELS, Nov. 19.—The Empress Dowager of tke Brazils arrived last Tuesday at Ostend, on board the English steamer the Duke of Cornwall. Her Im perial Majesty left immediately for Germany. A report generally prevailed here yesterday, that the Queen of Por tugal had arrived at Ostend. The cause of the mistake is now apparent. The discussion of the reply to the King's speech still continues. It is certain, however, that the mi nistry and the conservatives will carry the day. Nov. 21.—The discussion of the reply to the King's speech terminated yesterday evening, by a vote in favour of ministers. M. Roper, one of the leaders of the opposition, had brought forward an amendment, recommending that the civil power should hold itself independent of clerical influ ence. This amendment the government considered as an indi rect attempt to throw blame on their proceedings with re gard to the Bishop of Tourney and the town council of that place ; and, accordingly staked their ministerial existence on the rejection of it. After a debate which lasted several days, the division took place last evening, when there appeared—. for the amendment, 31; against it, 52: majority for minis ters, 18. This is a larger majority than the government pos -1 seemed last session. Don Henry of Spain has left for Paris. HOLLAND.—TOE HAGUE, Nov. 20.—The Arn heim papers state that the Roman Catholic clergyman of Groenlo, who was charged with an attempt to murder a woman with whom he held criminal intercourse, has been found guilty and sentenced to be hanged at Arnheim. It is thought, however, that his sentence will be commuted by the king into imprisonment for life and bard-labour. The canals and watercourses about Kampen are already covered with ice, but not of sufficient thickness to interrupt the steam-b oat communication between that town and Amster dam. A few days ago the factory of Heer Star, situated at Geidrof, near Bois-le-due, was totally destroyed by fire. Large quantities of woollens, yarns, and cloths, were con sumed.—The latest ship arrivals in Dutch ports from Eng land, are the Stad Kampen and the Rosetta, from Hull; the Earl Talbot, from Newcastle; the Vrouw Hendrika, the Jonge Johanna, and the William, from London ; the Martina Johanna, from Liverpool ; and the Ouse, from Newhaven ITALY.—ROME, Nov. s.—The Pope has fixed his residence at Monte-Cavallo. The much talked-of Renzi has been obliged to fly from Rimini to Rome ; he is now an object of hatred and contempt to his former friends. It is reported that, to save himself, he had in the last days of Ore- 1 gory XVI. denounced his acconirrinr people are not contented with the &lame, wh e dou lk seem to be a friend of the new order of th.'nfrst After quet lately given, most of the guest.' proceev:ed to to 4 z , ' and cried, " Viva Pio IX , e via el delegato' GERMANY.-VIENNA, Nov. I 3.—Yeatetlat* noon a report was first spread of the incorpor at i on ( .e c with the Austrian monarchy. The funds fell very ably in wnsequence of this repo r t, b ecause a tonfiiel ere — I England and France su was apprehended. To-day thr et mo re quiet, as it issupposed to be certain ;,.. th i n "` Stadion, the Governor and Imperial Commissioner cia, has takeu with him not only the final conclusim7 greeting Galicia, but a convention of the gree rg.2s powers, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, on the final ie r ; r 7 republic of Cracow. Cracow, as the focus and reerti . ll l„ . propaganda, which was constantly threatening with and assassination, has, according to the decision 1 .401 , r _ powers, forfeited the right of existing ac il t as a republic, and accordingly Austria rised to take definitive possession of Cracow. e,„„, Stadion, after a conference in the p a l ace of p - Metternich, has returned to Galicia. Respecting tyir„... den appearance of Count Stadion, we learn that Aar proceedings, relative to the conspiracy of the oti ch the revolution in Galicia were closed, the 'entren e% t o: have been signed and passed by those power will be published and executed. The final resolutions oi - Tl government are taken. Count Stadion has sem* last full powers, and justice will be done for th e 6,7 guilt of a nobility which for 50 ye ars has Nome-lit benefits of the government, nay, the greatest farms t h e any nobility in Europe enjoy; and which it req e md ;64 unexampled treachery. Every friend to hies moan e r, patiently looks for the day of deci s i on. The ma whick will soon be published will prove to the enre Z Austria, and even to the most influential men in England and France, that th e - 1,7: j accusations brought forward in parliament and i Chambers, of the policy observed by Austrians Saheb klin the ground. The depositions of the conspirators th em * afford the most splendid justification of the Austrian pm. ment, w hi c h has been threatened for years widt modern' poison. It is expected that the govern ment will crier: the depositions of the criminals, as well as the wh o l e ra , of the trial, with all the documents, to be translated ink English and French language, that all the la,. 6 6 throe ghoul Europe may be put to shame. ily b with or e treaty ehaef E taaegioi tor E yen l t so L dfr gco e ye s terd ay N t iemti e r t North rns to s g this important nl navigationi . ciAota N atr i if tenhe America, G fi t e 01,!.1 order thisc:t h ot !v e :th, pool. : 111 * in , in t with all diligence. Sta A tt'B l . etM HA r l f r r airesme O t p t that it is not true that negotiations have been W I the adjunction of Mecklenburg to the Zollverein, The Cologne Gazette, of the 18th instoan ' " Although the incorporation of Cracow with left' e . long since announced as likely to take place, yet -- official announcement in the A ugsburg Go* great sensation. The Frankfort Boone felt it it I . sensibly, as some bankers of that city h a d j notice of a fall at Vienna. Considerabl e Were rsoad,-; every species of securities at the lowest prices. however, presumed that the act of the alines/tie de d . -- ' would lead to a European conflagration. With al% — a witting as an assumption the assent of Fr ame ssa i r to the resolution taken by the northern powers, the,‘ between the two cabinets of the west, shuts outtheidee acting in concert. Remonstrances n ill no doubt beet but to serve the ends of the Opposition, whitt • 1 voice in the press and in the tribune. The twelfths ea. nezation of Cracow will be ranged in the ratefpysfaer plished facts, like that of the Spanish marnv, i siii not give umbrage to the powers of the North." Thee d d i j a Gazette of the 17th, says, under the head, Frontlet lies Nov.:—" Count Munich Bellinghausen, preeided dd a German Diet, has left Frankfort for Vienna, but impel back on the 14th January. To-day, before Emma three couriers arrived from Vienna, and the pencased a. calved the news they brought, sold their shares Ind seam to a considerable amount. The news brought by themes did not transpire, but a heavy fall took place. flame that Prince Metternich was seriously ill; that import:maw sures had been taken in Galicia ; but it is most protablenst an insurrection has taken place at Cracow." H UNGARY, Nov. 12.—The question of the IVO tion of the frontier duties, and of the estalaistuneet•a Austro-Hungarian Zollverein, is again renewed in eels garian journals, especially in the conservative BeisPes Eirado, the leading articles of which are wntten by Coss Emile Desewffy. This measure would be of the pees benefit for Austria, as well as for Germany in gooml I P Volk's-bud'," or book for the people, is the Ma me gunge, has appeared at Leipsiek ; but the contents lie d revolationary a nature, that the author, whose tame se the title-page, will no doubt be prosecuted by the gamed POLAND.—IA'4I444w, Nov. G.—Since the 11 a October, the memorable day on which the Jewsistlaa ßty dom, by laying aside their national costume, makers step toward civilization, has afforded us man twee me through the uncomfortable position in which the Jenks been placed by it. From all the great cities of the knee respectable-looking Jews arrived, in all the spkediwr their most costly silk pelisses, trimmed with sable, dads beards and ringlets in the best order, to obtain :d*c least for some years ; but they had come to mended fate ; for they were here deprived of their sub pea their beards, and their locks, by some barbers Mee received the orders of the police, and the powered Jews stole clandestinely out of the cite. A felled a similar event took place, which excited no link ems from the remoteness of the country where flame exercises its powerful influence on the demon of the Jews. A company, consisting of eighty me. s• their rabbi at their head, arrived at the pas do city, in order to obtain from the Prince Governorperee 'to retain; their old !costume. That so strange emir which might be distinguished at a distance by their leer gesticulations, was not permitted to enter the cry cubs inquiry, may be conceived. The chief of thepl being informed of the strange party before the n ordered that they should be taken immediately caws ri escort, to the police office, and that without speaking aws to them, their beards and locks should Meta off, udtk pelisses slit up behind. In half an hour the poor peoPrg the cold air on their bald unprotected Gees; zed whentlass covered from their consternation, they found tbeee' l again at the gates of Warsaw, whither they had been a veyed. They had no further desire than to be allows: bike the clippie gs of their beards home, that they ma o bury them en their cemetery. Those, however, sat, parsed to all points of the c , mystst, an d ee the woollen k now nothing more to do in Warsaw than to satisf y d ben' apprentices who came for their pay. GREECE.—ATIIENS, Oct. 28. —The Air*. Gazelle of the 15th November has the following °lithe 61 , a nd others, and we Ino ment. up with many intrigues against the govem w iomaftaaGyreocenleseeoralrdaeatLoa.snaclemaosiee:twea—Gweie,naeraltaeLlonpdpedos heaeda_aemoflatlrezte; Amon ethers a document in the shape of a ? chum British government, and which smelt strongly of b: treason, is mentioned. The reply from London . to o the effect that th document, which was only siatd l" private individuals, could not be an swered by any , M !. of the government . The document was reurned • general, who to his amazement found that, with UI! tion of his own name, it was only signed by elwo consequence. The Coryphes of the opposition had pror i abstained from signing their names, and . yet persuaded the old general that th e step 1,,.! act he committed. The same journal 6:9 1 .; English cabinet persists in its evil diSPOSidg 6 n" forsaken the e n the Greek government. Lord Palmerston ;rzno' watodle betrayed, and Thus wo dLanrivedaue :eta.. that Greece is a prey to anarchy. The nobl dated 2nd October, concerning the Cretan Our.- P himself ferries n lf as follows, in a note addressed by hi° t? . 31 0: g py to oT o a thr let d te is r p a a d tc t minister for the Porte at Athens, complaining luaus were resorted to to excite the Cretan emigrants residing in Greece, no matter whence they draw n tr, Or from whatever part of the Turkish dominini jr:7„," have a perfect and incontestible right to lesse .„.., return to their native isle ; I must inform you [114 0 .1'2 ever they think fit to do so, and that the intention 0 1 7 .. esofsethdeblyOmilzocfellasetttimtone uth powers in establishing the independence of Greece should be a free state, and not a large prison. Natu±sl!T . . " .; does not like to see her subjects prefer t he Turkishh as a residence to the Greek domi n i o ns. But it 1 ye 6 the Greek government that such a prefizence . S felt„! the ministers of Greece persist in their peeve»: fr! government, and if by their bad administration, sal' Bandage, of violence, and of murd er, are co impunity, and if neither the lives nor prePert7!,A and industrious men are in safety, it wou ld be er!";! men who are at liberty to quit the Greek dominn!, remain there. I desire you to commuisieate, Ig„mig manner, a copy of this despatch to M. Culetls • scarcely believe our eyes, adds the Augsbueg. we read this language on the part of Great Britain. BRAZILS. FALMOUTH, SATURDAY Eq' Arrived, her Majesty's packet Peng%irk., Leslie, from Rio de Janeiro, Oct. 3; Balsa, from Pernambuco, 22nd. Passenger . 14. r. De Dalmas, Mr. Hadfield, Mr. Bonn Virtue ; Miss Gray, Mr. Greig, Mies Greig , Oreig, &c. Mr. Davenport from Bahia. Ou fret 16,0001. Her Majesty's packet S wift arrived at 24 ; the Crane had not arrived at Bahia by d' of the Penquin's coming thence, but was fo 1 sailed from Pernambuco when this packet f und 4 Dido arrived at Rio from Cork on Oct. 1. I , e I ,' ship Posthumous arrived at Rio, Sept. 30,110147 the commander and part of the cre w of the late bri, lost at New Zealand. On October 15 th! arrived at Bahia, having on board Sl' Epps, and another part of the crew of The Crescent, Curacao, and Swift, were at Penguin sailed, and the Spider was expected at n'"., before she would proceed to England. The p ea . Sir Charles Hotham, had left Bahia fur At! the coast of Africa. The Griffon arrived at fko , Ist, from the River Plate, in thirteen days. The Gr,,!! left for the Cape of Good Hope and China.. L' Captain Maxland, from Cork, had been retitun6,l to proceeding for the River Plate. The Antel l had arrived at Bahia in 29 days from cirri Octo ber, and left next day for Rio de an , were stated to be of fair average in ualltY Exchange, 27i Rio; Bahia, at 27 at P q ernambuco, LIII , E